The Roman history written in Latine by Titus Livius. With the supplements of John Freinshemius and John Dujatius from the foundation of Rome to the middle of the reign of Augustus.

DECADE I. BOOK VI.

EPITOME.

1. &c. It shews the successful Actions performed against the Aequi, the Volsci and the Prenestines. 5. There were four Tribes added; the Stellatine, the Sabatine, the Tormentine, and the Arnian Tribe. 20. M. Manlius, who defended the Capitol from the Gauls, though he set those that were in Debt at liberty, and freed those that were Bound to work out their Debts; being condemned for attempting to make himself a King, was thrown down from the Tarpeian Rock: and for a mark upon him there was an order of Senate made, that no one of the Manlian Family shou'd after that time, be named Marcus. 35. &c. C. Licinius and L. Sestius, Tribunes of the people, promulgated a Law, that Consuls shou'd be made out of the Commons too, who were usually cho∣sen out of the Senate: and that Law, (though the Senate was very earnest in opposing of it) those same Tribunes of the people, who had been the sole Magistrates for 5. years together, caused to pass: so that L. Se∣stius was the first Consul, that was chosen out of the Commens. There was also another Law made, that no one man shou'd have above 500. Acres of Land.

[ I] I Have already given you an account in 5. Books, from the time that the City of Rome was built, to the taking of it, first under their Kings, and then their Consuls, Dicta∣tors, Decemviri and Tribunes Consular, what Wars they had abroad, and what Seditions at home: things which are obscure not only by reason of their great Antiquity, and cannot through the vast distance, as it were, of place, scarce be discerned; but because writing in those days was not common (which is the only faithful Record of actions) and that even those things, that were described in the Priests Books, or other publick and private Monu∣ments, when the City was burnt, were most of them lost. But hereafter I shall give you a more clear and certain relation from the new born Cities second beginning, as from a stock

that's more fertile, of what exploits they did as well in Peace as War. Now by the help of him, who first set it upright (which was M. Furius above any man else) the City was at first supported; for they wou'd not suffer him to lay down his Dictatorship till that year was out. The Assembly for the next year thought not fit to have Tribunes, in whose time the City had been taken: and so the business came to an Interregnum [or time of vacan∣cy [U. C. 366] when there was no chief Magistrate.] Now whilst the City was imploy'd in daily work and labour to repair their Buildings, in the mean time Q. Fabius, as soon as ever he went out of his Office, was warn'd to his Tryal by C. Martius, Tribune of the people; For that he, when a Lieutenant, had fought the Gauls, to whom he was sent as an Envoy, against the Law of Nations: from which Tryal Death (which came so opportunely, that a great many thought it voluntary) snatch'd him away. Then P. Cornelius Scipio enter'd upon the Inter∣regnum; and after him M. Furius Camillus, a second time. He created for Tribunes of the Soldiers, with power Consular, A. Valerius Publicola, a second time, L. Virginius, P. Corne∣lius, [U. C. 367] A. Manlius, and L. Posthumius. Who, from the Interregnum entering immediately upon their Office, consulted the Senate first of all about Religion. First they ordered all the Leagues and Laws (which were the 12. Tables, and some made by the Kings too) to be got together, that could be found: whereof some were published among the Commonal∣ty; and others that related to holy things, suppressed by the Priests, most of all, that they might keep the peoples minds under an awe to Religion. Then they began to discourse of Holy dayes, and called the 17. of August, which was memorable for a double defeat (be∣ing the day, on which the Fabii were slain at Cremera; and when they had such ill fortune to lose the day in the Battel at Allia, with the ruine of their City) Dies Alliensis, from the latter defeat, and made it remarkable by ordering, that no business shou'd be done on it, either publick or private. Some think, That because on the 17. of July, Sulpicius the Tribune Military had not appeased the Gods, but that, before they were reconciled, the fourth day, the Roman Army had been exposed to the Enemy, that therefore it was ordered, that no holy duties shou'd be performed that day: and that from thence also proceeded the same usage upon the day after the Calends, and the Nones.

But they were not long at leisure to consult how to raise the Commonwealth out of so [ II] grievous a condition. For on the one hand the Volsci, their old Enemies, had taken Arms, to extinguish the Roman name; and on the other, Merchants brought them word, that there was a consult about a War held by all the great Men in Etruria at the Temple of Voltumna: besides that a new fright also was come upon them, by the revolt of the Latins and the Hernicans, who, after the Battel at the Lake Regillus, had, for almost 100. years, been constant Friends to the Romans. Wherefore since so many fears encompas'd them on every side, and that it was evident to all people, that the Roman name was not only hateful to their Enemies, but contemptible even to their Allies also; they thought fit that the Commonwealth shou'd be defended by the same persons Conduct, who recover'd it: and that M. Furius Camillus shou'd be made Dictator. He therefore being Dictator, chose C. Servilius Ahala Master of the Horse: and having put a stop to all judicial proceedings, made a Levy of the younger sort of men: but so, that he listed the Seniors too, that had any strength left, and made them take an Oath to be true to him. When he had raised and armed his Men, he divided them into three parts: whereof he planted one in the Veian Dominions opposite to Etruria: another he order d to Encamp before the City (of whom A. Manlius was Tribune Military [i. e. Colonel] as Aemilius was Commander of those that were sent against the Etrurians) and the third part he himself led against the Volsci. Nor was it far from Lanuvium (at a place near the hill Marcius) that he began to attack their Camp. Who marching forth out of contempt (for they thought the Gauls had kill'd almost all the Roman Youth) to War, the name of Camillus, who was General, put them in such a fright, that they secured them∣selves with a Rampire, and their Rampire with heaps of Trees, that the Enemy might not any way enter upon their Works. Which when Camillus observ'd, he order'd fire to be thrown into the Wood; there being, as it happen'd, a great wind at that time, which blew toward the Enemy; and by that by means he not only opened the way with fire, but, the flames, making toward their Camp, he put the foe with the heat, smoke, and crackling of the green stuff, as it burnt, into such a consternation, that it was less trouble for the Romans to go over the Rampire into the Volscian Camp, than it had been to go over the fence, which was burnt down. When the Enemy was all routed and slain, the Dictator, having taken the Camp by storm, gave the Spoil to the Soldiers, which, the less it was expected from a Ge∣neral, that was not used to make Presents, was so much the better taken. After that pursuing the Foe as they fled, when he had pillaged all the Volscian Territories, he brought the Vol∣scians to make a Surrender at last after 70. years Wars. Having Conquer'd the Volscians, he went over to the Aequi, and surprized their Army at Bolae, as they were there preparing for a War: nor did he attack their Camp only, but their Ciiy too, and took it upon the first Assault.

But whilst they had such good fortune on that side, where Camillus was the chief mana∣ger [ III] of the Roman affairs, they were mightily terrified on the other: For almost all Etru∣ria was up in Arms and Besieging Sutrium, a Town in Alliance with the Romans: whose

Embassadors, desiring aid in that their unhappy condition, went to the Senate and got a De∣cree; That the Dictator, assoon as possible, should relieve the Sutrians. But the fortune of the besieg'd being unable to endure the delay of that hope, seeing the few men they had in the Town were all disabled by toil, watching, and wounds, which still lay heavy upon them, they deli∣vered up their City to the Enemy upon terms, and being sent forth unarmed with one coat a piece, they left their native soil in a wretched manner. At that time Camillus chanced to come in, with the Roman Army, to their assistance: at whose feet when the sorrowful crowd of them had laid themselves down, and the cryes of the Women and Children (who were sharers in their Exile) seconded the speeches of the Nobility, which were forced from them by extream necessity, he bad the Sutrians forbear their Lamentations; For he brought sorrow and tears to the Etrurians. Then he ordered his men to lay down their Bag∣gage, and the Sutrians, with whom he left a small Guard, to sit down there together: but bid his Soldiers take their Arms along with them. So going, as fast as he could, to Sutrium he found (as he supposed he shou'd, and as in such cases it generally happens,) all things dissolved in Luxury; no Guard before the Walls; the Gates wide open; and the strag∣gling Conquerer carrying the Booty out of the Enemies Houses. By this means Sutrium was taken again the very same day; and the Victorious Etrurians were killed by this new Foe all over the Town; nor had they time to Rendezvouz, and meet in a Body, or take up their Arms. And when they made, every man as he was able, towards the Gates they found them (according to the Dictators first orders) shut. With that some of them took up their Arms, and others, who were by chance got Arm'd amidst the crowd, call'd their party to∣gether to joyn Battel: which had indeed been brought to effect through the Enemies despair, had not the Cryers, who were sent all about the City given order to them, to lay down Arms, that the unarm'd shou'd be spared, and that no body shou'd be hurt, save those that were Arm'd. With that even those; who before were resolv'd, as their last refuge, to fight for it, when they had hopes of life given them, began every one to throw away their Arms, and present themselves unarmed (since Fortune had made that their safest way) to the Enemy. A great number were sent into several Prisons: and the Town before night was restored to the Sutrians inviolate, and free from all the injuries of War: because it had not been taken by Storm, but surrender'd upon conditions.

[ IV] Camillus return'd triumphant into the City; and having been Victorious in three Wars together, drove before his Chariot a great many more Etrurians than any others. Whom after he had publickly sold, there was so much money made of them, that, having repaid the Matrons their Gold, out of what remained, there were three golden Cups made; which, 'tis well known (before the Capitol was burnt) were set in Jupiters Temple, at Junos feet. That Year they were taken into the City, who (either Veians, Capenates, or Faliscans) had come over to the Romans during those Wars, and Land was assigned to all such new Citi∣zens. They likewise were recalled into the City by order of the Senate, who to avoid the trouble of building at Rome, had removed to Veii. Whereupon at first they murmured and slighted the command, till a day being prefixed, a capital punishment set upon each man, that did not return to Rome, cooled all their courages, and made them every man obedient out of fear. Now therefore Rome began to grow very populous, and buildings to rise in eve∣ry part: for the Commonwealth helped to defray the Charge, the Ediles forwarded the work, as though it had been the publick business, and even private persons (for their de∣sire to have a convenient Habitation prompted them to it) made haste to finish; so that there was a new City standing within a year. At the end of the year the Assembly was held for choosing Tribunes Military with Consular Authority; and they chose T. Quinti∣us [U. C. 368] Cincinnatus, Q. Servilius Fidenas (a fifth time) Julius Julus, L. Aquilius Corvus, L. Lucreti∣us Tricipitinus, and Serv. Sulpicius Rufus. Then they led one Army against the Aequi, not to make War (for they confessed themselves already Conquer'd) but out of hatred, to ravage their Country, lest they should leave them any strength for new attempts: and another in∣to the Tarquinian Territories; where they storm'd and plunder'd two Towns of Etruria, called Cortuosa and Contenebra. At Cortuosa they had no dispute at all; but having surprized it, they took it upon their first shout and effort; rifling and burning the Town. But Contene∣bra endured the Seige some few days; though continual toil, night and day, disabled them: in∣somuch that, seeing the Roman Army, which was divided into six parts, fought six hours, each in their turns, whilst the same Townsmen were still exposed to the whole fatigue of the Battel (though few and weary) they at last gave way, and let the Romans into the City. The Tribunes thought fit to confiscate the Booty by way of publick sale; but their or∣ders were slower than their design: for whilst they deliberated upon the point, the Booty was all in the Soldiers hands, nor cou'd it be taken from them without envy. The same year, lest the City should increase in private works only, the Capitol also was repaired, in its Foundation, with square Stone, which looks very fine even at this day, though the City be so very Magnificent in its Buildings.

[ V] And now the Tribunes, seeing the City was all built, endeavoured to introduce the Agrarian Laws into their publick Assemblies: and to raise the peoples hopes, they instan∣ced in the Pomptine Lands, which was then first of all, since Camillus defeated the Volsci, be∣come

a certain tenure. They pretended, That those Lands were now the occasion of more op∣pression from the Nobility, than they had been formerly, when in the hands of the Volsci: for they only made incursions into them, as long as they had strength and Arms: But the Nobility took pos∣sion of them by force; nor wou'd there be any room there for the Commonalty, unless they were di∣vided, before the great men had gotten all into their clutches. But they had not much moved the people, who were but few of them in the Forum, by reason of their being imploy'd about their Buildings; as also, for that they were, upon that account, impoverished by the charge they were at, and therefore regarded not those Lands, which they had not abilities enough to cultivate. At this time the City being full of Religion, and the Nobility grown superstitious since their late defeat; to the end that the auspicies might be renew'd, they fell back into an Interregnum. The Interreges were, M. Manlius Capitolinus, Ser. Sul∣picius [U. C. 369] Camerinus, and L. Valerius Potitus: the last of which held an Assembly for choosing of Tribunes Military with Consular power, and chose L. Papirius, C. Sergius, L. Aemilius (a second time) L. Meneninus, and L. Valerius Poplicola, a third time. These persons (instead of the Interregnum) entred upon their Office. That year the Temple of Mars, which was vowed in the Gallick War, was Dedicated by T. Quintius a Duumvir, whose Office it was to look after the Sacrifices. There were four Tribes added of new Citizens, the Stel∣latine, the Formentine, the Sabbatine, and the Arnian Tribe: which made the Tribes up twenty five.

L. Sicinius, Tribune of the people proposed the business of the Pomptine Lands again, [ VI] now that the Commons were more numerous about him, and more inclined to desire them, than they had been. There was likewise mention made of the Latin and the Herui∣can War in the Senate; but that was deferred upon the score of a greater War, Etruria be∣ing up in Arms. The matter was referr'd to Camillus, who was Tribune of the Soldiers with power Consular; and had five Collegues assigned him, viz. Ser. Cornelius Malugi∣nensis, Q. Servilius Fidenas (a sixth time) L. Quintius Cincinnatus, L. Horatius Pulvillus, and P. Valerius. At the beginning of that yoar mens thoughts were diverted from the Etrurian [U. C. 370] War: by reason, that a Body of men, who fled out of the Pomptine Territories, came on a sudden into the City and brought word, That the Antians were in Arms, that the Latins had sent their Youth for Auxiliaries to that War: and said, that they therefore rejected the publick design, because Voluntiers were allowed to serve, where they pleased. At this time there was not any War so inconsiderable as to be slighted: wherefore the Senate thank'd the Gods, that Camillus was in Office: for he must have been made Dictator, if he had been a pri∣vate person; and his Collegues confess'd, That the management of all matters, where there was any Warlike terror approaching, rested in him alone: as also, that they design'd, to give up their Authority to Camillus; nor shou'd they think that their grandieur was any way lessen'd by what they added to the greatness of that man. For which the Senate commended the Tribunes, and Camillus himself, though in a confusion of mind, thank'd them, saying; That there was a vast burden laid upon him by the Roman people, who had created him Dictator now four times; a great one by the Senate, through the judgments of that Order concerning him; but the far greatest, by the difference of his honourable Collegues. Wherefore, if there cou'd be any more labour, or care added to it; he wou'd strive to acquit himself; as to make that opinion (which was the greatest that cou'd be) that the City generally had of him, lasting. That, as to the War and the Antians, there was more threatenings than danger: but that he notwithstanding as he said, there was nothing to be feared, so he wou'd not say, there was any thing to be slighted in that Affair. That the City of Rome was begirt by the envy and hatred of its Neighbours; so that there was need of more Generals and Armies to manage the Commonwealths business. I wou'd have you, P. Valeri∣us! said he, to be my assistant in Command and Counsels, and lead forth part of the Legions against the Antian Foe: and you, Q. Servilius! to Encamp in the City with an other Army rea∣dy, to watch, for fear either Etruria in the mean time, (as of late they did) or this new vexation, the Latins and the Hernicans, shou'd stir: for I am sure, you'll so behave your self as may suit with the honour of your Father; Grand-Father, your self, and six Tribuneships. A third Army I wou'd have raised out of the Caussaries [such as were excused from the Wars upon the score of sick∣ness] and elder sort; by L. Quintius, to be a guard to the City and the Walls. Let L. Horatius pro∣vide them Darts, Arms, Corn, and other necessaries of War: and you, Serg. Cornelius! we ap∣point to be Overseer, and manager of this publick advice, of all Religious Worship, of the Assemblies, the Laws, and all other affairs in the City. Upon this all kindly promising to perform their parts in the discharge of their duty; Valerius, who was his partner in Command, added, That M. Furius shou'd be his Dictator, and he wou'd be his Master of the Horse: and therefore look what hopes they had of one sole General, the same they might have of the War: but he had good hopes himself, both of War and Peace, and the whole Commonwealth. With that the Senators, be∣ing overjoy'd, began to Humm; and said, The Commonwealth wou'd never need to have a Dictator if it had such men for Officers, who agreed so well together; were ready to obey, as well as to Command: and bestowed their commendations upon the people in general, rather than arroga∣ted all to themselves, that was as much due to all.

Then having order'd a stop to be made in Judicial proceedings, and made a Levy, Fu∣rius [ VII] and Valerius went to Satricum; to which place the Antians had gathered, not only the

Volscian Youth, chosen out of their new fry, but a vast number also of Latins and Herni∣cans, out of Cities that had lived long in peace and were thereby grown very populous. Now therefore this new Enemy; joyn'd to the old one put the Roman Soldiers into a fright. Which when the Centurions told Camillus, as he was setting his Army in Battalia, viz. That the Soldiers were disturb'd in their minds; that they were loth to take up their Arms, and that they marched lazily, and with reluctance out of the Camp: yea that they were some of them heard to say, that they must each of them fight with an 100. Enemies; and that such a vast multitude cou'd hardly be endured without Arms, much less Armed: He presently mounted his Horse, and turning, before the Ensigns, toward the main Body of his Army, rode among the Ranks and ask'd them: What sadness is this, fellow Soldiers? what unusual delay? Don't you know your Enemy, or me, or your selves? What is your Enemy, but perpetual matter for your courage and glory to work upon? You, on the contrary, when I was your General (to pass by the Falerians, and Veians, whom we took, and the Gaullick Legions, that were slain in our own Country after it was by them taken) made a triple triumph but t'other day for a threefold Victory over these very Volsci, the Aequi and Etruria. Don't you acknowledge me for your General because I was not a Dictator, but a Tribune when I gave you the signal? I don't desire the greatest Commands over you: nor ought you to look upon any thing else in me besides my own person. For my Dictatorship never raised my courage, as, on the other hand, even Banishment never lessen'd it. We therefore are all the same men still: and since we have brought all the same resolutions to this War, as to the former, let us exspect the same event. Assoon as you engage, let every man do as he hath learnt and used to do: so shall you Conquer, and they fly before you.

[ VIII] Then having given the signal, he straight alighted from his Horse, and laying hold of the Ensign-bearer, that was next to him, forced him along with him towards the Enemy, crying out, Fellow-Soldier! advance your Ensign: which when they saw (viz. that Camillus himself, though by old age render'd unfit for action, made way toward the Enemy) they all in like manner ran forward, hollowing and saying with one accord, Follow the General. They likewise report, that an Ensign was thrown, by Camillus's order into the Body of the Enemies; and that the Antesignani were encouraged to regain it. They say also, that the Antians was there first beaten, and that a dread was infused not only into the Front, but even the Reer too of the Army: nor did the force only of the Romans, back'd by the pre∣sence of their General, put the Enemy into confusion; but, besides that, there was nothing more terrible to the Volscians apprehensions than an accidental sight of Camillus himself. So that which way soever he went, he carried certain Victory along with him. And that was very plain from this instance; that when the left Wing was almost routed, he immediately took Horse, and riding up with a Footmans Sheild in his hand, by his very presence retrieved the Battel, and shew'd, that the rest of the Army were Victorious. Now therefore they had like to have got the day, but that they were hindred by the multitude and flight of the Foe; having a great multitude to kill though they themselves were tired: when on a sudden there came a shower pouring down with great violence, which rather obstructed a cer∣tain Victory, than put an end to the fight. Upon that they retreated, and the following night, when the Romans were quiet, made an end of the War. For the Latins and the Hernicans, leaving the Volscians, went home, having success proportionable to their evil Counsels. The Volscians seeing themselves deserted even by those, in confidence of whom they had rebell'd, left their Camp, and shut themselves up in the Walls of Satricum: where Camillus began first to inclose them with a Bullwark, and to attack them from a Rampire and other works. Which when he saw they did not hinder by any Sally forth; thinking the Enemy had too little resolution in them, for him upon that account to expect and wait for so lingring a Victory; he encouraged his Soldiers, not to tire themselves with a tedious fatigue, as they that attack'd the Veians; for Victory was in their hands: and so scaling the Walls on every side, through the great alacri∣ty of his men, took the Town. The Volscians laying down their Arms surrendred them∣selves.

[ IX] But the Generals mind was set upon a greater matter, which was the taking of Antium, the chief City of the Volscians: For that was the first cause of the late War. But because so strong a City cou'd not be taken without great preparation; Instruments and Engines of War, he, leaving his Collegue with the Army, went to Rome, to perswade the Senate to Sack Antium. Whilst he was discoursing upon this affair (I suppose the Gods were pleased, that the Antian State shou'd continue somewhat longer) there came Embassadors from Ne∣pete, and Sutrium, to desire aid against the Tuscans: saying, that they had but a small time to bring in their Auxiliaries. Thither therefore did Fortune divert Camillus's Force, from Antium. For since those places were opposite to Etruria, and, as it were, Barriers and Gates thereunto: they did what they cou'd, upon any new design, to get possession of them, as the Romans did to recover, and defend them. Wherefore the Senate thought fit that Camillus shou'd be treated with, to quit Antium, and undertake the Etrurian War. The City Legions, which Servilius had Commanded, were assigned him: though he wou'd ra∣ther have had that experienced and well disciplin'd Army, which was in the Country of

the Volsci: but yet he refused nothing [that was offer'd by the Senate:] only he desir'd that Valerius might be his assistant and partner in the Command. Quintius and Horatius were sent as Successors to Valerius in the Volscian Territories. So Furius and Valerius setting forth from the City arrived at Sutrium, where they found one part of the Town already taken by the Etrurians: and the Townsmen in the other part scarce able to repell the Ene∣mies force by blocking up the Streets. But then not only the arrival of the Roman aids, but the very name of Camillus, which was of such renown both among the Enemies and their Allies; for the present supported their declining condition, and gave [their Friends] time to bring in their Succours. Wherefore Camillus, having divided the Army, ordered his Collegue to go with his Forces about, and attack the Walls on that side, which the Enemy had gotten possession of; not so much out of any hopes he had that they might be able to take the City by Scaling it, as that, when the Enemy was diverted to the defence of that part, the Townsmen, who were now wearied with fighting might be eased of their toil, and he himself have an opportunity to enter the Walls without any opposition. Which be∣ing done at the same time on both sides; so that the Etrurians were environed by a double terror; seeing their Walls attack'd with the greatest vehemency, and the Enemy already within their City; they Sallied forth at a certain Gate, (which was the only one, not Be∣sieged) in a consternation all at once. There were a great many of them slain as they fled, both in the City and all over the Country: but the most part of them were killed by Furi∣us's men within the Walls: whilst Valerius's Soldiers, being more nimble and fit for a pur∣suit followed them, and made no end of killing [those, they overtook] before night, when they cou'd no longer see them. When Sutrium was retaken, and restored to the Allies, the Army was led to Nepete, which the Etrurians now had wholly in their hands, being taken by Surrender.

They thought it wou'd cost the more pains to retake that City, not only because it was [ X] all in the Enemies possession, but also because the Surrender had been made by the con∣trivance of some part of the Nepesines, who betray'd their City. Yet they resolved to send to the chief of them; to separate themselves from the Etrurians, and shew that integrity, and fi∣delity in themselves, which they had required of the Romans. Whereupon, when answer was brought back; That they were not able to do any thing at all in the case; for the Etrurians had possession of their Walls, and the Guards of their Gates; They first of all put the Townsmen in∣to a fright by pillaging the adjacent Country; and seeing that they had a more sacred re∣gard to the Surrender [which they had made to the Etrurians] than to their Alliance [with the Romans] the Roman Army got Fagots out of the Neighbouring Fields, and march'd up to the Walls. Where having fill'd the Trenches, they apply'd their scaling Ladders, and upon the first shout and effort, took the Town. Thereupon the Nepesines were ordered, to lay down their Arms, and the Soldiers were commanded not to meddle with any of them, that was unarmed: but the Etrurians were all kill'd, arm'd or unarm'd. And of the Nepe∣sines also, those that had been the authors of the Surrender were beheaded; though the in∣nocent multitude had their Estates again, and the Town was left with a Garrison in it. Having in this manner retaken two Allied Cities from the Enemy; the Tribunes brought back their Victorious Army with great glory to Rome. The same year the Latins and the Hernicans were called to account, and asked, Why for several years together they had not sent their Quota of Soldiers according to agreement? To which both Nations, in full Assembly, made Answer; That there was no publick fault or design to be laid to their charge; for that some of their Youth were Soldiers in the Volscian Territories: but that those young Men themselves underwent the penalty of an ill design; for there was ne'r an one of them that came home again. But that the reason why they did not send in such a number of Soldiers, was their dai∣ly dread of the Volscians; who were a pest, that stuck so close to them, that they cou'd not be rid of it even by so many continued Wars, one upon the neck of another. Which when the Senate heard, they were of opinion, that they rather wanted a fit opportunity, than good grounds, to make a War.

The following Year, when A. Manlius, P. Cornelius, T. and L. Quintius Capitolinus, L. Pa∣pirius [ XI] Cursor (again) and C. Sergius (again) were Tribunes, with Consular Authority, there broke out a grievous War abroad, but a more grievous Sedition at home: the War, from the Volscians, to which there came in, as an addition, a revolt of the Latins and Her∣nicans; and the Sedition, from whence it was least to be feared; even from a person of a Noble Family and great Honour, viz. M. Manlius Capitolinus; who being a man of a proud Spirit, as he contemn'd all their Noblemen, envied one, and that was M. Furius, a person very extraordinary both for his Honours and his Virtues. For he took it very ill, that he alone shou'd be in great Offices, and he alone with the Army: For he was now got to that height, that he reckon'd those, who were created at the same time, not his Collegues, but his Servants: when at the same time, if people wou'd consider well of it, their Country cou'd not have been recovered from the Enemy by M. Furius, had not the Capitol and Castle been first pre∣served by himself. Besides, M. Furius set upon the Gauls, when their minds were divided be∣tween receiving of Gold and hopes of Peace: but he himself repell d them when they were in Arms and just taking the Castle. That each Soldier had a share in Furius's glory, who help'd him to Con∣quer;

but no man living cou'd pretend to be a partner in his Victory. Being puff'd up with these kind of thoughts (besides that he was naturally very violent and tyrannical) and seeing, that his Circumstances, among the Senators, were not so good, as he imagin'd they ought to be, he first of all, from a Senator, grew popular; held correspondence with the Magi∣strates of the common People; accusing the Senate, and alluring the Commons; and be∣gan to be now born away by the publick vogue, and not by good Counsel; desiring to be a Man of a great rather than a good name. Nor was he content with the Agrarian Laws, which had alwayes been the ground of Seditions to the Tribunes of the people, but went about to advance his own credit [by an other method too; for he said] That the burden of Debts was too great, and threaten'd not only poverty, and disgrace; but put a man, that was free into a fear of torture and Bonds: for indeed there were abundance of Debts at that time (which was a thing that mightily endamaged even the rich themselves) contracted by Building. Wherefore the Volscian War, which was in it self very grievous, and loaded with the revolt of the Latins and Hernicans, was made a pretext, whereby to gain more power: but the new designs of Manlius rather compell'd the Senate to create a Dictator. And accordingly they did create A. Cornelius Cossus, who chose T. Quintius Capitolinus Master of the Horse.

[ XII] The Dictator, though he saw, there was a greater feud set on foot at home, than abroad; yet either because it was necessary to make hast to the War, or supposing that, by a Victory and a Triumph, he shou'd add new strength to the Dictatorship, made a levy, and march'd forth into the Pomptine Territories, where he had heard, the Volscian Army was to Rendezvouz. I don't doubt but that, besides the tediousness that Readers will accuse me of, for having given a Relation of the continual Wars with the Volsci, already descri∣bed in so many Books, this also will fall under your consideration (which indeed was a won∣der even to me my self, when I seriously thought upon the authors of these things as nearer to those times) whence the Volsci and the Aequi, who were so often Conquer'd had still new recruits of Soldiers. Which seeing it is answer'd, but omitted by the Ancients; what can I say more than barely give you my opinion, which is free and peculiar to every man, that makes a conjecture? 'Tis probable, that either in the Intervals of their Wars, as it now happens in the Roman Levies, there were several Generations of young men one after ano∣ther, whom they made use of to renew their Wars; or that their Armies were not al∣ways raised out of the same people; though the same Nation always made the War: or that there was an innumerable multitude of Free-men in those parts, which now-adays wou'd be solitary and desert (there being but a very small number of Citizens left to make Soldiers of) did not Roman Slaves inhabit there. This is certain, that Volscian Army, though they had been lately much disabled by the Fortune and Conduct of Camillus, was (as all Authors agree) very great: besides the addition of the Latins and Hernicans, with some Circeians, and Inhabitants of Velitrae also. The Roman Dictator having pitched his Camp that day, the next day march'd forth with all encouragements from the Soothsayers, and having Sa∣crificed to appease the Gods, went cheerfully up to his men, who at break of day (as he had given orders) were taking up their Arms against the signal of Battel shou'd be given them; Fellow Soldiers! said he, the day is ours, if either the Gods or their Prophets foresee any thing to come: wherefore (as it becomes men full of certain hopes, and such as are to engage hand to hand with an Enemy too weak for them) let us lay our piles at our feet, and arm our selves with our Swords only. I wou'd not have you run forward from the place where you now are, but stand still and receive the effort of the Foe. When they shall throw their foolish Darts and throng upon you, standing your ground; then let your Swords glitter, and think each man of you, that there are Gods, who assist the Romans; and who sent you to Battel with good Omens [or to∣kens.] Do you, Quintius! be sure to keep back the Horse at the first onset of the fight; but when you see the Armies engaged foot to foot; then bring in your dreadful Horse upon them, whilst they are already possessed with another fear, and charging up break their Ranks. The Horse and Foot both fought, as he had order'd them; nor did either the General disappoint his Legions, or Fortune the General.

[ XIII] The multitude of the Enemies relying upon nothing but their numbers, and viewing both Armies, went rashly to the fight, and as rashly quitted; for though they shewed some au∣dacity by the shout they made, threw their Darts, and were fierce enough at the first on∣set, yet they cou'd not endure the Enemies Swords, their fighting foot to foot, nor so much as their faces, which glitter'd (as it were) through the ardour of their minds. Their Vanguard therefore was repell'd, and their Reer put into confusion: besides that the Horse came in with their dreadful force. By that means the Ranks were broken in many places, all things were in disorder, and the whole Army tossed to and fro like a Wave. After that, when the foremost fell, and every man saw, it wou'd be his turn e're long to be slain, they turn'd their backs. The Romans pursu'd them close; and whilst they march'd off Arm'd and in a full Body, the Foot were order'd to follow them; but when it was observ'd, that they threw away their Arms, and were scatter'd in their flight all over the Country, then the Troops of Horse were sent out, with a command, That they should not stay so long to kill single persons, as to give the Body of the Enemy time the mean while to escape. It wou'd be suffi∣cient,

if they by throwing of Darts and other terrible actions, hindr'd the Enemies flight, or by ri∣ding up against them detain d their Army, till the Foot overtook and totally destroy'd them. They fled and the Romans followed them till it was night. The Camp also of the Volsci was taken and rifled that same day, and all the Booty, save the Freemen, given to the Soldi∣ers. The greatest part of the Captives were Latins and Hernicans; and those no ordinary fellows, such as a man might have thought had fought for pay; but there were found among them some young Noblemen; to make it evident, that the Volscians were assisted by publick Authority. There were also some Circeians taken notice of and Inhabitants of Velitrae; who were all sent to Rome; where, when the chief Senators asked them the que∣stion, they each of them plainly and truly declared to them, as they had done to the Dicta∣tor, That their Nations were revolted [from the Romans.]

The Dictator kept his Army Encamped, not doubting in the least but that the Senate [ XIV] would Vote a War with those People, when at the same time a greater affair arising at home, forced them to send for him to Rome, seeing the Sedition grew higher every day, and became by means of its Author more dreadful than before. For now not only Man∣lius's Speeches, but his Actions too were popular to all appearance, and therefore tending to a tumult, were to be [by the Dictator] considered, [that a judgment might be made] with what intention they were done. When he saw a Centurion, who had done many famous exploits in the Wars, going to Prison for Debt, he ran to him with his Train at his heels in the midst of the Forum and laid hold on him; and there exclaiming against the pride of the Senate, the cruelty of the Bankers, and the miseries of the common People; but extolling the virtues and Fortunes of that man, he said; Then have I with this right hand in vain preserved the Capitol and the Castle, if I see my fellow Citizen and Soldier dragg'd into Slavery and Bonds, as though he were a Captive to the conquering Gauls: whereupon he paid the Creditor his Debt before all the people; and so set the Centurion at liberty, who conjur'd all the Gods and Men, to thank M. Manlius, that set him at liberty, and was a Fa∣ther to the Roman People. Upon that being immediately received into the tumultuous crowd, he also increased the tumult, by shewing the scars that he had received in the Veian, Gallick and other Wars: saying, That he, whilst he was a Soldier, and by paying interest upon interest a great many times more than the principal, to retrieve a ruined Estate, was quite o'rwhelm'd with Usury: but that now he saw the light, the Forum, the faces of his fellow Citizens, and the good works of M. Manlius: that he had all the kind offices of a Parent perform'd by him: that he devoted to him all his Body, Life and Blood, that was left; and that whatever right he had in his Country, either publick or private, was at that one mans service. With these words the com∣mon People were so animated, that they subscribed to one single Person: but then there was another thing added, which was of far greater force to put all affairs into disorder. For he put a Farm, that he had in the Veian Territories (which was the best part of his Patrimony) into the Cryers disposal; saying, I'll never suffer any of you, Romans, (as long as I have any Estate left) to be sentenced, or made Slaves on. Now that so enflam'd their minds, that right or wrong they seem'd resolv'd to follow the vindicator of their liberty. But besides this he made Speeches at home, full of accusations against the Senators: among whom, making no difference whether he said true or false, he laid to their charge, That the Treasure of Gallick Gold was imbezell'd by the Senators: and that they were not now content with the publick Lands, unless they could convert the publick Money also to their own use: which if it were publickly discovered, the common people might be eas'd and discharg'd of their Debts. Which since the People had hopes of, it seem'd an unworthy act, that, when there was Gold enough to be gathered out of Gaul to set the City free, it should be raised by Contribution at home: or that the same Gold, which was taken from their Enemies should become the prey of some few per∣sons. Wherefore they went on, asking, where so much theft could be concealed. To which he deferr'd his answer, and said, That in due time he would tell them; which made them careless of other matters and turn all their care that way: nor was their any doubt made, but that Manlius, if he told truth, would gain extraordinary favour among the Peo∣ple, as, if his discovery were false he would not fall into any great disgrace [with the Se∣nate]

When affairs were in this posture, the Dictator, being sent for from the Army came in∣to [ XV] the City: where having the next day called a Senate, and sufficiently tried the Peoples inclinations, he commanded the Senate to attend him; and then, surrounded with that company, placed a Throne in the Assembly Court, and sent a Messenger for M. Manlius: who being summon'd by the Dictators order, gave notice to his Party, That the contest was now coming on, and came with a great Train of followers to the Tribunal. The Senate on e••o ne side, and the Commons on the other stood, each looking toward their Leader, as they had been in Battalia. Then, after silence was made, the Dictator began: I wish, said he, I and the Roman Senate may agree with the common People concerning other matters as well as I am very confident we shall in what relates to you, and that matter which I am to enquire into touching you. I find that you have put the City in hopes, that they may honestly pay what they owe out of the Gallick Money, which the chief Senators conceal. To which I am so far from being an hinderance, that on the contrary, M. Manlius! I encourage and advise you to it: free the Com∣mons

of Rome from Usury; and rowze those who lye brooding upon the publick Treasure, which they clandestinely made their prey. Which if thou dost not do, either because thou thy self art a sharer in that Booty, or because thy Information is false, I'll order thee to be carried to Prison: and will not suffer the multitude any longer to be disturb'd with a fallacious hope. To which Manli∣us replied; That he knew very well, they created a Dictator, not against the Volsci, who were made Enemies as often as the Senate thought fit; nor against the Latins and the Hernicans, whom they forced by false accusations to take up Arms; but against him and the Roman People: and that now, they, quitting the pretended War, bent all their fury toward him. For now the Dicta∣tor professed to be Advocate for the Bankers against the People; and that they sought occasion from the favour of the multitude to accuse and destroy him. Does the company that I have here about me, A. Cornelius, said he, offend thee, and you, grave Fathers? Why don't you draw them from me, each one of you, by your kindness to them? by interceding with their Credi∣tors, by delivering their fellow Citizens from Bonds, by keeping such as are sentenced to it out of Slavery, and by relieving the necessities of others out of that, which you have more than you need? But why do I exhort you to spend out of your own stock? Make a new account, and substract from the principal Debt which is paid for use, and then my retinue will be no more taken notice of than any other Mans. But why do I alone thus concern my self for the Citizens? I have nothing more to answer, than if you should ask me, why I alone preserved the Capitol and the Castle: for at that time I did what good I could for them all in general, and so I will now for every single man. As to the Gallick Treasures, the very question makes a thing, which in its own nature is easie enough, very difficult: for why do you enquire about a thing that you already know? why do you bid that which is in your pocket be shaken out, rather than lay it down your selves? unless there be some fraud in the case. The more you bid us reprove or find out your juggling tricks, the more I fear you have robbed us even whilst we look'd most wistly upon you. Wherefore I am not to be forced to tell what Booties you have taken; but you, to bring them forth into publick view.

[ XVI] Hereupon when the Dictator bid him leave off his Rhetorick, and put him to't either to make a true discovery, or confess that he had falsly accused the Senate, and laid upon them the envy of a fraud they were not guilty of, He said, he would not speak when his Ene∣mies pleased, and so was ordered to be carried to Goal. Then being laid hold on by the Officer, he cryed out, Great Jupiter! Queen Juno! Minerva! with the rest of the Gods and Goddesses, who inhabit in the Capitol and the Castle, will you suffer your Soldier and Protector to be thus tormented by his Enemies? Shall this right hand, wherewith I routed the Gauls from your Shrines, be now in Bonds and Chains? Now there was no one by, whose eyes or ears could endure this indignity: for that City, which was so extraordinary patient under a just Government, had made some Laws which they could not break: nor durst either the Tribunes of the People, or the people themselves lift up their eyes, or so much as open their mouths against the Dictator's Authority. But after Manlius was put into Prison, 'tis certain, that great part of the people changed their cloaths, that many men let their Hair and Beards grow very long, and that a mournful crowd were observ'd to stand at the Prison Gate. The Dictator triumphed over the Volsci: but his triumph got him more envy, than glory: for they murmured and said; It was gain'd at home, not in the Wars: and that it was a triumph over a Citizen, not an Enemy. That there was only one thing lacking to sa∣tisfie his pride, and that was, that M. Manlius was not led before his Chariot. And now the business was not far from a Sedition; which to appease, the Senate (though no body de∣sired it) became of a sudden a voluntary Giver, and order'd that a Colony of 2000. Roman Citizens should be carried to Satricum: to each of whom there were assigned two Acres and an half of Land. Which since they lookt upon as very little, bestowed upon a few, and as a reward for betraying M. Manlius, the remedy renewed and heigthen'd the Sediti∣on. And now Manlius's party were more remarkable than before for their sordid appe∣rance and guilty looks; and the dread being removed after the triumph by his laying down the Dictatorship, had set both the tongues and minds of men at liberty.

[ XVII] Then several people were publickly heard to upbraid the multitude; That they always raised their defenders to a vast heighth by their favour, but afterward, in the very nick of all their danger forsook them. That Sp. Cassius who invited the Commons into the Country; and Sp. Maelius, who kept the People from famishing at his own charge were so served: and lastly that M. Manlius, who redeemed part of the City, when it was drown'd and o'rwhelm'd with Usury, into liberty and light, was so betray'd into the hands of his Enemies. That the common People fed their Countrymen only to be kill'd? Was this to be born, that a Consul's fellow [must be hurried to Prison] because he did not answer at the command of a Dictator? Suppose he had told a lie before, and for that reason had nothing then to say; what Servant was ever punish'd with Bonds for a lie! Did they not remember that night, which was almost the last and an eternal one, to the Roman name? Had they no image of the Gallick Forces, that climb'd the Tarpeian Rock? nor of M. Manlius himself, as they had seen him in Armour, all over sweat and blood, when he rescu'd (al∣most) great Jove himself out of the Enemies hands? Would they give the preserver of their Coun∣try half a pound of Bread for his pains? and suffer him, whom they had made almost Divine, by giving him the Surname of Capitolinus (the name of Jupiter himself) to lie bound in Prison, and in darkness, obnoxious to the pleasure of an Executioner? was one man so able to assist you all,

and cannot so many lend him any aid? Now therefore the crowd departed not from that place so much as in the night-time, but threatened to break open the Prison; till that was grant∣ed, which they would have had by force, and Manlius, by order of the Senate, was freed from his Bonds. By which means the Sedition was not made an end of, but the Ringlea∣der put in the head of it. At the same time the Latins and Hernicans, together with the Circeians, and those of Velitrae, who endeavoured to clear themselves of having any hand in raising the Volscian War, and demanded back their Captives, that they might punish them according to their own Laws, receiv'd sad answers: but those of the Colonies more severe ones; For that they, being Roman Citizens had enter'd into cursed designs of ru∣ining their own Country. They therefore were nor only deny'd their Captives, but also (though their Allies in that case were alwayes spared) Proclamation was made in the Se∣nates name; That they should forthwith depart the City, out of the presence and sight of the Ro∣man People, lost the priviledge of an Embassy, which was intended for foreigners, not for Citizens, migh the no protection to them.

Now when the Manlian Sedition began to break out again, about the end of the Year, [ XVIII] the Assembly was held, and there were chosen, for Tribunes Military with Consular Au∣thority, out of the Senate, Ser. Cornelius Maluginensis (a third time) P. Valerius Poti∣tus [U. C. 372] (a second time) M. Furius Camillus (a fifth time) Ser. Sulpicius Rufus (a second time) C. Papirius Crassus and T. Quintius Cincinnatus a second time. At the beginning of which Year, both the Senate and People had a Peace very seasonably offered them from abroad; the People, for that they, being not call'd away by any levy, had hopes, now they had so potent a Leader, to rout the Usurers: and the Senate, in that their minds were not diverted by any foreign terror from healing their Domestick evils. Wherefore, since both sides were now become more brisk, they were ready to join in the contest: be∣sides that Manlius, having summon'd the People to his House, treated with the chief of them both night and day concerning the methods of innovation, being now somewhat fuller of animosity and fury, than before. For that late disgrace had kindled anger in his mind, who was not used to suffer contumely: and he was the more encouraged, for that the Dictator had not dar'd to do that to him, which Quintius Cincinnatus had done to Sp. Mae∣lius: as also, that not only the Dictator had escaped the envy of his imprisonment by laying down his Dictatorship, but neither could the Senate themselves have born it. He there∣fore being at once puffed up and vex'd upon these accounts, incensed the minds of the People, who were already enflamed; saying: How long, for Heavens sake, will you be igno∣rant of your own strength, of which nature would not have even brute Beasts to be ignorant? Reckon at least how many you are, and how many Adversaries you have. If you were to engage one to one, yet I am confident, you would fight with more vehemency for your Liberty, than they for Dominion: for look how many Clients have you been about each Patron, so many will you now be against one Enemy. Do but let them see that you are ready to take up Arms and you'll have Peace. Let them see that you are prepared for force, and they'll soon give you back your right. We must all attempt something, or each of us suffer all things. How long will ye stand gazing round about on me? I for my part will not be wanting to assist any one of you; therefore take you a care, that my Fortune miscarry not. I my self who am your vindicator, when our Enemies thought fit, was on a sudden made no body at all. Yea all of you saw him, who had kept each of you from Bondage, dragg'd into Prison. What have I to hope for, if my Enemies should dare to do any thing more against me? May I expect the fate of Cassius and Maelius? You do well to abo∣minate [any such thoughts.] No the Gods will hinder that; but they'll never come down from Hea∣ven for my sake. They should give you the courage to hinder this, as they did me, in Arms and in my Gown too, to defend you from barbarous Enemies, and your tyrannical fellow Citizens. Has this great People so little a Soul, that you can alwaies think it sufficient to have assistance against your Enemies? Nor will you maintain all conflict with the Senate, unless it be to deter∣mine, how far you are willing to be commanded. Nor is this by nature planted in you, but you are Slaves by use. For why do you bear such a spight against Foreigners, as to think it just for you to command them? Because you have used to contend with them for Dominion, but against these persons, to attempt rather than defend your liberty. But what kind of Gene∣rals soever y••u have had, what sort of men soever you your selves were, you have gained all that you armed at, how great soever, either by your force or Fortune. Wherefore 'tis now time to try even at greater matters. Do but only venture upon your own success and me, who (I hope) have had very happy experience: you will with more ease set up one to Command the Senators, than you did one to resist them in their Commands. Dictatorships and Consulships are to be laid le∣vel with the ground, that the Roman Commonalty may lift up their heads. Wherefore stand to it, and forbid any Judgment to pass touching Debts. I profess my self Patron of the Commons; a name, which my care and fidelity has laid upon me. But if you will call your Leader by any other more Illustrious Title of Honour or Command, you shall find him more Potent to obtain those things, that you desire. Thereupon, tis said, they began to discourse of setting up a King: but it is not plainly signified either with whom [they treated] or to what end their counsels came.

On the other side the Senate held a consultation touching the Peoples retiring into a pri∣vate [ XIX] House, which was (as it happen d) in the Castle too, a place very dangerous to

their liberty. Great part of the Citizens cry'd out; They had need of Servilius Ahala, who would not provoke a publick Enemy by ordering men to be haled to Prison, but with the loss of one Citizen, would put an end to a Civil War. Thence they fell to a saying which is lighter in words, but had the same force, viz. That the Magistrates should take care, that M. Manlius's Commonwealth received no detriment. Then the Tribunes, who had Consular Power, and the Tribunes of the People (for, since they saw that there would be the same end of their power, as of the universal Liberty, they had now submitted themselves to the Senates Au∣thority) altogether consulted, what was necessary to be done. And when they found that nothing but violence and slaughter could ensue; and that that must cost them a mighty conflict; then M. Maenius and Q. Publilius, Tribunes of the People [said;] Why do we make that the Controversie of the Senate and the Commons, which ought to be the quarrel of the whole City against one pestilent fellow? Why do we attack him and the People together, whom it is safer for us to set upon with the Peoples Arms; that he may fall even by his own strength? We intend to summon him to his Tryal: nothing is less Popular, than the design of setting up a Kingdom. Assoon as the multitude see, that we do not contend with them, they will not only, of Advocates, become Judges, but Accusers also instead of the Commonalty: and look upon their Patrician as the party accused; the Crime in dispute between him and them to be a design to reduce the Com∣monwealth into a Kingdom; and consequently favour no person or thing more than their own li∣berty.

[ XX] The whole Assembly approving of what they said, they summon'd Manlius to Tryal: which when they had done, the People were at first disturb'd; that is to say, when they saw him in his sordid cloaths, such as persons Accused used to wear: and no man with him, not only of the Senators, but not so much as any of his Relations; no not his very Brothers A. and T. Manlius: which was a thing that till then had never been used; that in such a dangerous case the Relations of the party did not change their Garb. For it was known] that when Appius Claudius was put into Bonds, C. Claudius though his Enemy, and all the Claudian Family were in a sordid Garb: but this popular man was taken off by general consent, because he was the first, that revolted from the Senate to the Com∣mons. When the day came, I do not find in any Author, what his Accusers objected against him, relating properly to his design of setting up a Monarchy, besides the meet∣ings of the Multitude, seditious words, his giving money to the People, and his false In∣formation [against the Senate:] though I don't question but the things laid to his charge were very great; since the People deferr'd his Condemnation not in regard to his Cause, but the place [the Campus Martius] where he was Tried. This is worth our observation; that men may know, what and how great actions the immoderate desire of a Kingdom ren∣dered not only ungrateful, but even hateful also. For he is reported to have produced al∣most 400. men, whose Debts he paid without Usury; whose goods he kept from being sold, and the persons themselves from Slavery. Besides which, he did not only recount his gallant exploits in the Wars, but brought forth into publick view the Spoils of Enemies that he had slain to the number of thirty; presents made to him by Generals, to the number of forty; among which there were two very remarkable mural Crowns, and eight civick ones [i. e. Crowns given for scaling a Wall, or saving a Citizen.] Besides these, he produced several Citizens, whom he had saved from the Foe; among whom was C. Servilius, made Master of the Horse in his absence. And when he had related what he had done in the War, in an Oration that he made equal to the heighth of his performance; he opened his Breast, which was all over scars, that he had received in the War; and looking ever now and then toward the Capitol, call'd Jupiter and the other Gods down from thence to succour his condition, and pray'd them, that they would give the People of Rome the same resolution in his dangerous circumstances, as they had given him when, for the preservation of the Roman People, he saved the Capitol: and begg'd of every single person and of them all in general, that they would look toward the Capitol and the Castle, and turn to the im∣mortal Gods, when they passed Judgment upon him. Now the People being summoned by Centuries into the Campus Martius, where the party accused lifting up his hands toward the Capitol, turned all his prayers from men to the Gods; the Tribunes saw, that, unless they removed peoples eyes too from all objects, that might put them in mind of so gallant an Exploit, they, whose minds were so prepossessed, would never think him guilty of any real Crime: Wherefore they put off his Tryal to another day, and appointed an Assem∣bly of the People to be in the Grove, called Lucus Petelinus, from which there was no prospect into the Capitol. There the Accusation took, and (as they resolved it should) a sad Sentence pass'd upon him, which was hateful even to the Judges themselves. There are some Authors that say, there were Duumvirs created, to enquire into this Treason: [for which Manlius] being Condemn'd was thrown by the Tribunes order down from the Tarpeian Rock: So that the same place was, to the same person, at once a Monument of his extraordinary Renown, and of the severest punishment. There were also marks set upon him after he was dead: whereof one was publick; viz. That, since his House had been, where the Temple of Juno Moneta, and a Work-house stand; it was proposed to the People, That no Patrician should dwell in the Castle, or the Capitol: and another a mark upon his Family; in that it was provided by a Decree of the Manlian Race, That no man should ever

after that time be called M. Manlius. Now this was the end of that man, who, had he not been born in a free City, was a memorable person. The people soon after, when there was no dan∣ger from him, remembering his great endowments, wish'd him alive again: and a Pesti∣lence which in a short time ensued (seeing there was no reason that occurred of so great a mortality) seemed to a great part of the City to have sprung from Manlius's being so pu∣nished: [for they said;] That the Capitol was polluted with the blood of him, that preserved it: and that the Gods were angry, that he should be punished just before their eyes, who had rescu∣ed their Temples out of the hands of the Enemy.

The next year, after the Plague, a dearth of provisions, and that a rumour touching [ XXI] both those evils had been spread abroad, they had many Wars to engage in; when L. Va∣lerius, [U. C. 373] (a fourth time) A. Manlius (a third time) Ser. Sulpicius (a third time) L. Lucretius, L. Aemilius (a third time) and M. Trebonius were Tribunes of the Soldiers with Consular Authority. For there arose of a sudden a new Enemy (besides the Volsci) who were sent by a kind of fatality, to teaze the Roman Forces) the Circeians, and Velitrae, (two Colo∣nies which had for a long time design'd to revolt) and the suspicion they had of Latium) even the Lanuvians, who had formerly been a very faithful and loyal People. Now the Senate supposing this to happen through contempt, in that the Revolt of the Velitreses, their own Citizens, had been so long unpunished, made a Decree, That a proposal should be made to the People assoon as might be about declaring a War against them: and that the Commons might be in the greater readiness for such an Expedition, they created Quinquevirs [five Officers] for the dividing of the Pomptine Lands, and Triumvirs [Three Officers] to car∣ry a Colony to Nepete. Then they proposed it to the People, to consent to a War: and accordingly all the Tribes, though the Tribunes were to no purpose against it, were for a War. There were preparations made for the War that Year, but the Army was not led forth by reason of the Pestilence: which delay gave the Colonies time to beg the Se∣nates pardon: and a great many of them were for sending an humble Embassy to Rome, had not the publick danger (as it sometimes falls out) been involved in a private hazard, and the persons, who first advised that Revolt from the Romans, (for fear, lest they, who were only obnoxious to that Accusation, should be delivered up as Sacrifices to atone the Roman fury) diverted the Colonies from their thoughts of Peace. Nor was this Embassy ob∣structed in their Senate only, but great part of the Commons too were perswaded to go out and plunder the Roman Territories: which new affront ruined all their hopes of Peace. There was also a report raised that year concerning a revolt of the Praenestines: and upon complaint made of them by the Tusculanes, Gabines and Lavicanes, into whose Countries they had made incursions, the Senate gave such a mild answer, that it was thought, they did not give credit to the accusations, because they had no mind that they should seem to be true.

The next year Sp. and L. Papirius, being two of the new Tribunes Military with Con∣sular [ XXII] power, led the Legions to Velitrae; whilst their four Collegues Ser. Corn. Maluginensis, [U. C. 374] (a fourth time) Q. Servilius, Ser. Sulpicius, and L. Aemilius (a fourth time) were left be∣hind to guard the City, and prevent any disturbances in Etruria, if any new ones should thence arise; all things being there in a suspicious posture. At Velitrae they fought a suc∣cessful Battel against the Prenestine Auxiliaries, who were full as many as the People of that Colony: so that the nearness of the City was the occasion of the Enemies running away the sooner, and their only refuge after their flight. But the Tribunes did not attack the Town, because it was dangerous; and they did not think fit to engage to the destruction of the Colony. Now there were Letters sent to the Senate at Rome, with news of the Victo∣ry, which were sharper against the Praenestine, then the Veliterne Enemy: Whereupon there was a War declared, by order of Senate, and consent of the People, against the Prenestines: who joyning the Volsci, the year after, stormed Satricum, a Colony of the Romans, which was stoutly defended by the Planters, and after their Victory shewed a great deal of cruel∣ty to the Captives. The Romans, taking that very ill, made M. Furius Camillus (a seventh [U. C. 375] time) Tribune of the Soldiers; who had for his Collegues A. and L. Postumius Regillensis, with L. Furius, Lucretius, and M. Fabius Ambustus. The Volscian War was assign'd to M. Furius out of course; and he had given him by lot, for his assistant (one of the Tribunes) L. Furius; not so much for the interest of the Commonwealth, as to be the foundation of all praise to his Collegue: not only publickly, in that he repaired what was lost by his rashness; but privately also, in that he rather sought the others good will, than his own glory. Camil∣lus was now very old; but yet the content of the People was against him, when he would have sworn himself off in the Assembly upon the score of his Age and infirmity: for his wit was quick and his Body brisk; besides that he had his senses all in their full vigour, nor did civil affairs much disturb him in his Warlike undertakings. He therefore having raised four Legions consisting of 4000. men, and appointed the Army to meet next day at the Esquiline Gate, went to Satricum; where those that had taken the Colony, being not at all dismay'd, but confiding in their numbers, in which they were somewhat superior, wait∣ed for him. Who when they saw the Romans approach, marched presently out into the Field, resolving to make no delay, but try one push for all: seeing, by that means, the

stratagems of their single General, in which alone they put their trust, weuld do the Ene∣my, who were so few, no good at all.

[ XXIII] There was the same heat both in the Roman Army, and in one of the Commanders: nor did any thing hinder their engaging just at that time, save the advise, and conduct of Camillus, who sought an opportunity of strengthening his Forces with reason by protract∣ing the War. But the Enemy was so much the more urgent; nor did they now set their Army in Array before their own Camp only; but marched into the midst of the Plain, and by bringing their Bullwark near the Enemies Camp, shewed a proud confidence in their own strength. This the Roman Soldiers could not well endure: but much less (one of the Tribunes Military) L. Furius; who as he was fierce and hot both in age and inclina∣tion, was also filled with hopes from their number, who took courage even upon the greatest uncertainty. He therefore farther instigated the Soldiers (who were of themselves already incited) by lessening the Authority of his Collegue (the only way he could) upon the score of his Age: saying, That Wars were designed for young men, and that courage grew and decreased with mens Bodies. That he was become, instead of the keenest Warrior, the greatest lingerer: and that he, who was wont to take Camps and Cities, when he came to them, upon the first effort, now spent his time idly within his Bulwark. For what could he hope would be any ad∣dition to his own party, or a dimunition of the Enemies force? what occasion? what time? what place, to lay an Ambuscade? That the old mans designs were now grown cold and dull. But that Camillus had already lived and got renown enough: what reason therefore had they to suffer the strength of a City, which ought to be immortal, to wax old and feeble with one mor∣tal Body? With this kind of discourse he had turned the whole Camp to his side; and then seeing they desired, in all parts of it, to fight, said; M. Furius! We cannot restrain the bent and inclination of our Soldiers; besides that the intolerable pride of the Enemy, whose cou∣rage we, by delays, have augmented, insults over us: do thou therefore, who art but one man, give way to the whole Body, and suffer thy self to be overcome by advice, that thou mayst the sooner Conquer in the War. To which Camillus reply'd; That neither he himself nor the Ro∣man People had ever had cause to repent either of his Conduct or Fortune, in any Wars, which to that day had been left to his sole management. That now he knew he had a Collegue, who was in Commission equal to himself, though he outdid him in Vigour and Youth: so that, as to the Army, he had used to govern, not to be ruled. But he could not withstand his Collegue's Au∣thority; let him do, in the name of Heaven, what he thought best for the Commonwealth. He only desired that his Age might obtain the favour, that he might not be in the Front of the Bat∣tel; though to whatsoever was the duty of any old man in War, he would not be wanting. On∣ly this he begg'd of the immortal Gods, that no accident might make his advice commendable. But neither was this his wholsom opinion regarded by men, nor his pious prayers by the Gods: for L. Furius who was for fighting, set the Van in Array, whilst Camillus setled the Reer; planted a strong Guard before the Camp; and then stood himself upon a rising ground as an intent spectator to see the issue of another mans adventure.

[ XXIV] Assoon as ever they were engaged, the Enemy, out of Policy, not fear, retired: for there was a gentle ascent on their backs, between the Enemies Army and their Camp; and, because they had strength enough, they had left some stout Regiments ready Arm'd and in Battalia, behind them in their Camp, who, when the fight was begun, and the Ene∣my was come near to their Bulwark, were to sally forth. Now the Romans by following the Enemy, as they gave back, too hastily, were drawn into an inconvenient place and obnoxious to this sally: so that the terror being all turn'd upon the Conquerors, what with their new Enemy, and what through the steepness of the place, disheartened the Ro∣man Army. For the Volscians came fresh upon them, who had made that sally out of the Camp; and they too renewed the fight, who had pretended to run away. And now the Roman Soldiers did not recover themselves, but, forgetting their late briskness, and an∣cient glory, all turn'd their backs and ran again as fast as possible to their Camp: till Ca∣millus, being lifted up upon his Horse by those, that stood about him, and setting the Rere-guard with all expedition in their way, said, Is this, fellow Soldiers! that fight, you desired? What man, what God is there, that you can accuse? The first was the effect of your rashness, as this is of your cowardise. You that have followed another Commander, pray, at this time, follow Camillus, and as you use to do by my conduct, Conquer. Why do you look toward the Bulwark and Camp? It shall not entertain one man of you, unless he be Victorious. At first when those that ran away heard this, they stop'd for shame: and soon after, when they saw the Ensigns turn back, and the Army face about, ran upon the Enemy, and the Ge∣neral (who besides that he was famous for so many Triumphs, was venerable for his Age too) put himself into the Front of the Battel, where there was most toil and danger: up∣on which the Army blamed, each man, themselves and others; but mutually encouraged one another too with such a chearful shout, as went through the whole Body of them. Nor was the other Tribune behind-hand in the affair; but being sent by his Collegue (who was making good the Body of Foot) to the Horse, did not rebuke them (for his being a sharer in the blame had made that an improper thing for him to do) but turning wholly from Commands to intreaties, desired them one and all, That they would pardon him for

the ill success of that day. For I [said he] though my Collegue were against it, made my self a partner in the rashness of a multitude rather, than in the prudence of one single man. Camillus sees his own glory in both your conditions: but I, unless the fight be renewed shall find (which is a most wretched thing) my Fortune equal with that of you all, but shall suffer disgrace alone. Hereupon it seemed the best way, now that the Army was in such a wavering conditi∣on, to quit their Horses and set upon the Foe on foot. And accordingly they marched with glittering Arms and great courage to that part, where they saw the Foot Forces were most put to't: nor did the Commanders, or the Soldiers remit any thing of the greatest demonstration of their courage. So the event prov'd what an assistance their resolute cou∣rage was to them; and the Volscians, running that way, which they had lately retreated out of a pretended fear, now under a real consternation, were many of them slain, both in the fight it self, and afterward in their flight: but the rest in the Camp, which was ta∣ken at the same time; though there were yet more taken, than kill'd.

When they took an account of the Captives, a company of Tusculans, who were known [ XXV] to be such, were separated from the rest, and brought to the Tribunes. To whom upon examination they confessed, That they bore Arms by the publick allowance of their Supe∣riors; Camillus therefore, being moved with the fear of so near a War, said, He would carry the Captives immediately to Rome, lest the Senate should be ignorant, that the Tusculans were revolted from their Alliance; and that in the mean time his Collegue (if he thought fit) should Command the Camp and the Army. Now that one day had taught him, not to pre∣fer his own Counsels before better. But yet neither did he himself, nor any one else in the Army think it reasonable, that Camillus should bear the blame of having ruined the Commonwealth: besides that in the Army and at Rome too it was the common report (since their affairs were carried on among the Volsci with such variety of Fortune) That L. Furius had been the occasion of their defeat and flight, but M. Furius had gotten all the renown. When the Captives were brought into the Senate, and the House had declared, That they would make War against the Tusculans, the management of it being committed to Ca∣millus, he desired, that he might have one assistant in the business. Whereupon being per∣mitted to choose which of his Collegues he pleased; he, contrary to every bodies expe∣ctation, chose L. Furius: by which act of good nature, he not only lessened the infamy of his Collegue; but gain'd to himself great honour. But yet for all this there was no War with the Tusculans: who by manifest signs of Peace repelled the Roman force, which by their Arms they could not. For when the Romans entered their Confines, they removed not from any place near the Rode, nor omitted the Tillage of their Lands; besides that the Citizens set the Gates of their City wide open, and went out in their Gowns to meet the Generals; and Provisions were carried out of the City and Country too into the Roman Camp. Camillus therefore, having Encamped before the Gates, was desirous to know, whether there were the same appearance of Peace within the Walls, as had been made in the Country, and so went into the City: where seeing all the doors open as well as the Shops; all things exposed to publick view; the workmen every one about their own business, and that the Schools founded with the noise which the Scholars in them made; besides that the Streets were fill'd, among the rest of the crowd, with Women and Boys, who went to and fro, as their several occasions led them, he could discover nothing that was like fear in them, or even so much as admiration; but was fain to cast his eyes quite round, to find, where the War had been. For there was no sign either of any things being any where removed, or laid aside for a time; but all things were in such a peace∣ful posture; that one could hardly have thought they had ever heard of a War.

He therefore being overcome by the patience of the Enemy, ordered their Senate to [ XXVI] be called, and told them; Tusculans! You are the only People who have yet found out true Arms, and true Force, to defend your selves from the fury of the Romans. Get you to Rome, to the Senate: they'll tell you, whether you formerly deserved punishment more than now you do pardon. I will not anticipate the honour of a publick kindness; but I'll grant you leave to beg pardon, and the Senate will give such success to your Petitions, as they think fit. When the Tusculans came to Rome, and the Senate of them, who were so lately faithful Allies, was seen to stand with sad countenances in the Porch of the Court, the Roman Senators were presently concern∣ed at it, and order'd them even at that time, to be call'd in more like Friends than Ene∣mies. Then the Dictator of Tusculum made this Speech: As You, grave Fathers! see us (against whom you have declared and made War) standing in the Porch of your Court, in the same manner were we equipped when we went out to meet your Generals, and their Legions. This was our garb, and the garb of our People; and always shall be, unless at any time we take up Arms from you, and for you. We thank your Generals and your Armies too, that they believed their eyes more, than their ears: and where there was no shew of Hostility they themselves made none. We therefore desire of you that Peace which we have kept; and beg, that you would turn your Arms upon those places (if any such there be) that are at War with you. If we must try by suffering, what power your Arms have against us, we'll try it unarmed, that's our resolution: Heaven grant, it may be as successful as it is pious. As to the accusations, at which you were so concern'd as to declare War against us, though they are already confuted by our actions, and need no words to

baffle them, yet though they were true, we think it safe enough for us even to confess them, since we have so manifestly repented of them: for we may well grant that we have offended you, when you are worthy to receive such satisfaction. To this effect was the Tusculans Address: who obtained Peace for the present, and not long after the freedom of the City too: so that the Legions were brought back from Tusculum.

[ XXVII] Camillus having got great honour by his Conduct and courage in the Volscian War, by his success in the Tusculan Expedition, and, upon all occasions, by his patience and mo∣deration toward his Collegue, went out of Office, after the Tribunes Military for the [U. C. 376] next Year were Elected; whose names were L. and P. Valerius, (Lucius a fifth time, and Publius a third time) C. Sergius (a third time) L. Menenius (a second time) Sp. Papirius, and Ser. Cornelius Maluginensis. That Year they wanted Censors too, by reason of the un∣certain report that went about concerning the publick Debts: seeing that the Tribunes of the People aggravated the chief cause of that animosity, though the Creditors were wil∣ling to lessen it, whose interest it was, to have the World think that the money was not paid for want of honesty rather than ability in the Debtors. Thereupon they chose for Censors C. Sulpicius Camerinus, Sp. Postumius Regillensis; who had no sooner begun the Pole, but it was interrupted by the death of Postumius, because it was not lawful to create a Col∣legue to a surviving Censor. Wherefore, when Sulpicius had laid down his Office, there were other Censors created; who being not duly chosen did not bear that Office: and to create a third pair (seeing the Gods did not (as it were) accept of Censors for that Year) war not consistent with their Religion. But the Tribunes said, that was an into∣lerable cheat put upon the Commons: and, That the Senate were not willing to hear Witnes∣ses, state the publick Accounts, or look into every mans Estate, because they would not have it known what the publick Debts came to, which would demonstrate that one part of the City was ru∣ined and undone by the other: when at the same time the poor Bankrupt Commonalty were expo∣sed to several Enemies, and Wars were now in all places, without any difference, sought after; the Legions having been led from Antium to Satricum, from Satricum to Velitrae and thence to Tusculum. That they bent their Forces now against the Latins, Hernicans, and Praenestines, more out of hatred to their fellow Citizens, than to their Enemies, to wear the Commons in Arms quite out of heart: and not giving them time to breath, or so much leisure as once to think of liberty; or to appear at a publick Assembly, where they might over-hear the Tribunes discourse touching the method of lessening the Usurers profit, and of putting an end to other grievances. But if the Peo∣ple remembred the ancient liberty of their Fore-Fathers, they would neither suffer any Roman Ci∣tizen to be made a slave upon the score of his Debts, nor any Levy to be made, till such time as, the Account of them being inspected, some way were thought of to lessen them, and every man knew, what he had of his own and what he ow'd: and, if he had his Body left at liberty, whether that too ought to be put into Slavery. The reward of a Sedition which was thus proposed soon raised it to an heighth: for there were many persons condemned to Slavery, and the Senate had ordered, upon the news of the Prenestine War, that there should be new Le∣gions raised: both of which, what by the help of the Tribunes and the consent of the Com∣mons together, began to be obstructed: for neither did the Tribunes suffer those that were condemned to be carried away; nor did the younger sort give in their names, seeing the Senate had less regard to the interest of Creditors in getting the money which they had lent, than to the Levy. For now it was reported that the Enemy, who came from Prae∣neste, were sate down in the Sabine Territories. But in the mean time that very report had animated the Tribunes of the People to carry on the contest which they had under∣taken, rather than deterred them: nor was there any other means to extinguish Sedition in the City, than by that War, which was advanced even to their very Walls.

[ XXVIII] For when the Praenestines were told, That there was no Army raised at Rome, nor any Ge∣neral yet pitched upon, but that the Senate and the Commons were set against each other: their Commanders, supposing that a good occasion, forming a Body with all speed, straight wasted all the Country before them, and carry'd their Ensigns up to the Colline Gate. Thereupon the City was in a great consternation, and made a general Alarm, running one and all up upon the Walls and to the several Gates. So that at last, being di∣verted from Sedition to War, they chose T. Quintius Cincinnatus Dictator, who made A. Sempronius Atratinius Master of the Horse. Which being once heard (such was the ter∣ror of that Magistrate) the Enemy immediately retreated from the Walls, and the younger Romans came together [to be listed] upon the Dictators order, without any manner of de∣lay. Whilst they were raising the Army at Rome, the Enemy lay Encamped not far from the River Allia. Where ravaging the Country round about they bragg'd to one another, That they had taken a place, which was fatal to the City of Rome: and that the Romans should be in the same fright there again, and run away as fast as they did in the Gallick War. For if the Romans feared a day, that was set apart for Religious Duties, and remark'd with the name of that place; how would they dread Allia it self (which was the Monument of so great a slaughter) more than the Allian day? There they would certainly fancy they saw the killing looks of the Gauls, and the sound of their voice would be in their ears. Thus forming images of vain things with thoughts as vain as them, they reposed all their hopes in the ominous circumstances and

Fortune of the place. The Romans on the other side, knew well enough, that, wheresoever they had a Latin Enemy, it was the same, whom they had defeated at the Lake Regillus and kept in slavish Peace for 100. years together. That the place, by being famous for so great a slaughter, would rather incite them to blot out the memory of the dishonour, than make them afraid, lest there might be some Country, which it was not lawful for them to Conquer. Yea, if the Gauls themselves should come against them, that they would fight in that place at the same rate, as they did at Rome, when they retrieved their Coun∣try, and as they did the next day at Gabii: then, when they so brought it to pass, that there was no one of the Enemies, who had entered the Walls to carry the news of that good and ill fortune home: and with these resolutions on both sides they came to Allia.

The Roman Dictator, after the Enemy was in sight, and ready to fight, said; A. Sem∣pronius! [ XXIX] do'st see, how they are come to Allia as trusting in the fortune of the place? I wish the Gods may give them nothing, that may be a greater security, or assistance to them. But do thou rely upon thy Arms, the courage of our men, and charge in full career the main Body of their Ar∣my: whilst I with the Legions will attack them, when they are disordered and in a consternati∣on. Be witness, Assist us, Oh ye Gods! that are Witnesses to our League; and take due revenge both for the offence committed against you, and the cheat put upon us by making use of your sacred Names. The Prenestines could not bear the shock either of the Horse, or Foot; but their Ranks were confounded at the first onset and shout; and soon after, seeing their Army could not, in any part, stand their ground, turn'd their backs. Whereupon being con∣sternated, they ran, through the force of their fear, even beyond their own Camp; nor did they stop, before they were within sight of Preneste. There those that remained after their flight took a certain place, which they could quickly fortifie with tumultua∣ry works: lest, if they had gone within the Walls, the Country might presently have been burnt, and, when all things were laid wast, a siege laid to the City. But when the Vi∣ctorious Roman, having rifled the Camp at Allia, was come up, they left that Fortress too; and scarce thinking the Walls secure, shut themselves up in the Town of Preneste. There were eight Towns more under the Dominion of the Prenestines: to each of which the War was transferred, and, after they were one after another with no great difficulty taken, the Army was carried to Velitrae; which was likewise taken. Then they came to Preneste the chief Seat of the War, which they retook not by force, but surrender. T. Quintius, after he had been Victorious in one set Battel, taken two Camps of the Enemies, and nine Towns by Storm (besides Preneste, upon surrender) return'd to Rome: and brought in Triumph a Statue of Jupiter Imperator from Preneste into the Capitol. It was dedicated be∣tween the Shrine of Jupiter and Minerva, and a Table hung under it, as a Monument of his Exploits with an Inscription to this effect: Jupiter and all the Gods were pleased, that T. Quintius the Dictator should take nine Towns. The twentieth day after he was created, he laid down his Dictatorship.

Then they held the Assembly for choosing of Tribunes Military with Consular Autho∣rity: [ XXX] at which the number of Patricians and Plebeians was made equal; for out of the Se∣nate [U. C. 377] were elected P. and C. Manlius, with L. Julius, and the People chose C. Sextilius, M. Albinius and L. Antistius. To the Manlii (for that they were above the Plebeians in point of Birth, and in greater favour too than Julius) was allotted the Province of the Volsci out of course, without casting Lots or so much as any debate or conference [among his Collegues:] whereof not only they a while after, but the Senate too, that had given it to them, repented. For before they had searched the Country, they sent out certain Troops to Forage: concerning whom there was false news brought as if they had been circumvent∣ed. Whereupon the Manlii making all the hast they could to relieve them (without secu∣ring the author of the report, who was a Latin Enemy, instead of a Roman Soldier which he told the Generals he was) ran themselves headlong into an Ambuscade. Where whilst relying only upon the Soldiers valour, they made what resistance they could in such a disadvantagious place, killing and being kill'd, the Enemy in the mean time invaded the Roman Camp that lay upon a Plain on the other side. And indeed these Generals ruin'd all their affairs upon all occasions through their rashness and want of skill: and what re∣mained (of their Armies] that the Fortune of the Roman People and the courage of the Soldiers, which was steady even without a Governour, preserved. These things being related at Rome; they thought fit first to make a Dictator: upon which when news came that all things in the Volscian Territories, were at quiet; and it appeared, that they did not know how to make use of Victory and good occasions, the Armies and Generals were called back from thence too: nor had the Romans any more disturbance from those parts than from the Volsci: save that there was a rumour at the latter end of the Year, that the Prenestines had got the Latin People to join with them and rebelled. The same Year there was a new Colony carried to Setia, upon their complaint that they wanted Inhabitants: and though they had not had so good success in War, they enjoyed the comfort of quiet at home, which was owing to the good will that the Commons bore to the Tribunes Military and their Authority among those of their own Order.

[ XXXI] At the beginning of the next Year there broke out a great Sedition, when Sp. Furius, [U. C. 378] Q. Servilius (a second time) C. Licinius, P. Claelius, M. Horatius and L. Geganius were Tri∣bunes Military with Consular Authority. The ground and cause of this Sedition was the Peoples Debts: which to inquire into Sp. Servilius Priscus and Q. Claelius Siculus were made Censors, but were hindered from doing that business by a War. For frighted Messengers first of all, and after that a general concourse of people out of the Country brought word, That the Volscian Legions were come into the Roman Confines, and were a ravaging all before them. In which consternation so far were their civil contests from being restrained by foreign terror, that on the contrary the Tribunes were so much the more violent to hinder the Levy; till conditions were imposed upon the Senate; That no man, till the War was over, should pay Tribute, or give any judgment concerning the money that was lent: which re∣laxation being accepted by the Commons, there was no stop put to the Levy. When the new Legions were raised, they thought fit, That the Legions should be divided and two seve∣ral Armies led into the Volscian Territories. Sp. Furius and M. Horatius went to the right hand toward the Sea-coast and to Antium, whilst Q. Servilius and L. Geganius went to the Mountains on the left hand, toward Ecetra. But they met not the Enemy on either hand; and therefore they plundered the Countrey, not in that stragling manner as the Volscians did, (who took their Booty more like thieves than Soldiers, in a consternation and in hast, as relying only upon the discord of the Romans, and fearing their courage) but, as they were a compleat Army, so was their fury proportionable; yea in time too great and se∣vere. For the Volsci, fearing, lest the Army should come out of Rome in the mean time, made inrodes into the utmost borders of their Country; but the reason why the Roman on the other hand continued even in the Enemies Country was, that he might provoke his Enemy to fight. Wherefore when they had burnt all the Country Houses and some Vil∣lages also, and not left any fertile tree, nor so much as Seed to give them hopes of any fruit to come, they drove away all the Booty of Men and Cattel that was to be found without the Walls and so led both their Armies back to Rome.

[ XXXII] After the Debtors had had some little respite to breath in, now that things were secure from all Enemies, judicial proceedings began again to take place: and they were so far from having any hopes of lessening the old Interest-money, that a new Debt was con∣tracted by a contribution toward the making of a Wall for which the Censors had agreed, that it should be built with square Stone. Which burden the Commonalty were forced to submit to, because the Tribunes of the People had ne'r a Levy to hinder. They were like∣wise compelled by the power of the Nobility to make all the Tribunes Military Patricians, [U. C. 379] whose names were L. Aemilius, P. Valerius (a fourth time) C. Veturius, Ser. Sulpicius, L. and C. Quintius Cincinnatus. By the same means they prevailed so far, as to raise three Armies against the Latins and the Volscians; who then had join'd their Forces and lay Encamp'd at Satricum (for there was no body that withstood the Listing of all the younger sort) one to Guard the City; an other to be sent upon sudden Expeditions, if any rising should happen elsewhere; and the third, which was much the strongest, to be led to Satricum by P. Valerius and L. Aemilius. Where ha∣ving found the Enemies Army ready marshall'd in a plain, they presently engaged: but be∣fore they had perfected their Victory, a violent storm of Rain forced them to quit the Com∣bat. The next day, they renewed the fight: and for some time the Latin Legions especi∣ally, who had by their long Alliance been throughly taught the Roman Discipline, with equal courage and fortune made resistance. But the Horse charging up broke their Ranks; upon which disorder the Foot too came in: and as the Roman Army got ground, so the Enemy still lost it; till at last, when the day was like to be theirs, the Roman force became intolerable. So the Enemy being routed, (since they made to Satricum, which was two miles distant, and not to their own Camp, were slain chiefly by the Horse; and their Camp taken and rifled. From Satricum, the night next after the Battel, they went in a kind of flying Body to Antium: whither though the Roman Army pursued them at the ve∣ry heels, yet their fear was swifter, than the Roman fury. By which means the Enemy got within the Walls, before the Romans could overtake, or stop the very Reer of their Bo∣dy. After that they spent some days in ravaging the Country; since neither the Romans were furnished with due Provisions to attack the Walls, nor the Enemy with force enough to endure a Battel.

[ XXXIII] Then there arose a Sedition between the Antians and the Latins: in that the Antians, being overcome with their misfortunes and subdud by War (in which they were not only born, but now grown old) were inclined to a Surrender; but their revolt, after a long Peace, had made the Latins, whose courage was yet entire, more resolute to persevere in War. The thing that put an end to this contest was, that both of them were at last convinced, they could neither of them hinder the other from prosecuting their design. So the Latins went forth and vindicated themselves (as they supposed) from the Alliance of a dishonourable Peace: and the Antians, being rid of such troublesom judges of their whol∣som Counsels, Surrendred their City and Country to the Romans. Thereupon the fury and rage of the Latins, because they could neither hurt the Romans by a War, nor keep the Vol∣sci still in Arms, broke out to that degree, that they set fire on the City of Satricum,

which had been their first refuge after there defeat: nor was there any Building in that Ci∣ty left standing (for they threw fire-brands into all places both Sacred and Profane) except the Temple of Matuta: though 'tis said, it was not their Religion, nor their fear of the Gods, which kept them from violating that too, but a dreadful voice, that was heard out of the Temple with sad menaces, if they did not remove their wicked fire far from those sacred Walls. Now when they were inflam'd with that rage, their fury carry'd them to Tusculum, to take revenge upon that People; for that they, having deserted the Common Council of the La∣tins, had made themselves not only Allies but Citizens of Rome. And so happening to come thither at unawares as the Gates were wide open, they took all the Town, except the Castle, upon their Shout. The Townsmen with their Wives and Children fled all into the Castle; and sent Messengers to Rome, to inform the Senate of their condition. Upon that there was an Army carried to Tusculum with such speed as became the honour of the Roman People; which was Commanded by L. Quintius, and Serv. Sulpicius, two Tribunes Military. There they saw the Gates of Tusculum shut, and the Latins, who had the con∣cern of Besiegers and People besieged at once upon them, defending (on the one hand) the Walls, and (on the other) attacking the Castle; so that they terrified others and were themselves at the same time affrighted: but the arrival of the Romans had changed the re∣solutions of both parties. For it had reduced the Tusculans from a great fear to the greatest chearfulness, and dejected the Latins from an almost certain confidence of taking the Ca∣stle (because they had already taken the Town) to small hopes of themselves. Then there was a shout set up by the Tusculans in the Castle; which was seconded by a greater from the Roman Army; and the Latins were hard put to't on both sides. Nor could they now either endure the efforts of the Tusculans, who sallied down from the higher ground, or beat off the Romans who were getting up the Walls and endeavouring to unbar the Gates. But the Walls were first taken with their scaling Ladders: and then the Bars of the Gates were broken: and seeing there were two Enemies at once upon them, one be∣fore, the other behind; and that they had neither strength to fight, nor room to run away, they were all slain upon the place even to a man. When they had recovered Tuscu∣lum from the Enemy, the Army was led back to Rome.

But look how much more quiet all things were, that year, abroad, by reason of their [ XXXIV] success in War, so much more did the Tyranny of the Senate, and the miseries of the Com∣mons daily increase at home; since for that very reason, that they were all forced to pay their Debts together, their ability to pay was impeded. Wherefore seeing there was no∣thing to be had in specie, they satisfied their Creditors by ignominy and corporal punish∣ment by being condemned as Cheats, and made Slaves of; and that Penalty went for pay∣ment. By this means not only the lowest, but even the chiefest of the Commonalty were so cast down, that no understanding and experienced man had the courage, not only to stand for the Tribuneship of the Soldiery, among the Patricians, (which was a point, that they had so earnestly endeavoured to gain) but to sue for, or take upon them even Plebei∣an Offices; so that the Senate seemed to have for ever recovered the possession of that ho∣nour, which was only usurp'd by the Commons for some few years. But to take off the other party's jollity, a small reason (as it often does) of attempting a great matter inter∣ven'd. M. Fabius Ambustus, a potent man, not only among those of his own Rank, but with the Commons also, (for that he was thought among that sort of people not to despise them) had two Daughters; the Elder of which was Married to Ser. Sulpicius, and the Younger to C. Licinius Stolo, an eminent Person, though a Plebeian: and his not contemning that Affi∣nity got Fabius great good will among the Vulgar. Now it so fell out, that, as these two Sisters were talking (as 'tis usual) one with the other at Ser. Sulpicius's House, one of Sul∣picius's Lictors [or Serjeants,] when he came home from the Court, knock'd with a Rod (as the custom is) at the door. At which the younger Sister, who was not used to any such custom, being frighted, her Sister laughed at her, and wondred that she should be ignorant what the matter was. But that laughter incensed her very much (as Womens minds are easily disturb'd upon the least occasion) besides that, I suppose, seeing how many people followed Sulpicius, asking him, What Service he had to command them? made her think her Sister was happily Married; and therefore she lamented her own fortune, out of a dis∣satisfaction that every body has when they are outdone by their Relations. Her Father hap∣pening to see her in that confusion through her late grief of mind, ask'd her, what she ail∣ed? To which she reply'd, but pretended some other cause of her sorrow (but it was nei∣ther so kind as it ought to have been in respect to her Sister, nor very honourable in re∣gard to her Husband) till at last by mild Questions he got her to confess, The cause of her grief was, that she was Married to a Man below her, and into a Family, that was not capable either of Honour or common Favour. Upon which Ambustus comforting his Daughter, bad her, be of good cheer; and she should erelong see the same Honours at her House, that she had seen at her Sisters. Then he began to advise with his Son-in-Law, taking L. Sextius also into the Consult, who was a strenuous young man, and wanted nothing, that could be hoped for, except it were to be of a Nobly Family.

[ XXXV] Now they thought the best ground for innovation was the Peoples vast Debts; which evil the Commonalty could not hope to alleviate, but by placing some of their own Party in the highest Offices. They therefore thought it their business to contrive that; not but that the Plebeians, by their industry and endeavours had gone so far in it already, that if they push'd on, they might arrive at the highest pitch, and equal the Senators, as much in Ho∣nour as in Courage. For the present they look'd upon it as necessary that there should be Tribunes of the People chosen; that by that Dignity they might open a way for them∣selves to other Honours: and accordingly there were Elected for Tribunes, C. Licinius and L. Sextius who promulgated Laws, that were all against the power of the Nobility, and for the good of the Commons: one, concerning the Debts; That, deducting that from the princi∣pal, which had been paid for Use; that which remained should be paid in three Years in equal por∣tions: another, concerning the measure of Lands; that no man should have above 500. Acres: and a third; That there should be no Assembly for choosing Tribunes Military, and that one of the Consuls should be elected out of the Commons: all which were very great things, and could not be obtained without the greatest and most vigorous opposition. Wherefore when all that men so much desire, (as Lands, Money and Honours) was at stake, the Senate being in a great fright, and finding no other remedy for their publick and private designs but an Interposition, which they had experience of in many Contests heretofore; they got their Collegues to thwart those Tribunes Proposals: who, when they saw the Tribes summoned by Licinius and Sextius to give their Votes, they, Guarded by the Senate, would neither suf∣fer the Bills to be read, nor any other solemn Act to be done for the People to pass into a Law. And now after the Assembly had been often call'd to no purpose, the Bills being thrown out; Very well, said Sextius; since you are pleased to lay such stress upon an Intercession, we'll defend the Commons with the very same Weapon. Come on, you Gentlemen of the Senate; pray appoint an Assembly for the choosing of Tribunes Military: I'll see, that the Word Veto [i. e. I forbid it] which you now with so much joy hear our Collegues unanimously pronounce. Nor did [U. C. 380] their menaces prove vain: for there were no Assemblies held but for choosing of Aediles, and Tribunes of the People. Licinius, and Sextius being made Tribunes of the People again [U. C. 381] suffered no Curule Magistrates [such as came to the Senate in their Chariots] to be cho∣sen; [U. C. 382] and that defect of Magistrates, occasioned by the Commons choosing two Tribunes [U. C. 383] the same that were the year before, and their obstructing the Assembly for choosing two Tri∣bunes [U. C. 384] Military, continued in the City for five years.

[ XXXVI] All other Wars were at an end; but the Colony at Velitrae, being grown wanton through long ease, because there was no Roman Army, not only made incursions into the Roman Territories, but attack'd the Town of Tusculum also. Which action, (when the Tusculans, their old Allies and new fellow Citizens desired their aid) made not only the Senate, but the Commons also very much ashamed. The Tribunes therefore remitting their inter∣cession, there was an Assembly held by an Interrex: at which there were chosen for Tri∣bunes [U. C. 385] Military, L. Furius, A. Manlius, Ser. Sulpicius, Ser. Cornelius, with A. and C. Valerius, who did not find the People in any wise so obedient at the Levy, as in the Assembly. But nevertheless having with much ado raised an Army, they not only removed the Enemy from Tusculum, but forced them into their own Walls; and Velitrae was now Besieged with much greater vigour, than Tusculum had been before. But yet it could not be taken by those, who first began to besiege it. There were new Tribunes Military first created, whose names were, Q. Servilius, C. Veturius, A. and M. Cornelius, Q. Quintius, and M. Fabius: though [U. C. 386] even these Tribunes also did nothing at Velitrae worth remembring. Things were now in greater danger at home: for besides Licinius and Sextius, that made several Laws, and were now the eighth time made Tribunes one year after another, Fabius also being a Tribune Military, and Stolos Father in Law, said he would certainly stand up for those Laws that he had formerly proposed. And whereas there had been eight of the College of Tribunes Plebeians at first against those Laws, there were now but five only; who (as it usually happens among those, that revolt from their party) being blinded in their under∣standing spoke other mens words and back'd their Intercession with nothing but what they had been taught at home: saying; That a great part of the Commons were absent in the Ar∣my at Velitrae: that the Assembly ought to be differr'd till the coming of the Soldiers, that the whole Commonalty might Vote for their own good. Sextius and Licinius with part of their Col∣legues, with Fabius, one of the Tribunes Military, who had learnt by experience in so ma∣ny years time, to manage the People, teized the chief of the Senate, whom they called forth [to answer for themselves] by interrogating them upon the several Cases, which were proposed to the People: How durst they desire, that, when the Commons had but two Acres of Land a piece, they might have above 500? That they might each of them enjoy the Estate of almost 300. Citizens, when a Commoners Land was scarce enough to build a convenient House upon, or for a Burial place? Would you have the poor Commons, who are overwhelmed with Usu∣ry, unless they'll pay that, rather than the Principal, deliver their Bodies up to bonds and torture: and to be haled in droves every day out of the Forum into Slavery? Noblemens Houses to be fill'd with Prisoners? and a private Jayle to be, wherever any Patrician dwells?

Having inveighed against these base and wretched doings, before the Peeple, who stood [ XXXVII] in fear of their Creditors, so as that they stirred up greater indignation in their Audience, than in themselves, they farther affirm'd; That the Senate would never make an end of get∣ting the publick Lands into their own hands, nor murdering the People with Usury, till the Com∣mons had chosen one of the Consuls out of their own Body, to be the keeper and maintainer of their Liberty. That the Tribunes of the People were now contemned, as being an Order, who by inter∣ceding themselves destroy'd their own Authority. That there could be no right done, as long as the Consuls had all the power of commanding, and they only of forbidding; and that till the right of commanding was communicated the Commons would never have an equal share in the Common∣wealth. Nor ought any man to think it enough, that there should be some respect had to the Commons in the Consular Assemblies; for unless it were made absolutely necessary, that one of the Consuls should be a Commoner, no Plebeian would ever be chosen. Had they already forgot, though it was Voted, that they would choose Tribunes Military rather than Consuls, for that very rea∣son, that the Commons also might be advanced to the highest Honours, yet there has not been one Tribune Military chosen out of the Commonalty these four and forty years? How could they ima∣gine, that they would willingly bestow Honour upon the People, where there was but two Places to dispose of, who had been used to fill eight places with [Patricians] at their choice of Tribunes? or that they would suffer any way to be made to the Consulship, who had so long blocked up the Tribuneship? But that might be gained by a Law, which could not be obtained by favour; and therefore they ought to put one of the Consuls places out of dispute, for the People to have access to: because if it were left in question, it would always be theirs, that could make the best interest. Nor could that be now said, which they were formerly wont to throw out; viz. that there were none among the Commons, fit to make curule Magistrates. For has the Commonwealth been mana∣ged with more sloth or imprudence since P. Licinius was Tribune, who was the first that was cho∣sen out of the Commonalty, than it was in those times, when none but Patricians were Tribunes Military? No, quite conurary; for some Patricians, after their Tribuneship, were condemn'd [for what they had done in their Office] and so was never any Plebeian. The Questors too [they said] as well as the Tribunes Military, began a few years ago to be elected out of the Commons: nor did the Roman People repent of e'r an one of them. That the People therefore had nothing now to get but the Consulship; which was the very Fortress and Pillar of their Liberty. If they once arrived at that, then the People of Rome would think that their Kings were certainly Ba∣nished, and their Liberty was secured. For from that day the People would be possessed of all things, wherein the Senate outdid them; viz. Authority, Honour, the glory of War, Birth, and Quality; which were great things for them in their own Persons to enjoy, but greater, to be left to their Posterity. When they saw that these kind of Speeches were acceptable, they promulgated a new Bill; That, instead of Duumvirs [two Officers] to look after the Sacrifices, there should be Decemvirs [Ten such] created; in such a manner, that part of them should be chosen out of the Commons and part out of the Senators: but they differr'd the Assembly, to pass those Bills, till the coming of that Army, which was then Besieging Velitrae.

But the Year was at an end, before the Legions were brought back from Velitrae: and there∣fore [ XXXVIII] the business touching those Laws was put off for the new Tribunes Military [to fi∣nish:] for the Commons chose the same Tribunes again, and especially those two, that were the proposers of those Laws. The persons elected for Tribunes Military were T. Quintius, Ser. Cornelius, Ser. Sulpicius, Sp. Servilius, L. Papirius, and L. Veturius. At the ve∣ry beginning of the Year they came to the last push about the Laws; and when the Tribes were called, seeing no Intercession of their Collegues withstood the proposers, the affright∣ed Senate fled to their two last shifts, their highest Authority, and their chiefest Magistrate; resolving to make a Dictator. The person made choice of was M. Furius Camillus, who took L. Aemilius for his Master of the Horse. The proposers of the Laws too, seeing so great preparations made by their Adversaries, did not only themselves strengthen the Cause of the Commons with great resolutions, but also appointed an Assembly of the Peo∣ple and called the Tribes to give their Votes. When the Dictator, compassed round with a Band of Patricians, had sate him down, full of wrath and menaces; seeing the matter was argued at first with the same earnestness as before, between the Tribunes of the People who proposed, and opposed any Law; and that the more powerful of right the Intercession was, the more it was overborn by the favour that was shewed both to the Laws themselves and those that proposed them; yea that the first Tribes passed them: Then Camillus said; Romans! since the passion of the Tribunes and not lawful Authority now guides you; and that you evacuate all Intercession (which was formerly gain'd by a secession of the Commons) by the same force that you procured it; I, as Dictator (not upon the publick ac∣count, more than for their sakes) will stand by their Intercession: and will by my Authority defend their right of giving a negative Vote to aid the Commons. Wherefore if C. Licinius and L. Sex∣tius yield to the Intercession of their Collegues, I'll not put any Patrician Magistrate into the As∣sembly of the Commons. But if they strive, against the Intercession, to impose Laws upon the Ci∣ty, as though it were taken [by an Enemy] I will not suffer the Tribunes power to be by it self dissolved. Now, when, in opposition to what he said, the Tribunes of the People went on with their business as fast as before: then Camillus, being mightily enraged, sent the

Lictors [Serjeants] to turn the Common People out of the Assembly; adding these me∣naces; That if they went on, he'd make all the younger sort take the Military Oath, and carry an Army forthwith out of the City. This put the Commonalty into a great fright, but it rather heightened than lessened the resolutions of their Ringleaders: but he, before the matter was determined one way or t'other, laid down his Office: either because he was not duly created, as some say; or because the Tribunes of the People proposed to the Peo∣ple, and they Enacted, That if M. Furius had done any thing as Dictator, he should be fined 500000. Deneeres. But I am apt to think that he was deterred by the Auspicies more, than any new sort of Bill, that was proposed; and that not only upon the score of his disposition, but because P, Manlius was immediately made Dictator in his stead: (for to what purpose was it to make a Dictator to decide that Controversie, in which M. Furius had been over∣come?) and also because the same M. Furius was Dictator the next Year; who resolved, not without shame no doubt, to recover that Authority, which had been diminished the year before in him: yea farther, because at the same time, that they proposed to mulct him, he might either have opposed this Bill too, whereby he saw himself so treated, or at least not hindered those, for the sake of which this was made: and lastly, because even to this day, as long as ever the Tribunes and the Consuls have contended one with another, the Dictatorship has advanced still higher, and higher.

[ XXXIX] Between the time that the former Dictatorship was laid down, and the new one taken up by Manlius, there was an Assembly of the People held (as in a kind of Interregnum) by the Tribunes: at which it appears, which of the Laws proposed were most grateful to the People, and which to the proposers of them: for they consented to the Bills touching Usury and the Lands, but rejected that which was for one of the Consuls being chosen out of the Commonalty: and both those matters had been accomplished, had not the Tri∣bunes said, That they consulted the People upon all together. After that P. Manlius the Dictator favoured the Commons, and made C. Licinius, who had been a Tribune Military, Master of the Horse, though a Commoner: That, I am told, the Senate took ill; and that the Dictator was wont to excuse himself to them upon the score of his near relation to Lici∣nius: but said at the same time; That the Dignity of a Master of the Horse was no greater, than that of a Consular Tribune. Licinius and Sextius, after the Assembly for choosing of Tribunes of the People was appointed, so behaved themselves, that, by saying they had now no mind to have that honour continued to them, they incited the Commons more than ever to do what they pretended to refuse. They said; They had been now nine Years exposed, as in a Battel, against the Nobility, to the greatest hazard imaginable of their own persons and Estates, but without any benefit to the Commonwealth. That now both the Bills that were pro∣mulgated and all the strength of the Tribunes power was grown old, as they were. That their Laws were opposed, first of all, by the Intercession of the Collegues: secondly, by sending away the Youth to the War at Velitrae; and lastly, that there was a Dictatorian thunderbolt prepared against them. But that now neither their Collegues, nor any War, or Dictator withstood them; for the Dictator had given a good omen that he would agree to have a Plebeian Consul, by making a Plebeian Master of the Horse. That the Commonalty only hindered themselves and their own ad∣vantages. That they, if they pleased, might soon have the City rid of the Creditors, and the Lands free from the unjust Possessors of them: which benefits when would they esteem so gratefully as they ought, if, whilst they had Bills proposed for their own advantage, they cut off all hopes of Honour from the proposers of them? That it did not suit with the modesty of the Roman People to desire, that they might be eased of the Usury; and to be instated in Lands, that were wrongful∣ly kept from them, by those great Men, through whom they got those things; and yet to leave old men, that had been Tribunes, not only without Honour, but without so much as the hopes of it. Wherefore they advised them to consider with themselves what they would have: and after that declare their pleasure in the Assembly for choosing of Tribunes. If they desired to have all the pro∣mulgated Bills pass'd together, they ought to make the same persons Tribunes again: for they should carry what they had proposed: but if they would barely accept of what was needful for every one in his private capacity, there was no need of continuing an envied honour; nor should either they themselves have the Tribuneship, or the People, what was promulgated.

[ XL] Upon this obstinate Speech of the Tribunes, though the indignity of what they said had struck the rest of the Senate with amazement and silence, to hear it; Ap. Claudius Crassus, they say, stood forth, more out of hatred and anger, than any hopes he had to oppose them; and spoke to this purpose: Romans! it is no new, or unexpected thing, if I too at this time hear, what has been always objected against our Family by the seditious Tribunes: viz. That to the Claudian Race nothing has ever been from the first rise of it, more sacred in this Commonwealth, than the Majesty of the Senate: and that they were always Enemies to the Peoples advantages. The one of which charges I neither deny, nor go about to disprove: viz. That we, ever since we have been taken into the City and the Senate, have done our utmost endeavour, that it might be truly said, the Majesty and grandieur of these Families, among which you were pleased to place us, has been rather augmented, than diminished. But as to the other, Romans! I dare vouch both for my self and my Ancestors (unless any man thinks, those things, that are done for the good of the Com∣monwealth in general, are disadvantagious to the Commons; as tho' they lived in another City) that

we never did any thing, to our knowledge, either as private men, or in any Office, which was in∣jurious to the Common People: and that no man can truly tell of one word or action of ours against their interest, though some there were against their wills. Could I forbear, though I were not come of a Noble Family, but an ordinary Roman, who only knew my self to be born of ingenuous Pa∣rents, and to live in a free City, to say this? That L. Sextius there, and C. Licinius, our perpe∣tual Tribunes (forsooth) have taken so much liberty these nine years, wherein they have domineer∣ed like Kings, as to say, they'll not give you the freedom of Voting, either in Assemblies, or in ma∣king of Laws. You, says he, shall make us the tenth time Tribunes upon condition. What's that, but as if they should say, What others desire, we so much disdain, that we will not accept of it with∣out some great reward? But pray', what is that reward, for which we may have you still Tri∣bunes of the People? Why, that you accept (says he) of our Proposals, whether they please or dis∣please you, whether profitable or unprofitable, all together. I beseech you, the Tarquinian Tri∣bunes of the People! suppose me, a single Citizen, to cry out from the midst of the Assembly: By your good leave, let us choose, out of these Bills, those that we think wholsom for us; and reject the rest. No, says he, you shan't. Thou [Citizen, whoe'r thou art] wouldst give thy Vote concern∣ing Use-money, and the Lands, which belongs to you all; and may not this Miracle then be done in Rome, for thee to see (what thou abhorrest and abominat'st) L. Sextius and Licinius here, Consuls! either take all; or I'll offer nothing. Just as if a man should set before a person that were ready to starve, Poyson and good Meat at the same time; and then command him, either to abstein from that which was wholsom Food, or mix them both together. Would not a great many upon this score, if this were a free City, cry out; Get thee gone with thy Tribuneships and thy Bills? What thou dost not propose, that which is advantagious to the People, will there be no body else to do it? If any Patrician, if any Claudius (which they would have to be a more envied name) should say, either take all, or I'll offer you nothing; which of you, Romans! would endure it? Will you never consider things, rather than persons? but always hear, whatever such a Ma∣gistrate says, with great regard, and turn your ears from what any of us say? But truly, your manner of speaking is not at all like that of Citizens. What? What sort of Bill is it, which they are angry that you reject? Why, Romans! 'tis much like this: viz. I, says he, desire, that you may not have leave to make such Consuls, as you think fit. Does he say any thing else, who orders you to choose one Consul out of the Commonalty; and will not let you have the power to choose two Patricians? If there were Wars now, such as the Etrurian War was, when Porsena was got upon Janiculum: or such as the Gallick War of late, when, except the Capitol and the Ca∣stle, all these things were in the Enemies hands: and L. Sextius there stood for the Consulship with M. Furius here, or any other Senator; could you endure that Sextius should certainly be Consul, and that Camillus should storm for being repulsed? Is this the way to make Honours common [to both Orders]? by making it lawful for two Plebeians to be chosen Consuls, but not two Patrici∣ans? or imposing it as necessary that one be chosen out of the Commons, and leaving it at liberty whether either of them shall be a Patrician, or no? What society, what equality is this? Is it a small matter, if thou comest in for a part of that wherein thou never hadst any share before, unless, whilst thou desirest a share, thou take the whole along with it? I fear, says he, lest, if it be law∣ful to choose two Patricians, you will choose ne'r a Plebeian. What's that, but as much as to say; because you will not willingly choose those that are unworthy, I'll lay a necessity upon you of choosing those, that you resolve against? And what's the consequence of this, but, lest he should owe that kindness to the Peoples favour, that, if one Plebeian stand with two Patricians, he may say, he was chosen by the Law, and not by their Votes?

They seek, how they may extort, not how to sue for Honours; and resolve so to obtain the greatest [ XLI] Honours, as not to owe so much for them as for the least; choosing to stand for great Offices, when they have opportunities, not upon the score of their deserts. Is there any man, who disdains to be lookt into, or valu'd? who thinks it reasonable that he alone should be sure of such and such Ho∣nours, among a company of Competitors that struggle for them at the same time? who will not sub∣mit himself to your judgment? who would make your Votes, instead of voluntary, necessary, and, instead of free ones, servile? I pass by Licinius and Sextius, whose years of perpetual power you number, like those of Kings, in the Capitol. Who is there in this City so abject, but that he is in a readier way to the Consulship, by the help of this Law, than any of us or our Children? For you cannot choose us sometimes though you'd never so fain, but you are forced to choose them, even against your wills. But I have said enough of the indignity [of these things] (for Dignity be∣longs to men) what shall I say of the Religious Rites and Auspicies [being abused,] which is an immediate contempt and affront to the immortal Gods? That this City was Built by the direction of the Soothsayers, and that all things both in War and Peace, at home and abroad, were done by the same Authority, who knows not? Who then had the care of the Auspicies committed to them, according to the usage of our Ancestors? Why the Senate had. For no Plebeian Magistrate is created with that Ceremony. Yea so peculiar are the Auspicies to us, that the People must not on∣ly create what Patrician Magistrates they do create according as the Soothsayer directs, but we also our selves without the Vote of the People can duly declare an Interrex; and have Auspicies in private, which they have not even among their Magistrates. What then does he do less than take away the Auspicies, who by making Plebeians Consuls, takes them from the Senate, who are the only persons that can have them? Let them now laugh at Religious Rites: for what matter is't, if

the Chickens will not feed? if they go but slowly out of the Coop? if a Bird bode ill luck? These are small matters: but yet our Ancestors made this the greatest State in the World by not contemning these small things. We on the contrary in our Age, as though we needed not the favour of the Gods, pollute all Ceremonies. Then let Priests, Soothsayers and the chief Sacrificers be chosen out of the dregs of the People; let us put Jupiter's Priest's Mitre upon any Bodies head, so he be but a Man, and let us deliver the Ancilia [sacred Shields] the Temples, the Gods and the care of them to Villains: let no Laws be made nor Magistrates created with any due Ceremony; nor the Senate give Authority to the Centuriate Assemblies: but let Sextius and Licinius, like Romulus and Tatius, Reign in the City of Rome; because they give away other mens moneys, and other mens Lands: such a sweetness there is in preying upon other peoples Estates. Nor do you consider, that by the one of your Laws there are vast Deserts like to be made in the Country, by driving the right owners out of their Possessions; and that by the other their credit is ruined, with which all human Society is destroyed. Now upon all these accounts I think you ought to reject and throw out these Bills. Whate'r you do, I pray the Gods may prosper.

[ XLII] This Speech of Appius's so far prevailed upon them, that the time of passing the Bills was deferred: and the same Tribunes, Sextius and Licinius, were chosen again, who pass'd a Law for the Electing of the Decemvirs, who took care of the holy Rites, half out of the Commonalty. So there were five chosen out of the Senate, and five out of the Com∣mons: and by that step they thought they now made some progress toward the Consul∣ship. The People, being content with this Victory gave way to the Senate, and omitting any mention of Consuls for the present, let Tribunes Military be chosen. The persons [U. C. 388] chosen were A. and M. Cornelius (a second time) M. Geganius, P. Manlius, L. Veturius, and P. Valerius, a sixth time. But now, when, besides the siege of Velitrae (a thing, where∣of the issue was more slow, than doubtful) the Roman affairs were all quiet abroad; a sud∣den report of a Gallick War forced the City to make M. Furius a fifth time Dictator; and he chose T. Quintius Pennus Master of the Horse. Claudius says, that they fought with the Gauls that year about the River Anien: and that there was a famous Combat, upon a Bridge, between T. Manlius and a Gaul, that challenged him hand to hand, in the sight of the two Armies; in which Manlius kill'd the Gaul and brought off a Gold Chain. But I am more inclin'd by most Authors, to believe, that these things were done no less than ten years after, and that this year they engaged the Gauls, (M. Furius being Dictator) in the Albane Territories. The Victory was neither doubtful nor difficult to the Romans (tho' the Gauls had put them into a great fright through their remembrance of their for∣mer defeat) but there were many thousands of Barbarians slain in the field, many after their Camp was taken. The rest straggled and going most of them toward Apulia, what by their long flight, and their being through dread and terror scattered all over the Coun∣try, defended themselves from the Enemy. The Dictator, by consent of the Senate and People had a Triumph Decreed him. But he had no sooner made an end of that War, than a more bloody Sedition received him at home: and through great contests the Dicta∣tor and the Senate were forced, to accept the Tribunes Bills; besides that there was a Con∣sular Assembly held against the will of the Nobility, at which L. Sextius was the first man, that ever was made Consul, of the Commons. But even that was not the end of their con∣tentions. For, because the Patricians said they would not consent to it, the thing had like to have come to a Secession of the Commons, and other dreadful approaches of Ci∣vil Broils. But these discords were appeas'd by the Dictator upon conditions, allowance being granted by the Nobility to the People that the Plebeian Consul should continue in his Office, and by the People to the Nobility, that there should be one Praetor, who should do justice in the City, and be chosen out of the Senate. By this means the two Orders be∣ing at last reduced out of their long Animosities into Concord, the Senate was of opini∣on that then, if ever they should do well, and would willingly, in honour of the immortal Gods, cause the grand Games to be set forth, adding one day to the former three. But the Aediles of the People refusing that Office, the Patrician Young men cry'd out, That they would willingly do that honour to the immortal Gods, so that they might be made Aediles. For which they were thank'd by the whole Senate, and an Order was made, That the Dictator should propose to the People the making of two men Aediles, out of the Senate; and that the Senate should give Authority to all the Assemblies of that Year.