Some remarques upon a late popular piece of nonsence called Julian the apostate, &c. together, with a particular vindication of His Royal Highness the Duke of York, by some bold truths in answer to a great many impudent calumnies raised against him, by the foolish arguments, false reasonings and suppositions, imposed upon the publick from several scandalous and seditious pamphlets, especially from one more notorious and generally virulent than the rest, sometime since published under the title of A Tory Plot, &c. / by a lover of truth, vertue, and justice.

SOME REMARQUES Upon a late Popular Piece of Nonsence CALL'D Julian the Apostate, &c.

HAving taken the following Pamphlet of a Tory Plot in hand late for the Reasons be forementioned in the Preface, no sooner had I discomfited that Gyant, but up rose another, and a terrible one, a man would think him indeed by his Title, Julian the Apostate in the Devil's Name; Being a short Account of his Life, the Sense of the Primitive Christians about his Succession, and their Behaviour towards him; together with a Comparison of Popery and Paganism. Bless us thought I! What will become of us now! Immediately upon Enquiry, finding him an Enemy, I began to examine how I might Attack him, when to terrifie me the more, I find him intrenched within a Preface Six or Eight and twenty Pages deep at least: Now to break in upon this Goliah, overthrow his Bulwark, and make a Rascal of him, would be an Exploit indeed. This I trust may be done, and thus I begin with him.

The Author of the abovementioned Treatise, 'tis reasonably to be supposed would have the World believe that he has taken a great deal of pains to overthrow the Duke of Tork's Right to Succession; and that he has acquitted himself particularly in it, by exposing a Figure of his own making, which he calls the Picture of Julian the Apostate; and setting it out with an Inscription at the Bottom, which he styles, A Parallel be∣tween Paganism, and Popery. An Inscription, truly as much to the pur∣pose, as Sir Patience Ward's Narrative round the Monument: For as that positively Charges the Papists with the Firing of London in Sixty Six, when in the Original Inscription on the West side of it, the whole is Attributed to the Just Judgment of God for their Sins: So this Fellow pretends in the first Part of his Book, by Comparison to throw as much Odium as his Ignorance is capable of, upon an Injured Suffering Prince,

by Pleading the Cause of Protestancy against Popery and Paganism, when the whole Tenure and Bulk of his Book is nothing else but an absolute Panegyrick upon Julian, and an Apology for Apostacy.

This may at first, 'tis possible, seem something strange to the Reader that has not Perused the Book now under consideration so cautiously as I have done; But to prove how much a Friend our Author is to Apostacy, be pleased to take him flying in the face of Truth, in this his very Bul∣wark of a Preface, where he charges many of our late Addressers for offering their Lives and Fortunes, and the last drop of their Blood in the Defence of His Majesty, and the Religion now Established by Law; and by and by promising the same over again to a Popish Successor. This is flying in the face of Truth, and commonly known in speech by the Name of a Lye; for if there be any such thing as a Popish Successor men∣tioned in one of those Addresses he is so angry withal, I will renounce all Loyalty and Religion in the World, and be as true a Friend to Apo∣stacy and Paganism, as our Author is.

For he is indeed an Author of an extraordinary Cut, abounding in much popular Nonsence, fain would Scribble to perswade, but it is not his Talent, has taken up abundance of Knotty pieces of Learning upon Trust, by the help of Indexes, but wants Sense and common Principles of Literature to distinguish and dispose them to any purpose; Pretends to top a Generation of People upon us for Primitive Christians, which there is not a Deacon in England but can tell him lived in a very latter Century corrupted by Arianism, and instead of the faithful Quotations of Histo∣ry, which ought to have been his Proofs of Matter of fact so long ago Transacted, he foists upon us the outragious Rhetorick of particular Men's Invectives, that were angry for loss of their Ecclesiastical Dignities. Would it not be a worthy Author hereafter that should quote Hickeringell against Bishops, if there once were Occasion, and perswade Posterity to believe, that because he flew in the face of his Diocesan, that all the Cler∣gy in England were by general consent for throwing off Episcopacy; Be∣cause that profligate Fellow took the opportunity of a Licentious Press to Publish his Invectives against the Reverend Fathers that found it conve∣nient to censure and restrain the looseness of his Manners, that so scanda∣liz'd his Character. But to return to our Preface.

Says he, All the Sober Men that I have met with, who remain unsatisfy'd as to a Bill of Exclusion, do nevertheless acknowledge, that a Popish Successor will be a heavy Judgment of God to this Nation, to which we must patiently submit, as we do to all other Calamities: But in the name of Madness, what is all this to us? what have we to do with the noise and buz of Popish Successor, if our Author will needs Dispute with us about the convenien∣cy or inconveniency of one, let him first prove his Principle, let him first shew us his Popish Successor, and convince us demonstratively (as in all Matters of Fact we ought to be) that he is One; and when that is al∣lowed once, we are content to joyn issue with him; but in the mean time, though apprehending the worst, let us at the utmost but Pray against it, not Rebel upon the pretence of it.

How foolishly a little farther has he thought himself very shrewd in citing the Example of a Man infected with the Plague? how they are imprisoned and put under a very close Confinement when they have committed no Fault; This indeed, where an unhappy Man comes to be so Infected, ought to be done for the good of the Town or Village; But he is a very vile Christian, That will give his Neighbour an ill Name, and scandalize him with a dangerous Disease, only on purpose to have his House shut up, and a Mark set on him to make him odious to his fellow Citizens, when at Bottom, twenty to one, but he's an honester founder Man, and fairer Dealer than his Accuser. And that this has been the foul Practice used against the Duke of Tork, no Man that reads our Author and his Brethren Pamphletteers of the same slamp, but may be sufficiently satis∣fy'd: How has he been Hunted and Halloo'd about the World by the cry of Villains roaring out against him, Popery, Plot, Subversion of Go∣vernment, when their very top Rascal, the Salamanchite himself, swore upon his first Discovery, That his Highness knew nothing of the Matter, but if he could not be drawn over, was to suffer the same Fate with his Brother: Yet as Matters grew riper, and riper, Bills of Recusancy were to be prefer'd against him, and the aforesaid Villain could swear through a Key-hole that was never transparent. But how much greater Villains must they be that can basely unspirit themselves to Rake in the foul Excre∣ments of Perjury, for dirt to throw continually upon the Innocence of a Prince that may be half of'em never saw, and I am sure none of 'em were ever injur'd by. What a shame it is that every Prossigate Rogue, whose ill manners, and leud life have made a Vagabond, should be permitted with Impunity to arraign the Honour and precious Fame of a Prince that has Virtues enough to Attone for all the Sins of his Enemies; nay, and to do it nonsensically too, fulsomly, dully; with hardly true English, and no manner of right reasoning; this is a grievance intollerable. Let me, if I must be defamed, suffer by the Tongue or Pen of a Rascal that has at least some Common sence, that may please me in some measure by his Wit, when he offers at my ruin with his Falshood, let not my Reputation be choakt up with the foul, muddy defluxions of an undistinguishing crude∣headed Blockhead's Brains that shall make me sick with his Nonsence, and only that way disable me from answering his Calumny.

In short as to our Author in hand, it is very palpable from his Book, that he is either according to vulgar Expression, Very much a Knave, or very much a Fool; and truly upon considering his Writings, I cannot well judge which of those qualities have the Predominancy, for they are both very Powerful in his works, the Records of his Virtues. But I intend fairly to give the World an account what I have observ'd of those two Ex∣cellencies in him, and leave the Reader to judge which Title he has best pretence to.

To proceed then, Would any but a Knave of the highest form, so far betray his Cause as to call those Primitive Christians, who lived as I mentioned before in a very latter Century, and had already the Heresie of Arrianism crept in amongst 'em? or as he has done afterwards, would boast of his Quotations, that he had not impoverish'd the Subject, when he

has falsly corrupted it, with Fictions of his own, and added such silly Falshoods as no honest Man durst have done, and any Scholar would have scorn'd. This I shall prove in what's to follow.

Again, Who, but as very a Knave would have wrote thus. I cannot own my belief of this as a first Principle, that the Laws of a Man's Countrey are the mea∣sures of all Civil Obedience. I would fain be Informed (might I be so bold as to offer the Question, what it is our Author would obey, if not the Laws of his Country? How vilely does he Cant afterwards upon the Interpretation of Passive Obedience, insinuating as if it were ever taught without regards to Laws: for, there is no Obedience understood in the World, but what is Obedience to some Law or another, All Obedience is to Authority: But Power indeed and Authority may be abstracted, and are in signification ab∣stracted from each other, Power in it self is despotick and unlimitable; but when Law is added to it, then it is softned into Authority, and the yield∣ing to it so qualify'd, we call Civil Obedience: but the yielding to the force of Power is not understood by the term of Obedience, but that of Submission, and we only submit when we no longer can resist, but we obey when we no longer ought to do it; Passive Submission is an Effect of Necessity, but Passive Obedience is the Effect of Duty. His example therefore of St. Paul is falsly instanced, where he says, he was not for Pas∣sive Obedience, in that he pleaded and stood upon his Birthright; for if it were his Birthright he stood upon, that was the Law, and by that Plea he refer'd and absolutely threw himself upon the Law, which was as much Passive Obedience as the most Patient man could shew: 'Tis an endless Drudgery to answer the confused Cant of an ignorant mischievous Fool, though we are bound to it in Charity to the Publick Tranquillity.

Again, How foolishly has he taken the opportunity to tell us a Story of a Pursuivant, sent illegally to Arrest the Body of a Man to appear be∣fore the Judges of an Assize, which Pursuivant was killed in the Action; and says he, The Arrest afterwards was adjudged Tortius, and by conse∣quence the killing of the Pursuivant proved afterwards no Murder: Now all I have to urge in answer to this is, Let my Friend Mr. Topham have a care hereafter how he ventures too boldly into the Countrey, to dragg up honest Gentlemen upon Arbitrary Votes, that have no Authority out of the house they are made in.

What in the name of Nonsence does he mean by telling us in this place an Impertinent Story, how the Church of England divides her Reverence betwixt the Ancient Fathers, and the first Reformers of the Church? What, or who does he mean by those first Reformers! I fear upon inquiring into the History of our Reformation, (I mean, not that Written by a Noble Doctor that shall be Nameless: but) I mean, That excellent History Writ∣ten by a Nobleman of Honour (viz. The Lord Herbert of Cherbury) we shall find the first Causes of our Reformation not so Religiously and Con∣scientiously grounded, how good soever the Effect proved, as it is conve∣nient for us to believe they were: I love and adhere to the Reformation as it is Established by Law withal my heart; but I hate an Ignorant Fellow should with his slovenly Fingers once touch so pure, so nice, and so delicate a piece of Discipline and Gospel Perfection.

In the next place, let us examine to what purpose he recites to us the Example of Mary Queen of Scots, There are, says he, Worthies enough that were Excluders with a Witness. Rhetorical Numphs! Excluders with a Wit∣ness, what an Expression is here? This Grubstreet Vermin is a worthy Offe to write Comparisons of Popery and Paganism, truly. But let us see what Excluders with a Witness were they? Oh, says he, such as were for Exclu∣ding Mary Queen of Scots, not only from the Succession, but out of the World. I'll warrant him he thinks he has nickt it here. What relation has that Queens Case to ours? She was under an Accusation of a Conspiracy against the Queen and the Government; nor was ever such thing as a Bill of Exclusion against her thought of: But this Case of hers has been a standing false Argument with all our Blockheadly Pamphletteers to this purpose these Three years: And our present Author who loves Common places so well as to make a whole Book of them, certainly could never miss this, though I must beg leave to take notice to what purpose: Not on∣ly from the Succession, but out of the World! How villainously would he here insinuate the Necessity of shedding more Royal Blood, when this miserable Kingdom smells too rank of it already: And for the Case even of that unhappy Queen, It appeared to the eyes of all the World so horrid and prophane a Violation of the Rights of Majesty, that the Memory öf it is an Odium upon us all over Christendom to this ve∣ry day.

And for the musty Piece of a Journal, which he is pleased to quote for the necessity of Cruelty and Bloodshed, of a Writing as he styles it, In∣tituled, Reasons to prove the Queens Majesty bound in Conscience to proceed with Severity in this Case of the late Queen of Scots. By his good leave, I think it no Argument at all to the present purpose, but the Writing it self in the quality of its matter Unchristian, and in its manner boyish and fri∣volous; foolishly Sophistical, without any foundness of Reasoning, or strength in Law: It sayes in the first place, Every good Prince ought by God's Commandment to punish even with Death, all such as seek to seduce the People of God, from his true Worship unto Superstition and Idolatry; For that offence God hath always most grievously punished, as committed against the first Table; and to prove this, they cite a Text of Scripture of Deut. 13. Now to make that Text of Scripture valid and of force to what we have in hand, we must First have a Law of the Kingdom for the Punishment of Death in that Case. Secondly, That Law of the Kingdom must explain what this Idolatry is. Thirdly, After all, it must be such an Idolatry as that Text of Scripture has express'd, or else the Chapter is quoted to no purpose. As to the first, concerning a Law of the Kingdom for Punish∣ment of Death in that Case, I believe upon Examination we shall find none; for as our Author has justly observed in another place, that Law de Haere∣tico Comburendo is taken away: Besides, granting there were a Capital Law against the Idolatry mentioned in that Chapter, I question yet (to put the worst of the Case) whether it would reach Popery or no: for if we examine Verse the 6th. of that Chapter, we shall find the Idolatry there mentioned to be explain'd, for the turning aside to serve other Gods which we have not known, we nor our Fathers. Now I never heard but that the Church of Rome served and adored the very same God that we

do, in the Trinity of Persons, and Unity of the Godhead: So that of this sort of Idolatry, at least she does not appear to be guilty. What other Kind (for certainly there are different Kinds) may be lay'd to her Charge, I could wish some Ingenuous, Conscientious, and Honora∣ble Divine would for the true Information of all honest and truely Reli∣gious Children of the Church of England, fairly, and candidly lay down and determine. I am sure the canting, falsifying, and mis-interpretation of Scripture, which such Fellows as the Author of this Libel and his Com∣panions use to serve their Malice or other Ends in Seducing and Imposing upon the Ignorance of the Vulgar, tend rather to the bringing Popery in Credit again, than any thing else; and if the Author of The Growth of Po∣pery were alive, to add to that Treatise, I know not where he could raise a better Argument for his Theam, than from those Scriblers, that are suf∣fered to pretend the defence of the best and truest Religion in the World, by the falsest and worst Arguments, that their Ignorance or Immorality can furnish them withal.

To be short, this Libel against the Christian Religion; this Julian the Apostate, which has made so much noise in the World, I mean, amongst the Ignorant since its Publication, is so far from being what it would pre∣tend to be, viz. An Argument against the D's Right of Succession, that it is nothing but a downright Alarum to Rebellion; for as an Alarum in War is nothing but a confused Noise and Rattling upon a Drum without any measure, method, or distinction; so this Whole Book from one end to the other, is only an indistinguishable lump of Sedition, thrown out in a confused heap, to amuze and glut the Vulgar withal, without any Argu∣ments raised from any principle, or tending to any end except that of pro∣voking our Swords into one anothers Bowels, drowning our Fields in blood, and overwhelming of our Peace for ever.

How foolishly does he tugg and heave at an Argument which his Brains want strength to set a going against that Popular one, as he calls it of our Allegiance sworn to the King, and his Lawful Heirs and Successors; by telling us what some Lawyers (that is to say of his own Set) think of the Matter, No Man can have an Heir while he himself is alive: Which though I think I have confuted in the following Answer to the Tory Plot, yet to come a little nearer him here, If no Man can have an Heir while he himself is alive, how came that distinction to be once urged in Par∣liament, betwixt Heir Apparent, and Heir Presumptive? The Noble Gentleman that made it understood Law, and I hope, good Mr. Author, you will not accuse so great an Oracle as he has been to your Party of Non∣sence; For, if the King can have no Heir while he himselflives, that tel∣ling the Duke how he was not Heir Apparent, but Heir Presumptive, was a Nonsensical Distinction to make the best of it, for he ought not accor∣ding to your Argumment to have allowed that the Duke was so much as Heir Presumptive, but ought to have declared, That the King till he was dead could have no Heir at all; but I suppose he knew where he was, and was wiser. What stuff too is this which follows against another Argument, which he says he has heard fetched from the Common Prayer, (viz.) That no Church of England Man can with a good Conscience be for a Bill of Exclusion, which

they say is to the Prejudice of His Royal Highness, because we there Pray, that God would prosper him with all Happiness both here and hereafter.

To answer which, says he, it would be a Curse either in the mouth or heart of any Protestant, under the name of Happiness; to wish him the Oppor∣tunity, invincible Temptation, and a kind of Necessity to Extirpate the best Religion in the World.

Now does not this Fellow deserve to be pelted and hollow'd out of every Society that had but Common Sense? Kind of Necessity! In the Devil's Name, what Conjuration's this! What does he mean by Kind of Necessity? Is not all Necessity the same? Are there any kinds of it? Thou Noddle full of unutterable Nonsense, there are several kinds of Conveniency indeed, but I never heard of kinds of Necessity before, as for Example, I could pro∣pose several kinds of Conveniencies for our Author, viz. It were convenient for him to learn Grammar; It were convenient for him to turn an Honest Man; It were convenient for him to get a good Parsonage, &c. But for the First, it may be he is too old or too dull; For the Second, I am afraid he has no Seeds of it in his Nature; For the Third, I am informed he has behaved himself so scandalously in one post already, that he will hardly be trusted in hast with another (I know not what a new Patron may do for him) But it is absolutely necessary for him to Eat in this World; Bread he must have, and he finding that playing the Knave and the Fool is the most agreeable way to his Nature of getting it, has very fairly set up his Trade with a Julian the Apostate. This I take to be an illustrative destin∣ction of Necessity and Conveniency.

But why, my dear Author (should he ever succeed which may be, I hope, as much as you, that he will not, for I hope the King may out-live him.) But why will he have a Necessity upon him to Extirpate the best Religion in the World? I am afraid my little Mephistophilus may have a Quirk in this, for if by the best Religion in the World, thou meanest Presbytery, Indepen∣dency, Anabaptism, Brownism, Quakerism, &c. all blended together as they are already in a Faction, or either of them separated from the rest as it is probable thou mayest, my dear Author: verily, I am of thy Opinion. For I think it so absolutely necessary for the too merciful Prince, who pos∣sesses the Throne already to do it, That I am afraid and perswaded, They will never let him Rule in Peace so long as there is one of their Priests of Baal left to blow the Trumpets of Sedition, affront the Authority of the Government, and vex the Quiet, and the Peace of his Kingdoms. To Extirpate these false Religions, I think there is a kind of Necessity, as thou callest it; But how the D. should he succeed will have by that a Necessity to Extirpate the Church of England, as by the Law it is Established, is a Riddle I would fain see interpreted; I believe he would find it absolute∣ly necessary for him to do otherwise, I believe he may find it necessary for him to Preserve, maintain, and Indulge that Religion, so essential to the Royal Authority it self, that That, and the Best King fell together: and what sort of Church succeeded, ask Mr. Baxter. The Church of England is a Religion whose interest is so mixed and interwoven, on one hand with the Prerogatives, Authority and Safety of the King; on the

other, with the Liberty, Property, Quiet and Ease of the Subject; in short, so much the Golden Chain that tyes the Interest of Rule and Obe∣dience together, that I dare pronounce no King can be Happy in Eng∣land, that does not in all its Interests and nicest Points support it. Nor will it for all the Preface to Julian the Apostate be necessary for any Suc∣cessor to suffer its Diminution or its least Impair, much less to extirpate and destroy it.

All this Virulence and bitterness he has expressed in his Preface against the Duke of York. But when he comes to speak of Julian, I desire but the Reader to take notice how favourably he handles him.

There was, says he, a Law, and an Ancient Law of the Empire (and so great stress was laid upon it, that the breach of it was look't upon as an Of∣fence against the Government and the Empire) that every one should Honour and Worship the Emperors Statues and Pictures which were set up for that end in Publick places. Now ( says he) He (meaning his Friend Julian) took advantage of that Law to ensnare them unawares in Heathenish Worship, for he added the Figures of the Heathen Gods to his own Picture, and as Gregorie's words are (this fellow has a great honour for Gregory, as we shall see hereafter) mingled Poison with their meat, abusing their Loyalty to the purposes of Idolatry. Now let us Construe this Gibberish, and see what it signifies.

If there were a Law of the Empire for the worshipping of the Empe∣rours Statues and Pictures, then was Idolatry established by Law, for worshipping Statues is no better, and what a Libel has he made upon Christianity; nay, and quoted Gregory for his Author, in telling us, That the Christians thought themselves bound in Loyalty to obey that Law: Or how (though the Pictures of the Heathen Gods were added to the Empe∣rours) was their Loyalty in Danger of being abused? for if those Chri∣stians could dispence in Conscience with adoring and worshipping the Emperours Statues, they might easily have separated their adoration from the Images of the Heathen Gods, and kept their Loyalty as found as ever it was; what stuff is this to be Published in Print! I am afraid the Press has got a Contagion of Nonsence, and will never vent wholsom Sense and sound Reasoning agen; for I am fain to write almost as bad Nonsence as he to answer him: as some sort of Poisons are only to be expell'd by another.

But to enquire a little farther, who were they that refused this? why he refers us to St. Gregory agen, who he says tells us, Some of the Wiser and more Conscientious found out the Fraud, but they paid for their Sagacity, the Pretence was, that they offended against the Honour of the Emperour; but the Truth was, they came into Danger for the sake of the true King. Was there ever a Libel against Christianity, and an Apology for an Apostate better couched? Here he accuses those Christians of no less than Idolatry and Rebellion at once; of Idolatry, in that they made no scruple of worship∣ping the Statue of Emperour and of Rebellion in making a foolish evasion to disobey the Law in boggling at Images of the Heathen Gods being

present, which they need not have taken any notice of. But at the same time to Compliment Julian, says, They were punished yet in no appearance, for not worshipping the Heathen Images, but for offending the honou•• of the Empe∣rour; Nevertheless to gloss and varnish over the Bus'ness, he calls it indeed a Pretence; and says the truth was, That they came in Danger for the sake of the true King: And what does he mean by the true King now? I'le warrant you no less than King Jesus. Were Venner alive at the Head of his Fifty Madmen once more, each Warrior whereof was to slay his Ten Thou∣sand; this Fellow, I fancy, would make a very good Chaplain to the Troop.

But the end and scope of all this is, as I find a little after, to shoulder in a Parallel as he thinks of some body else; For, Now, says he, If a Prince puts a Border of Popery (which some say is ten times worse than a Border of Paganism) about his Picture, which we fain would Honour and Reverence, and once did before we saw that unhappy Accident: What shall we say! or what can we do!

Was there ever any thing so witty as this now? Does not this Fellow deserve to be a Lord's Chaplain? a Character I hear he is lately prefer'd to for this very Piece. Was there ever any thing so newly Rhetorical! Border of Popery! Put prithee my Dear Deacon under the Rose; why a Border of Popery after all? would it not have sounded as well to have said a Girdle of Popery, or a Shoulder Belt of Popery? besides, it would have been a more lively Image of the thing, if the Shoulder Belt had been Embroidered into the Bargain, as it might have been with Triple Crowns, Beads, Crucifixes, Sir Edmondbury Godfreye's Murders, all the Hierogly∣phicks of the Raree Show, and at last Arbitrary Power in Capital Let∣ters, at the bottom of all upon the dreadful hangers; this upon reading might have darted dreadful Imaginat••ons into our heads indeed, but Bor∣der of Popery! Fye, fye, 'tis mean and little, a Taylor would have made as noble a Metaphor. Then too after all, to finish thy Period with what shall we say! what can we do! 's life, it puts me in mind of Shirley's Part in the Rehearsal, viz. Heigho: Heigh day! I have no more to do, nor more to say! Though if the Laws shall once (as in due time my dear Friend 'tis possible) put a true Protestant English Halter, or a Border of a Pillory a∣bout thy Neck: I know very well what the Executioner will do, and all Honest Men will be furnished with something to say.

I thought here to have done with his Preface, but upon farther Consi∣deration, beg leave to remark upon one Passage more of it, and then go forward with the Bulk of his Libel.

Speaking of the Divisions of the Church at this time, says this worthy Reverend Author, Now what did the Christians do? Did the Orthodox go and side with Julian to revenge the Injuries which they had received from the Arrians in Constantius's time! Or make use of Julian's favour which he shewed in restoring them to crush their Brethren, which differed from them!

Now let us examine the Matter, and Judge what credit ought to be given to any thing this Fellow says hereafter: First, he here declares Con∣stantius

a favourer of Arrianism, one that had Persecuted and Banished the Orthodox Christians; yet afterwards makes him the Hero of his Romance, owns Julian the Favourer, Patron and Restorer of those Orthodox Christi∣ans from Banishment, yet would make us believe his Book intentionally Published to his Prejudice, when it will appear upon the whole Matter he hath done all that is possible to give Julian a Character of the most Moral and (setting aside his Defection from the Faith) the more merciful Em∣peror to the Christians of the two; nay, and has the Impudence more∣over to slur the Professors in those times of that most damnable Heresie of Arrianism upon us for Primitive Christians.

Thus much for the Preface. Thus much for the Bulwark, now for the Gyant lodged within, and thus it begins: Julian the Apostate, Chapter the First. A short Account of Julian's Life; Let it come then in the Name of God, (as a great Man said once of a Hare,) I fear it not.

This Chapter being a short Account of Julian's Life, we may reasonably suppose, since it is written by one that pretends not to praise him for his Vertues, we shall in it find Matters against him heinous enough to corre∣spond with the odious Title it seems to bear. But if through this whole Chapter we find nothing (saving his Apostacy) laid to his Charge, but what the best and most merciful Prince in Moral Prudence might, nay, ought to have done; I hope the World will be of my Opinion in some measure at least that our Author is not so much his Enemy as in his Pre∣face he pretends to be.

The first thing then that he says against him, (nay, and he quotes Theo∣doret for it too) Page the Fourth is, That having a Mind to the Scepter, and seeking, Fortune-tellers to know whether he should obtain his desire, he met with a Man that promised to foretel him these things, who led him into an Idol Temple, and there initiated him; so that the desire of a Kingdom, stript this thrice wretched Person of his Piety; and yet the very next Line to prove his Friend Theodoret a Lyar, if possible, he calls Gregory to witness, That he had no Piety at that time to lose. Is not this as Friendly an Office as possible to Julian to bring two such Eminent Writers against him as Gregory and Theodoret, contradicting one another in Matter of Fact, and even in very Terms? And to proceed says he, (quoting Gregory still) even before that he was a concealed Pagan, and Disputed with his Brother in favour of the Heathens; when immediately to confound all truth that might hence be urged in this case against his Friend the Apostate, he tells us the very next Page, That nevertheless, the Fathers all agree, that the occasion of Julian's Revolt from Christianity was from a thirst of Empire, and from con∣sulting his heathenish Gadburies about it. So that in the first place, we have here Theodoret saying, That by his following Soothsayers, his desire of a Kingdom stript him of his Piety. Then Gregory telling us, He had at that time no Piety to lose, being a concealed Pagan before; but to close the Dispute at last the consent of the Fathers, that the Occasion of his Re∣volt from Christianity for all that, was from a thirst of Empire, and con∣sulting his Heathen Gadburies: Now if one should object after all this, That the Fathers never knew or heard of such a Name as Gadbury; why,

may be our Author will answer, It is a fine thing to be florid, with all my heart, but has not our Author to his Power afterwards justify'd Julian's relyance on Astrology, by telling us how St. Austin has fully exprest the Matter in few words, saying, That the same God who gave the Empire to a good Emperour, gave it likewise to Julian; so that for any thing I see, the Gadburies were very Honest Gadburies, and told him the truth at least, how ill use soever he made of it. I am sure he has proved Julian did not Usurp it as is said afterwards, but that God gave it him.

Now to sum up this which we have examined, all that I can find it vi∣sibly amount to, is, That our Author having a mind nothing should be credited of what he says in his Book against Julian the Apostate, has taken the first opportunity to prove Gregory a Lyar, and overthrow his Testi∣mony, that all the Quotations out of him, (which are almost the only, or at least the most material ones he makes use of in the whole) might be esteemed by the Reader of no force, as coming from a prejudiced hand, and one that in the very beginning had forfeited the Truth. I think no man under a kind of Necessity (as our Author has it) to write against Ju∣lian in Publick, could have treated him underhand more like a Friend.

Nay, He almost dares bare-faced undertake it; for after all this, as if he feared we might believe there was something in the Matter: to confute the whole, he declares the very next Paragraph, That the World knew no∣thing of this, no, nor the Emperour himself: Just as if he would put it in∣to our mouths to ask then, how Theodoret, Gregory, and the Fathers came by the Story? or did Julian trust them with it being Errant Christians, and his particular Friends, and so they kept it as a secret from the World and the Emperour, lest it might spoil his Succession? This will not agree with the following Chapter, as we shall see by and by farther. In short, Matters as to this Point are much in the dark, and I am almost at our Au∣thor's own pass, of what shall we do? or what can we say? All that I can think of it is, that Nonsence, Incoherency, and a mired understanding are a just Judgment upon a Scribling Varlet, that has no more Grace than to write against his Conscience.

The next Account we have of Julian is, That being made Caesar by the Emperour, and sent with an Army against some Northern Barbarians who had invaded France, he proved very successful and routed the Enemy; upon which, having got the hearts of the Common Souldiers by giving them Money, they declared hi•• Emperour: Now in all reasonable Conjecture, those Soul∣diers might make him Emperour even against his Will, or at least with∣out his seeking. For Constantius being a favourer of Arrianism, and ha∣ving Banished the Orthodox, these Souldiers being (as our Author plain∣ly acknowledges, Page the 8th.) Men Principled in the true Religion might do it for the Interest of that Truth, in hopes he might recall the Orthodox, as he afterwards did. Nevertheless, do but observe how he uses Gregory again upon this occasion, for, having done his best to prove him a Lyar before, here he's resolved to make him little better than a Fool too: For, says he, Julian Marching with his Army towards Constantinople. Gregory tells us, (Alas poor Gregory!) That his pretence was, he came to excuse his

being made Emperour; but the truth was, to wrest the Empire out of Con∣stantius's hands, who thereupon waved his Persian Expedition, and advan∣ced with his Army to meet him, but died by the way: else Julian had paid for his Folly. Now what is this, but Covertly to insinuate to us how far Gregory was behind hand in the account of Common sense, to think that so great a Captain as Julian was, would venture to March with a new usurped Authority, uncertain of the hearts of his Army (which he says af∣terwards he found much difficulty to gain) against a Potent Emperour con∣firm'd in his Authority, beloved by his People, and secure in the midst of the strength of his Empire. What is this, but secretly to call Gregory an Ass to think so, and confirm the Sincerity of Julian's Obedience, in that he came purposely, as he indeed pretended, to deliver up the Authority which he thought he could not hold without Dishonour; what greater Pa∣negyrick can a Parson make upon an Apostate?

Next, says our Author, Page the 8th. Julian having called home the Or∣thodox Bishops whom Constantius Banish'd, and thus settled himself in his Throne, and made the Army sure to him, he began to discover his Malice against the Christians: Well, but how? (I dare venture to loose odds, if this double-dealing Deacon does not bring his Friend the Apostate off a∣gain presently:) Vous avez, Page the 9^th. He charged the People, That they should Injure none of the Christians, nor reproach them, nor draw them to Sacrifice against their wills. Was there ever so impudent a Fellow as this Chaplain of my Lord's!

Nay, so very tender is he of Julian's Reputation in this Point, that when he comes to speak of any ill usage which the Christians received, He does all that possibly can be done to let us understand Julian had not any hand in the Bus'ness: As for instances, The Heathens, says he, ran about the streets, and abused the Saints with Scurrility and Mockery, and omitted no sort of reproachful and abusive Language.

Now this, as our Author has ordered the matter, is so far from refle∣cting upon Julian, that it utterly clears him of the thing: For he had be∣fore charged his People not to reproach them, &c. Nor will his pretence of telling us Julian connived at it serve his turn; for it is well known Kings, and Emperours in those times did not use so to trifle with their Govern∣ment as to Command their People one thing, and then suffer their Sub∣jects to fly in the face of their Authority, and commit Riots in spight of them.

But upon enquiry, we shall find this worthy Author had a farther drift, which was to expose Gregory for a Mad man, as he had done before for a Fool and a Lyar. And he goes about it thus:

After having told us a Story, how the Heathens and Christians used to rail at one another in Streets, much like the Scolding of our Watermen up∣on the Thames, till at last they came to blows, in which the Christians came by the worst of it, he proceeds to tell us a Story of one Cyril, a Dea∣con that was killed for being a hot-headed over Zealous Fool at Heliopolis,

and breaking down many of the Images which were there worshipped: Now I think the Deacon deserved to have his addled Brains beat out as they were for letting his Zeal transport him to the breach of the publick Peace and the Laws, I am at this high noon of Christianity for hanging up all zea∣lous disturbers of the publick, I am for hanging up those zealous true Pro∣testants of an adjacent County, that lately broke open a Church, threw down the Communion-Table, & defaced the Altar because they thought it an abomination, nay afterwards defiled the publick Vessel of Baptism, & tore the Bible the blessed word of God, for the shameful use that followed.

But to what we proposed, this story of Cynril is followed by another of Marcus Bishop of Arethusa, who had thrown down a Temple that belonged to the Heathens and built a Christian Church in the stead of it, upon which the people of Arethusa demanding of him to rebuild their Temple, or pay a certain Summ of Money equivalent, he refused and was killed for his pains; nay our Author tells us, they would have compounded with him for one piece of Gold, but he said no.

Now if this be true, I do not think that this Bishop of Arethusa be∣haved himself like a conscientious or a wise Bishop. For in the first place he had no right that impowered him to throw down the Temple at all, and might Twenty to one have found many as convenient places to have built his Christian Church in as that was, and have done the publick property no Injury neither: Now it may be 'twill be objected, that it was the impulse of his Zeal; to which I answer, I am not for that Zeal that blows up Houses and demolishes Temples, let the pretence be as plausible as it will, we have had enough of such Zeal in England already to our sorrow and our shame: This story our Author urges as instance of the persecution Christianity lay under at that time, where I desire only the Reader to observe he has taken care not to make Julian appear in it at all, he is all along very tenderly careful of Julians reputation and will rather make one of his Primitive Christi∣an Bishops (as he calls 'em) appear a Fool or a Mad-man then urge any thing that may reflect too closely upon his favourite Apostate; But for his old acquaintance, Gregory to make him as I said before as much a Mad-man as is possible: though he cites this instance of Marcus for an example of cruelty and injustice, he tells us Page the 12th. Gregory was of opinion (and he calls it a sharp saying of him) that Marcus justly suf∣fered all this, and deserved to have suffered a great deal more for that he once saved Julian: Methinks now Gregory had a very odd Notion of Justice according to this Argument: but the truth of the matter is, that he is mightily beholding to our Author through his whole book upon all occasions. But now to close this short account which he gives us of the Life of Julian, I desire the Reader to observe if any thing could be more elaborate to raise an Argument in his praise then our Author has been. For whereas he urges (and Quotes one Socrates for it too) how Julian by a Law commanded that the Children of Christi∣ans should have no Schooling or Education, lest by this advantage they might be better able to oppose the disputants of the Gentiles, Page the 14th. To oppose and utterly refute this Charge against him he cites Ju∣lian

himself declaring (Juliani Ep. 42.) It would be an unjust thing to barr Children which knew not which way to turn themselves, from the right way, and saying expresly, that their Children were not pro∣hibited: But mark the subtilty of the Man how craftily he couches this Apology for Julian, by saying, who would send their Children to Heathen Masters, where they should be principled in Heathenism? And that this Liberty forsooth was one of Julians Traps wherein consisted the true spirit of his persecution. Now durst our Author have spoken out I fancy he would have told us—Ah, Beloved Julian 'tis true was an Apostate, but indeed a moral man, and a very merciful Prince, he per∣secuted the Christians tis true; but how! Ah Beloved, not with Con∣stables and Militia-men disturbing their Conventicles, not by a Statute of the 35th of Elizabeth, he persecuted them by Indulgency, by Li∣berty of Conscience; My Beloved, 'twas in that consisted the true spi∣rit of Julians persecution, Julian was a merciful Persecutor but &c. No∣thing is plainer if meaning be to be gathered out of words then that this was our Authors drift in what he delivers us concerning the Apostate, how wide soever he pretends to fly and squeek from the matter, the Lap∣wings Nest is not where the noise is made; yet he has not so closely cover'd his cheat neither but that a discerning eye may easily discover what I ob∣served before in the beginning of these remarkes, that his whole book from one end to the other, is but a defence of Paganism, and an Apo∣logy for Apostacy.

Thus I have done with this short account of Julians life, wherein I think I have sufficiently discovered and made appear that our Author has been much his friend, and recoun•…•…d nothing that Julian has done (setting aside his Apostacy) to render his Character odious to any cha∣ritable Reader, or to charge him with the least persecution of Christia∣nity through his whole Government, though I should not have taken this way of answering such a Book, or perhaps not medled with it at all, But that the vile, seditious design and villanous of it provoked me to expose the Ignorance, and Folly of an Arrogant Dunce that would needs be wasting Ink and Paper, without a common portion of Logick to argue from any principle, or raise (though we should be so civil to grant what he knows not how to propose) the least reasonable consequence. The whole Book being but a few chew'd scraps, and mammocks of Grego∣ries cholerick invectives, which perhaps he had better have set alone then ever published, and certainly would have done so had he fore∣seen, what a ridiculous use such a little greecling as this Scribler would have made of them.

But because the little peevish insect would fain by its buzz, insinuate into the world that this Impertinent Collection may in some measure bear a Parallel with the present case of a Prince, whom I will not dishonour so much as to name, upon an occasion so unworthy his meanest consideration, I have taken upon me for the rectifying and dis∣abusing of the understandings of a great many poor deluded people, that I am informed have been led away by the speciousness of the pretence, without considering the weight of the argument, to wash off the Guelt

from this shining piece of Nonsence shew the vile unvaluable dross it is composed of, and let them see what a Knave they have to deal with, for putting such false Metal upon them, and what a Fool he was too, that could counterfeit the Stamp and Coyn of sence and honesty no better.

And to this end, I shall proceed in the Examination of his Second Chapter, which he calls the sence of the Primitive Christians about Julians Succession.

Now in a discourse under these contents, A Man would reasonably imagine we were to be treated (considering the end our Author drives at) with an account of some publick Acts and Endeavours of the Chri∣stians, to obstruct and cut off the Succession of this Julian, we might expect here some president for an Act of Exclusion, warranted from a practice of so ancient a standing as that of the Primitive Christians, as our Author calls them, in Constantius's time, tho they were indeed Ar∣rians, but instead of that in the very beginning of this Chapter we are told we cannot expect, to read of any endeavours used to prevent this Succession, and to fore-close him upon the score of his Religion. And why? Because sayes our Author, Julians coming to the Crown a Pagan was a perfect surprize to the World: so that instead of giving us here a President for an Act of Exclusion even in the like case, all he in∣forms us of is, That it was the sence of the Primitive Christians not to fore close, as he calls it, any one upon the score of his Religion, at least before they knew of his defection. Now here is a neat way of arguing this Fellow has, when he would compare and make Parallels, is it not? All I say from hence is, if it were the opinion of the Primitives, I think it ought to be the sence of us that are Christians too, if Religion and Ju∣stice be not growing into contempt among us, not to fore-close any man upon the score of his Religion, till we are sure at least (from better Arguments then the malitious insinuations of his Enemies, (whom he has a spirit too Royal and too great to bow to) and the Oaths of perjur'd pro∣fligate Villains) that he has left it.

But to come as near to the business he would foist upon us as is possi∣ble, which is to tell us the sence of the Christians at that time (I'l put the case modestly for him) concerning Julians Succession, The first thing he does in this Chapter, (after a merry frisk or two by way of bob to Addressers in the beginning meerly to shew the nimble disposition of his parts) is, to give us the most accurate account he can of Julians undoubted and indisputable right to the Empire; and truly to do him Ju∣stice it is the only methodical, reasonable & well joyned story or discourse in his whole Book. After he has shown us this, bless us! how he seems to extend and raise himself for the force of the blow that is to follow; but let us see how we can bear it.

After he had summed up the short History of Julians right to the Empire, he has pleased to express himself thus. If this will not do, I know not what measures of divine right (speaking you must know very despicably of the Assertors of any such right) will serve their turn, unless

they would have a Crown drop from the Clouds. And yet sayes he, The Fathers had the conscience to set aside such a Title as this: Well, we desire to see how, and that's but reasonable. Why sayes he, Gregory after Ju∣lian was dead, (he very much given to Gregory,) in the very beginning of an Invective calls after Constantius in Heaven, and expostulates the matter with him there. That is to say, after Julian was dead, Gregory calls after Constantius who dyed before him, to pass a Bill of Exclusion and set aside the Apostates Title to the Throne; is it not so? Risum tenea∣tis amici! Now sayes our worshipful Author at the end of this Quo∣tation, Page the 24th, here is enough to shew that Constantius would ne∣ver have made Julian Caesar, &c. Now I think this as neat a Conclu∣sion as the Argument will bear, I think the point of Succession as handsomely settled, as any serupulous man could in conscience desire: I think our Author has satisfied us, That the Fathers would have set a∣side Julians Title to secure their Religion, for Gregory sayes he, called after Constantius about it, when they were both dead and told him, the Apostate ought not to succeed: and that was as well as if all the Fathers had remonstrated to him in his life time. Gregory good man, honest Gregory did all he could in the business he was for shutting the Stable Door according to the Proverb: his wisdom truly was great, but it was something Phrygian.

Now either the Fathers would have remonstrated to Constantius in his life time against Julians Succession, and forgot to tell us so, or un∣der the Rose our Author doth prevaricate, which in plain English is little better then Lying, or else they deputed Gregory to do it for them, and he like a false Brother, Father, writ invectives in his own name, and got all the honour of Expostulating against Julians Succession, af∣ter he was dead to himself. But to be serious a little, if upon this oc∣casion it be possible.

And under a great tryal of my patience I speak it, This Monster of an Author is so unconscionably dull, and has so little mercy on those that fall under the Condemnation of reading him, that after having thus Quoted Gregory like a Coxcomb to a purpose for which every body that peruses it with the least attention must laugh at and despise him, he cannot forbear glutting us with more Impertinency still, and telling us that the same Father will give us better measure in another place, now this other place is, but another piece of the old Gregorian Invective, As our Author hath translated him; yet I will take pains to transcribe a little of it. I would give our Author, and his friend Gre∣gory as fair play as I can, and thus it runs.

What have you done, O Divinest Emperor and greatest love of Christ, (for I am fallen to reprehending you, as if you were present and in hearing, although I know you to be much above my reproof, being placed with God, and inheriting the glory which is there, and are only gone from hence to Exchange your Kingdom) what strange kind of Council is this which you have taken, who did far excel all other Kings in wisdom and understanding! Thus has our Author

Translated it; now I desire the Reader to accept of my Translation upon this Translation, and see if it serve not as well to the purpose. As thus then:

Hubbubbeo!

Vat ast dou don noow dou diveenest Imperour and in Creat favourship vid Creest gra. for I must make expostulation upon dee as if dou didst hear me doe dou dost not hear me indeed neider vy voudst dou dy I pridee now and leave dy Cousin Julian all dy Land and Possessions dou voo hadst so much Visdom and So∣lidity St. Patrick be vid dy shweet shoule vy didst dou make dye amongst us! This really to me sounds as reasonably and as much to the purpose as the very other; yet such stuff as this dares this dull Miscreant quote for Ar∣guments, that the Fathers would in Conscience have set aside Julian's Ti∣tle for the sake of Religion, when he cites nothing to prove his Assertion but two or three scraps of a railing Invective; Published perhaps not un∣seasonably after Julian's Death as a piece of Ecclesiastical Policy, but sig∣nifies nothing to the present use he would make of it: Nor can there in∣deed be given to the very Tenure of it in general any credit at all: For whereas he says before, That Constantius would not have made Julian Cae∣sar, nor have set up an Enemy of Christ over the Christians, if he had known him to have been such; yet he tells us not three leaves afterwards, Page the 29th. (nay, and he quotes Grogory again for that too) That Con∣stantius made his Excuse both to God and Man for his kindness to Julian, and repented him of it at his last breath: Now if Constantius knew not Julian to be an Apostate, he had no reason for this Repentance; if he did know him to be such, he might perhaps have hindered his Succession, but he did not; which plainly overthrows the use our Author makes of his Friend Gregorie's Invective, which he says Page the 24th, was enough to shew that Constantius never would have made Julian Caesar, &c. as I recited before. In short, this Fellow had got a few Notions in his Head which his watry Brains were too cold to digest, so there they lay heavy till they infected him with that Epidemical Disease which rages of late so fatally amongst us called Pruritus scribendi (i. e.) Scabies soeculi.

For what Apology can there possibly be made for a Fellow that talks at the rate he does in another place, viz. Page the 27th. where he says (and calls it a Remarque of his own wise Noddle too) that the making of Julian a Caesar, was a rash, foolish, inconsiderate, cruel, inhumane action, and fit only for some Devil to advise; when but a little before, Page the 24th. he brings in Gregory Complimenting Constantius, who did that Action, by the glorious Appellations of Divinest Emperour, and greatest Love of Christ. But as I have observed before, he never designed Gregorie's advantage as to this bus'ness in the least; if he did, I am sure he has spoil'd it, as bad as the Patron did him, who remov'd him from his Reader-ship in Covent∣garden, to a Rector-ship in Essex, or any where else.

Now to what purpose our Author has written this Chapter con∣cerning the sense of the Primitive Christian's about Julian's Succes∣sion, and how far he has proved the Fathers in Conscience would have set aside his Title, I leave to the Judgment of any unbyassed and reasonable understanding, and so beg leave to proceed to his Third

Chapter, being an Account of the Christian's behaviour towards Julian in words.

Well, Now let us see then how they really did use him in their words, Why says our Author, instead of Julianus, they called him Idolianus, that is to say, they Quibbled upon him; was there ever such stuff as this published before! Nay, says he farther, They called him Pisaeus, and Adonaeus from his worshipping of Jupiter and Adonis: yet this Boyish stuff the foolish Fellow that writes it in the next Page, calls being smart upon Julian, I have an honour for a Jolt headed Deacon that's good at a Jest with all my heart.

And to shew us more and more how he bears a Brain (as some old Women call it) to convince us throughly how bitter the Christians were upon all occasions against this Emperour in their words and speeches, in∣deed he quotes us out of Ammianus Marcellinus, how that when he went to the Campaign, some of them wished him a happy Expedition, and a glo∣rious Return (bitter railing, this is very bitter railing!) Now has not this Scribler ordered this Chapter to as good purpose as he did the last! This is being very severe in their words and speeches. This is being very smart upon him truly.

Well, but now let us see how Julian revenged himself, and persecuted them for this Treatment, and for it take this Story, Page the 36th. of a Nobleman of Berea.

This Nobleman, says our Author, having disinherited his Son for Warp∣ing towards the false Religion. This persecuting Julian promising the Youth to reconcile his Father to him, invited the Magistrates and Chief men of Be∣rea to a Feast, among the rest this young Man and his Father, whom he or∣dered to sit next himself (very horrid Persecution indeed!) well but what followed: Why about middle of Dinner Julian says to the Father, In my mind it is not Just to force a Man's Judgment against his will: Therefore do not you force your Son against his mind to follow your Opinion; for neither do I force you to follow mine; so that here is Liberty of Conscience still, the true spirit of Julian's Persecution, as our Author observed before. Well, but what said the old Gentleman to all this? why, the Father shar∣pening his discourse answered, O King, do you speak of this Villain who is hated of God, and has preferr'd a Lye before the true Religion? Now cer∣tainly a Tyrant, and Persecutor, could do no otherwise than command him to be Hanged, Burned or Rack't for this at least. Well, what did he do? why says our Author, he put on a Vizard of Meekness, and only re∣ply'd, Friend leave Railing. Now would not any one that reads this, fairly conclude that the reciter of it was more Julian's Friend than the Nobleman's, and has given a better Character of the Apostate, than the Christian?

He tells us indeed another blind Story of a Blind Bishop of Chalcedon, who was very foul mouthed towards Julian, for which he says, he perse∣cuted him grievously afterwards; but the manner he leaves us to find out as

well as we can, he being as I think I have justly observed all along, too much a will-wisher to Julian, to deliver any thing that shall not make rather for his Praise, than his Dishonour: And this is really what his Third Chapter amounts to, in an account of what the Christians behaviour was towards Julian in Words; we now come to consider the next, namely the Fourth Chapter, and in that their Actions.

The first Story whereof is that of Valentinian, which if it redound not as much to Julian's honour, both for his Prudence, Temperance, Justice, and yet Mercy too, there is no credit to be given to Theodoret, or our Author's quotation of him: But the Reader may please to observe, That Theodoret's Reputation was cleared at the beginning of these Remarks by the consent of the Fathers; though honest Gregorie's evidence to speak modestly, was not altogether so clear as the Sun.

And if this Story do prove so much to Julian's advantage, according as it is delivered by our Author, I hope our Author will be so ingenuous the next time he has occasion to appear in Print upon the behalf of Paga∣nism, as fairly to throw off the Hypocrites Cloak, declare to us freely how much he is an Apostates humble Servant, and tell us whose Chap∣lain he is: And thus it begins.

Valentinian, being a concealed Christian Collonel of Horse under the Apo∣state Julian, and waiting upon his Master once in a Procession to the Temple of Fortune: The Chaplains stood on both sides of the Doors, cleansing with sprinklings those that entered in. But when Collonel Valentinian saw this Holy Water coming near his Cloaths, he struck the Chaplain with his Fist, saying, It would not cleanse, but defile him: Now all I can discover out of this first part of the Story is, that Valentinian may be was a very spruce Collonel, and did not love to have his Embroider'd Coat used too fami∣liarly: For example, suppose even at home here in our little England, nay, at Whitehall, an Officer newly having bought his Place, going up∣on his Duty, with a fine Beaver Hat, and a dainty unfully'd white Fea∣ther in it, this Hat cockt too à la Francois, and under it a Perruque essenced and Curled in defiance to the smell of Match behind him, under his Chin an exquisite Crevat, made up as dext'rously, as if he had done it himself by his own great Rules of Fortification, adorned moreover with a strut∣ting String, that shews the exact Diameter of the Hero's Physiognomy. Upon his Martial Body, a more Martial Coat: Round his fine Wast a heavy Scarff, that loads his feeble bending Loins, and by his doughty, jetting, strutting Side, a little pretty short Sword, that would not hurt a Worm. Suppose him thus with all his fierte about him, Marching in Querpo for the defence of the Court, and the terrour of its slovenly Ene∣mies; and grant some Brewer's Dray just rumbling by; the frothy mat∣ter working from the Bungholes of the Barrels, and at every jolt, squirting as wonderfully as Sir S's Engine; grant too, that some of it by accident might Contaminate the outside, and better part of this Noble Comman∣der: ought not a well-drest Centurion upon this occasion to exert himself, shew his Indignation of new Ale, and Value for new Clothes? Oh, but our Author will tell me there is difference between the sprinklings of holy

Water, and spoutings of Yeast: If he does, I confess he will be in the right, and Valentinian was but an impudent unmannerly fellow to offer such an act of Violence in the presence of his Emperour, and against the Sacred Person (for so the Government then esteemed them) of a Priest in the Performance of his Office: But to proceed, what said Julian to all this? Why, Julian seeing what passed, sent him away to a Garrison lying by a Desart, or as our Author quotes St. Austin for the purpose, turn'd him out of the Guards. Now all I can discover out of this second Part of the Story is, that when this sawcy Companion had flown in his Master's face, he turn'd him fairly out of his place; but gave him no leave to sell: So that making Money of ill Manners was not in fashion at Julian's Court.

Nor can Valentinian's being a Christian, and Zealous against the Ido∣latry of the Pagans in any manner excuse him, for if his Conscience was too squeamish for his Employment, he ought honestly to have quitted his Command, and so have avoided the occasion of either consenting to those Superstitious Idolatrous Ceremonies, or committing a rude Irreve∣rent act in the Presence, and against the Dignity of his Prince, his known Pleasure, and his Lawes. For it is false which our Author in several pla∣ces of his Book endeavours to insinuate, That Christianity at that time was the Established Religion of the Empire: For the Empire at that time being Universal, and of all the World, it cannot be imagined that Christianity then but in it's Infancy, could already have prevailed so far as to be con∣firmed by the general Law of the World, when even in these our times so many Ages since, it has much ado to keep the little ground it has got∣ten within the narrow bounds of Europe, the least fourth Part of that Empire which he sayes it was Established in. Nay if we look but back∣ward to the 8th page in the first Chapter, we shall find our Author him∣self Acknowledging, (and still Quoting Gregory for it too) that of all this Established Religion, there was indeed above 7000 left that did not bow the Knee to Baal. A Mighty Number to Establish the Religion of the World withal! No, I am afraid the Religion according to Law at that time, was the Religion of the Emperour; and when Valentinian Broke the Laws by affronting of it, Julian (according to our observation in the be∣ginning of this Chapter) did like a Just Prince to punish him, Yet like a Merciful Prince to punish him so mildly. Like a Prudent Prince never farther to Employ or Trust him, Yet like a Temperate Ruler too to Qua∣lify the Passions that probably so great a provocation might raise in him, with knowing well how to apply the Vertue, and Authority of his Laws. And this Praise I think our Author has taken a great deal of pains to give him, by telling the World the Story of Valentinian.

The next Instance is, how old Gregory of Nazianzum, our Author's Friend, Gregory's Father, deny'd Entrance to a Captain of Archers, sent by the Emperour to take possession of a Church: upon which the Officer withdrew, I suppose according to his Orders too. Now all I can gather from hence is; The old Bishop being refractory, the Emperour in pity proceeded with no farther Violence against him; for it cannot be suppo∣sed, that Julian could want force (had he pleased) to have taken the For∣tress. Oh but, sayes our Author) Examine Gregory's Funeral Speech upon

his Father's Death, and you shall find, that had not Julian got out of the Old Gentleman's way, he might have gone away Kickt; Tho this, if truly Quo∣ted, sounds to me rather like a Braggadochio of Gregory for the honour of his Father, then any thing else. (For I cannot believe that an Empe∣rour would go himself in person to storm a poor old doating decrepit Bishop out of a little Parish Church;) yet our Author is very positive in the point, and sayes, He had much a do to refrain making Soloecisms in the Greek, to avoid the greater Soloecism of An Emperour of the World awed and terrify'd with the fear of a Kicking. This we are to understand is a merry Conceit; But our Author, who loves to be sure, gives us a Comment of a certain Metropolitan of Crete upon the place, which being too long to recite here, the Reader at his leisure may peruse, where he will find men∣tion of the Captain of those Archers indeed; but if Julian be named in it, I desire to forfeit my Credit with him for ever. Well but (sayes our Au∣thor) this Metropolitan was a better Graecian than ever I expect to be; But by this he gives us room to observe that he expects to be a Metropolitan, though at least, and surely he deserves it, for writing so noble a History of Primitive Christianity.

And now sayes our Author, page the 44th, I know no more then the Pope of Rome what to make of all this, what they meant by it, or upon what Principles these men proceeded, (this is a familiar way of expressing him∣self, but ô my Conscience the man speaks truth.) whether, sayes he, Old Gregory distinguished, and did not resist Julian, but only the Devil which his Son so often tells us was in him. Ah Friend of mine have a care there; These sorts of distinctions may stand You in ill stead one day: for should you by these distinctions cheat your self into a share in such a Rebellion, as theirs was who said they fought not against the King but his ill Ministers about him, and then should be hanged for your Logick, what an Advo∣cate would Paganism lose, and what a Chaplain his Lordship!

But if ever the Deacon our Author were drunk in his life, (which is not a thing impossible, For there is very good Ale in Essex) certainly he had taken a Cup, when he wrote the succeeding Chapter concerning the De∣votions of his Primitive Arrian Christians about this business. For (sayes he) when they go to Church and enter upon holy ground, there one may expect to see the flights of their self-denying and suffering Religion; There one may expect they should lay aside all their animosities, and pray for Julian though he were their enemy. Yes (sayes he) and so they do the wrong way. (Witty Varlet!) They cannot sing a Psalm but they make his Confusion the bur∣den of it: The Burden of a Psalm is indeed a new expression by which we may perceive our Author is deeply read in Ballad, and what does a man's Learning signify, if he may not have the liberty to shew it? But now according to the preparations for the raising of our expectation, we might imagine to find something very extraordinary indeed; As how they met in large Congregations, and with one Heart and Voice Invoked the Fall and Ruin of this Cruel Persecuter; How the whole Church kept Solemn, and at least Weekly, Fasts to humble themselves before the Throne of Mercy, that the Miseries and grievous Sufferings they lay under, might in some measure of time be taken from 'em, But as I have observed be∣fore,

it is not the Method of this Worthy Author, to perform any thing that he would make us believe: The contents of his Chapters are high and threatning like the Huffings of Cowards; But his Chapters themselves like the fighting of Cowards too as much at a distance from the point as is possible. But instead of all this, this Bankrupt-Brain'd Fellow when he has run into our debt almost a whole History, would Compound with us for two ridiculous Stories of a Company of Mad Fellowes not unlike our Modern Muggletonians, and a foolish Old Woman that had made her self Head of a Female Consort of sweet Singers. The Stories run thus: Julian having given the Christians Leave to remove the Bones of one Babylas a Martyr from the place where Apollo's Temple stood: The People that setched the Cossin went dancing before it and singing David's Psalms, repeating after every Verse, Confounded be all they that Worship graven Images; Upon which Julian Commanded the Leaders of this Dance to be apprehended. Now to examine the meaning of this a little,

And we shall find it palpably no more, then a Libel upon the Ingrati∣tude of these Christians: for what can be gathered from hence, but that our Author intended to represent Julian a Merciful and Indulgent Prince, and one that proceeded much rather like a Cherisher af Christianity then a destroyer of it: for a Merciless, and Inhumane Persecutor might have Commanded Ministers of his Fury to have digg'd up the Carcass of the Martyr out of it's Quiet grave, and Exposed it with Disgrace and Con∣tumely to the Birds of the Air, and the Beasts of the Field, &c. Instead of this we find him here Commended to us as One that practized Methods much milder, and let the Christians themselves remove the reliques of their dead Brother, that all Decent and Pious Ceremony might be used in the per∣formance of it. Well, and how did the Christians thank him for this Indulgence? Why (sayes our Author) They wished God Confound him for his pains: This is the true Exposition of the Text, this is the plain English of the Story; and if this be not a Satyr against Christianity, and a Panegy∣rick upon the Apostate, I know not what can be.

The other Story is this of an Old Woman, one Madam Publia, who had under her Command a Company of Virgins forsooth (now our Author may call this reverend Lady by what title he pleases, whether a Lady Ab∣bess or Mother of the Maids, no matter, but an old Woman's keeping a Company of Virgins will bear a great many Interpretations.) Well, but in short, according to Theodoret, this ancient Gentlewoman, and her Young Ladies were alwayes singing Praises to God, that's certain; but when the Emperour passed by, they sung their Psalms the louder, account∣ing him fit to be despised and derided: now which the relative Him, here relates to, whether God or the Emperour (for ought I can guess by his Writings,) may puzzle a Better Graecian or Grammarian than our Author to determine: and if so, the old Woman for all this may be a very wicked old Woman. But to make the best of the case, it seems as often as Julian passed by they Left off the devotion of singing meekly to the Praises of their Creator, and fell a roaring and bawling to affront and provoke the Emperour.

This seems not very unlike a Nest of Hornets that hum and buzz migh∣ty Musically while they are busie with their harmless honey; but if any thing pass by, though it never disturb e'm, they encrease their notes to a hideous cry, and all swarm out to sting and vex it: Though for the credit of her Profession, I hope this old Womans Ladies were not every way like Hornets; that is, I hope they had no stings in their Tayls, how sharp so∣ever their Tongues were. But to return to the matter. What return did Julian make for these Indignities?

Why as to the first: A Leader of the Dance, One Theodorus, being ap∣prehended and put to rack; (and here we have our true Protestant Au∣thor clenching his Nayl with a Popish Miracle) being asked if he felt any pain? answered, he felt a little: but there stood by him a certain Youth, who all the while wiped off his sweat with a very white linnen cloath, and often poured cold water upon him which so delighted him, that he was sorry when he was taken off from the Rack; Quis haec recitando, temperet à Risu? Now all I say to this is, that one Miracle may be as good as an∣other; and if this be true, I know not why we should doubt of St. Dennis's Carrying his head so far as it is said he did after it was cut quite off; or a great many others which (when ever they fit his humour of scribling) I suppose our Author won't boggle at delivering for Orthodox, for all his Comparison between Popery and Paganism.

As for Old Mrs. Publia when she received chastisement for her inso∣lence to the Emperour, Odds fish she shew'd her self a Woman of spirit, and gave him as good as he brought, ay marry did she; she shot at him, sayes our Author: Well, but how did she shoot at him? why, she ply'd him with her small shot of Spiritual Songs, as she us'd to do.

And this is a very hopeful account of our Author's Fifth Chapter, con∣cerning the Devotions of the Christians; namely, how a few Mad-men and an Old Woman turned the Praises of God into Curses upon the Empe∣rour: For which indeed we are told a Story of one Theodorus's being rack't for it, but with a Popish Lye tack't to the end of it, that we might be sure not to believe it; for it is the only instance of Julian's Cruelty we have hitherto met with through the whole Book; and our Author had spoyl'd his main design, if he had not seasoned it with an improbability which he was morally certain no body could give credit to.

And thus in the next place we shall survey his Sixth Chapter, and what he sayes concerning their Prayers and Tears.

And truly upon the strictest Enquiry I could make, I cannot find that he sayes any thing of them at all. He recites indeed several fragments of Devotions penned in the Plural number, as if they had been the Prayers of Congregations; but tells us afterwards how Gregory sayes they were his former Thoughts and Cryes to God: So that (sayes our Author himself) it is possible they were his own private Devotions: but concludes however very Learnedly from thence, That it is evident the publick Devotions of the Chri∣stians ran in the same strain. Now how it is evident because they were

Gregory's private Devotions, that therefore they must be the Publick Prayers of the Church too, I cannot for my heart discover: But the Scribler has all along a particular way of arguing which I perceive satisfies himself, how much soever in the dark it leaves his Readers. And all that I can find for my life that this Chapter amounts to, is, that it was thought to be much for old Gregory's honour that he helpt to Pray Julian to death; whence all the conclusion I can raise is, That our Author has done his utmost to make Gregory's Prayers no other then like the Enchantments of a Witch; for Praying People to death is at best but a holyer kind of Witchcraft; and if our Author thinks to bring that Practice into fashion in these our dayes of Devotion, I would not give him nine pence for his Project; for I am confident the secret of it is Quite lost, and irrecoverable; And dare swear (referring my self, were it possible, to all the Bills of Mortality for these 600 Years and upwards) that there has not been one man Pray'd to death since the Conquest: This perhaps some men may think a bold Proposition, but I'll stand to it. And more then that, upon examining the Seventh Chapter how Julian came by his End, I'l hold an even wa∣ger he was not Pray'd to death neither.

For says our Author in the very first Paragraph of this Chapter, After Julian had Reigned about Nineteen Months being in Persia, and his Army suddenly attaqued by the Enemy, he made such hast from place to place to Relieve those Troops which were most hotly Engaged, that he forgot his Ar∣mour; and while he thus exposed himself, was struck with a Horseman's Spear which pierced his side, and stuck in the bottom of his Liver, of which Wound about Midnight he dyed. So that by this it is apparent he was not Prayed to death, whatever our Author was pleased to say before, but is very remarkable through the whole Book, that he generally has a way of changing his Opinion with his Chapter; neither do we find in any Histories mention made that Julian vomited any crooked Pins or Needles, or Balls of hair before he dyed; which if old Gregory and Madam Publia had bewitched and pray'd him to death, he must certainly have done. Yet let not any one think that I too forcibly detort and wrest the sence of our Author here, for he sayes himself Page the 66th, That these Christians sometimes said all their Prayers backward to fetch down Vengeance upon his head. Which according to the Opinion of Learned Writers upon that Subject, is a great part and ceremony used in the Enchantments of Witches. But are we sure after all this, that Julian was killed by the Dart of a Per∣sian? No, for sayes our Author, One Callistus who was then in Julian's Service, and has given us the History of that War, sayes it was a Daemon that did it. Now this I must Confess is apt to lead ones opinion back again, and make a man believe there was a little Incantation and Sorcery used in the business; but I am resolved to the Contrary, and let our Au∣thor do his Worst, he shall never root it in my faith, that two such Emi∣nent Primitive Christians as Old Gregory of Nazianzum, and Publia the Mother of an Antiochian Bishop, would give their Souls to the Devil for the destruction of any Body. Besides, the Prince of Darkness (our Author may know I believe) is a Politick Prince, and would not easily be wheadled withal to destroy one who was in a way of doing him such Service, as Julian might have done, by utterly extirpating the Religion of Salvation, and giving Hell title to all the Souls of Mankind.

In few words, as to this Chapter concerning Julian's death, I defy any any body who is not otherwayes satisfy'd of the matter, to make any right judgment out of it what manner of death he dy'd, or whether in∣deed he ever dy'd at all: for first Mr. Author tells us he was killed by a Dart from a Persian Horseman; then he tells us that it was not a Persian who did it, but a certain Devil incognito that rode Volunteer in the Army o' purpose: And last of all, to Confound and Entangle the matter utter∣ly, tells us, how one Libanius a Sophist Insinuates in his Writings, That he who kill'd Julian was a Christian. Now according to the common weight of reports, the main of the thing it self, upon the whole matter may be a Lye: for commonly when we hear a Story delivered so many several wayes, we suspend our belief, and give no credit to it in General, at all; so that for ought we know, Julian the Apostate may be living to this very hour, nay Conversant (as Nebuchadnezzar once among the Beasts,) with many worthy true Protestants and others here in England, where having forgot the past glories of his Empire, and contenting himself with the solitary pleasures of Brandy and Mundungus, (still preserving his name) has Condescended to the humble office of transcribing and publishing dull Libels and Lampoons, for worse fools to own, then the blockheads that make e'm.

In the next place as to the usage of Julian's memory: this precious Author has thought Convenient to write a whole Chapter, how they (that is to say, by Gregory their representative in an Invective) call'd him Herod, Judas, Traytor, Murderer, &c. till after all, they Lodged him in Hell, and there they left him: which I say was very charitably done, and so fare∣wel poor Julian: Only I must desire to remind our Author of a mighty mistake he has made in matter of truth; for whereas towards the begin∣ing of his Book, page the 14th, in the short account of Julian's Life, he sayes that some of the Fathers write, that he would suffer no Christian Ma∣sters to teach; but make no mention at all of his forbidding the Youth to learn. In this (viz.) the 7th Chapter, and Page the 56th, rather then lose the credit of a Miracle, as he calls it, he makes bold to give all those Fathers the Lye, and declares, That the News of Julian's Death was Con∣vey'd to some of the Christians by Miracle; for there was a Christian School-Master at that time at Antioch, and he being asked in derision what the Car∣penter's Son was doing, being, fill'd with Divine Grace, sayes our Author, reply'd, He is making a Coffin. A very heavenly Speech, truly: and the School-Master was a Wagg I'l warrant him, as well as a School-Master.

This is the Sum total of the Account our Author has given us of the Sence of the Primitive Christians about Julian's Succession, and their be∣haviour towards him; where I think it is sufficiently Evident, That his whole drift and design has been (as much as in him lay) to strike at the very root of Christianity, by exposing the weakness, false dealing, and ingratitude of a few intemperate Zealots, under the name and title of Primitive Christians: and cha••ging other principal Members of the Church, at that time, with no less Crimes then Witchcraft, and Murder; While Julian all along, is represented the most Indulgent, forbearing, tem∣perate and patient Prince, that ever wink't and turned aside at the Effron∣tive

Insolencies of an unruly people whom his heart pity'd; and that this was his drift, will more largely appear in the following Chapter, Being our Authors own reflexions upon the behaviour of these Chri∣stians: and here indeed (speaking for himself, and not having occasion to Quote Gregory fo often,) we may more particularly distinguish the spirit of the Man; for he cannot help shewing us his thoughts fairly and clearly upon the matter; but sayes in the very first line of this Chap∣ter, (and so onward for a whole leaf together, which I shall epito∣mize as well as I can,) That Julian's persecution was but a Flea-biting to what the Christians formerly had felt, that the case of the discard∣ed School-masters, Physitians, and Souldiers, was the greatest severi∣ty of all Julian's Edicts: that Julian, to speak properly, was rather a Tempter then a Persecutor; and one who wrought upon Mens Cove∣tousness & Ambition more then their fear; and that whatsoever he ever designed against the Christians, was far short of what other Emperors had executed. Is not this an Apology for Julian now! is not this ma∣king him the most equally dealing and Indulgent Prince that ever reigned! if the Reader is not so satisfy'd, let him but carry his Eyes a very little farther, and observe how he treats and justifies those Christi∣ans and their proceedings. For yet sayes he, (notwithstanding all this) how do the Christians Treat this Emperor! One would take them to be the Apostates, one while reproaching him, ruffling with him, and vexing every vein in his Royal heart; another while saying all their Prayers backward, and calling down vengeance upon his head; After that, dancing and leaping for joy at his death, and insulting over his memory: but for the name of Christians, he had better have fallen amongst Barbarians, And yet (sayes our Author farther) he often would mildly put them in mind of their christianity too: But they call him by the bloodiest names of the Devil, for taking advantages of the Chri∣stian doctrine in this particular, which sayes, we must not avenge our selves, nor render evil for evil, &c. Now let any unprejudiced Readers but peruse these two Characters seriously (Viz. that first of Julian, and this after it of the Christians) and thence Judge who set this noble Author to work, and the cause he writes for, Judge which he has done the best service to, by the feats of his triumphing Pen; whether Christianity or Apostacy, God or the Devil.

Nor ought his telling us, that christianity was then the Established Re∣ligion of the Empire, at all, to prevail upon our belief, till he bring better Arguments for it then those I before observed, of the mighty number of Seven Thousand, that did not bow the Knee to Baal: Chri∣stianity was indeed a Tolerated Religion of the Empire, increased and got strength under the Patronage and Protection of those Christian Emperors before Julian: but that it was ever Constituted or Com∣manded by their Laws, to be receiv'd as the universal Religion of their Dominions, is a secret, which I am afraid our Author's Learning will hardly yet a while, from any Histories discover to the World. For though those Emperors were Christians themselves, we do not find, (from any thing at least that our Author informs us except we will take his own bare word for the matter) that they ever began a general

tirpation of Heathenism, or Commanded universal Baptism over all their World: They made no Laws for bringing Nations under the same Discipline of one Christian Church, which had it been a Religion esta∣blished by Law, must and would certainly have been done: But whe∣ther it were, or were not, signifies little, or nothing to my present purpose, it being only my design in these Remarques, to let the World see, how falsely they are dealt withal by a Scribler, that pre∣tends to write a Satyr upon an Apostate, when he has taken all the care that's possible, to vindicate and defend him: which as he has done sufficiently in contradicting the truth, so has he been as Industrious for it in contadicting himself too: for when he comes, as he calls it, to summ up all in a word, he tells us, that the first Christians suffered indeed according to the Laws of their Country; whereas those under Julian were persecuted contrary to Law, who did not fairly enact sangui∣nary Laws against them, but put them to death upon Shams and pre∣tended Crimcs. Now how this agrees with what our Author told us be∣fore, in Page the 66th, let the Reader look back, and he will soon be satisfied: for there he tells us Julian's persecution was but a Flea-biting to what the Christians formerly felt; That he good man wrought upon mens covetousness more then their fear: yet here, Page the 71st he was a Cruel Murderer and putter to death. Nay upon pretended Crimes too, what credit ought to be given to so impudent a Fellow as this, who will rather give himself the Lye, then use the memory of an Enemy to God, and a reviler of his Blessed Son, as it deserves! yet this is he whom a true Protestant party (as they call themselves) cry up for a Libel writ∣ten against their Christianity; and a most Religious Zealous Pious Lord has chosen for his Chaplain.

And these indeed are the reflections of our Author upon the behavi∣our of the Christians against Julian; with this Title had he charged his dreadful Murdering piece of all the Ninth Chapter. But finding that it would not go off so, has primed it with a new one of passive obe∣dience, which may more properly be called, an Appendix to his Pre∣face: for it is a solution of the case, how far we ought to be obedient to a Popish Prince.

Now though it be palpable enough at what head he Aims his odious Title; And though I own my self a naturally devoted Servant, to that Illustrious Heroick Virtuous Sufferer, whom I never could be convinced (by any proof or the strickest enquiry I could yet make, (barring pub∣lick suspicion) deserved that denomination: yet here, Abstracting the case from the Person, I am contented for once to take the frivolous dis∣course in hand, as this trifling Author has stated it, and see what dam∣mage according to his Arguments, are likely to accrue from a Po∣pish Prince, (granting there could be such a thing) to the Established Religion of these Kingdomes.

After which (allowing the esteem our Authors party have for the service he has done them) if it appear from his own Arguments to the contrary, that our Religion, according to its Establishment, in its in∣ward

perfect purity of doctrine, and it's outward defence and bulwark of the Law, be so confirmed, that (if it forsake not its own strength) nothing at home can shake or disturb it, much less persecute it: I think it were but Reason, (if Peace and Truth, (according to their pretensi∣ons) be the things they so much labour for:) that they henceforth re∣turn into the Arms of the Church, the obedience to the Law, renounce their Pharisaical pride of separation, and let the People of England be once more fellow Christians and fellow Subjects.

If then (as our Author says, Page 73d.) We have our Religion settled by such Laws as cannot be altered without our own Consent, what need he in the next page have asked the foolish Question, Whether or no we are to go to Mass to Morrow or have our Throats out? If, as he says, there can be no need of passive obedience for our Religion, but by our own Treachery to it, in parting with those good Laws which protect it, and in agreeing to such as shall destroy it; why all these noises and clamors? why these alarums a∣mong us? why these outcries of approaching Persecution and imminent Popery? If the Laws of the Kingdom absolutely and entirely tend (as cer∣tainly they do) to the maintenance of the established Church, and the rooting out the Superstitious Religion of Rome, and if there be no power in England Civil or Military, but what meerly depends upon the Authority of those Laws, and cannot move without it, where are those dangers we so foolishly affright our selves withall? or whence can they arise? From within our selves I am sure they cannot, except Popery be to grow upon us out of the Earth, like Mushrooms in a Night, or gather over our heads like a thick Cloud in the Air, and rain down a shower of Armed Papists in ready Rank and File, to over-run and destroy us er'e we can think of our defence.

Popish black bills, 'tis true, have been sent to a Rendezvous by the Post, but never more heard of: An Army of Pilgrims too were Landed, but to no purpose neither; Yet these things were in a time, when we had a dangerous Plot ready to discharge it self among us, but now the Pay-Master of the Imaginary Army to be raised for the use of that Plot, is gone into another World, the rest of the Principal Officers under a close Im∣prisonment, and like to lie there; Nay all their Commissions lost too, and not somuch as one Cypher of Father Oliva's to shew for the bus'ness; What grounds are there for our Fears now? Are not all the Popish Nobi∣lity in the Kingdom excluded from their Votes in the House of Lords? Or can any Man be a Member of the Lower House who does not take the Oaths of Allegiance, Supremacy, Test, and Sacrament according to the Church of England? And are not these Two Houses the great Coun∣cil of the Kingdom, who are to prepare by Votes all manner of Instru∣ments, for the preservation of our Safety and Religion, and Confirmation of our Rights, to be passed into Laws by the Royal Assent? And can there in a Government and Church thus Established, thus Fortified, be fears of Popery or Persecution from it self! No, were there but another Test to pass through the Kingdom against Separation and Schism, as there is against Popery, I think then even our own Treachery to our Religion were impossible to be supposed, in parting with those good Lawes which should protect it: I believe then the 35th of Elizabeth would no more be

struck at, but put in due Execution; Rebels, and Mutineers reduced and made obedient to the Government and Laws; Mechanicks kept to their Shops, and not suffered to turn their Ware-houses into Nurseries of false Doctrine, Prophaneness, Blasphemy and Rebellion. And since as our Au∣thor says, it would be Treachery to part with those good Lawes which protect our Religion, They who would Abolish this Law are not, 'tis to be feared, so true Sons of the Church as they ought to be, by Leaving so wide a gap for all manner of Confusion to enter in at, and rend the peaceful Bowels of their Mother. No, Let us banish those needless Fears, that serve for nothing but to perplex the sweetest Peace, that ever a happy Nation was blest withal; and avoid those Enemies of our Prosperity that would pro∣mote them. Let all true Sons of the Established Church resolve by Loy∣alty to their Prince, Obedience to his Authority, Mutual Love, Charity, and entire Union, amongst and towards one another; to maintain, and defend it: resolve to stand by and preserve the Laws that support it, from the annoyance both of its right, and left-hand Enemies; let us resolve this and be Quiet: and if we do so, we shall be Quiet, to the Confusion of our Author, and those mischievous creeping Caterpillars his Party.

Nay since there are good Laws for the protecting of our Religion against its Enemies, the Schismatical Phanaticks, as well as Papists and Others; the best way certainly of protecting it, is, by putting those good Lawes in Execution, nay to the utmost Extent, and improvement of them if pos∣sible: and for this too, (to give our Author one Quotation for his whole Book-ful) let Bracton be my security, Nay the very place too where Mr. Deacon is pleased to Quote him himself upon this occasion: (viz. Libro 1. Cap. 2.) in these words; Leges cum fuerint approbatae consensu utentium, et Sa∣cramento Regum Confirmatae, Mutari non possunt, nec destrui, sine communi consensu & consilio eorum omnia, Quorum Consilio & consensu fuerunt promulgatae. That is to say, that since the Laws have been approved by the consent of those for whose use and benefit they were made, and Confirmed by our Kings; They cannot be changed, nor destroyed, without the Common consent and advice of all those, by whose Advice and Consent they were first set forth: So far our Author. But had he pleased to have car∣ried his Eye a line farther, he might have found this added; Quod in me∣liùs tamen converti possunt, etiam sine eorum Consensu, Quia non destruitur quod in melius Commutatur; i. e. That for all this, nevertheless they may be improved at the discretion of the Prince, even without such Consent, since no∣thing can be said to be destroyed, which is changed for the better. Which all makes good my aforementioned Assertion, That for the preservation of our Religion, the Laws ought to be put in Execution, with the utmost Rigor, and (when the King shall think fitting) in so good a Cause, they ought, if possible, to be stretched and improved too: For Laws being the Instruments, put into the hands and power of a•…•…ing, wherewith to Go∣vern and Protect his People; those Instruments are to be used at his own discretion certainly; And a good Father of his Country cannot but think himself obliged, to give them their utmost and severest reach for the sup∣pressing and reducing of Contumacious stubborn impudent Mutineers and Rebels; as well as sometimes in Goodness to abate their Rigor, when he finds an object that may deserve his Mercy.

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Our Author might have found out this as well as I now: But I suppose he may be one of those that are for clipping the King's Prerogative, and for that end would serve all those Authors so too that defend and assert it. And indeed I observe in all their Writings, that it is much the practice of the Advocates for that Party, (whenever they have an Occasion to shew their Reading, & Quote a poor Author that never intended them any Kind∣ness,) to snip, pare and shave him down just to their purpose, so clap him upon the Margent of their Pamphlet, in hopes to Cobble up their false Arguments with defaced and mangled truth, and make them pass for Ve∣ritable Doctrine.

And indeed I cannot tell all along what to make of this giddy-headed Author I am to handle: He turns, and shifts, and dodges, and never keeps one Course: He pretends to treat of passive Obedience, but never tells us what passive Obedience is: discourses from no principle in the world; nor gives us any definition of his Theam: and indeed upon due conside∣ration it were unreasonable to expect it of him, for had he ever read Ethicks, he would have learned more honesty then to have published such a Book He first tells us in a word, That we are secured so well by our Laws, that passive Obedience must (except by our own treachery) be for ever unpracticable amongst us: yet wasts Twenty or Thirty Pages more to scare us with the dangers of its doctrine, which he sayes, 'Tis true can never discover its malignity under his Majesties gracious Reign, which God prolong and prosper, who has been pleased to give the Nation the security of his Coro∣nation Oath, &c. But in case we should fall under a Popish Successor, then this Bloody Doctrine will have the Opportunity to shew its self in its own Colours, and we may then see, and it may be feel the sting of it.

Now here really it is very hard to forbear laughing most outragiously at this Fellow and his Canting, but that I correct and keep my spleen un∣der in a pure principle of charity, for fear lest I mistake his frenzy for his folly. The King has been pleased to give us the security of his Coronation Oath, Quotha! but in case we should fall under a Popish Successor!—Well, what then? Must not he give us the Security of his Coronation Oath too? Yes, my dear Author, that he must, and I believe Thou mayst be satisfied it will be his Interest to keep it too, except thou canst think him so blind to his own good, as to hazard the involving of his Nation in blood, sha∣king and endangering of his Throne for ever, and all for the great advan∣tage he may propose to himself, of bringing in the Power of a Tyrannical Clergy, to Impoverish his People, lessen his Revenues, and weaken his Authority.

Oh but (says our Author) I suppose that a Popish Successor being in posses∣sion, and so a lawful Magistrate, will persecute Protestants.

To which I answer; I desire to know, which way he will persecute Protestants: will he persecute them with the Laws? No. They are of the Protestant side. If he will raise a Popish Army and bring in Popery with Drum and Trumpet, I humbly desire to know where he will beat up his Drums for them, and how the Popish Officers will make their In∣terests

in the Countrey when they are to raise them: or what Popish Towns will give 'em Quarters till they come to their Rendezvous: Or which way this Popish Successor will get a Popish Parliament, to give him Protestant Money, to pay this Popish Army: all these things will be ne∣cessary: For let the Romish Religion be never so much in the matter, your Musqueteers and Pikemen will have a certain Protestant principle of point d' Argent, point de Swisse: Though after all it would be a damn∣able surprise at last, if our Author should have a Project at the end of all this, to conceal his Politicks till this Popish Successor Comes, and so pre∣fer himself to his Privy Council by a trick he has in the bottom of his Budget, for the bringing in Popery in a peaceable way, and enslaving the Nation without a farthings Cost or a moments trouble: that I must con∣fess would be something new, and not unpretty. Marry but (sayes the Gentleman farther) if he does not persecute Hereticks with fire and sword, he lyes at the Popes Mercy to have his Kingdom taken away from him: In∣deed Mr. Author, and that's a very weighty Consideration; But do you think in your Conscience that he will part with it so! Truly a deep fore∣sight into politick Consequences is a great blessing to one that is to write much upon Supposes; Though if a man might be so bold as to put in a word with you, really it seems unto me, (Noble Sir Poll.) that you do please to speak of more then need be done: for if you dare to Engage this Popish Successor (after you have established your Interest by your pro∣ject from bringing in his Religion) to let us poor Protestants live in Peace and Quietness, as I believe you may; I'l Engage the Pope shall be very favourable to him, and for a very small Quit-Rent let him keep the Co∣pyhold of his Kingdom: Bless us, how things will be managed when the Reader of Covent Garden comes to be a primiere Minister, and I Ambas∣sadour Extraordinary to his Holiness! but till that time comes I can foresee no fear of a Popish Persecution, nor very great danger of the Popes disposing of these Three Kingdoms.

Well, but what are we to think now, if, as our Author sayes, into the bargain, that besides the danger of being dethroned by the Pope if he does not persecute Protestants, he runs also the hazard of being served as the Two Henry's of France were? Why truly nothing is Impossible: but we hope it is not altogether so probable, that a King should be stabb'd in a Pro∣testant Country, for not persecuting its Religion: let him keep the Ene∣mies of the Church from hurting the Protestants, and certainly the Pro∣testants will be able to keep their Enemies from hurting of him; or the Pope from taking away his Kingdom either: 100000 Protestants will be too hard for all the Pope's Bulls in Christendom. This Policy I believe Any Successor (let his private Perswasion be what it will) may find very necessary in England, and Twenty to One be wise enough to practise it too: for Henry the Fourth of France, it is very observable, was not Kill'd by Ravillac till he left the Protestant Religion, and encouraged Popery; had he kept it under still, and Establish'd the Reformed above it, it is an even wager but he might have dy'd in his Bed, and been gather'd to his Fathers in Peace. Besides, it is not absurd to imagine, that it was not so much an Ecclesiastical as a Temporal Policy, which sent the Villanous Dagger to that Brave Prince's Heart.

But our Author has indeed a most extraordinary Rule of Policy of his own, and we may perceive it plainly enough by that which follows: For, says he, Let things fall as they will, though some persons may be so happy as to think he will not persecute, yet every body must grant that he may perse∣cute, that the thing is Possible.

Now from this hour, Thou most Confounded Author, do I declare Immortal enmity with thee; nor will ever be Ambassadour to the Pope, nor shalt thou be ever a Minister of State. It is possible in the Devil's name that a Popish Successor may persecute! And is this the Mouse that thy Mountain of a Book has brought forth at last? and ought a Bill of Exclusion to pass for this, because Thou say'st it is possible that a Popish Successor may persecute? hadst Thou stuck to thy first Argument, That our Religion can never be in a condition of Persecution, but by our own Trea∣chery to it, in parting with those good Laws which protect it, and in agree∣ing to such as shall destroy it; hadst Thou kept to that Foundation, thou mightest indeed have raised some discourse of Reason: but that the possi∣bility that an evil may happen, is sufficient for any reasonable men to raise their fears of it upon; or a lawful cause to use unnatural and unequal means to prevent it, is an opinion I would gladly see thee put in practice; It is not impossible, but that thou mayest come to be a Slave in the Turkish Gal∣leys one day, and compelled to live a wretched painful life for several mi∣serable years together: why dost thou not generously hang thy self for a remedy against it! for such an accident may happen to thee, the thing is possible. Or if since it is possible that a Popish Successor may persecute, that it would be therefore just and reasonable to exclude him, why thou vile blunderer, it is possible too (if that be all) that a Protestant Successor may persecute as well as a Popish one: that a Protestant Successor may turn Pa∣pist: it is possible that the best Prince may change his Nature and turn a Ty∣rant, neither of these accidents but are possible in Nature, & so by thy Argu∣ment all Heirs to the Crown ought to be therefore Excluded, and no more Kings reign over us because 'tis possible they may one way or other prove persecutors: & I am very much afraid indeed that's the vile false consequence thou wouldest dispute for: But to come closer to thee in thy rule of possi∣bility, it is not impossible but that such a Parliament may come as to Vote a Bill for the rooting out of our Religion, and Establishing Popery or a Worse in its place: were it therefore reasonable to pass a Law that never any more Parliaments should Sit in England, nay as thou hast stated it, it really carries the more specious pretence of danger of the two: for it being impossible, that our Religion in its lawful Establishment, can be peaceably altered, (if any way) by any other means then an Act of Parliament; the King too being but one man, and the Parliament many, it is more reasonable that the opinions of the many, should sway the will or inclination of one, then that the will of one should over-rule the opi∣nions and inclinations of the many: since therefore it is impossible, that any Successor can lawfully violate the Protestant Religion, but by the concurrence and consent of a Parliament; All thy Argument amounts to, is, Take away Parliaments, and our Religion in law is safe. For ever the Nation is beholding to thee for thy parts: and by the service thou art fit to do the State by thy Policy, we may guess what the Church may hope from thy Divinity.

Well, but after all sayes our Author, Since it is possible that a Popish Suc∣cessor may persecute, it is even high time that we look about us, and see what we have to trust to. The Gospel doth not so much as allow any means when we can∣not escape by Flight, betwixt denying and dying for the Earth: Well, but by what Law must we dye? By none, sayes our Author, that I know, but Para∣sites, Sycophants and Murderers may.

Now I dare venture to hold this Author of ours Fifty pound to a shil∣ling, that amongst all his Noble acquaintaince, there is not one Parasite, Sycopham, or Murderer, that knows any more Law for it, then he does himself. But Rhetorick is a fine thing, and a man that has the gift of it, can no more stop a Trope when its coming, then a Dutchman a belch; 'tis a great case now and then to a writer, and ought to be allowed him.

But now I must beg leave to be a little more serious with my worthy Author, and take him to task with a severe scrutiny. What have we here, Page the 82d! There is no Authority upon Earth above the Law! If our Author means by this, that the King is subject to the Law, I know not what they may amount to; and think it were but fit that he should explain himself. But to take the words in their bare, and unpre∣judiced signification: I say there is an Authority in the King, which is an Authority above the Law: And I think too it will be easie naturally to prove it. For whatsoever derives it's vertue from another Authority, is Inferiour to that Authority whence it is derived; and therefore the Law being the Kings Creature, made and informed with that force which it bears, by the Kings proper Fiat, and Royal Stamp: the Authority of such a Law is but derivative, a Child begotten by the parent power natu∣••urally in the King, and consequently inferiour and subject to that first power, as much as a Child is naturally to a Father. Besides the Law be∣ing (as I said before) no other then an Instrument in the hands of the King, wherewith he is to govern and protect his people; certainly the weapon is not equal to the Arm that weilds it. For as a Sword is but a dead thing of its self, its edge and point of no use at all, but as it is enforced and directed by the hand of him that bears it: so equally the Law, can exercise no Authority meerly of it self at all, but as it is managed and put in motion, by the preeminent and superintendent power in the King: so that there is certainly an orignal Fountain of Natural Authority in the King, above the mechanical instrumental Authority of the Laws.

Nor will it be sufficient that our Author Quotes Bracton's Opinion in the case, to make his Argument irrefragable at all; For though Bracton indeed was a very good Lawyer, we are not by any means to allow him infallible: especially in a case which is evidently false. For whereas he sayes indeed (as our Author hath cited him) that Rex debet esse sub lege Quia lex facit Regem, I cannot by any means allow of his Proposition; since the Law does not make the King, but the King the Laws. For if we look back to the original power of our Kings, as it is derived from the Norman Conquest, we shall find that Conquerour was not made King

by the Law, but by the Sword; nay after he had Vanquished us, imposed too his own Norman Laws in a great measure upon us: as is sufficiently pro∣bable from the absolete French Language which they are to this day writ∣ten in. So that Bracton is in the wrong to say the Law makes the King, for the Race of our present Monarch is derived from that very Conque∣rour, who cut out his way to his Throne with his Sword, and by that Power set up such Laws, as he himself thought sitting; and what Laws have passed since, have been made Laws by the succeeding Kings after him, and not the Kings made by the Laws. For our Kings reign, and hold their Crowns by the right of that Conquest still, which cannot be altered till they themselves willingly resign it, and take up a new Royalty upon new Conditions, and then indeed (as Bracton sayes) The Law may make the King, and the King ought to be under the Law.

Yet this does not hinder, but that (as our Author sayes) Page the 84th, a Popish Successor can have no Authority to exercise any illegal cruelty upon Protestants. And if so, certainly there is therefore much the less fear of him: By much less therefore ought we wilfully to rend and tear the present happiness we now may live in, and be blest withal; by seperating our selves into unreasonable Factions, for fear of a danger which is but wildly possible, and (in all consideration of our present condition as we are fenced and defended by the best constituted Laws in the World, ex∣cept our own Treachery or folly destroy them) utterly improbable: for if (as our Author sayes after) that bad Princes are hardly ever known to stoop so low as to be Executioners themselves of their own cruelty; if we are out of our pain (as he sayes) as to that difficulty, I cannot by any means admit of his second scruple, that under a Popish Successor the lives of all Protestants shall lye at the mercy of every Justice of Peace, Constable, or Tything-man, who shall have Catholick Zeal enough to destroy them. For this my dear Poll is filthy prevaricating: let us still keep our ground, and be true to our Laws, this of all absurdities is im∣possible to happen. For the Law has provided, that no man shall hence∣forth bear any of those offices, but approved and known Protestants, such as must take the Sacrament, Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, and the Test to enable them for their employments, and till those good preser∣ving Laws are abrogated by our own Treachery, it is in our own choice to be as happy as we would be, even under the very reign of a Popish Suc∣cessor.

And whereas our Author (to shew what a Couragious Author he is) rouses himself, and setting his Arms a Cymbo, cryes, Page the 87th, That though we cannot hinder Papists from being Idolaters. we will endea∣vour to keep them from being our Murderers: I must beg leave to tell him as a friend, he might have spared his Breath, to cool his Pottage; for the Laws will do that business well enough, without his help. Nor can there be any petty Popish Officers (as he does his weak endeavour malitious∣ly to insinuate) under a Popish Successor, to be absolute Emperors, and have the power of life and death; for as I observed before, the Law has taken care, that no Papist shall henceforth bear Office in this Kingdom; And this Scribler, before he had entangled himself in this Argument,

should have found out a flaw where our Laws were lyable to be inva∣ded and broken, if he intended to have perswaded us we were not safe under their shelter. In short I am weary of moyling in the heavy road of his Nonsence; long to get rid of him and shake my self clean: least by farther endeavouring to answer a Fool according to his folly, I become like unto him. For he pretends to write History, which he is able to bring to no definite Conclusion: and strains at a discourse, yet lays us down no principles. Sometimes indeed he has a great disposition to a jest: but performs it as Awkardly, as I have seen a Jack-pudding shew feats of Activity: who when you would think his heels were charged with a miracle, comes squobb upon his breech, and looks like the Author of Ju∣lian the Apostate. And thus I have done with this Ninth Chapter, being Reflections upon the Behaviour of his Primitive Arrian Christians, and his opinion of passive Obedience.

And now his next Chapter being, as he styles it, a Comparison of Po∣pery and Paganism: If the Reader expect I should say any thing to that, I must fairly tell him the truth. I was so worryed with the foregoing part of the Book, that I could find in my heart to read but two leaves of it: wherein if our Author would resolve me two scruples, I should take it as a favour first; That whereas he sayes, Page the 100, That Bishop Ridley said the Church of Rome was a Babilonical Beast, and Whore, a devilish Drab, and a stinking Strumpet: I desire to be satisfied how the Reverend Father came to know, whether a Strumpet stunk or no: Secondly, That he having Quoted part of a Homily in the next page to prove, that the Scripture calls the Romish Church a harlot, I humbly beg to be satisfy'd, how she could be harlot when the Scripture was written, and when yet it is evident she had not lost her maiden-head?

But whether he has done Paganism right, or Popery wrong in this Chapter, is not my business to Examine: who am not concerned for the honor of either of them, being born and educated in the Church of Eng∣land as it is Established by Law, and in that Church hope to dye; and yet fear not Martyrdom for it neither, under the Reign of any Popish Successor.

FINIS.

Notes

• Sir Sim. d'Ewes Journ.
• Page the 11th.
• Page the 14th.
• Page t•…•… 18th.
• Page the 11th.
• Page the ••2d.
• ••ark it ••entle Rea∣••er I be∣••ech ye.
• The Irish houl in this man∣ner over their dead friends Graves and much to this pur∣pose.
• Page the 33d.
• Page the 35th.
• Page the 36th and 37th.
• Page the 38th.
• Page the 39th.
• Page the 39th.
• Page the 40th.
• Page the 41st.
• Page the 41st.
• Page the 43d.
• Chap. 5. Page the 45th.
• Page the 46th.
• Page the 48th.
• Page the 49th.
• Viz. The Apology for his A∣postare.
• Page the 52d.
• Page the 53d.
• Page the 40th.
• Page the 56th.
• Page the 59th.
• Page the 60th.
• Page the 63d.
• Page the 56th, and 57th.
• Another Popish Miracle of our true Pro∣testant Authors.
• Page the 65th.
• Page the 66th.
• Page Ib.
• Page the 67th.
• Page the 71st.
• Page the 73d.
• Page the 75th.
• Page the 75th.
• Page the 78th.
• Page the 79th.
• Page Ib.
• Page Ib.
• Page the 82d.
• Page the 83d.
• Page the 84th.
• Page the 85th.
• Page the 88th.