The common interest of king and people shewing the original, antiquity and excellency of monarchy, compared with aristocracy and democracy, and particularly of our English monarchy, and that absolute, papal and Presbyterian popular supremacy are utterly inconsistent with prerogative, property and liberty / by John Nalson.

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Title
The common interest of king and people shewing the original, antiquity and excellency of monarchy, compared with aristocracy and democracy, and particularly of our English monarchy, and that absolute, papal and Presbyterian popular supremacy are utterly inconsistent with prerogative, property and liberty / by John Nalson.
Author
Nalson, John, 1638?-1686.
Publication
London :: Printed for Jonathan Edwin ...,
1677.
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Subject terms
Monarchy.
Monarchy -- Great Britain.
Great Britain -- Constitutional history.
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"The common interest of king and people shewing the original, antiquity and excellency of monarchy, compared with aristocracy and democracy, and particularly of our English monarchy, and that absolute, papal and Presbyterian popular supremacy are utterly inconsistent with prerogative, property and liberty / by John Nalson." In the digital collection Early English Books Online 2. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A53100.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 8, 2024.

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CHAP. II. Of the danger of Anarchy, the necessity of Government and Laws to prevent it. All People not fit for one kind of Govern∣ment. Of the three forms of Goven∣ment, Democracy, Aristocracy, an Monarchy. Some Considerations an necessary Animadversions upon our la English Republick.

THE goodness of the Divine Na∣ture has not more visibly appear'd in any thing of humane affairs, than in bestowing this principle of Self-preser∣vation in so high a degree upon Man∣kind, as to make it universally, out o Love to themselves, oblige them to enter into Communities and Societies: An effect so Noble, that possibly that, and Religion may more truly be said to distinguish Men from Brutes, than Reason; which though we ambitiously endeavour to ingross to our selves, yet

Page 19

am I to learn, how they can without some injustice be excluded from a share and lower portion of it, some of their Actions being so remarkably Logical and Discursive, as will never be solved either by mere matter and motion, or the higher principles of bare sense and fancy. But for this principle of Self-preservation, though they enjoy a great measure of it in common with us, yet not so much as to teach them for their security, to enter into the mutual obli∣gations of Laws, Government and So∣ciety: And 'tis happy for us that this Wisdom was deni'd them; since there are few Creatures so inconsiderable, but if they had the Policy for their common safety to unite, they would in a little time grow so numerous and powerful, as to be able to enter into open hostility with Men; and in probability either wholly extirpate humane race, or at least as that Monopolizer of Wit and Fancy, the most ingenious Mr. Cowley expresseth it;

* 1.1 And if of lost mankind Ought happen to be left behind, If any Reliques but remain, They in the Dens should lurk, Beasts in the Palaces should Reign.

Page 20

whereas now, if they attempt any Re¦bellion or Disobedience, they are easily subdued, and kept under subjection by their own Disunion.

WITHOUT Laws or Govern¦ment men would be but a more cunnin kind of Brutes; and therefore we s•••• that where these prevail, there human Nature is most refined, civilized an polite; but where Laws are wanting i any measure, there in proportion me degenerate into the greatest Barbarism Infidelity, Ingratitude, Treachery, In¦humanity, and almost brutish Anarchy and Confusion: Nay, their very Reli¦gion, which is the highest exaltation o the nature of Man, and possibly the o¦ly thing that perfectly and incommun¦cably differences it, by setting men in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 degree so superior to Beasts, that they can never arrive at it; even Religion 〈◊〉〈◊〉 self, for want of Laws and Government, becomes sensual and Barbarous, if not Devilish.

THERE has therefore appear'd to all the World for self-preservation and mutual advantage, an absolute necessi∣ty of Society.* 1.2 Nor has it been less evi∣dent, that it is absolutely impossible there should be any such thing without

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Government, Superiority and Subjecti∣on: For Anarchy is indeed the state of Nature, but it is only of the Nature of Brutes; and most certainly it is the Mo∣ther of all Confusion; of which, inevi∣table Ruine is the undoubted Daugh∣ter. But as to the forms and manner of Government, the opinion of the World has been as various as the practice; and so it continues to this day:* 1.3 Several kinds and frames of Government suit best with the several circumstances and natures of differing People and Nati∣ons: So that though it be no great diffi∣culty to determine, which in its own nature is the best Government in the World; yet it would be too hard, if not arrogant, positively to affirm, that even that were universally the best for all sorts of people: Custom and long continuance, which can never admit of any alteration that is suddain and gene∣ral, without great inconveniences, is certainly one great Rule in all Forms of Government; according to that ap∣pearing Paradox, though good State-Divinity.

Malum benè positum, non est temrè removendum.

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Ill well establisht, to remove, A dangerous rashness oft does prove.

* 1.4However in order to my design, it is ne∣cessary that we should briefly consider the three kinds of Government, which have shar'd the Empire of the World amongst them.

* 1.5WE will begin then with the low∣est, and that which has had the least part, as well as the least reason to have a greater, in the manage of publick af∣fairs, as being but one step from Anar∣chy, and that is Democracy, where all govern, and yet all obey. In this all the People have, or pretend to have an equal Right to Power; and the Laws are the Plebiscita, the Votes of the Common people in general. This way of Government is only practicable in small Bodies and Societies of Men; it being impossible that populous Nati∣ons, and of great extent, should either congregate for the dispatch of every little affair of State, or ever be brought to any agreement about them in any to∣lerable compass of Time: and besides, they must be forced to neglect the pri∣vate concerns of their Country em∣ploys, which are as necessarily to be

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attended for the good of the Common∣weal, as the greatest consultations of State; the Populace being no less able to subsist without Corn, and the other effects of good husbandry, than they are without Counsel and Laws. And supposing they should thus meet in mul∣titudes, all things would be managed by a tumultuary Faction, rather than by Right and Reason, with which ne∣cessary Qualifications for Government, the Common sort of people are as sel∣dom well provided, as they are of un∣derstanding any thing that goes beyond the limits of their education in Tillage, Husbandry and Mechanick Manufa∣ctures. For these and many other Rea∣sons, if ever there was any such kind of Government, it is impossible it should be of any long continuance, which is the reason that it has been long since explo∣ded out of all great societies of Men; and where ever any of it does remain, it is either in some particular small Munici∣pal societies, as with us in Corporati∣ons in England; or else this right is committed to Delegates, chosen by the people to represent them and act for them; such as are the Members of the honourable House of Commons, or the

Page 24

Common-Council-men of the City o London; and several small Republicks beyond the Seas.

* 1.6THE second kind of Government is Aristocracy or Optimacy, where the Nobility or principal persons have the charge and management of the publick Affairs: This was that form of Govern∣ment which several of the States o Greece, as Athens, Sparta, Thebes, Co∣rinth, &c. did at some times affect. And this was the Government of the Roman Commonwealth, under the Se∣nate and Consuls,* 1.7 who were chosen out of the Patricii, or principal Nobility, as their name imports, for their age and experience, to consult about the weighty affairs of State; to make Laws accord∣ing as the present necessity required, and to alter or abrogate the useless or in∣convenient.

THE third sort of Government is Monarchy,* 1.8 where all the whole frame of Government lies upon one single per∣son; who has power to make, alter and abrogate Laws, and to exact obedience to them; and this kind of Government, as it is by far the most ancient, so it has been and is the most universal: Inso∣much that there is not any People, Na∣tion,

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Country, Language, who either are not, or have not been under this form of Regiment. And the Original both of Democracy and Aristocracy must be attributed to Usurpation; and will be found upon the search of all the Records of Time to have been founded upon Rebellion and a Regifugium: which certainly if there were nothing besides, were a sufficient Argument to keep all wise and sober men from being in love with such models of Government and Laws, as took their first rise and birth from the breach of Laws, and the apparent ruine of that establishment to which they were born subjects, if not sworn vassals.

* 1.9BUT in regard it is grown to be but too popular an Error amongst us, to entertain very kind thoughts of the Democratick way of Government, which in the time of the late horrid Rebellion, some Men managed by pri∣vate ambition and insatiable desire of Sovereignty, did endeavour (invita Minerva) to introduce and establish, contrary to the Genius and inclination of the English Nation; though they constantly abused the name of the people to countenance their unjust usur∣pations:

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and in regard the same restless and dangerous Faction is as busie as ever to promote the same Design, to the utter subversion of this most anci∣ent, flourishing and well-temper'd Mo∣narchy; we will consider this way, and see whether in its own Nature it is so good and excellent, as it is pretended to be by the Factors and Fautors of An∣timonarchical principles; who do so industriously labour to alienate the minds of the Subjects of great Britain from their ancient Loyalty and Allegi∣ance to their Sovereign.

THAT we may therefore take a true and impartial survey of this adored and so much magnified Model of a Re∣publick; and that we may do them (which they never did to any) Justice; we will take our Copy from their own Original, and the most exact and curious draughts and elaborate pourtraicts in several Declarations published, as they pretended, for the satisfaction of the people of these Nations: and more par∣ticularly of one presently after the Kings Murder, wherein they express the grounds of their proceedings, in setling (as they term it) the present Govern∣ment in the way of a Free State or Com∣monwealth.

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Where first they begin with the observation of Gods blessing upon Rebellion; shewing the excellen∣cy of this way of Government from the example of the Romans, who after their Regifugium, for many years prospered far more than under any of their Kings or Emperors; from the State of Venice, the Swisse Cantons, and our Neigh∣bours of the United Provinces.

IN the next place to make their Way appear the best, they tax the Go∣vernment by Monarchy with Injustice, Oppression, and a design of enslaving the people; telling them, that if the King and his Party had prevailed, the fate of England was to have been the same with a neighbouring Monarchy, where the Commons are glad of Can∣vass-cloathing and Wooden-shooes, and look more like Ghosts than Men: and for proof they instance in Forest-lands, as a great oppression, in protections against Arrests, Purveyance, exaction of Money, unnecessary Salaries, Pen∣sions, Gifts, and the luxury of the Court, as they are pleased to call the innocent diversion of Masques and Plays: concluding with the charitable application of a snap out of a Latin Poet;

Page 28

— exeat aula, Qui volet esse pius —

In the last place, like most worthy Pa∣triots, truly Zealous for the good and interest of their Country, they promise that these and multitudes of the like grievances will be prevented; the situ∣ation and advantages of this Land both for Trade abroad, and Manufactures at home will be better understood, when the dangers of Projects, Monopolies, and other obstructions thereof, are toge∣ther with the Court the Fountain of them removed, and a free Trade, with incouragement of Manufactures, and provision for the Poor be setled by the Commonwealth, which Monarchy had never yet the leisure effectually to do. Parturiunt Montes! Sure if ever the Proverb was verified it was now, the Devils shearing of his Sheep when he mistook Hogs for them, All Cry and no Wool.

AS to their first observation, of the blessing of God upon them in their un∣lawfully established Free State or Repub∣lick, they acted the Prophets too soon: and all the World is witness, according to their own measures, who are wont

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to judge the goodness of Actions by their prosperous successes, how much they were mistaken; and there can be no plainer testimony from their own To∣pick of observation, how grateful their Government was to God, by his bles∣sing it; and how agreeable it was to the Genius of the English Nation, appears by the long and happy duration of their State. For this young Republick, which seemed to affect and emulate the long-liv'd Roman Commonwealth, for all its excellencies and advantages, could not out-live one single Roman Lustrum, nor continue so many years as the other did hundreds, before the strong byass run it round into a single (though mi∣staken) person again. I wish all our stiff Republicans would seriously consi∣der this, and no longer, dirigere Bra∣chia contra torrentem, tire and toil them∣selves, and trouble our calm Waters, which would run most smoothly, if they did not endeavour to trouble them by perpetually swimming against the strong current of Nature, Law, Rea∣son, Providence and Religion.

AND for the Roman Common∣wealth, which they did so admire, and pretended to imitate; it is well known

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that was an Optimacy, and no Democra∣cy, as this was, which these men by being the peoples representatives did en∣deavour to establish: and therefore ne∣ver like to prosper long, or flourish like the Roman Republick; for there was always a distinction betwixt the Plebs or ordinary Rank of People, and the Pa∣tres Conscripti, Patricii or Senatorian Order: And upon this account the Ro∣man Senate never owning themselves the peoples Delegates or Representa∣tives, many great quarrels arose be∣twixt them; the Populace endeavour∣ing by Representatives to get a share in the Government, and the Senate as stoutly opposing all such Incroachments and Innovations: From hence arose many mutinies and popular Insurrecti∣ons, in one of which the whole Com∣monalty forsook the City, and in a pet run from their houses to the Aventine Mount:* 1.10 and the Senate was forced to Lure the Haggards down again, by gratifying them with the Tribuni Plebis, who were certain persons chosen by the people, to look particulary after their concerns in all the Debates of the Se∣nate. And at another time they con∣tended to have the Election of one of the

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Consuls; and the dispute was so hot, that the Senators durst not come to the House, but so great was the fury of the inraged Populace, that there was a five years Anarchy, the true result of Demo∣cracy:* 1.11 And at the last the Senate was obliged to condescend to their resolute Importunity, and grant them the choice of one of the Consuls; which plainly manifests that the Government of the Roman Commonwealth was ori∣ginally Aristocratick.

BESIDES, it is absolutely false which is said, That the State of Rome flourished more under that Government than under any of their Kings or Empe∣rors; for it is notoriously known and confessed, that Rome never came to its perfect greatness and splendor, till the Empire of Augustus Caesar.

AS to the State of Venice, which they mention, that likewise is an Opti∣macy mixed with a restrained and ele∣ctive Monarchy; for such is the Doge or Duke of Venice; and the same may be said of our Belgick neighbours, who next to the assistance of the English Mo∣narchy under Queen Elizabeth, are ob∣liged for their greatness and duration, to the Illustrious House of Nassau, An∣cestors

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to the present Prince of Orange, their Hereditary Stadtholder. The ad∣vantage and necessity of which Office in his present Highness, they have in this War with France been sufficiently made sensible of: and possibly, had not the private envy of a prevailing Party of the French Interest,* 1.12 during his Minority, neglected both Him and the Office, with a Design of utterly abolishing it for the future; they might have been in a condition, with the assistance of their Allies, to have put a stop to the victorious Arms of France; whereas by their Intestine disorders, and the great advantages which his most Christian Majesty made of their disagreement, they have unhappily drawn in the great∣est part of Christendom into a most fa∣tal and bloudy War.

AND for the States of Switzerland, it was an unlucky Precedent, and not much unlike the Reformation they pra∣ctised to the ruine of the Nobility and Gentry. But if we may credit Geo∣graphers and Travellers (for I never was there, nor desire to see it) the Country will scarcely invite an Enemy to invade, or pay the purchase of a Con∣quest; and therefore they may be safe

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with any Government, if they can be secure amongst themselves. And there∣fore they can never be a pattern for Eng∣land, a rich, populous, and fertile Na∣tion; who upon that account stand in need of the best Government, to secure us from Intestine quarrels, to which all populous places are most subject, as also to protect us from Foreign force, to which the goodness and riches of the Country, may give the most tempting invitation. So that our Republicans are out in the measures they took of comparing themselves and their new Commonwealth, with any of those mentioned by them in their Declarati∣on.

FOR the second part of their Charge, wherein they accuse Monarchy with a Design of enslaving the People; and being guilty of Oppression, Inju∣stice and Exactions; if those accusations had been real, (which are most gross abuses and calumnies,) yet still they could have been no more but the exor∣bitances of some particular persons, who might abuse their Power, but cannot justly be charged upon Monarchy it self: especially our English Monarchy, which is of so just a Temperamentum ad Pondus

Page 34

if any thing in Nature can be so, as tha it cannot oppress the meanest subject without his own or the consent of hi Peers, who will difficultly be brough to do that which may indanger their own priviledges, and might one da come to be a precedent for themselve to suffer by. The truth is, the resty an fore-plotted humour of some sullen Par¦liaments, which preceded the fat 1641, put his late Majesty upon som extraordinary courses of raising Mon to supply the pressing and importuna•••• necessities of the Crown and Govern¦ment, with which they refused to ass•••• him in the usual, legal, and common Parliamentary way; which yet wa not done, but with the greatest caution and tenderness, and frequent consulta∣tions with the Judges learned in the Laws, whether without breach 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Laws such expedients might be mad use of? and the money so raised, which they maliciously say was to maintain those luxuries of the Court, Masque and Plays, their Sabbath-days recrea¦tions, were in truth for the necessary support of the Government and Royal Dignity; and which yet fell so short o what the extraordinary occasions at that

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time were, by reason of the Scottish In∣vasion brought on by the Factious Re∣publico-Presbyterians, that the King was obliged at last to call and continue that Parliament to grant him supplies, which in conclusion took from him his Reve∣nue, Dignity, Crown and Life.

AS to the Forests, of which they make such an out-cry; it is well known, that they are generally Land of such a Nature as admits not of a to∣lerable improvement in Husbandry; and therefore cannot be better employ∣ed for the publick good and safety of the Nation, than in producing Timber for Shipping, which is the only thing which they will well and naturally do: And the keeping of Deer, being an ac∣cidental improvement, and the stock they are best capable of maintaining, and the King as well as private Men having a just right and lawful liberty to employ those Lands which by inhe∣ritance from his Ancestors descended to him, according to his own pleasure; I know no persons could be offended at him, but such whose covetous Ambiti∣on had an eye to the waste of them for themselves, as these men had, who to the irreparable loss of the Kingdom, un∣der

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pretence of improvement made such spoil in the Forest of Dean, and up∣on all the Crown Lands, as some Ages of the most diligent and industrious Husbandry will scarcely repair: And which adds to the mischief, those vast quantities of our best Timber, with which they usually over-paid their pur∣chase, were sold to some of our Neigh∣bours, who have since shewn us the strength of our English Oak.

AND possibly their dis-foresting and dis-parking so much ground, though it might turn to good account to some of them for the present, yet has insen∣sibly brought down all the Rents of the Nobility and Gentry of the Kingdom: for our only surfeit at present seems to be of plenty both of Corn and Cattle; we having more communibus Annis, than the consumption of the Nation will ad∣mit of; and generally no good markets for these products of our Country amongst our Neighbours abroad; unless in such a conjuncture as these late years of War. Which great plenty has cer∣tainly been much increased by their im∣provement of so many of the Parks of the King, Bishops, &c.

So that those chargeable provisions for Sports and Re∣creations,

Page 37

for which (as they eloquent∣ly flaunt it) thousands of Acres, and scores of Miles, and great part of whole Counties have been separated from a much better and publick employment;
if the Timber which their wasteful Ava∣rice cut down had been standing still, might with far more advantage to the publick have continued as they were.

AND for Oppression, good God! certainly the World never knew great∣er than those Keepers of the Liberties of England were guilty of. It would trouble a publick Accomptant to cast up those vast Summs and incredible Trea∣sures, which in less than twice seven years they raised and spent to support the worst of all luxuries Rebellion; and to act upon the publick Charge and Theatre of the Nation, not Masques and Plays, but the most real and inhu∣mane Tragedies; and many of them upon Sabbath-days too, as these mo∣dern Jews call the Lords-day: So that they might well have spared that accu∣sation against the King and Court. It would be endless to recount the Annual Revenue of all the Crown, Bishop, Chapter and Cathedral Lands, besides the Money they received for the

Page 38

purchases of them even at their Rates, the constant and heavy Assessments, Free-quarter, Plunder, Sequestrations, Compositions, Decimations, Excise and Customs; besides the voluntary Contributions, the Bodkins, Thimbles, Rings, Plate and Jewels, which Hugh Peters and his confederate Juglers, preach'd and pray'd from the Holy Si∣sters and Zealous Brothers; the vast Summs borrowed upon the publick Faith, which some of them found to their cost to be Fides Punica; and al∣most innumerable Ways and Arts they had to squeez and drain the Treasure of the Nation into their bottomless Gulph. And I am almost confident, that not any three Kings of England from William the Conqueror to this pre∣sent day were so expensive to England, as that one prodigal Parliament. And they who now complain of the heavy Taxations (which it has ever been ob∣served the Republicans are most guilty of) must know, that we are obliged to them, both for the first invention of those payments, and for the necessity of their continuance. That so the Crown may be secured from such exi∣gencies as might oblige the King to ask

Page 39

supplies from such men, (if these Com∣monwealths-men had their desire and design) as had rather take away the Crown it self, than give any thing to∣wards its support and maintenance. And let them but by becoming good Subjects, obedient to their Prince and his Laws, give him demonstrative assu∣rances of domestick Peace and Unity, and they may be confident that neither he nor they need to fear any foreign Force or Power: and so the necessity of these extraordinary supplies for the se∣curity of the Peace and Interest of the Kingdoms being removed, they may certainly expect to live in a great mea∣sure free from them, or however from their frequency. And if they will not agree to do this, they may thank them∣selves for those burthens they lay upon their own and other mens shoulders, which they might be eased of, if they would ease the Government of the con∣stant charge it is forced to be at, to se∣cure it self, and those who are under its protection, from the restless and dange∣rous attempts of their Party against it; and therefore as they can blame no bo∣dy but themselves, so certainly all the loyal and good Subjects have a great

Page 40

deal of reason to complain of them, who are the principal occasions of those Im∣positions, which lye so heavy upon them.

AS for their conclusion, that these and multitudes of other grievance should be taken away, by turning the Monarchy into a Free State; These were but fair words and fine promises to de∣ceive the ignorant and credulous multi∣tude; for a miserable experience taught us the contrary. And for one King▪ who according to the most mild and ea∣sie Laws, governed with the greatest wisdom and clemency; they set up and established an Oligarchical Democra∣tick Tyranny, like that of the Thirty Athenian Tyrants. And every one of these Parliament Demarchs, was as ab∣solute by himself as the Law of his own Will could make him: Nor could any person question either their Actions or Authority, without paying his Life and Fortune, or one of them for so great a presumption. And I remember when the late King at his Trial before their pretended High Court of Justice, que∣stioned their Authority, they gave him no other answer, but that they were abundantly satisfied with their own Au∣thority;

Page 41

and from his dreadful example it was easie to conclude, that whoever would not be satisfied with their Pow∣er, was certain to follow him in suffer∣ing under it; and 'tis easily remembred how arbitrarily all things were mana∣ged, and the whole Kingdom brought into a slavery far greater than theirs, who wear Canvass-cloaths and Wood∣en-shooes, and look like Ghosts; for they did not only (amongst the multi∣tudes of grievances which were redrest) make men look like such, but really made such of all those, whom they ei∣ther feared, suspected or hated.

AND for their observation of the situation of the Nation for Trade and Manufactures, it was so pretty a new Nothing to pin upon the peoples sleeves, that it could not but please extremely: As if all our Monarchs had liv'd in such profound Oscitancy and Ignorance, that they never knew what Ports, Havens or Creeks they had within their Domi∣nions; or as if the Sea-men knew not without this new Chart of discovery, that Portsmouth lay more conveniently for a Trade with France, than Robin Hoods-Bay, or John-a-Groats-house in the remotest Orcades: Or as if the com∣mon

Page 42

people, whose great interest and constant employment it is from their ve∣ry leading-strings, were by these sons of Bacchus to be taught the art of Agri∣culture; and under Monarchy could not tell the nature of their Lands, or what Countries were fit for such or such Ma∣nufactures, or any other thing relating to Trade or Husbandry, but these great Ingeniosos of the Republick must have the honour of these happy Inventions, which the people understood before far better than they could instruct them; as is but too evident to all those Gentle∣men, who of late years having their Lands by the universal fall of Rents thrown upon their hands, could never make those improvements and advanta∣ges of them, which the Rusticks did, by their better understanding of the Lands, and the methods of Husbandry, in which they had their education; which the Gentlemen who are owners of the Land wanted. And for their ta∣king care for the Poor, in one sence it was true enough, they took all the care they could to keep the Nation as poor as it was possible; that if ever they should have any such intentions or inclinati∣ons, they might never have the power

Page 43

or the purse to effect their Design in bringing back their banish'd Sovereign, to his undoubted Right, the Royal Throne of his Illustrious Ancestors: for which purpose they kept a continual standing Army at Land, and a Navy at Sea, to the incredible charge, oppressi∣on, and impoverishment of the Subjects of these Realms, both their Friends and Enemies; though they had the policy to lay the heaviest load upon the backs of their Enemies, if possible to break them; and they kept the Loyal Gentry and Nobility so poor, that many of them have not been able, or ever will to forget the kindness of that Govern∣ment, which was the utter ruine of them and their families.

SHOULD the same method be made use of with them, sure then they would make a horrible out-cry; but some people may better steal a Horse, than others look over the Hedge; and what was Wisdom, Prudence and Ju∣stice in a Republick, would be Tyran∣ny, Oppression, and Cruelty in a Mo∣narch.

AS for the last clause, that Monarchy never had the leisure effectually to ad∣vance or encourage the Trade of the Na∣tion;

Page 44

How comes our Statute-Law to be so full of such Acts, as are for the Improvement and Regulation of all Trades and Manufactures? How come all those Charters and Grants to Corpo∣rations, Fairs, Markets, and to the se∣veral Companies of the City of London? However, we will agree to them, that some of our late Monarchs have not had the leisure effectually to look after these affairs; but who was it that gave the obstruction? and how come they not to have so much leisure? Even these kind publick-spirited Commonwealths-men, who from the very moment that our Nation began to look abroad into the World, and by Navigation to advance the Interest of our Country, even these great Merchants of Faction, Sedition and Rebellion, began to set up for them∣selves, and to spoil our Markets, by gi∣ving such disturbances to Queen Eliza∣beth in the last years of her Reign; to King James during all his, and to the Royal Martyr, whom at last they bought and sold, that Monarchy had something of nearer concern to mind, than Foreign Trade; viz. Domestick Peace: and found work enough to quench those flames, which they saw

Page 45

ready to blaze out, or already broken out in the State; which were kindled and blown up, by the fiery Zeal of these hot-headed Republicans: And our Kings by that Charity which begins at home, were obliged first to take care of their own Preservation, which yet (so violent was the rage of that unruly com∣bustion, that they were not able to effect, but all was laid in heaps and ashes) thank the good honest men of the Commonwealth for their industry and successful pains they took about it, God reward them for it.

BUT God have the praise, who had compassion upon our Ruines, and pitied to see us lye in the Dust! we have seen a glorious Resurrection of Monarchy; we have seen all these frivolous calum∣nies confuted; We have seen Monopo∣lies taken away and yet the Court re∣main; Purveyance restrained, and both the Waggoner and Barge-man paid for serving the King to their own content; we have seen unnecessary Protections taken away; and Courtiers obliged to pay their just Debts, which the Demo∣cratick Government for all their publick Faith never did. We have seen all in∣couragement given to Manufactures,

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Navigation and Merchandize; the Poo taken care of, and all this done mos effectually. And much more we migh see, England the most Potent, flou∣rishing, and quiet Kingdom in th World, if it were not for those inter¦ruptions and disturbances, which th Devillish spirit of Democracy, that stil walks, haunts, and possesses so many Men, even after the Body of it is de•••• and rotten, has given our present M¦narch. And it is the general hope of a who wish for our peace and prosperity that he will have the leisure, with th united concurrence of his pruden Counsellors, to do far greater thing than these; and conjure down this tu¦multuous Spirit, to the Abyss of flam and confusion from whence it firs came: and in despight of all their mad∣ness and opposition to fulfil the prophe∣tick wish of his Glorious Father; and since he is even by the experience of his greatest and the Nations Enemies Charles le Bon,* 1.13 he will undoubtedly arrive to be Charles le Grand; to which there is no other visible obstacle beside the unreasonable fury, madness, and eternal malice of these implacable Oli∣garcho-Democraticks.

Notes

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