The history of Lapland wherein are shewed the original, manners, habits, marriages, conjurations, &c. of that people / written by John Scheffer ...

CHAP. XIV. Of the Laplanders Fairs, and Customs in Trading.

THAT we may not yet leave the Public concerns of the Laplanders, of which we have treated, let us proceed in the next place to consider their Fairs and common Markets, in which what Customs they anciently used is not so well known. Paulus Jovius saies that among the Laplanders he that had any thing to sell, after he had exposed his Wares, went his way and left them, and that the Chapman coming, and taking what was for his turn, left in the place the full value thereof in white furrs or skins. The reason why they did not speak and bargain with their Chapmen, he saies was, because they were a rustic People, extreamly fearful, and ready to run away from the very sight of a ship, or stranger. Others, that are of a more probable opinion, confess indeed that they used no words in their trading, but that it was not out of rusticity, want of cunning, or the like;

but because they had a language quite different from others, and so pecu∣liar to themselves, that they could neither understand, nor be understood of their neighbours: so that it was rather the barbarism, and roughness of their speech, then manners, that made them use this dumb way of traffiking, But of their language we shall treat in its proper place.

Concerning their trading with their neighbours, it is most certain that it was performed without words, by nods and silent gestures: neither was it properly a buying and selling (for they did not of old use either gold or silver) but rather an exchange of one commodity for another. So that whereas Zieglerus tells us they did permutatione & pecunia commercia agere, we may justly doubt whether it be not rather to be read nec pecunia, (un∣less happily he intend pecunia in the primary sense, and hath more respect to the original of the word, then to the acception now in use.) And truly this way of exchange among them, in those ancient times, was no less then necessary; when indeed, as well the neighbouring Countries, as the Lap∣landers were quite strangers to any current mony; and this we may un∣derstand from the Swedes, among whom there were in those daies either no coins at all; or else only such as had bin transported out of England and Scotland, the use of the Mint being then utterly unknown in that Country. And if at that time there was no mony in Swedland, it is certainly no great wonder there should be none in Lapland. But neither in after times, and when they were under the Jurisdiction of the Birkarli, could the Laplanders come to the use of mony; for they that were Lords over them, monopo∣lizing the whole trade to themselves, did not give them mony for their com∣modities, but such other merchandise, as their Country stood in need of. In fine to this very day the Laplanders know no other mony but the Pa∣tacoon and half Patacoon; other coins whether of copper, silver, or gold, they do not so much value, which will give us to understand that the use of mony among them cannot be of any long date, for the Patacoon is but of later daies, and was never known before the discovery of the Mine in the Vale of Joachim.

These Patacoons they value singly at 2 onces of silver a piece, whence it appears that as they had no other mony, so neither did this pass currant among them, but only by weight, and as if it were in the Mass: and I be∣leive was not at all in use, untill they were forced to pay tribute in that kind, of which I have discoursed before, and shewed that it was but of late instituted. But what Damianus means by his permutatione tantum anno∣nam & pecuniam acquirunt, we cannot so easily guess; for we do not say that men barter and deal by exchange when mony is paid for a commodity: for to what end should those People seek after getting mony, which was in use neither among themselves nor their neighbours; so that perhaps here also we ought to read nec pecuniam, and then the sense runs, that they were not so sollicitous in getting mony, as in providing the more necessary things of life: altho neither is that true which he delivers of their provisions, as will appear from what follows.

But whatsoever Damianus means, it is most certain that in all their com∣merce they did but exchange one thing for another; and that to this day the same custom remains among them, who are now concern'd for no more mony then what is sufficient to pay their tribute. Only if there is any commodity

among them of great and extraordinary value, that indeed is to be bought with mony.

Their custom is now, not as formerly, to bargain by signs and nods, but either they use speech, (for there are many of them now that are skilled in that of their neighbours) or Interpreters, of which there are plenty enough among them. They with whom they trafic are for the most part their neighbours, on the one side the Swedes and Norwegians, on the other the Finlanders, Russians, and Moscovites. Neither was it otherwise in old times, unless when they were under the power of the Birkarli, who endeavouring to get all the trade into their own hands, did more narrowly watch those that were nighest Sweden, that so they might exclude all but themselves from trafficking in any part of Lapland. The power that we read was given the Birkarli over the Laplanders by Ladulaus the great King, I suppose, chiefly consisted in this; for the other speciall rights and priviledges, which they and their ancestors for a long time possessed, Gu∣stavus the first hath set down, as I have in another place declared.

And this we may also gather from the prohibition of Charles the ninth, denying the Birkarli the priviledge of trafficking in Lapland, as they had formerly done. The words of the injunction published in the year 1602 are to this purpose; And we do utterly forbid the Birkarli any more to trade for skins or other commodities, as they have formerly used. Before this time therefore they were either the only, or chief Merchants in Lapland, whi∣ther when they had brought their merchandise, they went round the Country purchasing all the skins they could, of which afterwards they made great sums of mony. And this they continually did till the time of Gustavus the first, when that priviledge began to be denyed them; by which they were grown so rich and powerfull, and what is the common consequent thereof, proud and haughty.

But neither could Gustavus provide against all their arts and evasions; for tho he took from them all power over the Laplanders, yet they being better skilled in the commodities of the Country and constitution of the People then others, did still, tho not so openly, keep correspondence and trafic with them, till in the year 1602, in the time of Charles the ninth, they were forbid by the forementioned injunction, at any time, or in any place, to hold any commerce with them, and the monopoly of all skins was annext to the Crown; a certain rate being set at which they were to be sold. The words of the Edict are thus:

Whatsoever skins are found in Lapland, we do command and enjoyn our Governors to buy up for our use, according to the statute and rate in that case provided.

And this was also again enforced in the year 1610, only in this there was a clause inserted, that the skins of Elkes should be brought into the Kings tresury gratis. The clause runs thus:

And we do command all Laplanders in our name to bring to our Governors all saleable skins, for which they shall return the worth in other commodities, as is by statute provided; but the skins of Elkes they shall seize upon for our use, not giving any con∣sideration for them; if any man shall take this beast, it shall be law∣full for him to keep the flesh for his own private use, but the skin shall belong to Us and our Crown.

But their trading is now grown more general, and they have of late years learned to deal more freely and openly

with other Nations; for they that dwell among the mountains that divide Norway and Swedland, deal both with the Norwegians and Swedes, and they that live more Northerly and Easterly with the Russians and Finlanders.

But I come to the commodities themselves, which Jovius saies are only white skins, or furrs, called Ermines. Zieglerus reckons fishes also, of which they have so great draughts, that they are forced to keep them in trunks and ponds till they can transport them into Northbothnia and Russia alba. But there are several other sorts of skins, which Olaus Magnus com∣prehends under a more general term, and calls pelles pretiosas. Sam. Rheen gives us this catalogue of them, the commodities of the Laplanders are, Rain∣deers, skins of Raindeers, skins of black, yellow, blew, white Foxes; skins of Otters, of Gluttons, or Badgers, of Martins, of Beavers, of Squirrils, of Wolves, and of Bears, Laplandish garments, Boots, shoes, Gloves, dried Pike, and Cheeses of Rain-deers. With these commodities the Laplanders traffic for Silver, Patacoons, Wollen and linnen Cloth, Copper, Alchi∣my, Salt, Corn, Bulls hides, Sulphur, Needles and Pins, Knives, Spirit of Wine, and which is more strange for Tobacco, of which as I said be∣fore they are great admirers.

Upon all these things as was but now declared, there was a certain rate set by Charles the ninth, according to which they were to be bought up for the use of the Crown; and the same custom is so far yet observed, that to this very day, with whomsoever they deal, they have a certain estimate, whereby they prize both their own and others commodities: the propor∣tion of which rates is according to the Patacoon, or which is the same thing with them, 2 ounces of silver. For example, an ordinary Rain-deer they value at 2 Patacoons, or 4 ounces of silver, the skin of a wild Rain-deer at one Patacoon and ½, or 3 ounces of silver; the skin of a tame male Rain-deer at one Patacoon, but if castrated, at ¾ of a Patacoon, and if a female at ½. So likewise an ordinary Fox skin is worth a Patacoon, 40 gray colored Squirril skins are valued at the same price, which number of those skins they call timber. The skin of a Martin at the same price, 3 white Fox skins at the same price, a Bears skin is worth 2 Patacoons, and a Wolves skin as much, an ordinary Laplandish garment, which they call Mudd, is worth 3 Patacoons, a pair of Boots half a Patacoon, and 4 pair of shoes, 4 pair of gloves, and one pound of dried Pike, each of them are valued at the same price.

Now on the other side, of the commodities for which they traffic, an ell of ordinary cloth, commonly called Silesian or Tangermyndense, they esteem at the rate of a Patacoon, or 2 ounces of silver; 3 pound of Copper at the same rate, and one tunn of corn at 2 Patacoons and ½, or 5 ounces of silver, 2 pound of Salt at ½ of a Patacoon, 10 yards of course cloth, such as we call home-spun, and they call Waldmar, is worth a Patacoon, a Can of spirit of Wine half as much; but if they chance to light upon any commodities of a lower price, they value them by gray colored Squirril skins, proceeding from one to 10, which number of skins they call Artog, and value at ¼ of a Patacoon, and these are the commodities that drive the trade between the Swede and Laplander. But to those of Norway they carry all sorts of coverlets, made of the skins of Rain-deers, also the beasts themselves, their skins and cheeses, and the seathers of Birds; moreover

those things for which they trade with the Swedes, are Copper and Alchimy vessels, ordinary cloth woven by the Swedish Boors, these they change for Bulls, and Cows, whose milk they live on in the Summer, and on their flesh in the Winter, also for Goats and Sheep, out of whose skins they make themselves coverlets, for silver, for the skins of black Foxes, and Otters, for woollen blankets, and for fish, which they sell again to the Swedes, as Herrings, dried Codfish, Skails, and such like. Johannes Tor∣naeus comprehends them in a shorter catalogue, the Laplanders, saies he, traffic with those with Norway and Bothnia, Subjects of the Crown of Sweden, for ordinary woollen cloth, linnen cloth of both sorts, as well the finest as coursest, for corn, bread, brass, iron, and all sorts of Country utensils. But above all things it was their chiefest care to get beasts out of Norway, which in the Autumn, they used to Sacrifice to their Idols.

Whether there were anciently any set places or times in which they did trade, I cannot certainly pronounce, tho Olaus Magnus, Lib. 4. Cap. 5. seems to affirm it, and saies, there were certain set places, some in open fields, and some upon the Ice, in which they did every year keep their Fairs, and exhibit to the public view what they had by their own industry gained, either at home or abroad. But for all this he proceeds not to tell us where those Fairs were kept, or where those places were. And Charles the ninth forbidding the Birkarli continually, and at all times to make their circuits round the Gountry, did nevertheless appoint certain times and places, in which, as at public Fairs, all traffic should be free and open as well to them as others. The words of the Edict published in the year 1602 I will give you, which run thus:

Wherefore seeing we have for∣bidden the Birkarli to trade in Lapland, according to their old custom, and in manner aforesaid, We do will and command to be appointed two Fairs every year in every Province, one in the Winter, the other in the Summer, as it shall seem most convenient, and We do will and com∣mand our Governors to take care that certain fit places be looked out, in which these Fairs may be kept, and to appoint set times, at which most conveniently as well all Laplanders, Birkarlians, Moscovites, as others, may resort unto them. Furthermore our Will and pleasure is, that each Fair last for two or three weeks, during which time, it shall be lawfull for every one to make such bargains as may be most for his own profit. And we do also command our Governors, that certain Boothes and Sheds be provided after the most convenient manner.

Now by all this it may appear that in former times there were no such things either observed or known, seeing the King here speaks of them as first instituted by him; neither in∣deed in the Edict it self doth he set down any certain time or place, but names them only as things intended, and which he leaves to the discretion of his Governors, which also Andr. Buraeus seems to intimate was per∣formed, when he saies that when they were to pay their tribute, they were at a certain time and in certain places gathered together, as into a Store∣house, where those Merchants, we before called Birkarli, exhibited their wares. But now he also leaves us in the dark as to a certainty either of time or place, so that it may seem these Fairs and constitutions did not find so good success as it was hoped they would, untill at length the Queen Christina taking the business into consideration, brought it to greater

perfection. There is an Edict of hers, published in the year 1640, in which two Fairs are appointed, one at Arfwisjerf in January, the other at Arieplog to be kept in February. The words are to this purpose:

Furthermore We have given and granted, and by these presents do give and grant 2 solemn Fairs, one at Arfwisjerf on the Feast of the Conversion of S. Paul, being the 25 of Jan. the other at Arieplog on the Feast of the Purifica∣tion of the B. V. Mary, being the 2^d of February, each to be held for 3 daies, at which times it shall be lawfull for the Pithenses and all Laplanders to exercise all sorts of traffic, and these Fairs shall first be holden the next year 1641.

From this time they began to be more dili∣gently observed, and are kept upon those Feasts to this very day, for in all Provinces there are every Spring 3 Fairs kept; the first in Lapmarkia Ʋmen∣sis upon the Feast of the Epiphany, the 2^d in Lapmarkia Luhlensis on the Con∣version of S. Paul, the last in Lapmarkia Pithensis, Tornensis, and Kimensis on the Feast of the Purification. These are the Fairs which Christina insti∣tuted, only that in Ʋmensis I beleive was observed from the time of Charles the ninth, and the rather because that Lapmark is nighest Swedland. Into Norway they resort and keep Fairs twice a year, the first at Midsummer on the Feast of S. John, the other in the Autumn on the Feast of Simon and Jude, or All-Saints day. And so much for the times and places of their Fairs.

As for their way of dealing they were of old in all their bargains very faithfull and just, tho Damianus a Goes seems to note some craftiness in them, and saies they were very cunning in all their tradings. And Sam. Rheen in plain terms call them cheats, and saies they were so deceitful, that one that did not know all their tricks, could hardly escape being over∣reached by them. So that we may suppose that as long as others dealt fairly with them, so long they were trusty and faithfull, but in after times coming to learn how others had served them, by understanding how they had been cheated formerly, they themselves learned to deceive others. But of this we have spoken before: and these thing may serve to give us some light into their customs in trafficking.