The history of the warres of the Emperour Justinian in eight books : of the Persian, II, Vandall, II, Gothicke, IV / written in Greek by Procopivs of Caesarea ; and Englished by Henry Holcroft, Knight.

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Title
The history of the warres of the Emperour Justinian in eight books : of the Persian, II, Vandall, II, Gothicke, IV / written in Greek by Procopivs of Caesarea ; and Englished by Henry Holcroft, Knight.
Author
Procopius.
Publication
London :: Printed for Humphrey Moseley ...,
1653.
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Subject terms
Justinian -- I, -- Emperor of the East, -- 483?-565.
Vandals.
Goths -- Italy.
Byzantine Empire -- History -- Justinian I, 527-565.
Iran -- History -- To 640.
Cite this Item
"The history of the warres of the Emperour Justinian in eight books : of the Persian, II, Vandall, II, Gothicke, IV / written in Greek by Procopivs of Caesarea ; and Englished by Henry Holcroft, Knight." In the digital collection Early English Books Online 2. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A55986.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed April 30, 2024.

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THE HISTORY OF THE WARS Of the Emperour IV STINIAN:

BOOK II. Of the War with the Vandals.

CHAP. I.

BUT Gelimer conducted the Army of Vandals, being now all come together against Carthage: where he cut off the Cities Aquaeduct encamped a while, and no enemy sally∣ing, retired. They quartered themselves in the neigh∣bouring Towns, and thought to block up the City so, set∣ting guards upon the high-ways. They used no spoyl nor pillage, assuming the Country as their own: and expe∣cting some Treason by the Carthaginians, and such Roman soldiers as were Arrians. With large promises also, they invited the Comman∣ders of the Hunns to be their friends and confederates: They, who were dis∣affected to the Romans, alleadging that Peter, the Roman General, had brought them to Constantinople against their wills, and contrary to his express oath. So they entertained the motion, and agreed in the battel to turn their powers against the Romans. Of all this Belisarius had some suspition, by relation of some fu∣gitives;

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and the walls being not wholly finished, he would not sally, but accom∣modated all things within. He crucified one Laurus a Carthaginian, for Treason, upon a hillock before the City, convinced by his own Secretary; which frighted the rest from the like attempts The Massagetes courting with gifts, and invita∣tions to his table, and other complements, at last he got out of them what Geli∣mer had promised them, to turn cowards in the battel; and indeed that they had no mind to fight, fearing that, the Vandals being overthrown, the Romans would not dismiss them to their own Country, but wear them out in Africk; and be∣sides, take their booty from them. Belisarius sware to them, that they should be sent home so soon as the Vandals were absolutely overthrown, with all their boo∣ty; and bound them by oath to aid us with all alacrity. Then, all things being well prepared he spake thus to the Army.

To use exhortations of courage to you, may seem needless fellow-soldiers! who have already so vanquisht the e∣nemy, that Carthage and all Africk is the purchase of your valour:
and Vi∣ctors never have faint hearts. But it is not unseasonable to put you in mind,
that fighting bravely now the Vandals will have an end of their hopes, and we of fighting. You ought then chearfully and with pleasure to enter into this combat; being to be the period of your labours: And let none speak of the Vandals multitude; which uses not to determine wars, but mens valour. Let the most powerfull thing among men, a sense of reputation upon your former acti∣ons affect you: it being a shame for men in their wits, to grow worse, and to lessen their own virtue. The enemy their fear, and remembrance of misfor∣tunes will make cowards; the one frighting with things past, the other expel∣ling hope of victory; ill fortune ever instantly dejecting mens spirirs. Be∣sides, our combat is for greater things. If the former fight had succeeded ill, our danger had been, not to conquer anothers Country: But now we lose that which is our own, if we be not victorious. So that our fear is so much the grea∣ter, as it is less to purchae nothing, then to lose what one hath. Formerly we got a victory without our Foot; but now with our whole Army I hope we shal get the enemies Camp, men, and all they have. You have in your hands the conclusion of this war; if you neglect it, and put off opportunity, you will seek it when 'tis gone. Fortune despised, stops; especially if the judgements be improved of those she favoured not before. That Goddess hates such as squan∣der away their prosperity. And if any man imagine that the fight of the ene∣mies wives and children, and most precious things, will make them dare even be∣yond power, he errs. Anger about things so dear, weakens minds excessively affected, and suffers them not to make due use of occasions. All which taking into our consideration, let us undaunted march against the enemy.

Having thus encouraged them, he sent out all his horse that day, save 500. and to John the Armenian he gave his own Targetiers and Ensigne, (which the Ro∣mans call Bandum) commanding him to skirmish upon occasion. Himself with the foot, and oo horse followed. The Hunns were determined to keep their ac∣cords with Gelimer and Belisarius too, and to begin no fight for the Romans, nor before it to turn to the Vandals; but upon the victory of either, to follow the execution upon the vanquished. The Roman Army found the Vandals encamp∣ed at Tricamazus, about 17 miles from Carthage, and lodged not far from them. Where about midnight, fires were seen upon the Romans spears, and the heads thereof red hot; and the few who saw this Prodigie were amazed, not know∣ing what the event would be. But the same happening long afterward in Italy, they took it upon experience for a signe of victory. But then it happening first, they were troubled, and past the night in fear.

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CHAP. II.

THe next day Gelimer placed the Vandals wives and children, and all their wealth, in the midst of the Trench, though unfortified; and calling them to∣gether, spake thus.

We strive not now, dear Countrymen! about loss of ho∣nor, or Empire; as if by cowardly abandoning these, we might live quietly at home, and hold our estates. Fortune hath turn'd us now to this point, either to con∣quer our enemies, or to leave them masters of our wives, and children, Coun∣try, and all our wealth; and the only advantage of our escaping will be to be slaves, and beholders of these things. But if we vanquish we shall live in prosperity, and after an honorable death, leave our Families happy, and pre∣serve the Vandals name and Empire. If ever men fought a battel for all they have, and for the hopes of all men, we are they. Our fear and danger now, is not to die; but not to vanquish our enemies: which failing, only death is good for us. Let none of you therefore faint, but couragiously abandon his person; affecting death rather, then the base miseries of a defet. He that is ashamed to be base, fears no dangers. Think not upon the former fight, where∣in not our cowardise, but some cross fortune tript us; whose stream holds not always the same course, but changes every day. In valour we presume to have the advantage; and in numbers we exceed our enemies by ten times as many men. Then have we many, and great provocations to valour. The glory of our ancestors, ashamed of our degenerating and the Empire they left us, pro∣testing to forsake us, if unworthy. Then to see the howlings of these women, and these weeping children, even stops my speech, with the extream grief: so that I will only say this: That these our dearest pledges we shall never more see, if we vanquish not our enemies. Consider it, and be valiant, and do not deface the glory of Gensrich.

Having thus said, he commanded his brother Tzazon particularly to animate his soldiers, that came from Sardinia; who assembling them some space from the camp,

spake thus. 'Fellow soldiers! The generality of Vandals are to combat for what you have heard from the King: but you are moreover to strive with your own selves. Lately fighting for dominion, and to recover the Island, you o∣vercame. Now you hazard in the greatest things you have, and must use your greatest courage. Who fight for dominion, and are vanquished, are not ruined in the main: But fighting for all, their lives depend upon the conclusion of the battel. And if you be valiant to day, the deposition of Godas will clearly ap∣pear an effect of your valour; but if now you faint, you will lose the reputa∣tion also of that action. And we have the advantage over the rest; terrified with their former defeat; we being unvanquisht, and fighting with a courage untainted. Then will the greatest part of the garland of victory be yours, you will be called the Preservers of the Vandal Nation: for by winning in com∣pany of men formerly unfortunate, you will appropriate to your selves the bet∣ter fortune. Upon these considerations you may do well to stint the howling of your women and children, and calling God to your assistance, to march boldly against the enemy in the head of your Countrymen.

Gelimer and Tzazon, after these exhortations, drew them out; and about noon came on (the Romans being preparing their dinners) and stood in order up∣on the banks of the brook there. On the other bank the Romans put also in or∣der thus; The left wing Martinus, Valerianus, John, Cyprian, Althias, and Mar∣cellus had, and the other Commanders of Confederates: The right wing Pap∣pus, Barbatus, and Aigan, and the Captains of the Legionary horse. In the midst stood John, with the Generals Lanciers, and Ensigne; and thither in the due season came Belisarius himself, leaving the foot behind, marching fair and softly. The Hunns who used before not to mingle their ranks with the Roman Army, then stood aloof, with the intention I have said. The Vandals order was,

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to distribute each wing among the Colonels of thousands, every one leading his proper Regiment: And in the middle stood Tzazon; and in the rear the Moors. Gelimer himself rode about from place to place, to encourage his soldi∣ers: Whom he warned in this fight, not to use Javelins, nor any weapons but their swords. It was long ere they began. Then John, by Belisarius his direction, with a few chosen men, passed the brook, and charged those in the middle; where Tzazon repulsed him back towards the main Army, pursuing him to the brooks side, but not going over. Again John drawing out more Targetiers of Belisari∣us, rode against Tzazon; and being again repulsed, retired. He renewed the charge the third time, with almost all Belisarius his Targetiers and Lanciers, and the Generals Ensigne, shouting and clashing their arms. The Barbarians valiant∣ly received them, using their swords only; and the fight grew stiff, where many Vandals, and of the best, were slain, and Tzazon himself. Then came on the whole Roman Cavalry, and passing the brook, charged the enemy. And the defeat, begin∣ning in the middle, appeared clearly; each one routing their opposites with ease. Which the Massagetes perceiving, according to their resolution they followed the execution with the Roman Army, which lasted not long; the Vandals recovering their Camp; and the Romans not holding themselves able to fight with them in their entrenchment, stript such dead bodies as had any gold upon them, and retired to their Camp. In this fight were slain of Romans 50. and of Vandals 800. But Belisarius about the evening (his foot being come up) marcht with his whole Ar∣my to the Vandals Camp. Gelimer seeing Belisarius with his foot, and all marching, without one word speaking, or giving any direction, leapt on horseback and fled the way into Numidia; his kinsmen, and some few houshold servants following him, amazed, and concealing what it was for. Some time the Vandals knew not of Gelimers flight; but when they found it, and saw the enemy, the men were in a tumult; the women howled, the children cryed; none sought to save their goods, nor regarded the lamentations of their dearest friends; But every man in confusion ran away. The Romans took the Camp, with all the wealth in it, and destitute of men: And following the chase all night, killed the men they over∣took, and made slaves of the women and children. They found in the Camp so great a mass of wealth, as was never together in a place. For the Vandals had long ransackt the Roman Provinces, and brought much wealth into Africk; which being also good land, and most plentifull of all commodities; the reve∣nues in mony were not spent in other Countrys, but put up by the owners for the space of 95 years, in which the Vandals had the dominion of Africk. From whence their wealth now grown into a great bulk, was that day restored to the Romans. This overthrow, and taking the Vandals Camp, happened three months after the coming of the Roman Army to Carthage, in the middle of December.

CHAP. III.

BUt Belisarius was troubled to see the Romans disorder, and all night was a∣fraid, lest the Vandals making head again, might ruine them. If they had come, not one Roman had escaped to enjoy their booty. For the soldiers, being of a sudden become masters of so great wealth, and of personages extreamly beauti∣full, could not contain, nor find any satiety in their booty. They were drunk with their prosperity, and would have every man returned to Carthage, carrying all along with them. And they stragled by one and by two, as their hope of gain led them, searching in woods and fastnesses, and in caves and such places, subject to danger, and ambushes, fearing no enemy, nor respecting Belisarius; being af∣fected with nothing but the desire of booty. Which Belisarius seeing, he knew not what order to take. And so soon as it was day, he stood upon a hillock by the high way, calling upon them for order, and chiding the soldiers and commanders. Such as came that way, sent their booty and captives with their Comrades to Car∣thage; and themselves repaired to the General, and obeyed his directions. He

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commanded John the Armenian, to follow Gelimer without intermission, and to take him alive or dead. And he wrote to his friends in Carthage, to take the Vandals out of the Churches in Towns thereabout, giving them assurances and to disarm them that they might not stir, and to keep them safe in the City till his coming. With the troops he had, he went about recollecting the Army, and giving assurances to such Vandals as he found, there being none but in Churches; whom he disarmed, and sent under guards to Carthage, giving them no time to make head. All being setled, he marcht with the rest of his Army against Geli∣mer. John following the chace five days together, came very near to Gelimer; who being not ordained to be taken by John, this cross chance happened. A∣mong the pursuers with John, was one Ʋliaris, a Lancier of Belisarius; valiant, and of an able body; but not serious, his greatest delight being wine, and jests. The sixth day of their pursuit, being in drink, he spied about Sun-rising a bird upon a tree, and let fly an arrow at it. He mist the bird; but shot John behind in the neck; who soon after dyed of the wound; leaving a great miss both to the General and Emperour, and all, both Romans and Carthaginians. He was a valiant, and a virtuous man, and bore himself mildly and moderately to all men. Thus John the Armenian died. But Ʋliaris coming to himself, fled into the Church of a Village near hand; And the soldiers pursued no further, but at∣tended the cure of John; and being dead, performed his funeral rites, and ac∣quainted Belisarius with the accident, staying in the place: Who came immedi∣ately to the Sepulchre, mourning the misfortune, and honoured the same with a yearly Revenue, and many other things. To Vliaris he did no harm, hearing from the soldiers that John had made them swear that he should not be punished for the fact, being unwittingly done. Thus Gelimer escaped his enemies hands that day. Belisarius still pursued im; and at Hippo Regia, a City upon the sea in Numidia, ten days journy from Carthage, he learnt how he was gone up to the mountain of Pappua, and not possible to be taken. This mountain is steep, and very ill way; high rocks standing round about it. In it inhabit Barbarian Moors, friends and confederates of Gelimer; and on the utmost border of it, stands an antient City, named Medenos. Here Gelimer with his company rest∣ed. But Belisarius being not able to attempt the mountain in the winter; and holding it unsafe to be absent from Carthage, the state being unsetled, he left Pharas with some forces to besiege the mountain. This Pharas was a valiant, prudent, and virtuous man, though an Herulian. And for an Herulian not to be false and a drunkard, but to pretend to virtue, is rare, and much to be commen∣ded. But he was both himself an affecter of discipline, and all the Herulians that followed him. Belisarius commanded him to lie all the winter at the foot of the hill, exactly guarding, that neither Gelimer get down, nor have provisions brought to him.

Then taking the Vandals out of the Churches in Hippo, upon his faith given them (being of the best) he sent them with a guard to Carthage: and he had this fortune here. One Bonifacius an African of Byzacium, Secretary to Geli∣mer, was by Gelimer furnished with a good ship, having in it all the royal trea∣sures; and he was commanded to lie at anchor in the Port of Hippo; and if he saw the affairs go ill, to sail with the mony to Theudis, Prince of the Visigoths in Spai; where himself, upon the ruine of the Vandals, intended to save himself. Bonifacius staid, while there was any hope; but hearing of the battel of Trica∣marus, and the rest formerly related, he hoists sail according to Gelimers appoint∣ment: But a contrary wind brought him back into the Port of Hippo: and under∣standing the enemy to be near, he wooed the Mariners with large promises, to get to some other Land. But they could not, a storm coming, and the Tyrrhene sea being grown high; so they resolved, that God certainly meant to give the Romans that treasure, not suffering them to put to sea: and with much adoe get∣ting clear of the harbour, they lay off at sea in some danger. Bonifacius sent to Belisarius, being come to Hippo, some whom he directed to get into a Church; saying that they were sent by Bonifacius, who had Gelimers Treasures; but con∣cealing where he was, before oath given; that delivering the Treasures, he shall have no hurt done him, but keep such moneys as are his own. They performed

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these directions. And Belisarius glad of the news, made no scruple to swear: But sent some who received the Treasures, and dismissed Bonifacius with his own moneys, having stollen a mass of wealth from Gelimer.

CHAP. IV.

BEing returned to Carthage, he made the Vandal prisoners ready to send to Constantinople with the first of the spring; and sent forces to take in what had been under the Vandals: and to Sardinia Cyrillus, with the head of Tzazon; the Islanders not yet yielding, nor believing the report of the Vandals il fortune at Tri∣camarus. And he directed him to send part of his forces to take in Corsica (antiently called Cyrnus) not far from Sardinia, which had been under the Vandals also. Cy∣rillus accordingly shewed the head of Tzazon to the Islanders of Sardinia, and made both the Islands tributary.

Belisarius sent also John with the foot company under his leading, unto Caesa∣rea in Mauritania, being 30 days journey from Carthage, in the way to Caliz and Hercules Pillars; and a populous maritine City. Another John, one of his targetiers, he sent to the Straits of Caliz, to possess the Castle of Septum, one of the Pillars. To the Isles of Ebusa, Majorica, and Minorica, he sent Apollinarius, an Italian, who went young into Africk; and there being grown rich by the bounty of Il∣derick, after his deposing and imprisonment, he went a sutor for Ilderick to Justi∣nian, with some other Africans. And in this voyage with the Romans he did va∣liantly, and at Tricamarus the best of any. For which service Belisarius gave him the command of those Islands. He re-enforced also the Romans under Pu∣dentius and Tattimuth in Tripolis, the Moors pressing sore upon them. He sent some likewise to receive the Castle at Lilybaeum in Sicily, as belonging to the Van∣dals dominion, but was repulsed by the Goths, refusing to yeeld any part of Sicily, and denying the Castle to have been the Vandals.

Whereupon he wrote thus to the Governours there▪ You deprive us of Lilybae∣um, a Castle of the Vandals, the Emperours slaves; wherein you deal both unjust∣ly and unwisely, without your Princes mind and privity, to put the Emperour into a war with him, whose favour he hath so laboured to purchase. How strange a pro∣ceeding is it, to suffer Gelimer to hold the Castle, and from the Emperour, Gelimers Master, to take away his slaves possessions? Take heed: consider how friendship co∣vers many grievances: but an enemy endures not the least injury, but looks back, and will not wink at his foe grown rich, whence he should not; But then he alleadges the wrongs done to his Ancestors; then he fights; wherein though he fail, yet he loses no possession; but prospering, makes the vanquished ask forgiveness. Do you there∣fore do us no farther ill, nor suffer any. Make not the Emperour an enemy to the Goths, whom you wish propitious. For know, that if you dispute this Castle, you will have a war, not only for Lilybaeum; but for all you hold without just title.

The Goths imparted these Letters to Atalaricus his mother, and by her di∣rection made this answer. Excellent Belisarius! your exhortation may be perti∣nent to some other men, but not Goths. We are not so mad as to detain any thing from the Emperour: Sicily we challenge all to be ours; whereof that Castle is one of the head Lands. If Theodorick gave his sister, married to a Vandal King, the use of a Mart Town in Sicily, this can give no pretence of title. But noble General! do us right; and decide this controversie not as an enemy, by a battel, but as a friend at an Arbitrament. We refer it to the Emperour himself, to do as to him shall seem le∣gal and just. And we wish you to be advised, and to attend the determination of your Emperour.

Belisarius herewith acquainted the Emperour, and staid till he should further direct him.

In the mean time Pharas being weary of a winter-siege, and supposing the Moors unable to oppose him, he undertook the ascent unto Pappua, with his troops well armed. But the Moors defended it so, that those who went up the Hill being steep, and bad way, were easily ruined; and Pharas being obstinate lost

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110 men, and with the residue was beaten back. But he set very diligent guards, that they might be put to yield for hunger, permitting none to scape away, nor any thing to be brought them from without. Where the sufferings of Gelimer and his kindred and others with him, delicately bred, no relation can equal. The Van∣dals being of all the known Nations the most effeminate, and these Moors the hardiest. They first since their possession of Africk have used their daily baths, and plentiful tables, of the best and pleasantest things the earth and sea afford; most of them wore gold and silk, and past their times in Theaters, horse-races, and other delights, and principally huntings: They had their Masques and Playes, Musiques and gallant sights; many had gardens furnished with waters and trees, used much feasting, and were as much addicted to venerie. But those Moors are choaked up in close cabbins, never removing for heat of summer, or any inconvenience; and ly∣ing upon the ground, or happily with a sheeps-skin under them: They never change apparel, but all the year wear a thick coarse mantle, and a Freese-coat: They have no bread nor wine, eating their wheat, barley, and Olyra (as other animals) without reducing it to flour. With these Moors Gelimers company having long sojourned, in this strange change of diet, and now necessaries failing too; they could hold out no longer, but thought it the most pleasant to die, and to serve not base.

CHAP. V.

WHich Pharas understanding, wrote thus to Gelimer.

I also am a Barba∣rian, not used to discourses; but do write now what I cannot but learn from the course of things. Why have you cast your self, dear Gelimer! and your whole kindred into this depth of misery? Is it to avoid being a slave? is that it you stomack, as conceiving all miseries good cheap for liberty? And doe you not now serve, having your best hopes of safety upon the most wretched of all the Moors? Tis better for a man to be a slave among Romans begging, then to reign over the Moors of Pappua. And can it be so extreme a scorn to be a fellow-servant of Belisarius? Fiel noble Gelimer. We glory (being not born of noble parentage) to be the Emperours slaves. But you (they say) the Emperour in∣tends to receive into the Senate, and to the highest honour called the Patriciate, and to bestow on you a large fertile country, and much wealth; and Belisarius will undertake these conditions upon his oath. Can you bear what fortune brings generously? and when she mingles her distastes with some good, will you peevishly reject it? Are not good things from fortune as needfull for us as bad? But these things the most sensless will not think. It seems being plunged in dis∣asters, you lose your wits; For grief uses to amaze, and turn the mind upon bad counsels. But if you can manage your thoughts, without repining against for∣tune; you have it in your power, to chuse what's good for you, and to rid your self of these miseries.

Gelimer lamented bitterly at the reading this Letter, and wrote back thus.

I thank you much for your counsel; but to serve an Enemy wronging me, I hold intolerable; Of whom I would get right, if God were propitious. He hath set Belisarius upon me, I know not why; found a reasonless pretext of a war, and brought me to this, having never offended him in word nor deed. It is not impossible, but that something he wishes not may happen to him, though an Emperour, yet but a man. I can adde no more; my misfortune hath taken a∣way my invention. Farewell gentle Pharas; and at my request send me a Harp, a Loaf of bread, and a Sponge.
Pharas doubted long how to construe the last clause of the Letter; till the beater told him, That Gelimer askt him a Loaf of bread, longing to see and taste a baked loaf, which he had not seen since his com∣ming to Pappua: That he needed a Sponge for his eye, swell'd with a rheume, for want of sweating and bathing: And being skilful upon the Harp, he desired one to sing to it a sad Ditty he had composed upon his present calamity. Pharas con∣doling

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with him, and at the condition of mankind, sent him the things according to his Letter; but blocke him up faster then before. And three winter-moneths were spent in this siege; And Gelimer feared that ere long they would get up to him; He saw the children of his kin even swarm with lice; full of sorrow he was, weary of the thought of any thing but dying; yet he endured all beyond imagi∣nation, till he saw this sight. A Moorish woman had pounded some wheat, and thereof made a little Cake, which she threw in the hot ashes upon the hearth, as the Moors use to bake then bread: Two hungry boyes, (one the said womans son, and the other Gelimers sisters son) watcht at the hearth to catch the cake when it was baked: The Vandale boy caught it first, and hungerly thrust it hot into his mouth, with the ashes on; the other boy took him by the hair, and with beating forced him to put out the cake again. Gelimer, who observed all this accident, could not beare it, but relented, and presently wrote thus to Pharas.

If ever man endured misery with a success quite contrary to his counsels, such am I, Excellent Pharas! I mean not to neglect your good advice; being no longer able to strive with fortune, nor struggle under the yoke of destiny, which I will follow as it pleases the same to lead me. Let me have assurance of Belisarius un∣dertaking the performance of that by the Emperour, which you lately intimated, and I will immediately render my self to you, and all my kindred, and Vandals here with me.

Pharas acquainted Belisarius with this, and the former Letters; desiring to know his pleasure. Who much desiring to bring Gelimer alive to the Emperour, and overjoyed with the news, instantly sent to Pappua, Cyprian Commander of the Confederates, with some others, to give oath to Gelimer for the safety of him∣self and company, and that he should have an honourable rank with the Emperor, and want nothing. And they with Pharas went to the foot of the mountain, whither came Gelimer, received the assurances as he desired, and went with them to Carthage. Belisarius was in a suburb thereof, named Aclae: where Gelimer be∣ing presented, fell a laughing openly, that some imagined him to be distracted through the extremity of his misery: But his friends alleadged the man to be of sudden apprehension; He was royally born, and a King; and now from a con∣tinued power and wealth, fallen into bondage and fear; And after his enduring so much in Pappua, he must now be ranked amongst slaves; And thus having had experience of Fortunes smiles and frowns, he thought Humane condition to de∣serve only laughter. Thus they conceived of it. But Belisarius acquainted the Emperour how Gelimer was a Captive at Carthage, and prayed leave to come a∣long with him to Constantinople; keeping him in the mean time in an honorable restraint, and preparing his Fleet. Many experiments the world hath seen beyond hope, and many it will, while Fortune continues the same. Many things seeming to Reason impossible, have come to pass, and been wondred at: But I know not whether ever the like of these things hath happened. For a fourth Successor of Genserick (his Kingdom flourishing with wealth and men of war) to be ruined in so short a time, by 5000 new comers without a place to anchor in, (so many only were the Horse, who by their valour or fortune debated the whole war) is justly to be wondred at. But I return from whence I digressed; This being the con∣clusion of the Vandal wars.

CHAP. VI.

But some Commanders being envious of Belisarius (as is usual in great felicities) traduced him without any colour of truth, to the Emperour, of usurpation. The Emperour made no shew of it, either despising the accusation, or thinking it his best way; and sent thither Solomon, and gave Belisarius his choice, either to come to Constantinople with Gelimer and the Vandals, or to stay and send them. But he (who was not ignorant how the Commanders charged him with usurpa∣tion) urged to go to Constantinople to cleer the imputation, and to be revenged of

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his accusers. He came to discover the plot against him thus. His accusers fearing the miscarriage of their letters to the Emperour, and so to spoil their design, wrote of the usurpation in two letters, by several messengers in several ships; one where∣of sailed away unespied; but the other upon some suspition was taken in Man∣dracium, and his letter intercepted, and the plot discovered to Belisarius, who thereupon made haste to get to the Emperours presence. But the Moors of By∣zacium and Numidia, breaking their truce, revolted, and suddenly made war up∣on the Romans, without any occasion at all: An action agreeable to their dispo∣sitions; for with Moors is no care of oaths, nor hostages, (though of their chil∣dren, brethren, or Rulers) neither any assured peace, but by their feare of the enemy. They made truce with Belisarius, and broke it, as I shall tell you. The Emperours Fleet being expected in Africk, the Moors afraid, resorted to their soothsaying women, it being not lawfull for their men to soothsay. These women after being possessed with a Spirit, as was usual for them, according to the manner of the ancient Oracles; foretold an Army from the waters, the ruine of the Van∣dals, and destruction of the Moors, when a Generall of Romans should come without a beard. Upon this answer the Moors, seeing the Fleet at sea, were afraid, and would not assist the Vandals; but sent to Belisarius, and made a peace, watch∣ing for the success. And the business of the Vandals being dispatcht, they sent to spie in the Roman Army if there were any Commander without a beard; And finding all well stored with beards, they thought (as they would have it) the Oracle to concern some after-ages, and not them. So they long'd to break the truce, but were afraid of Belisarius, despairing of overcoming the Romans, he being with them. And hearing him to be ready to go, and his Lanciers, Targetiers, and Vandal Captives to be already on ship-board, they took arms suddenly, and did the Africans much mischief: For the Souldiers being dispersed in small gar∣risons upon the borders, and unprepared, could not every where oppose, nor hin∣der the Barbarians inroads, which were often, and secret. And so men in con∣fusion were slain, women and children made slaves, goods every where carried a∣way, and all the Country full of flights. Belisarius was at sea when he heard of this, and could not come back now; but he appointed Solomon to govern Africk, and to take the most part of his Targetiers and Lanciers, and to chastise the Moors for this wrong to the Romans. Another Army the Emperor sent to Solomon, with Theodorus the Cappadocian, and Ildeger, who married the daughter of Antonina, Belisarius his wife. And the ancient African tributes being not to be found up∣on the ancient Roman records there, which Genserick had destroyed; Tryphon and Eustratius were sent with commission from the Emperour to make a taxe; Men whom the Africans found harsh and intolerable.

But Belisarius being arrived at Constantinople with Gelimer and the Vandals, was thought worthy of those ancient honours given to Generals for the greatest victories. It is about 600 years since any had the same, unless it were Titus, Tra∣janus, and such Emperours, as led the Army in person, and got victory of some Barbarian nation. He led the spoils, and prisoners of war, in pomp through the City; which the Romans call a Triumph; but it was not in the ancient manner: He went afoot from his own house to the Circus, and there from his Pavillion to the Emperours throne. The spoils were things belonging to the service of the King, and Gold-chains, and the Chariots for his Queen, with many Jewels & Cups of gold, and all things useful at a Kings feast. Silver also weighing many thou∣sand talents and a huge mass of Royal furniture, (Genserick having sackt, as I said, the Palace at Rome) among which were some monuments of the Jewes, brought to Rome by Titus, after the destruction of Jerusalem. A Jew there espy∣ing the same, standing by one of the Emperours familiar friends, It is not so good (quoth he) to bring these monuments into the Palace of Constantinople; for they cannot continue but where Solomon first placed them: Hence it is that Genserick sackt the Palace in Rome, and now Belisarius that of the Vandals. The Emperour hearing this, sent them to the Christian Churches in Jerusalem. The Captives were, Gelimer, bearing a Purple robe, and all his kindred, and the tallest and beau∣tifullest of the Vandals. Gelimer seeing the Emperour sitting upon a high throne, and the people on both sides in the Circus, and himself in that calamity, used no

Page 36

lamentation, but still repeated that in the Scripture, Vanity of vanities, all is vanity. Being at the Emperours throne, they took from him the Purple robe, and caused him to fall upon his face and adore the Emperour. The same did Belisarius, sup∣plicating for him to the Emperour: who, with his Empress Theodora, gave large means to Ildericks children, and the descendants of Valentinian; and to Gelimer they gave towns in Galatia of good value, where they suffered him to dwell. He would not change his Arrian Religion; so he was not admitted a Patrician. Belisarius not long after had a Triumph according to the ancient custom. Going to be installed Consul, he was born by Captives in a chariot, from whence he threw of the Vandal spoils among the people, silver-vessels, and gold-belts, and much more of the Vandals wealth. And then men saw things forgotten, thus re∣newed by time.

CHAP. VII.

BUt Solomon taking the charge of the Army in Africk, the Moors being up, and the State tottering, was uncertain what to do; Hearing how the Bar∣barians had killed the Garisons in Byzacium, and forraged the Country; but the misfortune in Byzacium of Aigan the Hunn, and Rufinus the Thracian, troubled him most, and all Carthage, being men of great reputation in Belisarius his reti∣nue, and the whole Army. Aigan was one of Belisarius his life-guard; and the other, as the valiantest of the rest, was the Generals Standard-bearer, whom the Romans call Bandophorus: These commanding then Troops of horse, and seeing the Moors make booty, and slaves of the Africans, laid wait for them in a narrow passage, killed them, and rescued all their captives. Which the Barbarian Prin∣ces, Cutzînas, Esdilâsas, Juphrûthes, and Medisinissas hearing, set upon them a∣bout evening; whom the Romans, being few, and surprised in the narrow pas∣sage, in the midst of thousands, were not able to resist; which way soever they turned the enemy having their backs. Rusinus and Aigan ran to a rock, and thence kept off the enemy with their arrows; who durst not come up, but darted their Javelins. Their arrows being spent, the Moors came to handy blowes, and they awhile defended themselves with their swords; but numbers overpressing, cut Aigan in pieces, and carried away Rufinus. But Medisinissas, fearing he might escape, and trouble them again, took off his head, and shewed it at home to his wives; being for bigness, and abundance of hair, a goodly sight.

It is not amiss to say something here, how, and from whence the Moors came originally to inhabit Africk. When the Hebrews came out of Egypt, and Mo∣ses was dead, and Joshua his successor, with more then humane valour, had brought the people into Palestine, possest the Country, overthrown the Nations, conquered their Cities, and was thought invincible: The Gergesites and Jebusites, and other Nations, mentioned in the Scripture (being populous, and inhabiting the sea-coast, from Sidon to Egypt, called Phoenicia, and under one King, as is confessed by all Writers of Antiquities) seeing this new Captain unresistible, they removed from their own Country into Egypt. Where finding no room, (Egypt being antiently populous) they went on into Africk: and building many Cities, possest it all, unto Hercules Pillars, and to this day continue there, using the Phoenician language. In Numidia they built a Castle, where now is the City of Tigisis. In which stand two Pillars, near the great Conduit, with these words engraven in the Phoenician language. We are they who fled from before Jo∣shua the chief, the son of Nun. Other people antiently inhabited Africk, and therefore were said to be born of the earth. Whereupon their King, Antoeus, (who wrastled with Hercules in Clypea) was called the son of the earth. After∣ward the Phaenicians came with Dido into Africk, to those of the same race, who received them and permitted them to build Carthage. But in time, the Cartha∣ginians grown great and populous, overcame these Moors in battel, who came

Page 37

thus out of Palestine, and forced them to inhabit far from Carthage. And the Romans afterward being Masters of the world, planted the Moors upon the ut∣termost borders of the inhabited Countrys of Africk, and made the Carthagi∣nians, and other Africans Tributary. But lately the Moors got many victories of the Vandals, and held Mauritania, extending from Caliz to Caesarea, and the most part of Africk beside.

But Solomon understanding the accident of Aigan, and Rufinus, prepared for a War, and wrote this Letter to the Princes of the Moors.

Others heretofore have ventured foolishly, and perisht, not divining the event of their presump∣tion: But you, seeing a president of your neighbours the Vandals, upon what madness have you drawn your swords against the great Emperour? and do thus abandon your safeties, after solemn oaths, and your sons given for pledges? Is it to shew that you regard neither God, faith, kindred, nor safety? Being such, in what God can you trust for help, provoking a Roman Emperour? You have lost your sons; for what is it you mean to hazard? If you repent for what is past, write that you will give over; If not, expect a Roman war to come up∣on you, with your violated oaths, and the undoing your own sons.

The Moors made this answer to Solomon.

Belisarius perswaded us with large promises, to obey the Emperour. But now affording us no share of your pro∣sperity, you would have us friends and aids still, starving with hunger. It is you are the faith-breakers, not the Moors: Not they, who fly off from their as∣sociates upon wrongs, violate Truces, but they who demand Truce, and then oppress men: Not they, who fight for their own, make God their enemy; but who usurping other mens right, dare hazard a war. Concerning sons, you may be troubled, who must have but one wife: We who may have 50 wives at once, can never want a generation.

Upon this, Solomon resolved to lead his Army against them; and having dispo∣sed of things in Carthage, marcht into Byzacium, and encamped at Mamme, near the aforesaid Moorish Princes.

CHAP. VIII.

AT the foot of high mountains there, upon a plain piece of ground, the Bar∣barians put their battel in order to fight, thus. They put their Camels in a round (as Cabaon did formerly) made their front 12. Camels deep, and placed their women and children in the middle, save some few, who made their entrench∣ments, and cabbins; drest their horses and Camels, and their own diet, and did many services in their fights. Themselves stood between the Camels legs, having shields, swords, and Javelins; and some horse upon the mountains. Half the Round next the mountain, Solomon omitted; fearing lest the enemy from thence, and from the Round might charge his men at once, and so get their backs, oppo∣sing the Army to the rest, and finding them dejected with the accident of Aigan and Rufinus, he made them this speech to encourage them. You that are fel∣low

soldiers of Belisarius, are not to fear, nor make it an example, if 50000 Moors have vanquisht 500 Romans. Call to mind your own valour: Think how the Vandals vanquisht the Moors, and with what ease you are now Masters of the Vandals; and having beaten the better men, will you fear the weaker? The Moors are the poorest Nation to fight in the world, coming naked, or with short shields only, ill made, and unable to keep out a blow, and such men, as when they have thrown out their two Javelins, if they do no effect, run instant∣ly away: So that we may by warding their first fury, have the better with ease, your advantage in your arms, valour, strength of body, experience in battels, and confidence, for having been already victorious over every enemy, you are to consider. All which the Moors wanting trust only to their multitude, who be∣ing no soldiers, are the more easily beaten by a few well prepared. The soldi∣er hath his confidence in himself: but the coward is commonly distressed by

Page 38

his croud of assistants. And these Camels deserve your contempt, which can∣not resist us, and being wounded by us (as they shall) will put these men in dis∣order. Their presumption upon their former good fortune, will fight for you. For boldness measured by ones power, may be an advantage: but exceeding that, it runs him into danger. Which considering, and not valuing the enemy, you shall silently, and with ease vanquish him.

The Princes of the Moors also, seeing their men amazed at the Romans order, used this encouragement.

You have found, fellow soldiers I that these Romans have but the bodies of men, having killed some of their best men, overwhelmed with our Javelins, and taken many of them prisoners. Then have we a great advantage in numbers: And our strife is about the greatest things, either to be Masters of Africk, or slaves of these braggarts. So that now hazarding for all, if we be not more then ordinarily valiant, we shall do no good. And let us not regard their arming, which combers their foot, then whom the Moors will be much the swifter. And their horse will be disordered by the sight of our Camels, and by their cries, louder then the noise of the battel. To think the enemy unresistible because of his victory of the Vandals, is an errour. The Generals vertue ever poises the battel: and Belisarius, the greatest cause of that victory, fortune hath removed: Besides, the Vandals we had weakened be∣fore, and made them an easie conquest to the Romans: And if we do valiantly now, we shall be Masters of these men also.

This exhortation ended, the battel begun. At first the Romans were put into confusion by their horses skittishness at the sight and cry of the Camels, throw∣ing their riders, and running away, and by the Moors incursions, darting the Javelins they had: so that being frighted and in tumult, they neither defended, nor kept their ranks. Which Solomon seeing, leapt from his horse, and comman∣ded the rest to do the like, and to stand still, warding with their shields, against the enemies Javelins, and to keep their orders. Himself with 500 men gave on upon the Round; directing to kill the Camels. The Moors there ran away, and some 200 Camels were killed. Which being done, the Round was to be entred, and the Romans pierced into the midst of it, where the Moors wives were. The Barbarians all amazed, ran up the mountain, whom the Romans pursuing, killed some 10000 of them, flying in confusion. The Camels surviving were taken: and the Romans marcht to Carthage, to keep their Feast of Victory.

The Barbarians grown angry, made an universal invasion, leaving none behind. First they overran Byzacium, sparing no age they could catch. Solomon was new∣ly come to Carthage, when this news was told him. So that he marcht against them with the whole Army; and at the mountain of Burgaon, upon which the Moors encamped, he sate down, expecting the Moors descent, that he might give them battel upon plain ground. But seeing them not come down, he put the Army in a fair order to fight. But they watched their occasions in the mountain, being heartily afraid of the Romans, and having no mind to fight in a champian. Burgaon is most of it very ragged; and to the East inaccessible; but to the West passable; and rising gently; and between two rocks is a deep woody Valley. The top of the mountain, where they expected no enemy, they left without men; and they quitted the foot of it, which was easie of access; and encamped in the mid∣dle, to have the shooting of the enemies heads from above. And they had hor∣ses, either to run away with, or to chase, if they got the day: Solomon seeing the Moors would not yet come to the even ground, and the Roman Army weary in that desert place, made haste to fight. But finding the soldier dismayed atheir enemies multitude, much greater then in the former battel; he spake thus to them.

The enemies fear of you needs no accuser nor witness; it convinces it self. So many thousands not daring to encounter you upon even ground; and ha∣ving no confidence in themselves, but making this fastness their refuge: So that exhortations in words are needless to you, whom the things themselves, and your enemies weakness animates: Only let me put you in mind, that by the prosperous conclusion of this day, you will instantly enjoy all the wealth of Africk; the Vandals being overcome, and the Moors reduced, and no enemy

Page 39

left to think of. And that the enemies may not shoot down upon our heads, nor we suffer harm from the nature of the place, shall be my care.

Solomon having thus said, commanded Theodorus the Scout-Master, to draw out 1000 foot, with their Ensignes, about the evening, and closely to get up at the East side of Burgaon, where the mountain is most difficult, and being come to the top, to pass the night without noise; and with Sun-rising to shew them∣selves to the enemy, displaying their Ensignes, and to shoot at them. He did accordingly, and at mid-night, passing up a ragged way near the rock, was nei∣ther discerned by Moors nor Romans; being said to be sent to ly abroad, to pre∣vent mischief to the Camp. Before break of day Solomon went to the skirt of the hill, toward the enemy; and the soldiers, when the day grew bright, seeing the top of the mountain, full of men displaying Roman Ensignes, were amazed. When they on the top, began the fight, the Romans perceived them to be their own; and the Barbarians finding themselves shot on both sides, and without means to drive off the enemy, they despaired and ran away. But daring to fly neither to the top nor bottom of the hill, being both possessed by the enemy; they ran amain to the woody Valley, some on horse-back, some afoot. And being a multitude, and in fear, and tumult, they killed one another, and falling in to the Valley very deep, the foremost were slain, and not discerned by them that followed. But when the Valley was full of horses and dead bodies, the residue were saved, passing over the bodies from Burgaon to the other rock. The survi∣vers affirmed 50 thousand Moors to have been slain in this overthrow. The Ro∣mans lost not a man, nor so much as received a wound from the enemy, nor other accident, but all enjoyed the victory untoucht. The Barbarians Princes escaped all, save Isdilasas, who upon promise of life, yielded himself prisoner. Their boo∣ty of women and children was so great, that they sold a Moorish boy for the price of a sheep. The Moors remaining, then remembred the womens Prophe∣sie, That their Nation should perish by a man without a beard.

CHAP. IX.

THe Roman Army with their booty and Jsdilasas returned to Carthage. But the Barbarians surviving, would not continue in Byzacium, being few, and fearing to be opprest by the neighbouring Africans, but fled to to Jabdas, Prince of the Moors of Aurasium in Numidia. In Byzacium such of them only re∣mained, as were subject to Antalas, who kept his faith to the Romans, and had no harm done to his Sujects. In the mean time the said Jabdas forraged Numidia with 3000 men, and made slaves of many Africans. Althias then had the com∣mand of a Castle thereabout, who having a mind to rescue some of those captives, drew out 70 Hunns of his Garison; but not conceiving it possible with such a number to stand the multitude of the Moors, he would have possest some nar∣row passage, where the enemy marching, he might have seized upon the captives. But finding all open champian about the Towns there, he resolved to possess a great well standing in Tigisis, an unwalled City, but in a great fastness; thinking that the enemy being thirsty, would certainly come thither, no other water be∣ing near. The great odds in numbers caused his conceit herein to savour of mad∣ness. The Moors having toiled in the summer heats, and being extream thirsty, ran to the well, imagining no opposition: But finding the place possest by the ene∣my, they stood amazed, being faint, and longing for water. Jabdas therefore came to a parly with Althias, and offered the third part of his booty, that his Moors might drink, which he refused, but offered to fight a single combat with him. Which Jabdas accepted; and it was agreed, that if he vanquisht Althias, the Moors should drink. Who were glad, and confident, seeing Althias a lean man, not tall; whereas Jabdas was the goodliest and valiantest of all the Moors. They were on horseback; and Jabdas threw first his Javelin, which Althias caught fly∣ing at him in his right hand (which amazed his enemy) and with his left hand

Page 40

bent his bow (being both-handed) and killed Jabdas horse. The Moors brought their Prince another horse, upon which he leaped up, and ran away; the Moors following in disorder. Althias recovered the captives and booty, and got a great name in Africk for this act.

But Solomon, after a short stay in Carthage, led the Army against Jabdas to mount Aurasium, for sacking the Towns of Numidia, while the Roman Army was busie in Byzacium. The other Moorish Princes also incensed Solomon against him; as Massonas, being enemy to Jabdas, who killed Mephanias his father trea∣cherously, though he had married his daughter: And Orthaeus, because he had plotted with Mastinas, Prince of the Barbarians in Mauritania, to expell him, and the Moors his subjects, from their antient habitation. So the Army under Solomon, and their Moorish aides, encamped by the river of Amigas, which runs by Aurasium. Jabdas thought the champian disadvantageous for him to fight in; so he made Aurasium as difficult as he could in the fit places for an as∣sault.

This mountain is 13 days journey from Carthage, and the greatest we know; the circuit being three days journey. It is difficult to get up, but being up, and on even ground, are fields, fountains, rivers, and many admirable gardens; the wheat there, and all that grows, is twice as big as in any other part of Africk. Some neglected Castles also there are, the Inhabitants finding no use of them: who never were put into any fear since the Moors took Aurasium from the Van∣dals. Nay they demolished Tamugadis, a populous City to the Eastward of the mountain, upon the very entrance of the plain, that enemies might not lodg there, and for the Cities sake approach the mountain. The Country to the west of Aurasium being large and good, the Moors had likewise; beyond whom are other Moors subject to Ortaeus, who aided Solomon. I have heard that man say, that beyond his Country is a Wilderness, and beyond that, men not black, like Moors, but with white bodies, and yellow hair.

Solomon distributed monies amongst his Auxiliaries, encouraged them, and with his whole Army ascended mount Aurasium, in order of battel, thinking that day to try his fortune against the enemy; so that the souldier had brought but little fodder for their horses. They went six miles and a quarter in very bad way, and lay all that night in the fields. And the seaventh day (going every day as much) they came to an old Castle by a river, called by the Latines, Mons-scuti. Here they had been told the enemy was encamped; but none encountring, them∣selves encamped there, preparing to fight: they spent there three days. But see∣ing the enemy absolutely gone, and necessaries failing, Solomon and the whole Army doubted some plot of their Auxiliary Moors. Who knowing perfectly the ways of Aurasium, and in likelyhood the enemies designes, by riding to them secretly, and often being sent by the Romans to discover, yet they never spake a true word. So they thought it best to be gone before some blow, and to return with greater provisions, and better furnished in other things. Now they were a∣fraid, and suspected treason from their Auxiliaries, whom they knew naturally false, and especially when they aid the Romans, or any against the Moors. Upon all these considerations, and the famine pinching, they went down immediately, and made an entrenchment in the champian.

But the winter being come, Solomon marcht to Carthage, where he prepared for another journey in the beginning of the spring to Aurasium, without any auxiliary Moors, if it might be; and he appointed forces and a fleet against the Moors in Sardinia; being a rich Island, and as big as two third parts of Sicily; the circumference of it is twenty days journey; and is in the mid-way between Rome and Carthage, and much vexed with Moors, who were confined and planted there with their wives and children, by the Vandals. There possest the mountains near Carnalis, and at first committed petty stealths upon the natives; but being grown to a number of 3000 men, they made open inroads, and ransackt all the places near them, being by the natives called Barbaracini. Against these Moors Solomon prepared a fleet th winter.

Page 41

CHAP. X.

BUt at the same time, Belisarius being sent into Italy by the Emperour, against Theodatus and the Goths, landed first in Sicily, and took the Island; the man∣ner whereof I refer to my ensuing History of the affairs of Italy. When I have written the occurrences of Africk, I will come to the Relation of Italy and the Goths. This winter Belisarius spent in Syracuse, and Solomon in Carthage. And all this year the Sun had a fearfull and prodigious light, without beams, like that of the Moon, and for the most part it was as eclipsed, without the clear and usual lustre. And during the same, famine, war, and all kind of mortality did infest mankind. It was in the tenth year of Justinians reign.

In the beginning of the spring, the Christians celebrating their Easter, the soldiers mutinyed in Africk upon this occasion. The Roman soldiers having vanquisht the Vandals, married their wives and daughters. Who drew their husbands to challenge the possessions formerly theirs, as being unjust (having enjoyed the same by the Vandals) to be deprived of them now, being married to their Conquerors. The soldiers having this put into their heads, thought they ought not to yield those possessions to Solomon, who intended to annex the same to the Treasury, and the Emperours house; not refusing the slaves and moveables for spoils to the soldier; but the Lands he alleadged to belong to the Emperour, and State, which fed them, and gave them the quality of soldiers, not to conquer for them∣selves the Lands taken by Barbarians from the Empire; but to recover them to the Treasury, from whence they and the other Armies had their entertainments. Another party also there was which troubled Africk as much, or more. In the Army were some thousand Arrian soldiers, most Herulians. These were provoked by the Vandal Priests, being not allowed their accustomed divine service, but bar∣red from all, both Sacraments and Churches: For Justinian permitted not any Christian not Orthodoxal, to have the benefit of Baptism, or any other Sacra∣ment: Especially they were troubled, the Feast of Easter approaching, wherein they might not baptize their children in the holy Laver, nor do what belong'd to the Feast. And Fortune heaped to this, another mischief upon the Romans, by adding a supply to these Mutiners. The Emperour had made five horse troops of the Vandals, brought to Constantinople by Belisarius, to lye perpetually in Ci∣ties of the East, under the title of Vandalici. The most of these went by sea into the East, and made up the appointed troops, till this day serving against the Per∣sians. But 400 of them from Lesbos, forcing the Mariners, came upon the coast of Peloponesus, and from thence sailed into Africk, landing in a desert coast; where leaving the ships, they went into Mauritania to mount Aurasium. This encouraged and more combined the mutinying soldiers, who had many conferen∣ces and oaths about it.

The Feast being at hand, the discontented Arrians, who were interdicted the Church, eagerly urged it. And the ring-leaders of them had resolved to kill Solomon, the first day of the Feast, called the great day. The plot was undi∣scerned by any: For though many were engaged in it, yet none misliked, nor re∣vealed it; many of Solomons Lanciers, and Targetiers, and most of his houshold-servants coveting those possessions, were in the mutiny. At the day, Solomon sate in the Church, apprehending no mischief; The men appointed to kill him, made signes to one another, and had their hands on their swords; but did no∣thing: either reverencing the Church-service, or abashed at the state of their General, or by something divine restrained: But divine service being ended, and every man come home, the soldiers blamed each other for fainting, and appoin∣ted the plot the next day: When they likewise came from Church without doing any thing; and meeting in the market-place, railed upon one another, each man terming his fellow false, and faint-hearted, and reproaching his awe of Solomon. And their plot being divulged, they thought it unsafe to stay in Carthage. So the most of them went out, and pillaged the Villages, and used the Africans as

Page 42

enemies. The rest remained in the City unsuspected, and seeming ignorant of the conspiracy.

Solomon hearing what the soldiers did in the Country, and exhorting them in the City to good affection to the Emperour, at first they seemed to entertain his discourse. But hearing how those abroad did what they listed in the Countrys, securely; the fift day of their mutiny, they impudently railed upon Solomon, and the other Commanders in the Circus. Solomon seat Theodorus the Cappado∣cian to appease them, a man that loved him not, and was suspected to practise a∣gainst him. Whereupon the mutiners with cries chose him their General, and with him went to the Palace, where they killed another Theodorus the Scout-Ma∣ster, a worthy man, and a good soldier. Being blouded, they killed all they met, whether Africans or Romans, if Solomons friends, or with mony about them. Then they pillaged the houses, where no soldiers defended, taking away all of any value, till the night, and drink after their toil quieted them. Solomon fled to the great Church of the Palace; whither about the evening came Mar∣tinus; and when the mutiners were asleep, they went to the Lodging of Theodo∣rus the Cappadocian, who constrained them to sup, though they bad little mind to it, and brought them to a ship in the harbour, provided for them by Valerianus. Procopius, the writer of this History, was in company, and five of Solomons re∣tinue. After 37 miles sailing, they came to Messua, a road for Carthage shipping, and a safe place. From hence Solomon sent Martinus to Valerianus, and the o∣ther ommanders in Numidia, to attempt to reduce such mutiners as any of them knew, by mony, and all means. And he wrote to Theodorus to take care of Car∣thage, and to do what he could. Himself with Procopius went to Belisarius to Syracuse, relating the accident, and praying him to repair to Carthage, and vindi∣cate the Emperour from this affront of his own soldiers.

CHAP. XI.

IN the mean time the mutiners having sackt Carthage, made their rendezvouz in the Plains of Bule, and chose Stotzas, one of Martinus his life-guard, their General; a man couragious and active, hoping to get Africk thus, by expelling the Emperours commanders. He arming his forces, being 8000. led them to Car∣thage, expecting instantly to take the City. He sent for the Vandals who escaped from Lesbos, and others who wnt not with Belisarius, being either concealed, or neglected by the Officers. In all they were 1000 men, who went readily to Stot∣zas Camp, and a multitude of slaves came also, Stotzas being near, sent to Car∣thage to yield without further hurt. But Theodorus and the rest professed to guard the City for the Emperour, and required them to forbear force; sending to them Josephius, who had been of the Emperours guard, and now was one of Be∣lisarius retinue, and lately sent to Carthage about business: whom Stotzas put to death for his message, and fell to the siege. And the Citizens afraid, were think∣ing to yield upon composition. When Belisarius with 100 of his Lanciers and Targetiers, and Solomon with one ship arrived at Carthage toward the evening: the besiegers expecting the rendring the City on the next day, and with that hope lying still that night; and when it was day, hearing of Belisarius arrival, shame∣fully rose, and ran away. Belisarius got together 2000 of the Army, and with fair words and mony, exhorting thm to a good affection to the Emperour, he pursued the flyers, and overtook them at Membresa, about 43 miles from Carthage. Here they both encamped, and prepared to fight; Belisarius by the river of Ba∣gradas; the other upon a high ragged ground: Neither would enter the City, being unwalled. The next day they drew out to fight, the mutiners trusting in their numbers, whom Belisarius his men despised, for foolish fellows, undisciplined.

And to imprint this the more firmly, Belisarius spake thus unto them.

Fel∣low soldiers! This happens to the Emperour against our hopes and wishes, to come to a battel with our kinsmen and companions, whom we cannot conquer

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without grief. But our comfort is, that we began not; we only defend our selves. He who by his treasons renounces his kindred, is not killed by his friends, but in the quality of an enemy is punished for his injury done them. These men have proclaimed themselves enemies, Barbarians, any thing, by their spoy∣ling Africk, and killing both natives, and many Roman soldiers, for no offence, but their good affection to the State. For this we come to chastise them, now enemies, though some time friends. No men are friends or enemies by nature; but in their actions are either united in a joint assistance by a similitude of man∣ners and opinions, or disunited by a dissimilitude. And as they are unjust men and enemies, we are to fight with them: So are they to be despised, being a mul∣titude not assembled by Law, but upon wrong: And such never fight valiantly: valour not vouchsafing to keep company with outlaws, and men unjust: neither will they keep their orders, nor obey the directions of their new General, who wanting power to be confident, must necessarily be contemned by them For rebellion is naturally hated, never honoured; and being timerous it self, cannot govern the subject, and keep him in awe. So that the enemy wanting both va∣lour and government, their defeat will be easie; and you must march against them with contempt, not estimating the power of a battel by numbers, but by order and valour.

Stotzas also used this exhortation.

You have with me, shaken off the Roman servitude; and grudg not now to die for the liberty gotten by your valour. It is not so grievous to grow old and die in slavery, as after freedom to return to it again; the interim of ease making the calamity taste more sowre. You may consider therefore, how in the overthrow of the Vandals, you had your part in the toil, and others now possess the spoils; and how being soldiers, you are en∣gaged to a life of hazarding, either for the Emperour, if you serve him again, or for your selves, if you keep your liberty. And the better of these two you may now chuse, by resolving in this action to fight, without fainting. Consider also that you have taken arms, and if you now be subdued, you will not find the Romans gentle masters, but shall suffer extremities, with the addition of be∣ing justly ruined: So you see our death will be honorable if we die, and if we be victorious, our life will be free and happie; but bitter, if we be beaten, when our only hope must be in our enemies mercy. And in the battel the enemy hath much the disadvantage in numbers, and hath no great mind to charge us, wish∣ing, it seems, their part in our liberty.

Thus spake Stotzas, and the Armies came to the encounter. But a strong wind blew in the mutiners faces, who fearing the disadvantage of fighing, where the wind would carry the enemies arrows violently on them, and abate the force of theirs; they wheeled about, thinking the enemy, not to have their backs o∣pen, would turn about too; and so have the wind in their faces. But Belisarius seeing them open their ranks, and straggle disorderly, bad begin the fight, which Stotzas men not looking for, fell into confusion, and ran away into Nu∣midia, where they rallied again. Belisarius followed no execution, thinking it e∣nough with so small an Army to beat the enemy, and send him going.

To the soldiers lie gave the enemies camp to pillage, who found not a man in it, but much wealth, and many Vandal women, for whose sake this war was. Then, Belisarius marcht back to Carthage, where hearing that his Army in Sicily muti∣nied too, and would undoe all, if himself in person did not prevent; he took or∣der for Africk, and committing Carthage to Ildiger and Theodorus, he went in∣to Sicily.

The Commanders in Numidia, hearing of Stotzas being there, and gathering head, prepared to fight with him. Marcellus and Cyrillus commanded the Con∣federates, Barbatus the horse, and Terentius and Sarapis the foot; Marcellus commanded in chief, being Governor of Numidia. Who hearing of Stotzas being, with a few at Gazophyli, a Towne two dayes journey from Constantina; marcht with speed to prevent the coming of the other mutiners. The Armies being near, and the fight ready to begin, Stotzas came alone into the midst, and spake thus to the enemy.

Fellow soldiers! It is unjust in you to take arms a∣gainst

Page 44

your kinsmen and companions, who have undertaken this war with the Emperour, being grieved to see your miseries and wrongs. Do you not remem∣ber how long your pay hath been due, and still is detained from you? how the spoyls of the enemy, your prizes appointed by the law of arms, are taken from you? The fruits of your victory others must riot upon, while you follow as their servants If I offend you, use your anger against this body presently; for I hate to fly to others for refuge. If you have no exception to me, come and use your arms for your selves.

The soldiers embraced this motion of Stotzas, and affectionately saluted him; and their Commanders seeing it, retired into a Church in Gazophyli. Stotzas joyned the Armies against them, gave them his faith for their coming out, and then killed them all.

CHAP. XII.

THe Emperour hearing these things, sent Germanus his brothers son, a Patri∣cian, accompanied with Symmachus, as Praefect of the Camp, to manage the expence of the Army, and Domnicus, to be Commanders of the foot, upon the decease of John his predecessor. Germanus being landed at Carthage, mustered the forces, and by the Check Roll of the soldiers names, he found a third part of them to be in Carthage and other Cities, and the rest joyned with the Rebels. Wherefore he would begin no fight, but took care of the Army; and finding the soldiers in Carthage to be kinsmen and comrades of the enemies; he courted them: and said the Emperour had sent him expresly into Africk to vindicate the soldiers, and to chastise such as had wrong'd them. Which the mutiners hearing, came in by few at a time; whom Germanus received courteously, gave them his faith, and held them in good account, paying them their full dues for the time they had been in rebellion. The report whereof drew them in troops from the enemy. And then Germanus hoping to match the Rebels in numbers, prepared for a battel.

Stotzas also perceiving the mischief, and fearing more defection of his men, made haste to try his fortune. He had some hope too, if he could get near the soldiers in Carthage, to get them to run away to him. And with this hope he chiefly confirmed his Army, and speedily marcht to Carthage, and encamped near the sea, about four miles from the City.

Germanus armed and put in order his soldiers, and having heard what hopes Stotzas had, he spake thus.

Fellow soldiers! you have no just complaint against the Emperours usage of you: Who in Constantinople took you to him newly come out of the Country with a knap-sack, and one poor coat; and hath now made you so great, that the Roman State is committed to you. But how he hath been scorned by you, and suffered the greatest extremities, you cannot be ignorant. Whereof the remembrance indeed he would have you retain, but the prosecution he clearly remits, expecting this only satisfaction from you, to be ashamed of what you have done, and thereupon to learn a new lesson of fidelity, and to repair your former ingratitude. The timely repentance of er∣ring men obtains their pardon; and a seasonable service done, may take the name of ungratefull men from you. Nay if at this time you appear well af∣fected to the Emperour, know this, that no memory will remain of what is past, The actions of men have their names from the conclusion: and errors done, no ages can undoe; but being repaired by better deeds, they get a hand∣some silence, and commonly are forgotten. If now you neglect your duties a∣gainst these rogues; your many battels hereafter for the Romans, and victories of our enemies, will not by the Emperour be thought a recompence. The bravest apology is, to get honour in the very things men have erred in. Thus you are to think concerning the Emperour. And I, who never wrong'd you, but to my power have shewed my affection to you, entreat this only of you in this danger,

Page 45

That no man will march against the enemy contrary to his mind; but if he de∣sire to joyn with their Army, to pass over to them immediately; doing us this only favour, not to abuse us secretly, but in an open way: Which is the reason I move this here between the Armies, and not in Carthage; not to hinder any that will run away; but to leave it in every mans power, to shew his affection to the State.

Every man upon this speech, bustled to shew himself to his General, and to swear the good affection he had to the Emperour. And some days they were thus encamped against each other. At length the mutiners seeing none come to them, whom Stotzas told them of, being afraid, as failing in their hope, they disbanded, and went into Numidia, where were their wives and booty. Ger∣manus shortly after, with his Army well prepared, and with store of waggons for it, came thither also; and overtaking the enemy at a Town called Scalae Vete∣res, he prepared to fight, setting the waggons in front, and the foot by them (commanded by Domnicus) to secureing their backs. The best horsemen, and such as came from Constantinople, himself had at the left hand of the foot. The rest he set at the right wing in three Troops, commanded by Ildiger, and Theodorus the Cappadocian; and the biggest by John the brother of Pappus: the fourth by himself. The Mutiners stood opposite to them, not in much order, but scatter'd like Barbarians. Not far behind came many thousand Moors, led by Jabdas and Orthaeas, not all true to Stotzas; many having sent to Germanus, and pro∣mised in the fight to turn against the enemy. Germanus could not much trust them, being a people so false to all men. And they joyned not with the muti∣ners, but kept aloof behind, waiting the event, and with the conquerours to pur∣sue the vanquished. Stotzas approaching the enemy, and seeing the Generals Ensigne, call'd to his men, and marcht towards him. But the Herulian mutiners stopt him, saying, that the powers of Germanus they knew not; but they knew that the enemy in the right wing would not stand. So that charging them, and they running away, they are likely to put the enemies whole Army in disorder; whereas if Germanus beat them, all will be lost. Stotzas approving the advice, left the rest to fight with Germanus, and himself with his best men, gave on upon John, and his troops, who not abiding them, ran away in confusion. The muti∣ners took their Ensignes, and pursued them. Some turn'd upon the foot, who began to disband; When Germanus drawing his sword, and calling upon his troop to do the like, with much adoe he routed the enemy on his side; and gal∣lopt up to Stotzas, with the troops of Ildiger and Theodorus. And all was so mingled, that the mutiners chasing some of their enemies, fell among others, and were slain. The confusion grew great, and Germanus his troops coming on neer∣er behind them, they were afraid, and thought no more of fighting. Both sides using the same language, and arms, and differing not in shape, habit, nor any thing, could not be distinguished; till Germanus directed the Emperours Army to ask any they took, what he was; if he said he was a soldier of Germanus, to bid him give the watch-word, which if he could not, to kill him. Germanus had his horse killed in the fight, and himself being down and in danger, his life-guard rescued and remounted him. Stotzas in the tumult with some few escaped; and Germanus marcht against the enemies camp; where the mutiners who had the guard of the Trenches, opposed him; and there was a stiff fight, the mutiners being very near beating them back. But some sent by Germanus to attempt the camp in another place, got into the entrenchment with ease, which the mutiners seeing, ran away; and Germanus with the Army, entred the camp. The soldiers fell to pillage, neither thinking of the enemy, nor hearkning to their Generals directions; Who fearing the enemy might rally, and charge them, stood in the camp gate, crying and complaining for discipline to men that heard him not. The Moors followed the execution upon the mutiners, and pillaged the camp with the Army. Stotzas at first trusting to the Moors, rode up to them, to renew the fight. But finding what they were doing, he made a shift to escape with 100 men. Many made head with him, and tryed to fight again, but being repulsed, they all submitted to Germanus; only Stotzas, with a few Vandals, retired into Mauritania, and there marrying a daughter of one of their Princes, remained. And so ended this mutiny.

Page 46

CHAP. XIII.

BUt Maximinus, a Lancier of Theodorus the Cappadorian, had gotten many of those mutiners with a design to usurp, and drew stil more, revealing his intent, among others, to one Asclepiades, a Palestinian, a great favorite of Theodorus; who discovered the plot to Theodorus, and he to Germanus. Germanus would not stirr new business in a state unsetled, but thought to gain the man by fair usage, rather then to punish him. The life-guard of any great Roman officer use at their admit∣tance, to swear fidelity to him and the Emperour: He sent therefore for Maximi∣nus, and extolling his valour, took him for one of his own guard, and he, glad of the honour, and means hereby to facilitate his designe, took the Oath, but neglected the same, and persisted more then ever in his Treason. The City keep∣ing a publick festival, many of Maximinus mutiners came at dinner time to the Palace, as Germanus was feasting his friends, with Maximinus behind him. One whispered Germanus, that many soldiers stood tumultuously at the Court gate, complaining of their pay for a long time unsatisfied. Germanus commanded some of the trustiest of his life-guard to make sure of Maximinus, without let∣ting him perceive any thing. Those mutiners with threatnings and tumult, ran to the Circus; and such other conspirators as knew their intent, ran thither by one and one. If they had been all assembled, it had been hard to suppress them: But most of them being yet behind, Germanus sent instantly such as affected the Emperour and himself, and they came to a fight with the mutiners, who expected not such a thing from the soldiers; but missing Maximinus to conduct them, and wan∣ting the numbers they lookt for, gave it over, and disorderly ran away; many of them were killed, and many taken, and brought to Germanus. Such as came not to the Circus, shewed as if they had not been in the conspiracy; and Germanus would not make any search after them. He examined if Maximinus had, since his Oath, proceeded in his Treason; and being convicted to have been more for∣ward in it since his being of the life-guard, he caused him to be crucified under the walls of Carthage: And so absolutely dispersed the mutiny.

CHAP. XIV.

BUt the Emperour called home Germanus, with Domnicus, and Symmachus, and again made Solomon Governor of Africk, being now in the thirteenth year of his reigne; giving him another Army, and Commanders in it, Rufinus, and Leontius the son of Zannas, the son of Pharesmanes and John the son of Sisinio∣lus; Martinus and Valerianus being formerly sent for to Constantinople. Solomon being come to Carthage, and free from the mutiny, governed Africk moderately, and kept it safe, disciplining the Army, and sending the suspicious men to Constan∣tinople, and to Belisarius, supplying their rooms with new, and banishing the re∣mains of the Vandals, and all their women. He compassed the Cities with walls, and observing the Laws exactly, preserved the State; that Africk in his Govern∣ment was rich and happie.

Things being setled, he made war upon Jabdas, and the Moors of Aurasium: and sent out before with forces, Gontharis, one of his life-guard, a good soldier; who encamped by Bagais, a desert Town upon the River of Abigas; and there he was overthrown in a fight by the enemy, and retiring to his camp, was straitly besieged. Solomon afterward encamped with the whole Army, seven miles and a half from Gontharis entrenchment; and hearing how he had sped, he sent him part of his Army, and bad him be of good courage and fight again. The River Abigas comes from Aurasium, and being in the plain below, waters the land as the Inhabitants will, by drawing the stream to their uses. For it enters through

Page 47

several breaches under ground into the plain, where it rises again, gathering a stream: And the Inhabitants, by damming up the breaches, or opening them, make what use they please of the waters. The Moors then opened the breaches, and let in all the River about the Romans camp, which made a marish not to be past for deepness. The Romans were distracted at it; but Solomon bearing there∣of, marcht thither; whom the Barbarians fearing, retired, and in Baboss, at the foot of the mountain encamped. Solomon came thither too, and in fight beat them, and made them run away. The Moors thought it disadvantageous to have fights upon equal terms, thus being not able to stand them; but trusting to the fastnesses of Aurasium, and hoping that the Romans would be weary of the toil, as formerly, and be gone, many of them went away into Mauritani and to the Barbarians to the southward of mount Aurasium. But Jabdas with 20000 Moors, went to Zerbule, a Castle built by him in Aurasium, and there lay still. Solomon, not to spend time in besieging; and hearing how the Country of Ta∣mugadas had store of ripe wheat, he conducted his Army thither, took the spoil, and burnt the rest, and then returned to Zerbule. In the mean time Jabdas lea∣ving a sufficient guard for the Castle was gone up to the top of Aurasium, fea∣ring to be blockt up in the Castle, and reduced to wants. And at Tumaz, a place rising with cliffs round about, and fenced with broken rocks, he rested. The Ro∣mans three days assaulted Zerbule, and the walls being low, shot many Moors, and chanced to kill all their Commanders. The third day at night, the Romans, hearing nothing of those Commanders death, consulted to rise; Solomon thinking it best to go against Jabdas and the main body of the Moors, who being subdued, Zorbule would quickly yield. But the Barbarians (their Leaders being slain) would hold no longer, but silently ran away, and abandoned the Castle, undi∣scovered by the enemy. The Romans at day break were trusting baggage; but wondred to see no enemy upon the wall. And doubting what it should mean, and compassing the Castle, they find the gate open, where the Moors ran way. They entred and took the booty, but would not pursue the enemy, being men ap∣parelled lightly and skilfull in all the passages. Having sackt the Castle, and left a Garison in it, they went on, all afoot. And at Tumaz, where the enemy was, they encamped in a fastness, having water and other necessaries very scarcely. A long time was spent, and the Moors sallied not, so that being more besieged then the enemy, they fretted, chiefly for the want of water, which Solomon put a guard upon, giving out but a cup full to a man every day. But seeing them im∣patient, and unable to endure longer this hard diet, he resolved to stay no longer, but to draw the men to fight near this Castle, and thus exhorted his men.

CHAP. XV.

HAving by Gods favour beaten the Moors out of Zerbule, a thing seeming difficult, and uncredible to such as have not seen our former actions; we must not now neglect the gift of God, but with our accustomed valour, boldly undergoe this hazard, and from our former good fortune presage a future vi∣ctory. And the advantages of all actions standing in the due use of occasions; if any man now slothfully neglect the offer of fortune, let him not accuse her, but himself, being abandoned through his own default. You see the Moors weakness, and this Castle wherein they shelter themselves, destitute of provisi∣ons. And you must with a patient siege expect the enemies surrender, or by neglecting that, neglect with danger, a victory ready for us. How much bet∣ter, and less dangerous is it to try your fortune against men, not likely to fight with you, being wasted with famine? Confider these things seriously and obey directions.

Solomon spake thus, and then studying how, and where to assault (all being round about a rock) fortune shewed him his way. One Geson, a Lieutenant of

Page 48

foot, (whom the Romans call Optio,) either in sport, or earnest, or by divine impulsion mounted alone, and presently other souldiers admiring his courage followed him. Three Moors ran to oppose him, and the place being narrow, came single. The first by chance falling, the Roman used his advantage, and killed him. The souldier who followed him seeing it, ran up with a shout; and the whole Army neither expecting leader, nor sound of trumpet, nor observing order, but crying and encouraging one another, gave on: where Rufinus, and Leontius, the son of Zanas, did so bravely upon the enemy, that terrified at it, and seeing their guards cut in pieces, they all ran away, and the most overtaken in narrow passages were slain.

Jabdas, though woudned by a dart in his thigh, escaped and fled into Mauri∣tania. The Romans pillaged the enemies camp, and Solomon caused them to stay in Aurasium, and repair the Castle, and left a garrison to hinder the Moors re∣course thither in their rebellions. In Aurasium is an ancient Tower, standing up∣on a rock called Geminians Rock, safe, and difficult of accesse. Here Jabdas had lately put his wealth, with his women; and never thinking that an enemy could get thither, or force the Tower, he left one old Moore onely to take charge of his treasure. But the Romans through all the difficulties got thither, and one of the souldiers as in sport, began to climb up to the Tower; whom the old man and the women laught at for a mad man. But he scrambled up with his hands and feet, and being got up drew his sword, and cut off the old mans head. The rest of the souldiers boldly and with alacrity helpt one another up, took the women and a great treasure, with which Solomon re-edified the walls of many cities in Africk. The Moors being beaten out of Numidia, fled into Zebe, a Country of Mauritania beyond mount Aurasium: whose metropolis is Sitiphis, tributary to the Empire. Caesarea is head of the other Mauritania, tributary likewise, except the City it self, exempted by Belisarius for a landing place for Romans; there being no good passage to it by land. So in Zebe the Moors sate down, whereby the Affricans continued in obedience, and a setled peace, without thought of hostility, and were very happy under Solomon, a prudent and moderate Governour.

CHAP. XVI.

IN the fourth year after, all this prosperity changed into miseries. It was Justinians fourteenth year of his reign, when Cyrus and Sergius the sons of Baccus, Solomons brother, were sent to govern in Africk; the elder Pentapolis, and the younger Tripolis. To these the Leucathian Moors came with an Army as farre as Leptis Magna, giving out it was to give them presents, and to esta∣blish a peace. Sergius by the perswasions of Pudentius the Tripolitan (who made the first war against the Vandals for the Emperour) received into the City 70. Moors, whom be invited courteously to a feast, promising to grant their de∣mands, and the rest he willed to stay in the suburbs. They say they came with a treacherous intent to kill Sergius; and that one of them in speech with him ex∣postulated the Romans unjust spoiling their corns and Towns, and other wrongs; which Sergius slighting, and rising from his seat, and going away; one of them caught him by the mantle, and would have staid him, Hereupon the rest rose, and tumultuously stood about Sergius: and one of his Lifeguard drew his sword, and killed the Moore that held him by the mantle: whereupon all being in an up∣roar, the Lifeguard of Sergius kill'd all the Moores, save one; who seeing his fellowes slain, stole out of the roome, and got to his countrymen, telling them what happened: who ran to their camp, and with the rest came in Armes against the Romans. Neer Leptis Magna Sergius and Pudentius, with their whole forces, met them. The fight came presently to handy blowes, and the Romans were victorious and flew many, sack't their camp, and got a great booty, and abun∣dance of women and children. Afterward Pudentius was slain by his own rash ad∣venturing, and Sergius retired with the Army into Leptis Magna, it being grown dark. Shortly after the Lucathians came with a greater preparation against the Romans; Sergius went to Solomon his Uncle, to desire that he would come back

Page 49

against these with a great Army; where he found Cyrus his brother. The Moors the while over ran Bizacium, and sack't most of the towns. Antalas also formerly ever faithfull to the Romans and therefore having the Government of the Moors in Bizacium, was now turned enemy to Solomon, who had taken from him those allowances the Emperour had assigned him, and killed his brother, for making a commotion in Beracium. So he willingly joyned in a league with these Barbari∣ans, and led them to Carthage against Solomon: who advertized thereof, marcht towards them; and finding them at Tebeste, a City six dayes journey from Carthage, he encamped his Army, together with Cyrus, and Sergius, and Solomon the yonger, all sons of Bacchus. He sent to the chiefes of the Leucathians (being afraid of their multitude) complaining of their taking arms, and invading, be∣ing yet in league with the Romans; demanding a ratification of the peace; and promising to take the strongest oathes, to abolish the memory of what they had done. They laugh at these overtures, and said;

That doubtlesse they would swear the Christians oath, which they call, the Gospels: which Sergius having sworn, and then killed those who trusted him; they meant now to try by a bat∣tel, what power those oracles have against men that forswear them; that so be∣ing confident in them, they may come to a treaty.

Solomon, hearing this, prepared to fight; and the next day, meeting some enemies driving a great prey, he defeated them, and took it from them. The souldiers murmured because he kept it to himself, not giving them the spoiles of War: But he bad them stay till the War was ended, and then every man should have his share according to his desert. The Barbarians again urged to give battel. But of the Romans, some were absent, others went on with no heart: yet at first the fight was equall; afterward, the Moors surmounting much in numbers, the Romans ran away. Solomon with his company endured their shot a while, then being over prest, fled; and at a torrent his horse stumbling he fell. His Lifeguard set him up again, but being in pain not able to hold his bridle, the Barbarians overtook and killed him, and many of his guard, Solomon being dead thus the Emperour gave the Government of Africk to Sergius, who proved the de∣struction of the Province. All were discontented; the commander at his youth, indiscretion, and insolence, and the impertinent affronts he did them, wherein he imployed his power, wealth, and the authority of his place; The souldiers, because he was a coward; And the provincials, for all this, and moreover for his unsatiable love of their wives and Estates.

Above all, John, the son of Sisinniolus, being an able souldier, and of great reputation, was offended with his greatness, and extream ingratitude to himself. So that neither he nor a man among them would draw their swords against the enemy. Almost all the Moors followed Antalas, who had sent for Stotzas out of Mauritania. And Antalas then wrote this letter to the Emperour.

That I am the servant of your Empire I deny not; But the Moors have been forced to take arms upon the base injuries done by Solomon, not to rise up in arms against you, but to resist an enemy; especially I from whom he was not contented onely to take away my allowances, designed by Belisarius, and by you given me, but he hath killed my brother guiltlesse; we have now righted our selves up∣on him that wrong'd us; and if you will have the Moors obsequious servants of your Empire, as formerly, command Sergius the Nephew of Solomon to leave Africk, and send some other Generall: you cannot want men far worthier then Sergius. So long as he commands your Army, there can be no peace between the Romans and Moors.
The Emperour notwithstanding this letter, and though he knew the Generall hatred of Sergius; yet in respect of Solomons worth, and manner of death, he would not remove him.

CHAP. XVII.

THe brother of Sergius, yong Solomon, was thought to have perisht with his Uncle, and was not lookt after, so much as by his brother. But he was taken prisoner by the Moors; and being askt who he was; he said he was a

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Vandal, and slave to Solomon, and that he had a friend at Laribum, a Town there∣about, named Pegasus, a Physitian, who would pay his ransome. The Moors un∣der the Town-walls called for Pegasus, and shewing him Solomon, askt if he would redeem him; and for 50 gold staters they delivered him to him. Being within, he slouted the Moors for being cosened by a boy; and told them how he was the brothers son of Solomon. The Moors angry for having so easily let goe such a pawn, besieged Laribum to take Solomon. The besieged were afraid, wanting provisions, and offered the Moors money to raise their siege: which they accept∣ed, finding they should not force the Town, being not used to assaults; and not knowing the wants within: So the Leucathians went home; But Antalas made head again in Byzacium; having besides his Moors, Stotzas with some few Ro∣mans, and Vandals. John the son of Sisinniolus, at the Africans opportunity, raised Forces and went against them; and he appointed Himerius the Thracian, Commander of the forces in Byzacium, to draw out his troops, and to joyn with him at Menephesis in Byzacium. But heating the enemy to be there encamped, he wrote of it to Himerius, and to joyn with him in another place, that they might with joynt forces encounter the enemy. The bearers of the Letters going another way, met not Himerius; who with his troops fell into the enemies hands; only Severianus a young man, the son of Asiaticus a Phaenician, with his troop of horse, being 50. fought with the enemy, and held out, till pressed with multitude, they ran to a Castle upon a hill, which was of no strength, and there yielded upon composition to the enemy, who killed him not, nor any of the soldiers, but they took Himerius prisoner, and bestowed all the soldiers on Stotzas, upon their promise to serve against the Romans. Hi∣merius they threatned to kill if he performed not his promise: which was to de∣liver to them the City of Adramettus; and upon the protestation of his true meaning, they went thither with him, being not far off. Him they sent before with some soldiers of Stotzas, dragging after them Moors bound: Themselves followed. They directed Himerius to tell the guards that John was victorious, and would forthwith come with a multitude of Moors his prisoners; and that the gates being open, he should get in with his company. They did thus, and the Adramettians were deceived, and let them in, not mistrusting one who com∣manded the whole forces in Byzacium. They that entred with him, staid the guards from shutting the gates, and received all the Moors into the City; which they sackt, and leaving a small Garison, departed. Some prisoners afterward e∣scaped to Carthage, among whom was Himerius, and Severianus; it being no hard matter to run from Moors Many staid willingly with Stotzas.

Shortly after one Paul, a Priest, (such as oversee the sick) told some principal men of Adramettus, that he would go to Carthage, and hoped to return with an Army shortly, which he bad them be ready to receive in. They let him down the wall by cords; and e finding at sea-side a fishing Busse, perswaded the ow∣ners with mony, and sailed to Carthage. Where he acquainted Sergius with the matter, and desired some forces to recover Adramettus, Sergius liked it not, ha∣ving not many soldiers in Carthage; He desired him to give him some few; and getting but 80. he put them aboard a number of ships and boats, with many Ma∣nners and Africans, wearing soldiers coats; and with this fleet sailed to Adra∣mettus; and being near it, sent word secretly to some chief Citizens, that Germa∣nus, the Emperours Nephew, was newly come to Carthage, and had sent a good Army to the Adramettians, in the confidence of which, he bad them open one of their gates. They did so, and Paul with his company got in, killed the ene∣my, and recovered thus Adramettus. The report of Germanus spread as far as Carthage: and the Moors, and Stotzas followers at first ran to the utmost march∣es of Africk; but hearing the truth, it vexed them to be used thus by the Adra∣mettians, whom they had spared; so that every where they committed cruelties upon the Africans, sparing no age; the Country became waste, the Provinci∣als that were left flying, some to the Citi••••, some into Sicily, and other Islands, and the chief of them to Constantinople; among whom was Paul who recovered Adramettus. The Moors in the mean time (none opposing) ransackt all without controll, and with them was Stotzas, grown powerfull; and many Roman soldi∣ers

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followed him, some voluntaries, some taken prisoners at first, but now staying willingly; John also, whom the Moors did somewhat respect, being in disgrace with Sergius, lay still.

CHAP. XVIII.

IN the mean time the Emperour sent into Africk with some soldiers another General, Areobindus, a Senator, and a gallant man, but no soldier. With him for Prefect of the Camp, he sent Athanasius, lately come out of Italy, and some Armenians commanded by Artabanes and John, the sons of John, of the race of the Arsacides: These, with the Armenians with them, lately revolted from the Persians to the Romans. With Areobindus was his sister, and his wife Projecta, daughter to Vigilantia, the Emperours sister. Justinian did not call home Sergius, but divided the Generalship, the Province, and the Cohorts be∣tween Areobindus and him. And him he directed to make the war in Numidia, and Areobindus in Byzacium; who arriving at Carthage, Sergius with his Army went into Numidia. And Areobindus hearing that Antalas, and Stotzas were encamped at Sicavenerea, three days journey from Carthage, sent John the son of Sisinniolus against them, with the choice of his Army, and wrote to Sergius to joyn with John, and in one body to encounter the enemy. Sergius slighted the direction, and the business; so that John with a small power was forced to com∣bat with innumerable enemies. Between him and Stotzas was an everlasting ha∣tred; Their wish had been to kill one another, and so die. This batel being ready to joyn, they both rode out against each other. John shot Stotzas in the groine on the right side, who having his deaths wound, fell upon the place, but died not instantly; His own men and the Moors set him against a tree ready to expire, and then they furiously charged the Romans, and exceeding them so much in numbers, easily routed them. They say, John then said, that he should die a pleasant death, seeing his wish upon Stotzas accomplised: and then his horse stumbling down a hill, threw him: and the enemy killed him striving to get up again. A man great in reputation and valor Stotzas being told of it, said this only word and died, that now he died with delight. John the Armenian was also slain, having done very bravely. The Emperour advertised of the death of John, and troubled for the great worth of the man, finding it also inconvenient to have two Generals, recalled Sergius, and sent him with forces into Italy, and committed Africk whol∣ly to Areobindus. Two months after Sergius departure, Gontharis attempted to usurp, being Commander of the Cohorts in Numidia, and there residing. He dealt secretly with the Moors that they should invade Carthage; and they sudden∣ly with an Army levied out of Numidia and Byzacium, marcht thitherward; the Numidians led by Cutzinas and Jabdas, and the Byzacians by Antalas: With them was John, who was made General in the room of Stotzas, by the Roman mutiners. Areobindus informed hereof, sent for Gontharis and other Captains to Carthage: Artabanes also came to him with his Armenians. Gontharis being commanded by Areobindus to march in the van, and promising much forward∣ness, sent to the enemies camp a Moor, his cook, to pretend himself a runaway, but to Antalas privatly to say, that Gontharis would share with him in the domi∣nion of Africk. The cook performed accordingly; and Antalas, though glad at the motion, yet answered him, That men do not execute great matters by cooks. Gontharis hearing this, sent to him Ʋlitheus, one of his guard, whom he most trusted, to entreat him to come as near Carthage as he could, and promi∣sing to kill Areobindus. And Ʋlitheus (without the knowledge of the rest of the Moors) agrees that Antalas shall have the dominion of Byzacium, and half Areobindus wealth, and 1500 Roman soldiers; and that Gontharis shall retain the title of Emperour, Carthage, and the rest of Africk. Having negotiated this, Gontharis returned to the camp; the Romans being quartered before the walls, to guard the several gates of Carthage. The Barbarians made haste thither, encamped at Decimum, and the next day marcht forward. Some Romans fought

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with them unlookt for, and killed many; whom Gontharis called in, rating them for putting the State into evident danger by unadvised adventuring. In the mean time Areobindus practised also on that side with Cutzinas, who promised him in the battel to turn against Antalas, and the Moors of Byzacium; thus the Moors observe no faith to others, nor among themselves. Ariobindus revealed the plot to Gontharis, who desirous to dash it, advised him not to trust Cutzinas without his sons for hostages. But Areobindus and Cutzinas proceeded closely in their de∣signe; and Gontharis secretly sending Ʋlitheus, acquainted Antalas with the de∣signe; who neither charged Cutzinas, nor made shew to have heard of his Trea∣son, nor yet revealed the plot between him and Gontharis. They both hated one another, yet with these bad intents fought in company together, each against his own friend.

CHAP. XIX.

BUt Gontharis his intent was to kill Areobindus secretly in the battel, that he might not seem to intrude into the Empire; but rather that the soldiers, think∣ing the treason to be acted by others, might constrain him to usurp the dominion of Africk. To circumvent Areobindus, he counsels him to lead the whole Army the next day by sun-rising against the enemy, who was now come near to Car∣thage. But Areobindus being backward and raw in such businesses, delayed, and spent most of the day in fitting his arms about him, and other things for the fight; which he thus put off till the next day. Gontharis suspected him purposely to dally, as senting the plot; and resolved openly to murder him, and so to make himself King of Africk. His plot was, to set open the gate whereof he had the guard, and to hinder the shutting of it again by great stones put between; and then to place armed men upon the battlements; himself standing in the gate with his corselet on: This he invented, not for the Moors reception into the City (who being false themselves, suspect all men else; and good reason, that a faithless man should trust none, weighing others disposition by his own.) So that he did not hope that the Moors would trust him, and come within the walls; but that Areo∣bindus being frighted, might run away to Constantinople: and he lighted upon a right conceit, if a sudden storm had not slaid Areobindus; who being informed of the plot, sent for Athanasius, and other principal men. Artabanes, with two others, came to him, and advised him not to shrink at this presumption of Gontha∣ris, but instantly to sally, and fall to work before further mischief: But Areobin∣das first sent Phredas, one of his favorites, to Gontharis, to feel his resolution. Who brought him back word, that Gontharis avowed the usurpation. Then he resolved to go out and fight with him. Gontharis in the mean time accused Areo∣bindus to the soldiers for a coward,

and that to detain their pay from them, his intent as to sail away out at the Port of Mandracium with Athanasius, and to leave the soldiers to perish by famine and the Moors. He therefore demand∣ed, if it were their pleasure to seize upon them both.
His hope herein was, that either Areobindus would run away at the tumult, or be taken and killed by the soldiers; and himself undertook to satisfie their arrears. They embraced the counsel: And Areobindus, with Artabanes, and their troops coming up to them, there was a fight at the battlemets, and the gate where Gontharis stood. The soldiers well affected to the Emperour, making head from several quarters, (the most part continuing ound, and not corrupted by Gontharis) had absolutely routed the mutiners▪ but Areobindus astonisht to see men killed (a sight he was not used to) cowardly ran away. Within the walls of Carthage, by the sea-side, is a Church of Monks, men who precisely exercise duties to God. This Church Solomon lately had repaired, walled, and made a strong Castle of it: And hither Areobindus fled, and sent for his wife and sister. Artabanes retired also, and the rest; and Gontharis having an absolute victory, seized upon the Palace with his soldiers, and put guards upon the City gates, and the Haven. He sent first for

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Athanasius; who soothed him, and seemed to like the action wonderous well: Then he sent the Bishop of the City, to will Areobindus to come to the Palace upon assurances of safety; threatning, if he refused, to pull him out, and kill him. The Bishop, named Reparatus, went, and by Gontharis his direction of∣fered to swear that he should have no hurt, and told him what he threatned upon his refusall. Areobindus was afraid, and promised, if the Bishop at the celebra∣tion of the holy Baptisme would in Gontharis his name by oath assure his security, that he would go with him. This the Bishop did, and Areobindus without more scruple went with him, having on a garment called in Latine Casula) not sit for a Generall, nor a common soldier, but for a slave rather. At the Palace he took the Bible from the Bishop; and being brought to Gontharis, he fell upon his face, and lay so a long time, holding out his supplication, and the Bible, and his little son, newly made partaker of the holy Baptisme, at which the Bishop had sworn his safety. Gontharis raised him with much adoe; he conjuring him by all that is holy, to tell him if his life were safe. Gontharis bad him be of courage; for the next day he should go from Carthage safe, with his wife and goods. Then he dismissed the Bishop, and invited Areobindus and Athanasius to sup with him in the Palace. At supper he honoured Areobindus, placing him on his right hand upon the couch. After supper he would not let him go, forcing him to lie in a Chamber alone whither he sent Ʋlitheus and some others, who after his much crying and wailing, and words to move pitty, killed him. Athanasius they spared, despising his age. The next day Gontharis sent Areobindus his head to Antalas, but kept his goods. and the 1500 soldiers. At which Antalas chased; and it troubled him to see how Gontharis had forswore himself to Areobindus his friend, so that he could not think he should ever keep faith to himself, or any. After much debate, he resolved to submit to the Emperour, and so marcht away. He then sent to Marcentius, Commander of the Horse in Byzacium (who was fled into an Island) acquainted him with the business, and upon assurances got him to come to him. So Marcentius was with Antalas; and the soldiers of Byzacium, true to the Emperour, guarded Adramettus. The mutiners of Stotzas about 1000 men, were led by John to Gontharis, who gladly received them. Of them were 500 Romans, and 80. Hunnes; the rest were Vandals.

Artabanes, upon assurances came to the Palace with his Armenians, professing his service to the usurper. But closely he plotted his death, consulting with Gre∣gorius, his Nephew, and Artasiris, one of his guard. Gregorius, to egge him on, told him,

That he had now the means to gain the glory of Belisarius, nay to exceed it. He, with a gallant Army, a huge treasure, with many Com∣manders and Counsellors; with a Fleet of ships (the like whereof this age had not heard of) with store of horse and arms, and with a preparation fitting the Roman Empire, had recovered Africk, All which was now so cast away, as if none of it had ever been; and that the Romans from Belisarius his victory were fallen to be abused in their persons, and robbed of their goods. But that it was onely in his spirit, wit, and sword now, to recover all this to the Em∣perour. He bad him consider, how he was of the race of the Arsacides, and think how men nobly born must be every where valiant. Being a youth, he slew Acacius, Governour of Armenia, and Sittas the Generall; and thereby was made known to King Chosroes, and made war for him against the Romans: that being such a person, he ought not now to abandon the Roman Empire thus to a drunken dog, but to make it appear, that his former actions proceeded from true nobleness and valour: that himself, and Artasiris would serve his commands therein.
Thus Gregorius incensed Artabanes against the Tyrant.

CHAP. XX.

WHo in the mean time removed the wife and sister of Areobindus from the Castle, to a house where they had competent provisions, and had no dis∣honour

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honour nor constraint used to them, save onely that Projecta was made to write to the Emperour her Uncle; That Gontharis used her with all due respect, and was clear of her husbands murther, committed by Ʋlitheus without his allow∣ance, Gontharis did this upon the advise of Pasiphilus, a chief mutiner in Byzacium, and his principall assistant in this usurpation; who alleadged, that by thus doing, the Emperour might give him the Lady to wife, which would bring him much wealth. Gontharis also commanded Artabanes to lead the Army against Antalas, and the Moors of Byzacium: Cutzinas was fallen from Antalas, and joyned with Gontharis, and had given him his mother and children for hostages. Artabanes marcht directly against Antalas, with John Captain of Stotzas mutiners: and Ʋlitheus with the Moors under Cutzinas. They past by Adramettus, where∣about they found the enemy, and encamped a little distant. The next day John and Ʋlitheus staid with part of the Army; and Artabanes and Cutzinas with the rest drew out against the enemy. But Antalas and his Moors stood them not, but ran away; And Artabanes with a willing cowardize turned about his ensign suddainly, and rode back: whom Ʋlitheus would have killed at his coming; but he excused it upon his fear, lest Marcentius with aids from Adramettus might distresse them, and that it were it that Gontharis should oppose the enemy with his whole Army. Artabanes hereupon thought first to joyn with the Em∣perours Army at Adramettus: but upon better advise he resolved to kill Gontharis, and so rid the Emperour and Africk from trouble. Returning therefore to Car∣thage, he told the Tyrant the necessity of a greater Army; who after consulting with Pasiphilus, armed the whole forces, and purposed to lead them himself, leaving a garrison in Carthage. And every day he killed some upon causelesse jealousies. He instructed Pasiphilus (to whom he left the guard of Carthage) to murder all the Greeks; and having set all in order, he thought good to feast his friends, being the next day to depart. His feast was in a room where three couches stood ever ready: upon the uppermost himself sate, with Athanasius, and Artabanes, and some of Gontharis favourites, and Peter a Thracian, formerly of the guard to Solomon. At both the other couches were the best men of the Van∣dals: John, the captain of Stotzas mutiners, was feasted by Pasiphilus, and the rest severally by Gontharis friends: Artabanes when he was invited, resolved it for a sit opportunity to kill the Tyrant, and to execute his designe. He acquainted Gregorius and Artasiris therewith, and three other of his guard; these he directed to get in with their swords (the fashion being, while the Commanders feast, for their guard to stand behind them) and when they see their time, to fall to work suddainly, and Artasiris to begin. Gregorius he instructed to bring many of their valiantest Armenians to the Palace onely with swords (it not being lawfull to at∣tend their Commanders in a City with other weapons,) and leaving them in the utter Court, to go in with the guard. And they to pretend themselves jealous, lest Gontharis had invited Artabanes for no good, and to desire to stand among Gontharis guards to guard their Captain. And then in sport, to eatch the others shields, and to tosse them, and play with them, and when they heard the cry within, to put on the shields and run in. This direction of Artabanes Gregorius put in execution, and Artasiris had this devise also. He cut arrowes in two, and the pieces he thrust in round about his left arm to his elbow: tying them with whip-cord, and covering all with the sleeve of his coat; that he might take any blow made at him upon his arme, and so cause it to glaunce down the wood of the arrowes from off the body. To Artabanes also he spake thus

I will undertake this without the least fear, and I hope with this sword to pierce Gontharis. The successe I know not, whither God offended with the Tyrant will assist me, or, to punish my sins, crosse me. If you see him not mortally wounded, kill me with this sword instantly; lest by torture I should discover you, and so basely perish my self, and be forced to ruine you too.
Having thus said, he went with Gregorius and one of the guard, and stood behind Artabanes. The rest staid with the guards without, and did as they were directed. Artasiris at the beginning of the feast would have done it, and had his hand upon his cimiter. But Gregorius stopt him, saying in the Armenian tongue; that Gontharis was yet himself, not having drunk much wine. 'O the brave spirit in me you suppresse now!

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quoth Artasiris. The drink proceeding, and Gontharis being well drencht, and grown bountifull, gave of his meats to the guard, which they went out to eat, leaving Ʋlitheus, and two other of the guard by Gontharis. Artasiris went out for company; and having a conceit that something might hinder the draw∣ing his Cimiter, being without, he slipt off his scabbard; and with his sword na∣ked under his mantle, he stept suddenly to Gontharis, as to say something in pri∣vate. Artabanes seeing him, his heart boyled, and falling into a deep musing, he shaked his head, and changed his colour, seeming wrapt with the greatness of the action. Peter markt it, and perceived the business: but loving the Emperour, he liked it well, and so made no discovery.

Artasiris being come near to Gontharis, one of the waiters thrust him off, and perceiving his naked sword, cryed out, what's this my friends? Gontharis cros∣sing his hand over his own right shoulder, turned about to look at him. In the doing whereof Artasiris struck him with his sword, and cut off part of his head, and his fingers. Peter cryed out to Artasiris to kill the wickedest of all men. Artabanes seeing the Tyrant down, and sitting next him, with a broad knife he had hanging at his side, thrust him into the left side up to the haft, and there left it: Gontharis strove to rise; but fell, the wound being mortal. Ʋlitheus made a blow to have cleft Artasiris head: but he held up his left arm, and had the bene∣fit of his own wit at his most need: For the sword losing the vigour upon those arrows about his arm, he had no hurt, but he killed Ʋlitheus Peter and Artaba∣nes took up the swords of Gontharis and Ʋlitheus, and killed the other two of the guard. The Armenians who stood without with the guards, hearing the crie and tumult, snatcht up the shields according to their plot, and ran to the other couches, where they slew the Vandals, and Gontharis favorites. Artabanes char∣ged Athanasius openly, to look to the treasures of the Palace, all being there Which Areobindus left. The guards without hearing of the Tyrants death, joyn∣ed presently with the Armenians, having been most of Areobindus retinue. And with one voice, they all cryed, Emperour Justinian victorious! which growing very loud from such a multitude, reacht to most parts of the City. Such as were well affected to the Emperour, brake into the mutiners lodgings, and killed them, being asleep or eating, or amazed with the terror of it; and among them, Pasiphilus. John the mutiner, and some Vandals, fled to the Church; whom Ar∣tabanes took out upon assurances, and sent them to Constantinople; and having recovered the City for the Emperour, he made it safe. This killing of the Ty∣rant, was the 35 day of his usurpation. in the 19 year of Justinians reign. And for this service Artabanes got a great renown: Projecta, Areobindus widow, gave him a great present; and the Emperour made him General of Africk. Not long after, at the entreaty of Artabanes, he sent for him home, and made John, the brother of Pappus, General. Who immediately fought with Antalas, and the Moors of Byzacium, and defeated them, killing many, and recovering all the Ensignes taken at the killing of Solomon, which he sent to the Emperour. All o∣ther Moors he drave as far as he could from the Roman dominion. But afterward the Leucathians coming from Tripolis into Byzacium, with a great Army, and joyning with Antalas; John met them, and was beaten, with the loss of many, and fled to Laribum. The enemy then over-ran Africk, and did much mischief, even to the gates of Carthage. John quickly rallied the soldiers remaining, and drew Cutzinas, and other Moors to his aid; and in a battel with the enemy, over∣threw them beyond expectation, and killed numbers of them in the execution, as they fled in confusion. The rest escaped to the uttermost marches of Africk. And so at length the Africans who were left, being few, and very poor, with much adoe obtained some quietness.

Notes

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