Of the heart and its right soveraign, and Rome no mother-church to England, or, An historical account of the title of our British Church, and by what ministry the Gospel was first planted in every country with a remembrance of the rights of Jerusalem above, in the great question, where is the true mother-church of Christians? / by T.J.

SECTION X. That all or most of the Kingdoms and Churches in this part of Europe, and Rome it self, re∣ceived their first Faith from Brittain, yet Brit∣tain pretends to no Supremacy over them upon that account, and the Romanists Feloes de se in that kind of Plea.

IF the Church of Rome hath no better evidence for her propagation of the Faith, (and Supremacy thereby, over other Churches of the world) than is produc'd for Brittain, it is plain and easy to discern, its title is not founded in any reality or merit, but a disease of the fancy only; and that high-mindedness, whereof she was early forwarn'd by her rejected Apostle, Rom. 12.3. or a malady like that of the Athenian Merchant, who imagin'd all the Ships that arrived at Harbour to be his own: whose cure from this distemper had been their imaginary beggery and undoing. The French Church at the Savoy, or the Lutheran amongst us, might far better pretend to a Primacy over York and Canterbury, being more Or∣thodox, and Learned, and better understood by se∣veral that resort to them, and acting with the leave of our Province, and its Lawful Governours, and not siding Barbarously with Pagan Enemies against Christian Brethren, to destroy or adulterate the true Faith, as did Monk Augustine: who at least could be but Rector of Christ-Church Canterbury, under his mighty Patron Ethelbert in defiance of his rightful Metropolitan Theonus; which yet he could not sup∣ply himself, for want of the tongue, nor by any other,

by reason of the Schism and Irregularity. Or, to suppose more than can be asked or expected, that E∣thelbert who was King of Kent only, was King also of Mercia, and the East, and the South, and West-Saxons, and compleate Lord over the whole Arch-Bishoprick of Canterbury, or London, which then reached from Humber, to Severn and Cornwall, and now further, over Wales; and that he in such a right, had lawfully nominated and elected our Augustine for his Arch-Bishop, who thereupon had been regu∣larly Consecrated and Install'd by the Clergy of the Province, according to the Canons of the Church, and by the consent and voluntary Cession of Theonus his predecessor, without the help of Heathen force, yet Theonus in that case could but resign his Term, but not the rights of his Church forever; and Augustine be∣came thereby but a more lawful Brittish Bishop, of an Intruding Roman Monk. For such a settlement by the Principles of the Church of Rome, and all com∣mon sence, did not change the See to be Roman, but constitute Augustine and his successors to be rather Brittish Bishops. It's a whole Kingdom, that natu∣ralizes one Forreigner, and not one Forreigner a whole Kingdom; for so at Rome, let him that is E∣lected to that Chair, be French, or German, or Greek, or Barbarian, or (which were enough to stupifie, and unsanctifie any head of a Church) let him be a Witch, or a Sodomite, or an Atheist, the vertue of the Roman Chair nevertheless shall naturalize, and Purifie, and Petrifie this strange man into a right Ro∣man-Catholick Pope and successor of St. Peter, Holy and Infallible, notwithstanding those forreign disa∣bilities. Therefore by their own rule, Augustine and his successors were frail Brittish Bishops at best, and and hell'd all their Priviledges and Precedencies in

that See, in the right of their Brittish Chair, and not their Roman Mission. And what at∣tempts soever they made de facto, to erect and prefer that See in Roman Right, before all the Ancient and standing See's of Brittain, they were all Null, and Void, and of such Schismatical Ma∣lignity and impossibility, as were the like Act of any French, or Spanish Pope, that should go about to raise the Chair of Paris or Toledo, from whence he came, above the See of Rome, and Order appeals from this to those, than which in their Principles, nothing could be more Heretical, and sinful, sav∣ing perhaps the sin against the Holy Ghost. If it be offer'd, that the Superiority here acquir'd by Augustine, was acquir'd for Rome from whence he came, by the same reason the Supremacy at Rome was acquir'd for Jerusalem, from whence St. Peter came, and that Church to be reviv'd; and Rome, and all other Churches, alike descending, to be made subject to it, and by consequence to be a Sister, not a Mother to our Brittain, and a younger Sister, too, under their common Mother of Sion: But this point hath been solemnly determined by Popes themselves, in the Controversy between Dole and Tours: Which last from the beginning was the ac∣knowledged Metropolis of Little-Brittain; till Samp∣son Archbishop of York, (or St. Davida saith Cam∣brensis) was driven thither for his refuge by the Saxons about theb year 561. who being chosen Bishop of Dole rais'd that See, not only to be an Archbishoprick, but Superiour likewise to Tours, the Original Primate, whether by the Priviledge of the Ancient and Imperial See from whence he came,

and of the Pall he thence brought with him; or, as Pope Innocent, judge afterwards in the Case, suggests, (which makes this President more to fit) because the Brittains having about that time erected a new King to themselves against France, they took the occasion of Sampson's arrival to erect a new Archbishoprick likewise. But this Vetustissima Con∣troversia, asd Hoveden stiles it, came at last to be decided before Pope Innocent the third, who, out his moderation, first propos'd an expedient, where∣in we may be sure Rome was to be no looser: That Dole should continue an Archbishoprick, with two suffragans only, and receive a Pall from Rome by the hands of Tours, whose right it was to be Primate; but the Dolensians refusing this offer, the Pope in the second year of his Papacy, Anno 1199. determin'd for the Ancient Right of the Native, against 600 years prescription and above, back'd with Princely Authority, for the Forreigner. So that if our Holy Bishops of Rome would suffer themselves to be guid∣ed, either by that Golden Rule of doing as they would be done by, whereby all reasonable and good men are governed, or stand to their own Principles and Decisions, whereby the worst and most unreason∣able are concluded, they would no longer own this so weak and infirm pretence for Supremacy over our Brittish Churches, but suffer the Consci∣ences of their obedient Catholicks to be undeluded from this Imposture forever.

But they ought to be told that the Church of Brittain hath propagated the Faith over more Kingdoms and States of Europe by her own, or by Disciples of her own School and Institution, than c

ever Rome did; yet never pretended, as before was Intimated, to any claim of Ecclesiastical Supre∣macy over other Churches, (much less Temporal over any Crowns in order to the other,) upon that account, but only maintained her own Soveraignty, within her own Province, under her own Rightful Governours, for the peace and order of her own people; that she is Mother Church to Scotland and Ireland, is apparent and confessed; and no less to England, (or to the English, or Saxons prevailing in Lhoegr,) was sufficiently proved; And it is as ma∣nifest, she is Mother Church to Germany, both High and Low, and Grand-Mother to the Churches of its Propagation, by consequence. What Bede af∣firms ofe St. Egbert and St. Willibrordf (both from our Brittishg Irish Schools) to have first planted the Gospel over Holland, and Frizeland, and Low Countries, acknowledged by the Historians of those parts, out of their ownh Annalls and Re∣cords. For England was the Academy and Nursery of the Gospel to Holland, as Ʋtrecht afterwards by that means, to the rest of Germany.

For hither at there need they sent for a supply of Teachers,i Quae tum, saith Ʋbbo Emmius of England, propter ex∣citata illic Literarum studia viris doctis abundabat, & ob nuper rcceptum Christi cultum (ceu fieri solet) caeteris ferè provinciis vicinis in Pietatis zelo erat ferventior, & quod plurimum hanc ad rem pertine∣bat, eadem fere cum Frisiis adhuc linguâ utebatur, Which then abounded with learned men, because of the several Schools of Learning there set up and encouraged, and were more zealous, and

Industrious in propagating Piety, (as is usual,) than the other neighbouring Provinces, because they had then but newly received the Christian Faith themselves, and which was very Mate∣rial to help on their work, spoke the same Lan∣guage with the Frizelanders at that time;

which we observ'd before, to be a great bar and excepti∣on throughout, against the Legend of the Con∣version of the English by Monk Augustine and his Italian followers.

And in anotherl place, Religio nova studium literarum, &c. The English people, who before were Barbarous and skilful only in Armes, when upon their embracing the Faith, they addicted themselves to the study of Learning, became soon such ardent Proficients, that they did light the Candle to the rest of Europe besides; for from their Schooles such swarmes of Learned men proceeded, as with great zeal and piety planted Learning and the Cospel among the Nations every where, which had not heard thereof.

Accordingly an Apostolicalm number of twelve Teachers are sent to perfect what Egbert had begun, among whomn Wilibrord was the chief for Learning, and Royal Birth, his Collegues being Suidbert, Occo, Willibald, Lebwin, two Ewalds, Werenfrid, Marcellin, Wicbert, Adelbert. Willibrordo continued 50 years Archbishop of Frizeland, instructing those parts, and Converting many thousands to the Faith: So did Marcellinp for 70 years: Suidbert propagated the Gospel throughq Westphalia, Lower-Saxony, Bruns∣wic, Bilefield, &c. the rest performing their parts in their several Allotments. And Wiillehadr▪ coming from

England to their assistance, promoted the same a∣mong old, and young especially of the Nobility, for 30 years, from West-Frizeland to the River Weser and Bremen, being made the first Bishop of thats place by Charlemagne, Willericus Disciple and Successor of Willehad, carried it on to Holsatia and† Dithmarsia.

For Frizeland and Holland by the means of the English, were then theu Plan∣tarium, or Nursery, and Ʋltrajectumx eo tem∣pore Schola Theologica esse caeperat, unde vicinas & Longinquas in Gentes Doctores & Episcopi emitteban∣tur;

Ʋtrecht began then to be a Divinity School, which furnished all those Nations far and near with Teachers and Bishops; for thence we shall find Charlemagney to fetch his Bishops for his new and great Sees he constituted over Germany. So that High-Germany will be found, to be at first equally water'd with the same Brittish Doctrine, as well as the Lower; but with some difference about the time of setting out. For the Higher hath three several Epocha's and Dates of its first Conversion to the Faith. 1. The first Ancient and more uncertain. 2. The second later, and most certain, but imper∣fect. 3. The last full, certain, and from Heathenish Idolatry, complete: And in each, their derivation is from Brittain. In the first, from our King Lucius leaving his Throne for a Pulpit, and earlyz preach∣ing the Gospel at Saltzburge, Augsburge, Bavaria, and Switzerland, and Mansuetus to the Lorraigners before him, being the firsta Bishop of Toul in that Province, and his Companions Valerius, Maternus,

and Eucherius spreading it as far asb Treves and Metz, and Beatusc on the other side, to Helve∣tia; of which though some make doubt, yet the evidence for St. Peters being at Rome the second year of Claudius is not clearer. In the second, from† St. Al∣ban, St. Columban, and Kilian, and Offa, &c. Of the first, Munster saith, Certòd Constat S. Columba∣num Scoticum Monachum, discipulumque ejus S. Gal∣lum, circiter annum Domini 580. per Sueviam & Alemaniam intrepide ac palain Sigeberto Austrasiae Rege concedente, depraedicasse primum. We are cer∣tainly assured, that St. Columban, a Scotch or Irish Monk with St. Gallus his Disciple, to have first preach'd the Gospel over Suevia and Almaine boldly and openly about the year 580. Sigebert King of Austrasia or East-France granting leave. St. Kiliane of the same Nation and Institution, is as cer∣tainly known to be, primus Francorum Apostolus, the first Preacher of the Gospel to the Franconians and the first Bishop of Herbipolis or Wirceburgh, not to mention Offaf the Son of Ethelfred's Labours be∣yond the Rhine about Offenburgh and Schuttern, as before. But Christianity had not fully prevail'd over Heathenism throughout Germany, sed Gentiumg Profanarum ritus Christianis moribus fere miscebantur, but many in several places were half Heathens, half Christians, till in the third place St. Winifridh arriv'd from England amongst them, coming first to St. Willibrord to the School at Ʋtrecht,h thence by great and uncessant Labours and hazards fori 36 years together over the greatest part of Ger∣many

k he perfected their Conversion, and Baptiz'd 100000. and heal'd them of their Heathenish Superstitions, constituting Bishopricks in several places, by the assistance of Martel, and Pipin, overl Franconia, Bavaria, Thuringia, himself being made Archbishopm of Moguntia, or Mentz, the chiefest See in Germany, from him, and upon his score, (which had under it 13 great Bishopricks lying in the heart of Germany, Constance, Stralzburgh, Spire, Wormes, Augsburg, &c.) and thereby Primate, or as he is commonly stil'dn Apostolus Germa∣norum, the Apostle of the Alemaines: Who Crown'd King Pipino Father of Charlemagne Anno 750. and being murder'd at last with about 50 of his followers, as he went to root up the remainder of Heathenism in Frizeland Anno 755. he lyes buried at the Abbey of Fulda, Famous for its† Library of Manuscripts, transcrib'd from York in great part, &c. which he him∣self had Founded. Butp Willehad comes from Eng∣land afterwards, and reduc'd by the power of his Mi∣nistry those Barbarous people, (among whom he was kill'd,) and all the Countrey thereabouts, till Charlemagne sent him to Convert the Saxons: For when by forceq and frequent Victories for 30 years, neither he, nor his Father and Grandfather Pipin and Martel, with the like Rod, could do but little good upon the Saxons, to bring them to em∣brace the Faith, much less to be constant to it, and to the many Oaths and Promises they made, as

often as they were subdued, to that purpose not to desert their Christianity: No, though he consti∣tuted an Arbitrary Authority to several Liuetenants over them,r to hang up any man at the next Tree, for the least suspicion of Apostacy and Violation of Faith, without any Tryal or Judicial Process; and transplanted ten thousand Families into Flanders and Brabant, from both sides of the Elb: He re∣solv'd at last, being govern'd by his Tutor Alcuinus (or, as others call him Albinus, which is some proof his name was Gwinne, i. e. White; the Brittains a∣bout that time mixing with the English in their Monasterys, Bede lib. 5. cap. ult.) In all hiss private and publick Affairs, both Ecclsiastical and Aca∣demical, fetch'd from his Chair here at York, where he taught with great Fame, for that purpose,) to handle these stubborn and false-hearted people, after a more mild and generous way, to fix them in the Faith, if possible. To that end he erected and endowed ten† great Bishopricks from one end of their Countrey to the other, at Munster, Osnabrough, Halberstad, Werden, Hildesheim, Padelborne, Mynden Magdeburgh, Hamburgh, Bremen, which I have set down, the better to know their Homes and chief Cities in Charlemagne's time, that is about 200 years after their Ancestors Invaded England. And insteadu of Temporal Dukes and Grandees to govern with the Sword, he plac'd Bishops over them with great Possessions and Wealth, to reduce them by Instruction and Hospitality, on whom fear and terrour could so little prevail: Whichx Bishops

were all English, or of the English-Brittish Institu∣tion at Ʋtrecht. As our Willehad aty Bremen, scarce Inferiour then to any Bishoprick in Germany, for its large and ample Possessions and endowments: Andz Ludgerus of the same way, by Alcuin's perswasion upon both Emperour and Bishop, at Mimingrod, or Munster: Wiho and Suidbert at Osnabrug, and Werden. By Anscarius, Willehad's Successor at Bremen and Hamborough, united into one, the Gospel made its first entrancea into Denmark and Sweden, which, with the Countrey of the Vandalls, were added to his Diocess by the Emperor Ludovicus. And by their means, and their Successors Bishops, and Charle∣magne and his Successors Emperors, joyntly assisting, the Faith was planted amongst the rest of theb Nations of Germany, Northward, and Eastward. in Bohemia, Brandeburgh, Meckleburgh, Prussia, Po∣merania, and more and more in Denmark, Sweden, Polonia,c Lituaniad Hungaria, Sclavonia, Tran∣sylvania, &c. till it overtook and reach'd the Apo∣stolical Plantations of St. Paul in Greece, from whence Russia had its Faith: For it is manifest from History, that to all these Territories the Gospel was im∣mediatly conveighed from Germany; and to Germany from Holland and Ʋtrecht: And to Ʋtrecht from England and Ireland; and to them all from Old Brittain, the first spring, through God's regard to Innocent bloud at Bangor.

Which account is allowed by Romish, as well as Protestant Writers; but with one exception or two against it, which turnes all to the Advantage of the e f

Roman Claim and Title; That this German and Northern Plantation was all carried on by Authori∣ty and Substitution derived from Rome, whence the English Doctors had their first Faith and Learning, or at least their Mission and License for this work, which is alike recorded, with a remarke besides, of the Pope's changing their names at their setting out, Willibrord into Clement, and Winefrid into Boniface in token of dependance, which shall be examined to the bottom, after we have finished the progress and merits of Brittain, through the remaining Coun∣tryes of Europe, especially the great and Ancient See of Rome, which hath been so ambitiously intent upon a false and vain glorious derivation from St. Peter, that they have well nigh forgot, whence they had their first Christianity, which ought therefore to be brought to their remembrance, out of their own best Antiquities, whereby it shall be further evinc'd, that Brittain had not its first Faith from Rome, but Rome rather from Brittain.

Which point will be fatally ruled, and carried irrefragably against them, if one passage be fully cleared: Not, whether St. Peter ever was at Rome? which is maintain'd agaist them by Learned Pro∣testants with great Probability; but this, whether he came thither the second year of Claudius, or be∣fore the 12, or 13. of Nero? wherein we can no where hardly be more amply satisfied, than from Baronius, (or Spondanus who contracts his mind) their accounts and defence thereof, being the chief∣est Advocats they have for it. Whether it be con∣sidered, what they have to offer. 1. Touching the Cause and occasion of his first coming. Or 2. the duration of his Residence, and what his work and labour was, in Preaching, or Ruling, or Judging of

Controversies and Appeals, during his continu∣ance there: Or 3. what was the first occasion of this Errour and Legend. As to the first; the cause of hism coming to Rome, they assigne out of St. Hierome to be this, to check Simon Magus, who deluded the World with his Witchcraft, who pretending by his Art to fly, was brought down by St. Peter's Prayers, that he broke his neck, which happen'd this second year of Claudius, saith Me∣taphrastes alone,m and no Ancient Writer besides, as they acknowledge, who is an Author of no great credit with themselves; So then he came to Rome the second year of Claudius, to contend with Simon Magus the 13 year of Nero, by whose encourage∣ment to Magicians, Simon came to Rome, which is the time of this Contestm agreed upon by all, whereby St. Peter by their account had 25 years space to make him ready for this Combat: As to the second, they have nothing to say, but the bare naming the years in order, of his supposed sit∣ting there,nAnno Petri Primo, Secundo, Tertio, and so on to 25. filling those years with pompous Learned reading, without mention of any Acts of St. Peter, whereby it is clear from their own Con∣fessions, that if he came, or continued for any time, or number of years, that he did nothing there, but made a Sine-Cure of his Roman See: For not∣withstanding all their search and Learning, and Manuscripts, and Traditions, they cannot pro∣duce one Sermon, or Prayer, or Miracle, or Pro∣cession, or Ordination, or Constitution, or Sen∣ence of his, but only one or two conjectures; the first dear bought, that he writ from thence his second

Epistle,o wherein Babylon is mention'd, 2 Pet. 2.13. which (though to their great danger from the Re∣velation, yet to purchase so much evidence,) they allow to be Rome, (their City, though not their Church, say they 〈◊〉〈◊〉,) which yet stands them in no stead, for it proves not the particular time and and point in Question, whether it bore date the second of Claudius, or thereabout, which is denyed, in all reason; or not till the 12. of Nero, which may be granted without any Inconvenience to our Argu∣ment: And the second very bold, but d••stitute of good Authority, yet agreeable however to Apo∣stolical deportment in St. Peter in all mens expecta∣tions, as well as their own fancies, were it true, that he then was there; for sayes one, he then ordain'd, and sentp Bishops and Teachers to preach the Go∣spel over all Italy, France, and Spain, which well became him; and to Brittain saith another; but who are there witnesses and Authors? Only one of of their own Popes, Innocentius primus, some hundred years after, for his own Interest, in his own cause, without any second; and who for the other, but Metaphrastes, of whom, siqua ei fides adhibenda est sine Majorum Authoritate Loquenti,q is their own Character: An Argument, that they themselves believe not this Legend of St. Peter and the second year of Claudius, which they obtrude upon the World, with such great importance, and so weak a guard, and in contradiction to themselves. For how could St. Peter there Act, or Rule, or Order, where he then was not: Neither in reality and truth, on the one hand, (as is Learnedly and Conciselyr de∣monstrated

by an admirable sound and profound Di∣vine, who to admiration, within the compass of a quarter of a year, or thereabouts, when he was in Wales for his Refuge for Loyalty in the late times, both Learn'd, and Preach'd in the Brittish Tongue, so hard and difficult to English-Born, as I was thereof well assured from good hands: Nor yet in the sincere belief of our great Romanists, as appears both by their Argu∣ments and plain Confessions; for the Arguments and reasons, whereby Barnabass is by them proved not to be the first, that Preach'd the Gospel to the Romans, (against Dorotheus his assertion,) are, because he was then in the East at, and had his Apostleship after, the death of Herod, Act. 12.23, 25.1.41. which is known to have fallen out in the fourth years of Claudius, and also because the Jews were expell'd Rome by Claudius in his ninth: Which are as firm a∣gainst St. Peter his being, or preaching at Rome in such a time, if St. Peter was a Jew; for he is recorded in Scripture, both before, and after, Herod's death, to be as much in the East, over seeing all the Churches of Judaea, and Galile, and Samaria, Act. 8.14.9.31. Re∣ceiving St. Paul upon his Conversion, Act. 8 14, 25.9.27. Which fell out in the 36 year of Christ,† and the second after his Resurrection, and after three years, or about the latter end of Caligula, whom Claudius succeeded, he visited St. Peter at Jerusalem for 15 dayes, Gal. 1.18. And 14 years after, he visited him again at Jerusalem, Gal. 12.1. At the time of the Councel, being the 9th. of Claudius, which with Caligula's three years and 10 months reign, made the 22th. yearu of Tiberius, and the second after the Resurrection, wherein St. Paul was converted by this

account. Healing Aeneas at Lydda Act. 8.34. and re∣maining a long time at Joppa v. 43. where he raised Tubbitha from the dead, v. 40. received and bap∣tiz'd Cornelius, Act. 10.5.48. and defended this Act at Jerusalem, Act. 11.2. where he was Imprison'd by Herod, and delivered by an Angel, Act. 12. and after Herods death (in the† 4th. of Claudius as before,) and many Cities of the Gentiles Converted by St. Paul and Barnabas, Act. 15.3, 4. he is found to be resident still at Jerusalem with the other great Apostles, v. 2, 7. and present at the Councel about Circumcision, which was held in the 9th year of Claudius; by their ownt Confession; which is the other sign, themselves believ'd him not to be then for 25 years at Rome: Ex∣pulsum autemu cum caeteris Judaeis fuisse Petrum Apo∣stolum (nisi alia occasio inde eum abduxerit) nulla est Dubitatio, because he was expell'd, without doubt, with the rest of the Jews by Claudius, or was drawn away upon another occasion; which is well sug∣gested by them, for how could he be at Rome in their account, and at Jerusalem, in the account of Scripture, as before, the self same time? or which is first to be believed? which is likewise the reason they give, why nox mention is made of St. Peter, by St. Paul, in his large Catalogue of Eminent Chri∣stians, whom he sends his Commendation to, Rom. 16. because being expell'd by Claudius, say they, he was gone else where, (or he sent his Commendati∣on to St. Peter in a secret Letter by himself,) which was well thought of, and is a Petitio principii, like to their other proofs of this great and fundamental Article of their Faith, and the chief foundation of

their Supremacy: whereby they do greater right to St. Peters name and memory, in confessing necessa∣rily, that he was not there in those years, than main∣taining frivolously, that he came so early, and from far thither, from Jerusalem to Rome, like Cato into the Theatre, to be gone as soon as he came; or, which were more incongruous, to continue there for 25 years, till the 12th. of Nero, to do nothing, or but to catch flyes, and at such a time, when he was so hard to be spar'd, when the whole World stood in need of his help for the first planting of the Gospel: Therefore considering the first occasion of this errour,(y Hieronymus Eusebii Chronico assuit, in Graeco enim non est,) With, or without their good leave, we may take it for granted, that St. Peter never came to Rome, (if he came at all,) till the yearz St. Paul came thither, of whose coming there is bet∣ter certainty, (whose Authority ecclipsing all others, was therefore followed by the first Popes in the Easter Controversy against the East, and St. Peter himself; a good sign he never came;) but manifest it is St. Paul came to Rome about the 13 year of Nero. And yet it is very well known, and from the testimony of Scripture, and good History, and Nero's Bonefires, very evident, that there were many Christians at Rome and Italy before St. Paul ar∣riv'd amongst them, Act. 28.14. Who came from Rome, as far as the three Taverns, which was 33. and Appii forum, which was fifty one Miles distant, to meet him out of honour, v. 15. yea some of them were Seniors to him in the Faith, as himself acknow∣ledges, in Rom. 16.7. Andronicus and Junia to have been, the one a Greek, the other a Latine, by their

names, yet his Kinsmen; which had been no great wonder, or special dignity, if they had not resided al∣wayes at Rome, for thousands at Jerusalem, were in Christ before him, Act. 2.41. who could not there∣fore be converted any where by him, neither by St. Peter, nor St. Barnabas, nor any of the Jews at Rome, by reason of their expulsion: Nor by any of the Ancient Greek, or Gallick Churches who had, the one, their Conversion from Dionysius the Areo∣pagite, at furthest, as the other from St. Paul himself; from whence therefore could it be first planted at Rome so early? This best appears, by the account themselves do make, where the first meetings and Assemblyes of Christians for Wor∣ship were held at Rome? And they agree, it was in the house of Pudens, a Senator, whom St. Paul men∣tions in his 2d. Epistle to Timothy, with whom St. Peter had his first reception, (when he first came to Rome) amongst the Gentiles, and left the Street, Old Jewry, beyond Tybris, where the Jews were bound to reside, upon this Invitation and encouragement of Pudens, whose housea Postea patuit Omnibus Chri∣stianis ad agendas Synaxes, At whose house, that in the second year of Claudius, the first Christians at Rome did use to meet for worship and Sacraments, we take their own acknowledgement, for one part; though we can by no means allow the other, that St. Peter at that time, was any member of that Pri∣mitive Congregation, though he might be after∣wards; and how should this noble Pudens, and o∣thers at Rome, become Christians so early, before either Jews or Greeks, or any other Eastern Nation could help to their Conversion? how otherwise imaginably,

but through his wife Claudia Ruffinab before men∣tioned, (our accomplish'd Brittish Lady,) and her Chaplains, whom St. Paul mentions likewise in the same second Epistle to Timothy, who wrought upon her Husband, as there be many like Instances in Hi∣story: bearing the Christian badge very probably in her Brittish surname Gruffydh, for ffydh notes fides, or the Christian Religion, in Brittish, but whether the other, or first part of her name, comes from Cryf, which signifies strong, I shall not now examine, but if it be so, it must be her Fathers name given at the Font and signifying strong in Faith, who might be brought Prisoner to Rome, or of his own accord have visited Caractacus, our bold Brittain, (or Cradoc, as his re∣maining Fort near Stretton in Shropshire still with the Brittains retains his name, calling it to this day, Caer Caradoc,) soon after the Resurrection, and the land∣ing of Joseph of Aramathea here, which gives ad∣ditional probability to that tradition, how else could Claudia Ruffina and Pudens be Christians so early, as the second of Claudius at least, as is confessed? and others before St. Paul himself? who was converted within two years after the Resurrection, as was pro∣ved: But to insist only upon undeniable evidence for our Christian Brittish Superiority to Rome, the Con∣verting of Pudens his house afterwards intoc a Temple, titulo Pastoris, but called at this day, Ecclesia sanctae Pudentianae, is a fair Instance, sufficient to con∣vince any free judgement, which is the Mother Church at Rome, (that pretends to be a Mother of all) by Original right? and that it is St. Pudentian's Church, upon a Brittish, and not St. Peters, upon a latter Roman score, or Jewish. To which may be

added, as a considerable Oare in their boate, That the first Gentile Bishop they had at Rome, and upon good desert, Linus by name, was of Brittish ex∣traction by the surer side, the Son of Claudia Ruffina, as they may gather out of their ownd Clemens. And the highest Temporal Exaltation, and endow∣ment of their Roman Church, which by modern hu∣mour is equivalent to the Gospel it self, that they did owe to our Brittish Constantine, as all Christians throughout the Roman world, did their rest and peace, is as undeniable as any of former Instances. So that, whether the first tidings and Plantation of the Gospel at Rome be considered, which was 25 years before St. Peter there arrived, or St. Peters first re∣ception and kind welcome there, which was by Brittish preparation, for the Roman zeal and incli∣nation destroyed and crucified him; or their first Consecrations, and fountain of their Orders and Ministry, whereon none can lay more stress, than they do at Rome, or the highest Inthronization of their Popes, and their countenance and respect with Christian Emperours, which they have affected to excess and abuse, or the first Peace and Security of their City and People, and of all the whole Roman Empire, from Heathen Persecution from Generati∣on to Generation, which ought never to be forgotten or undervalued, all is mainly, or solely, owing from them to our Brittain, from their first foundation, to their highest Pinacle and Cupola: which yet they have very ill requited by troubling our Churches, and deluding our people, for these last thousand years and above, having the face to extoll the noble principle of obedience, while themselves would

trample under their feet their own Brittish Mother and Founder and Patron.

Our Induction hath gone through most part of Europe, saving Spain (with its Goths and Moors, with whom and Brittain there was little Converse,) and the Gallick Churches, which were very Ancient, and were mutually amicable with our Brittish, and ever serviceable toone another in their need; They sending Lupus, and Germanus, and Felix hither; wee Alcuinus, Rabanus Maurus, or Raban the great, (for Mawr signifies great in the Brittish,) to found and direct their Universities, asf Columbanus andg Furseus to order their Monasteries. And if they had rather derive their Faith from Dionysius, with the Legends that attend that Story, than from their Neighbours of Brittain; yet the Gospel being here in the dayes of Tiberius, was before it could be there, by Dionysius, whose Conversion of Athens was 12 years at least after Tiberius died; and it is No∣torious, we had Christian Kings and Emperours, Lucius and Constantine, some hundreds of years before their Clodovaeus: And some of their Provinces had en∣tirely their Religion, as well as their Name and people from our Brittain; and some other of their Provinces were invaded, and denominated from Northern Nations, on whom the Gospel had made some en∣trance and impression by the Ministry of our Willehad and Willeric, as above, some while before. With∣all, the Modern French are more Germans, than Gaules, as our Highlanders are more Irish, than Scotch. For the Galli in France, did not survive so distinct from the French Conquerours, either in people or

Language, as did the Walli, or Brittains, from the Snxons; for the Brittish, and the Old Gallick Tongue, are justly supposed by the Learned to be the same, and accordingly we find the names of the Ancient Towns in Gallia, to bear Brittish Etymologies without strein, as several Instances are given in Cambden and Bochartus: And the Inhabitants of Galatia, to whom St. Paul writ his Epistle, were observed by St. Hie∣rome,h to speak the same Language, he heard spoken at Treviri, or Treves, which Town fairly bears a Brittish Etymology, Tref-Hir signifying a long Town, or Trefor, a great Town, as that needs must be, where Maximus from Brittain fix'd his Im∣perial Seat, with his Brittish Legions about him; as Brennus also is known to have reduc'd Galatia by his Armes, from whom very probably the Brittains called a King Brenhin ever after, like Winnin from Winne as before, as the Romans did their Caesars, and the Persians their Arsacidae, and the Aegyptians their Phaaro's, and as the Irish to this day call the Brittains, Branach q. d. The men of Brennus: Yet no such affinity can be ob∣serv'd between the Modern French, and our Brittish Language in one word of 100. (which is some Argu∣ment the other is extinct,) unless it be in some An∣cient words resembling the Latine in both, which the Latines rather borrowed from them, than they from the Latines: for though it must not be denyed, but that such words in our Brittish Tongue, as savour of the Roman Conquest, were derived from the Latine, as Lheon from Legio, Mis Aust, from the month of Augustus, Emrodwr from Imperator, as also such other words, as crept in from Com∣munion with Churches, as Eglwys from Ecclesia,

or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Mynwent from Monumentum, a Church∣yard: Ffydh from fides, Lhîth from Lectio, ••endith from Benedictio; as the Modern English and French dayly borrow for ornament in abundance, yet there is no reason, that the rest of our Ancient Brittish words, that border upon the Latine, should be said to be bor∣rowed from it, as Aur Aurum, T••r Terra, Mor Mare, Marw Mori, Cîst Cista, Celh Cella, Lh••dh Clades, Alt Altum, Mur Murus, Calch Calx, Culhelh Cul∣tellus, Fenest Fenestra, Gwydr Vitrum, Pont Pons, Sych Siccus, Porth Porta, Pysg Pisces, Aradr Ara∣trum, Medhig Medicus; &c. No more than Tri∣marchia, or tri march, tres equi; or Petoritum, Ped∣war R••yd, quatuor vada; or Pimpedula, Pimp-deilen, quinque folia, &c. But there is good reason and proof, that the Latines rather borrowed such words from the Gallick, and consequently from the Brittish, which is suppos'ed to be the same, for soiQuin∣tilian a Competent Judge of his own Language, puts this matter past doubt, when he affirms the Latine Tongue to have plurima Gallica, very many Gallick words intermingled in it, which was occasion'd by the neighbourhood of the Celtae, saithkVossius, and the Highlanders call the Southern Brittains, Cealt to this day, to which may be added the Victories of Brennus, as another good cause: Seeing therefore the Old Gauls were suppressed in all respects, by their French or German Conquerours, (for ha••dly any Nation escaped, so entire and distinct, in People and Language, without mixture, or alteration, under the Chastisements of Christendom, by Goths, and Saxons, and Normans, as our Brittains:) The French Chri∣stianity now, must have the same Original and de∣rivation,

with the German; which we before shew∣ed, either more Anciently, or Modernly, to be from Brittain, though Lucius, or Willibrord, or Winifrid. As likewise by the same reason, the modern Faith of Rome is to be derived from the Audian Schismaticks, from whom thel Goths (who fully Conquer'd them, and chang'd their place, and people, and Language,) derived theirs: And so it were with the Modern Inhabitants of Lhoegr, or England, if it were not well known and proved, that the Saxons, who subdued them, had not their first Faith from any other Nation, but from hence. And the French, or German Christianity of Gallia, was chiefly Nurs'd up∣on Brittish breasts, (as it remotely proceeded from a Brittish womb) for thither went St. Leonoriusm a Bishop of our Brittain, to King Childebert the Son of Clodovaeus the first Christian King of the French, with 72 Disciples to propagate the Gospel among his people, being received with great Ho∣nour by the King, his Queen Ʋltrogodi, and the Peers of his Realm, for his good design: Hither their Kings from time to time, did use to send for supply of Learned Teachers for themselves,n and Neighbours, as did the Pipins, and Martell, and Charlemagne, who being the favorite of the Pope, and so great and Learned an Emperour, had not sent hither for Teachers, Tutors, and Professors for his Universities, if from any other parts of Europe he could have been better furnish'd: To these Isles their Students flocked, as we instanced in Agilbert Arch-Bishop of Paris out

of Bede lih 3. c. 7. to study sound Divinity, to feed their flocks at home, as did their Predecessors the old Gauls, to our Druides to learn Philosophy, and Law, &c. or as now-a-days our Modern Gentry re∣pair to them, to learn Ceremony and Complement, and by consequence, a Tacit dread and Reverence by degrees for their Nation; for the Giver or Master is more excellent than the Receiver or Disciple, whe∣ther it be Pearls or Pebbles that they deal in, which any Ignorant, or willful fancy can give equall price and value to, as to it self.

To answer therefore the exceptions before, against the full Plantation of the Gospel in Germany by Winifrid, &c. which Rome claims a greater right to, be∣cause though their extraction was from England, yet, either their learning and knowledge, or at least their Mission, and Commission to Preach, and reward and dignity for it, was from Rome. To answer to the first, if those English Doctors had their knowledge and learning from Rome▪ It was either before, or after the arrival of Monk Augustine hither; Pope Gregorie's Lamentation over them for their darkness, when he met the English Youths in the Roman marker, and the confession of their own Historians that they were Populus, Barbarus, Et armorum tantum gnarus, a wild and a rude People, skilful at nothing, but the Club, is enough to disprove the first: if after; either from himself, or Successors; we shall not so farr distrust our Character before, of his parts and learning, out Bede, as to magine any can believe, so large and Divine a stream, as water'd Europe over, after the Gothish drought and desolati∣on, could proceed from such a pumice: if from his suc∣cessors; o

either from those that preceeded; or suceed∣ed, Arch-Bishop Theodore, The first: we proved to be soon worn out, and all Chairs amongst the English, before Theodores entrance, to be filled by the Brittains; and at his entrance, it was too late for them to learn, having set for Holland about the same time, that he came for England, being Contemporaries with Wil∣frid, whom Theodore unjustly both settled and un∣settled, in his Archbishoprick of York; by whom one of themp Suidbert, was Consecrated Bishop An. 695. for the Belgick Conversion. Withall, Bede expresslyq saith, that Egbert, and the Ewalds were Irish Monks; and Ʋsherr proves the like of Wilfrid, yea it is notorious out of Bede, that the English did generally flock to Ireland, for their learning; by whom they were not only furnished withs Books, but likewise with their Saxonick letter, which much a∣grees with the Character, the Irish, still use; and as Antiquitaries assure, was used by the Brittains before, from whom the Irish had it, so that mediate∣ly or immediately the Saxons had their learning from the Brittains; but as to the Character, from the Norman entrance, both English and Brittains left it, to follow the Roman, which serves not the Brittish so well for Raphate letters, as did the Saxon, but mul∣tiplies their consonants too much; and the Greek Character, which Caesar saith, they used in his time, could not express all their Aspirate sounds; neither was it probably used by our learned Druids, who put nothing to writing, and their posterity maintain'd that humour in the times of Christianity, being not gi∣ven much to scribling,† as Gildas observes, but their

Divinity chiefly lay in Communicating knowledge to Friends, Enemies, Strangers, by Oral instruction and holy living, and above all in Hospitality, and Syberwid, and Brotherly love and charity towards one another, and defending the weaker side; and their Human learning lay in Laws, Mathematicks, and Astronomy, &c. which by Alguinus was conveyed to Charlemagne, and the French, &c. and in the depth of Philosophy and Chymistry, wherein Merlin say our Antiquaries, was a great Master; as their Recreations were not in Debauchery, or Drinking, but in Campio, as they stil'd it, or kind of Olym∣pick exercises, that tended to make them ser∣viceable in War, and above all in Poetry, and Clera, to blazon the Valour of their Worthyes, the Hospitality of their Gentry, and the con∣trary defects, to the height, &c. Yet the Greek Character might well have been us'd amongst them for Commerce with Greek Merchants, who much resorted here for Tin; and some have conjectur'd, that Brittain might thence have had its name, from Bre-Tin, Bre, and Bro, in the Brit∣tish signifying Countrey, and Tin the same as in English: whereby Cymro, (q.d. cum regione,) and Cymru whereby the Welsh call themselves in the singu∣lar and plural, signifies the same with Caesar's Abo∣rigines, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as if in Heathenish opinion they had grown together with the Land: But there are several markes to prove, that, as they had their first Faith from the East, more immediatly than other Nations of Europe, so likewise their extraction and Communion of secret Learning from the Pa∣triarchs in like manner: I shall not insist but on three. 1. The great Analogy and similitude be∣tween the Hebrew and Brittish Tongues, not only in

theiru Proununciation, &c. But especially in the forming of their Conjugations, and Syntax, by the help of pronounes, in whole, or in part, pre∣fix'd; or affix'd. That the beginning at the Pronoun is so great a key to master either Tongue, that it hath been known by experience, that one, who never knew before his Hebrew Letters, yet by that method, was enabled to render an Hebrew Psalm into English, and another English Psalm into He∣brew, the director supplying the Dictionary, But himself the Grammar, and Regular terminations, and all within the space of six hours, in the same day: The second is, what will not suddainly find admission, but is well proved by anx English Au∣thor from Aristotle's own Confession, and the con∣current Testimonies of Diogenes Laertius, and Cle∣mens Alexandrinus, &c. That the Graecians had their Letters and Philosophy from the Inhabitants of this Isle. That all came from the East Originally, was never doubted; but that through our Ancestors to the Greeks, many have not adverted; and if this be granted, as it proves a greater Intimacy and acquaintance be∣tween Brittain and the East, than between them and their next Neighbours, so also must it follow, touch∣ing the Greek Character, that here was us'd in the time of Caesar, that they Greeks had it from the

Brittains, not the Brittains from the Greeks. The third is, wherein our Heathen Druids exceeded all other Heathen Philosophers whatsoever, and ar∣riv'd within a step of Holy Church; not only in their firm establish'd perswasions of the immortality of the Soul, (which perhaps hath had such influence upon their posterity, whereas that Attribute is a M••ot-case in Cicero, and the Ancient Romans, though held in the affirmative: but the Principles of our Mo∣dern Roman Christians undermine, and destroy the existence and being of the Subject, nothing being so hateful at Rome, as private judgment, or Con∣science, which is the same with the Soul:) But in their Rules and observations of Excommunication recorded by Caesar: Si quis privatus, aut populus, Drui∣dum sententiis non steterit, sacrificiis Interdicunt, &c.

If one, or many, refuse to stand to the sentence of their Druids, they suspend him from their Sacrifices, which amongst them is the greatest punishment one can undergo; whosoever stand so interdicted, are reckon'd amongst the number of the wicked and ac∣curs'd, and all forsake them, and shun their access or speech, lest they be any way defil'd thereby to their hurt; neither are they admitted to Sue, or have the benefit of the Law, nor put in any place of Honour. All these Druids have one President over them- The Discipline was found in Brittain, and thence carried over into Gallia, from whence they flock over in great numbers, to know it more exactly.

So Caesar lib. 6. de bello Gallico. Whereto the like Discipline is not to be met, in any other Ages or Nations, but only amongst the Jews, who were Gods only people, and in the primitive Church, who were the best of Christians: For no Church, or Religion, true, or false, can subsist without separation and distance

from its destructive contrary: (which they rightly understood.) The toleration and mixture whereof within it, would be confusion without a Metaphor: The Christian Church, whose life and being consists in Holiness, can never be more destroyed and stifled, than when Scandalous and Licentious lives, are consistent with its Profession. Nor the Roman, whose summum bonum, is dominion over their Brethren, and Kingdoms, and Churches, but where Kings, and Consciences, and Scriptures, would have their wills against the Pope: And happy were it, if Chri∣stians were as zealous and skilful Druids, to ex∣communicate all vice and sin, as the Papists, who are firm to their Idol, to excommunicate all Here∣tical Truths, and private judgments, and secular Supremacies, inconsistent with their pride; Where∣by, the Brittains, by this Divine principle in the ge∣neral, were better fitted and prepar'd for Chri∣stianity, than many others, and accordingly recei∣ved it before all other Nations in these parts; as soon as Christ had dislodg'd their Idols, they were perfect and regular Christians; the former Rules and practices of their Druids, serv'd presently, as Church Canons to them, to walk by: which probably is the reason, they held our intruding Romanists so close to the other express Canons of the Christian Church, as to adjudge and conclude them justly, to be no better than Pagans in Christian shape, for their ma∣nifest violations of them, as shall hereafter appear. This last, as well as the other instances, clearly argue a great and near correspondence they had, and Traditional participation of Oriental Patriarchal Mysteries and customes, and the Hierogliphical mean∣ing of the first dayes work of the Creation, wherein light was separated from darkness, whence Chri∣stian

Communion and Excommunication had its ex∣emplar and Idea, as the Apostle intimates 2 Cor. 6, 14. in which two words and parts, the work, and whole History of the Primitive Christian Church was com∣priz'd, as is well known to the learned, but not to digress.

Much less could our English Apostles receive their learning from Theodore's successors, being entred a good while before upon their work and Province; and the course that Rome hereafter takes, (that the English should be no more instructed (or corrupted in their sence.) by their Neighbouring Brittains, but by Rome alone, least their Roman Replantation should be again worn out, and baffled, as it far'd with their first) clearly proves, that they conceived the Brittains, to have been that way, too busie; I shall set down a Record out of Math. Westm. worthy the considera∣tion of all Generous sober English men, as well Roman Catholicks, as Protestants, that have a love for God, or their Countrey, whether they consider the de∣sign, or the event that followed:z

Erant Doctri∣na & Scholae Anglorum—per Romanos Pontifices inter∣dictae, &c. There was an interdict upon the learn∣ing, and Schooles of the English, by the Popes of Rome, from the time of Augustine, by reason of the daily Heresies which sprung up in Brittain from the first arrival of the English, whilst Pagans mingled with Christians, which defaced the beauty of the holy Conversation of Christianity.a Ʋnde Ina con∣sensu & voluntate Gregorii Papae, &c. (which disco∣vers near about what time this conscientious Inter∣dict began,) whereupon Ina by the will and consent of Pope Gregory, built an Edifice in the City (of

Rome) which they call the School of the English, to which the Kings of England, and the Royal Bloud, and Bishops, and Priests, and Clerks, should repair to be Instructed in the Catholick Faith and Doctrine, lest any thing should be taught awry in the Church of England, or contrary to the Catholick Faith; that thereby being well settled in the stable Faith, they might return afterwards to their people.

And it was also ordained, that Rome-scot, (or Peter Pence) should thence forward be annually paid to St. Peter, and the Roman Church, that the English there abiding, might have wherewithall to subsist: A neat device to make England Tributary, and that, for a gross abuse and blindness brought upon the whole Nation; to the end they might the easier be Governed by the Ignorance of Rome, according to that Brittish Pro∣verb, Brenhin iw un-lhygeidiawg ymyfg deilliaid, One eye is a King amongst the stark blind; for so it proved in the event, not long after; as we shall have anon an account of this Paternal Roman care, from King Al∣fred, about 100 years after, (for Ina built this School in 727, Alfred flourished in 860, Willibrord &c. Preached to the Germans in 690,) in whose time there was scarce an English Clergy-man left in all the land, that could understand his Latine Breviary.b That if Pipin, or Charlemain had sent hither for Wilfrids, and Winfrids, and Alguins, (to teach their Countrey,) such as were of Romes pure bringing up, they might have been as well furnished with Apostles from among the Heathen Boors of Boetia, as then from England, which was not long after this Roman Reformation of our English education: In so much that K. Alfred was fain to send to the Brittains, for

their helping hand, which they and the Irish, (who were more Neutral) were always ready to do† for nothing; though they paid dear to Rome, for their Ignorance, under the colour and fascination of be∣ing Orthodoxly taught, which Tribute and Cittadel of shameful Ignorance and slavery, the English Na∣tion was by Catholick Arts cajoled to pay and main∣tain, at their own proper charge, for about 700 years; till Henry the Eight, a Brittish Prince, discharged and blew it up, and whipt the cheats into their own Country; for which Providential Relief, and Honour to our Church and Nation, some drowsie, stupid, and Enchanted Roman-Catholicks, are hardly thankful, or contented to this day: So it manifestly appears, á priori, and à posteriori, that neither before, or after Augustine, or Theodore either, the English had their learning from Rome, but only from our Brittish Church.

But it is again objected, that it is clear and evident from History, that the English, as also the Irish, at this time of the German Propagation, and before, had come over from the Church of Brittain, to the Church of Rome, who therefore hath chief right and Title to this Plantation, which was effected un∣der its Supremacy and Government; I answer, It is then as clear, that they were of the Church of Brit∣tain, before they went over to Rome: and we in these days shall confess unto them, where our Church was, the worst 800 years before Luther, if they will con∣fess unto us, where there Roman Church was in Brit∣tain or Ireland, the best 600 years, before Augustine the Monk, or Theodore: For Titius taken by the Turk at 20, and kept a slave for 30 years among them, and

recovering his liberty in 50, is the same free man now, as at first, (being always the same man,) not bound to return to slavery, because it hath more years to shew, then his freedom of birth hath for it. So then due separation and distinction is to be made now between the parts and degrees of liberty and Captivity, and how much of the Talent (these laid out) they may be computed to have had from Brittain, and how much from Rome? It was demonstrated be∣fore from their own exceptions, that the Brittains had the Christian Catholick Faith, Entire and Com∣plete amongst them, saving the Easter Calendar, and the Roman Tonsure, and Baptism-spittle, and sub∣jection to the Pope, and the love of lyes, and Legends, and growing superstition, which followed the hearts resignation, from God to man; and this was the case of Bede, and all his Disciples, as well as of Willi∣brord and Winifrid, yea of all the Plantations in the Churches of England and Germany, who had the sub∣stantial part of Catholick Religion entirely derived to them, and undeniably, from the Brittains, as from the fountain head; but as for the mud, and mire, and misery of Idolatry, Superstition, and spiritual bondage and slavery, which they received by way of Augmentation to it, none can deny, but that solely, and Eternally, all that is owing to the Church of Rome, Schismatically disturbing the Plantations of Brittain; If it be an obligation, that the Enemy hath sowen his tares in the same feild, where the Master sowed good seed. Math. 13.28. Therefore all English and Germans were true and perfect Christians (as many as were ever so,) upon the score of the Brittains only, but Roman-Catholicks, upon the score of Rome.

But it is replyed, if they had not their learning, nor Doctrine, yet nothing is more express in the Hi∣story,

but that they had their License, and Authority to Preach the Gospel to the German-Heathens, from the Pope, by which Wilfrid was made a Bishop, and Winifrid Legate of Germany, with the honour of the Pall, which also was conferred on Egbert Archbishop of York, who first set the others on.

For answer, it were hard, if settled Churches could not obey Christ, in Converting Souls, or con∣firming Brethren, by the obligation of charity, without particular leave and License from the Pope; or that Ignorant souls must perish Eternally, upon any neg∣lect in procuring, or unreasonableness in the vending, and price for such a License. Can Antichrist be far from such Merchandizing? besides the two Ewaldid began, and ended their Ministry, without such Li∣cense, and their Martyrdom was honoured with Miracles.e And Suidbert took no mission, but from Wilfrid in England. There is some further mystery to be found in this License office, we'le search into it, by degrees: we meet in the story, three helping hands, which contributed their several assistances to the German Conversion. The Kings and Major-Dome's of France, the English at home, the Pope at Rome.f Pipin, and Martel, and Charlemain, did good ser∣vice with Armes and bounty, subduing the Heathen obstructors, and founding Bishopricks to encourage the promotors. Theg English at home had publick fasting and prayer, that God might bless their Mi∣nistry upon the Saxons, and Germans, their own flesh and bloud; themselves besides their labour and pain, hazarded their lives daily in the work, and several perished out-right in it; But the Pope assisted only

with his License and Aurhority, and Letters of recom∣mendations, and Palls, which with Romanist is more than all; yet he spared them little Money, for Wi∣nifridh had his necessaries towards cloths, and Books, and subsistence, supplyed and sent him out of England: the Pope cannot be therefore justly said to do much more herein, than Poets towards Heroes, by extolling their noble works at home with pleasure, which the other did abroad amidst dangers and difficulties: many have praised Robin-Hood, who never shot in his bow: but unless he had parted with treasure, as did Charle∣main, or taken part of the labour, he could do no more, nor so much, for he was not skilled in the German Language, as our English, or Saxons were, but he had as great an aim to their subjection, as we had for their Salvation:i Phocas his Patent for the Universal Bishop, was not to lye Idle; And when as they win many sincere and unwary souls to this day, to surrender themselves to serve their ends, how much more might they then, when their Arts were less detected? and Politicians love to have holy and sincere men, for their Instruments to work with; and the ambitious shalbe tamper'd with according to their inclination, to set such on, and preferments and Palls shall begin all: as Egbert for such service, as also for bringing over the Scots, and Irish, from their Brittish Traditions, to Subject themselves to Romek hath a Pall conferred upon him at York, which from Pauli∣mus his departure, for about 30 years, that See had wanted.l Elbodus was wrought off to betray North-Wales to be under Rome, with the like bait of ho∣nour, to be made Archbishop there, and they are

never weary at these temptations. And so throughm Pipin, the Popes great favourite, Willibrord is brought to Rome for his Consecration there, and likewise Winifrid is prevailed upon by such encou∣ragements, to sow Rebellion: having Ments confer∣red upon him, over the head of the lawful Bishop of the place, because given to hunting, and rai∣sed into an Arch-Bishoprick and Primacy; which may not seem strange, when the chief Master of this part of the confederacy, the Pope himself, ar∣rives at his Grandeur for him and his successors, through acting and encouraging Rebellion.n Pope Gregory the third Excommunicates his Liege Sove∣reign, Leo Isaurus, and forbids him Tribute and sub∣jection, in the West, upon a difference between them, in the point of worshiping Images, wherein yet the Pope was in the wrong, and the Emperour in the right; but the true reason was, the Pope was weary of his Exarchs, at Ravenna, and he had now an inte∣rest, and a back, with the Major-Dome's of France, to secure his Treason,o by entring into a League with them, while the Emperours subject, who shall be well rewarded and exalted in time for it, for Chilpe∣rick, and the Royal line of Clodoveus, the first Chri∣stian King of France, shall be deposed by the nextp Pope Zacharia, for no cause but Innocence and dul∣ness to make Rome for Pipin, to be, not a Protector, but a perjur'd Usurper of the Throne: wherein ourq Boniface andr Burchard,s though Sainted at Rome, were equally entangled in the Treason, by their obedience to Apostolical orders (which deposed God,

as well as the Prince) and the allurements of guifts, and honours to the one, and the other: Very ill Presidents to Princes; and from Ecclesiastics; who pretend in their Church to extol obedience to Su∣periours, above any other whatsoever: Whereas their whole establishment consisted in rejecting their right Soveraign, both of Heaven and Earth. If Popery then be a good Religion, Rebellion must be no great Crime: For Rebellion upon the pretence of Religion, had its first rise and example from that Infallible Chaire.

It cannot therefore be denyed, but our German Apostles took Commission from Rome, being (im∣pos'd upon, (as several dayly are,) by Antichristian arts, which was their great Ecclipse and Infelicity, enough to blast all the Glory of their other good work: But then it is to be considered, that though it was an Ecclipse, it prevail'd but so many Digits: The foul spot of expedient Rebellion being ad∣ded to the other obscurations from Superstition: It was not a total Ecclipse of the whole Luminary, which still retain'd a competency of light, sufficient to direct dark Heathenism, but far better, if the Popish fog, (which they term help) had been further off: What was clear and sound Religion, Germany had from Brittain; what was unsound and Superstitious, it had from Rome, as appears, not only in reason; be∣cause the Roman Religion found no exceptions a∣gainst the substance of the Brittish, as before, (but only, that it wanted some of their Catholick Cere∣monies and additions, which the Brittains looked upon as suspicious Innovations;) but also most irre∣fragably, by Charlemagne's condemnation of Image-Worship in the Councel of Francofurt, (against both the Church of Rome and Greece, degenerating into

that gross errour) by the advice ofa Alguinus, and the Catholick Brittish Orthodoxy shining and sur∣viving then in England solely, when the cloud had gone over all the rest. Alguinus by hisb Epistle to Charlemagne (who sent the 2d. Nicene Decrees to England, as Popec Adrian sent them him, for his Approbation) did sod shake and rouse him by the Scriptures, that in full Synod, the Nicene De∣cree was condemn'd, but thee Decrees of that Synod, wherein were 300f Bishops assembled out of Italy, France, Germany, and Brittain, and so great and Learned an Emperor, as Charlemagne, present, are all suppress'd, with thate Epistle of Alguinus, his other works remaining: Sponda∣nus confesses the reason Ingenuously, that Image Worship was then condemned in the Council, not by the Council,g Non accessit consensus corum quorum fuit statutum firmare, ut non mireris, si quae sint de eà re tunc Acta, conscripta nusquam appareant, ut∣pote abolita, quod ea non probassent legati Apostolicae sedis, nec, qui eos miserat, Hadrianus Papa. For their consent was wanting, to whom it belong'd to pass that Decree: That it is not to be wonder'd, if what was voted touching that Controversy, is not to be met extant any where, (neither in Baronius, nor Crabbe, nor Binius, &c.) for it was abolished and suppressed, because the Legates of the Apostolick See did not approve thereof, nor Pope Adrian him∣self, that sent them: Lo now! If these Roman-Catholick-Hereticks serv'd so great and venerable a Council in that course manner, together with the

Emperors Authority, though their great friend, and Patron, and more a Schollar than any of their pack perhaps, for clashing against their infallible Idola∣tries, in the defence of Gods second Command∣ment; as if Catholick Religion depended upon the Negative voice of one Pope against God and the Church, which is not only a contradiction in it self, but contrary to the course and custome of all general Councils of the Church, where one, though Pope or Patriarch, was condemned by the Com∣munity for his Errour, and not the Community by any one: Its the less wonder, if our Brittish Histories, and Records were serv'd in the like sort, (as was all along suspected) and far worse: The Adultera∣ing with Legends being worse than burning and suppressing: as King Lucius his Baptism; Du∣britius, the Popes Legate: King Cadwaldr's Pilgri∣mage to Rome: the Brittish Communalty in Lhoegr all destroyed by the Pagan Saxons: and their Clergy quite banish'd, (which might be true in many places at the first perfidious Insurrection, as with Sampson at York, till mollified by Ambrosius and Vortimers mode∣ration in their Victories, and a tast of Christianity, they were afterwards tolerated amongst them to Augu∣stine's coming:) andh Diana Worship'd at London, and Apollo at Thorney, or Westminster, instead of Christ: as if the English, during their Heathenism, had pre∣ferr'd the Idols of the Brittains, beforei Irmensul, and Woden, and Mars, their own? or the same Hostility had spar'd Diana, or Apollo, who were as great strangers to them, as Christ perhaps; whereby it is evident, the Authors of Romish Histories and Le∣gends have not alwayes present memory, and their

wits, much less their honesty about them, in their zealous tales for their Church; But to return to our Argument: It is clear, that the Orthodoxy of Charle∣magne, and the Franckford Council, was not from Rome, or the Pope, with whom they clash'd, which right descendants from Monk Augustine would hardly have done; nor from Greece, whom they condemn'd; nor from the Learned Emperor him∣self, whose feet had well nigh slipt, till our Alguin recovered him, but therefore, solely from Brittain. So that our German Apostles being sound at heart against Idolatry, upon the score of their Ancient Brit∣ttish derivation and Institution, though in many parts Leprous, upon the score of their new Roman Com∣munion, they were still sufficiently accomodated to encounter the Heathenism of Germany, with the Remainder of their sound Brittish Faith; but had been far more successful, and spotless in their pro∣ceedings, if Rome had stood far enough off. And if, as living Springs soon work off their mud and trouble, which corrupt Lakes and Boggs can hardly do, The Protestancy of England, and Germany, and Sweden, and Denmark, &c. be ascrib'd to the Vigour and Fermentation of their first Brittish Seed, strug∣ling after its Original Pristin purity, in good soil, and erect minds, and to early help from England and Wickliff beforek Luther's appearing, I shall not be a dissenter to the conjecture; as the like may be ob∣served in our Romanists, some reviving the way of Simon Magus, a great man heretofore at Rome, others of their Gothic Ancestors, and Audius their Apostle, who is remarkable for three Roman parts. 1. In

leavingl the title of Christians, for another surname as is the stile of all Roman-Catholicks; And (2) like∣wise for nom ordinary voluntary Austerity of life, which is most of the Religion of the best of them, Col. 2.23: And (3.)n for separating from the com∣munion of their betters, which was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the most grievious and dreadful mis∣carriage of all: So that Brittain the Mother Church to Europe, was made like in several parts both for suf∣ferings and relief, to Sion, the Mother Church of the whole World; as small circles have the genius and similitude of the greater, for as the opposition and greate Combate of the one, was from the Sword of the Heathen World, resolving to destroy it from without, and the leaven of Nicholaitans, and other Hereticks, combineing from within, to defile and shame it, which was the greater molestation and Indignity; so in like manner, was the Case of the other, for the Primitive Brittish, was permitted to be kill'd all the day long, by Pagan Saxons, on the one hand; and hindred, and pestered all along in all its good works with Roman-Catholick Gnosticism, on the other, which was the greater and the unworthyer Nusance; yet both prevailing through their oppression. The death of Brittain bringing life and Salvation to English and Germans, as the seed grows by dying; or as the Jews rejection, was the Gentile's reconcila∣tion, in some likeness of Christ himself, their first Pattern, who became the life of all the World, by his death: and as the one had its Constantine after

some time, and Theodosii, to vindicate and take its part, so had the other its Arthurs, and Charlemagne, and Henry the eight, in some like proportion: a••d Christ himself in the end, to make it alike partaker in glory with him, as it was in sufferings: and in the mean while to live in them, for whom it dyed, as he doth in his Church, and as Fathers live in their posterity, that take their place.

Neither is it hence Inferrible according to Roman Logick and Sophistry, that Europe therefore ought to pay such obedience for ever to Brittain upon this spiritual score, (as the Roman expects from other Churches,) which were against the Law of Nations, and the Rights of Kings in their several Dominions, whose respective subjects are to own and regard no other Superiour, but their own Prince: and as much against the Laws and Canons of the Catholick Church, and the Immunities of Bishops and Metropo∣litans within their several Provinces by them; and as much against the Law of nature likewise, and the ex∣press ordinance of God himself, who hath placed the woman in subjection under the man, and yet by the strength and consequence of this Argument, that order must be Inverted: And where women have had the first hand in the Conversion of Kings and Kingdoms to the Faith, there they ought by this Ro∣man Topick to be Supreme in spirituals, if they have impartial right and justice done them; as they must of necessity be in England in several respects, either in the right of Queen Bertha, who first disposed her Husband Ethelbert to the Faith, whereby Monk Au∣gustine and Popery had their first entrance: Or of Ean∣fled, Oswi's Queen, by whose zeal and diligence Theo∣dore, and Popery had its re-entrance and more dura∣ble establishment, after it had been once banisht and

extinct; Or Anne Fulle••gne to whom (according to the Romanists,) is owing its mortal wound, and total overthrow, and the setting up of Protestancy instead: Or in France to Queen Clotildis, who brought Clodo∣veus their first Christian King to embrace the Faith; or to M••es••o's Queen, who did the like in Poland, &c. Or over the whole Christian World, in the right of Mary Magdalen, who brought the first tydings of the Resurrection to the Apostles themselves; which would be a great relief to the fame of Pope Joan, and the credit of her History, so unjustly question'd. No; the English, who are nearer home, (were they now a distinct People from the Ancient Brittains, as it hath been proved, they are not,) ow not, such a debt or Tribute, to the Posterity of the Ancient Brittains, by whose Ancestors we have likewise prov'd, they were undoubtedly fi••st Converted. For such kind of Preach∣ing of the Gospel, on the side of the Brittains, and such believing and complying with the grace of God for Salvation, on the side of the English, or Saxon, were the personal duties and merits of both Progeni∣tours: for which both have had their full reward and payment from God long ago in rest and glory: and both posterities mutually acquitted and released, and remitted to seek after the like glory, by the like means; for indeed, the just retribution and com∣pensation for the unvaluable benefit of Gospel and Salvation, belongs to God alone, both to discharge, and to receive, instead of the one, and the other party; because two great a debt and obligation, for a Creature to undergo; or the hearer to requi••e, or the ••rea••••er to demaund and insist on; besides the m••••d•••• and telling another of our good turns to∣wa••ds him, Cancels Courtesies; especially those be∣tween Souls, because it bankrupts, and annihilates by

fiction him, whose requital we expect. For the giver representing God, the receiver a Creature, unless Gods proxy, absent and hide his glory, by a fiction of forgetfulness, the Creatures proxy will appear to be nothing, (and consequently insolvent) so near his rayes, as the Sun must set, that Stars may shine; for while too near, the presence and comparison of the greater, obscures, and destroys the weaker light. If therefore the Generous posterity of the Saxons, on the one hand, believe kindness to be due to the poste∣rity of the Brittains, on the score of first Faith; the Brittains on the other, dare not own any such debt, to be due unto them, lest they wrong the merits and duties of their Progenitors; but what honour or favour is forced upon them, they will acknowledge it free guift, without any previous merit; calling for a requital and return, with due increase, and multi∣plied proportion, where there is power; and where that is wanting, for a constant acknowledgement, and rememberance, and repayments in the heart, through the aid of God, by prayers and blessings. And this were as much the duty of the Roman Church to∣wards the English, were it true; that their Ancestors had received their Faith from Rome; and that Faith had been pure, and sound, and right; according to that of our Saviour, freely ye have received, freely give, Math. 19.8. If they intend to act as men, and Christians, and Gentlemen of education and breeding, and not as those 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that had their hearts, or their minds, and consciences putrified and corrupted, 1 Tim 6.5: as too many of their prin∣ciples and practices, afford apparent Symptons of such a malady. For in the matter and commerce of Courtesies, that forgetfulness should be the part of the Giver, and remembrance of the Receiver only, is

an acknowledg'd duty, and an indelible behavi∣our, and Instinct in the Souls and Consciences of Heathens, as they may be satisfied at large by Seneca, without fear of any Heretical Pravity: But seeing it is made evident, they did not receive their Reli∣gion from the Romanists, but from the Brittains, (or Irish, and Scotch, of Brittish Institution, and ex∣traction,) and what they did receive, was not Corn, but Tares, not sound food of the Soul, but poison ra∣ther: That they nevertheless, against truth and modesty, and Breeding, are ever minding and upbraiding our English Nation, with this no Courtesie of theirs, or their Progenitors; and calling for everlasting Tri∣bute, and perpetual obedience, and subjection from us, for their endless molestations, and corruptions: This use however may at lest be made of this their disingenuity and impatience: That as on the one hand, they through folly and impertinence, Cancel their own supposed merits, by their minding and dunning, and that with such frequency and loudness, enough to make men deaf; with such depreda∣tions and reprisals, and plagiums, or Soul-stealing; and other revengeful attempts, and distresses upon us, for want of their supposed due Rent, enough to make the meekest their enemies, out of Indignation: being guilty thereby of an 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Self-felony against themselves, and their Interest, overthrow∣ing their title of Supremacy, by their own Act, through unskilful management; so on the other, it is matter of much content, and gladness, and ease of heart, unto us, that our Ancestors, some descents agoe, have return'd back unto them, all the Errours and Superstitions, we ever here received, or had them thrust upon us, to silence the cause, if not the im∣pudence; and conscience, if not the cry. And, if I

rightly guess at the minds of our Superiours by their designes; and the profession of some of our late chiefesta Pillars, we will give them leave to search every Corner of our Church; and where they find, any one Doctrine, or Rite, or Article, that hath not a Brittish Apostolical stamp, and mark upon it, but bears the mark, or Armes, of the Goods, and Chat∣tels of Monk Augustine on them, or any of his in∣truding Successors; we are content for quietness sake, (for who can endure everlasting dunning, and up∣braiding, and that without any cause, or colour) that they seise, and take them to themselves, with all our hearts; and we shall not think our selves poorer, or further from Salvation by it, but pray God, that they may be nearer.

Neither is it very advisable in them, to keep such a din, with the little, or noe merits of their An∣cestors, lest they become thereby responsible in all equity, for their great wrongs and mischiefs, (for re∣parations of injuries may be demanded, where re∣turnes for Courtesies cannot; as it is more conso∣nant to nature, for Creatures to complain, than for God to upbraid; or for weak Children to cry upon the least cause, than for Parents to complain for the greatest,) and for their monstrous pride, and hypocrisie, and scandalls, and murthers, and Schis∣matical usurpations, and the utter destruction, what in them lay, (which ill became Christians, and Ca∣tholicks,) of the Ancient Orthodox Apostolical Faith, among the Brittains, and of the same afresh, after replanted among the English, or Saxons, by Brit∣tish Ministry, and the Corruption of our Rites, Customes, Ordinations, Manners, with their Ro∣man-Catholick

mixtures, and Superstitions. The Invasion of our Brittish Sees, Dignities, Monasteries, and Ancient Ecclesiastical endowmentsb by our Brittish Kings, though the preheminence and in∣fluence of their New See of Canterbury, settled and continued here, by force, and Schism, (as to them,) against all Laws, and Canons, and Civilities, and Christian same, to the extinction, or suppression of our Ancient Archiepiscopal Brittish Sees of London, and York, and St. Davids at last, which kind of at∣tempt upon their Ancient Chaire of Rome, would they have brooked with patience? And not rather attempted the removal, or prevention, by any means, though indirect, and Rebellious, and Hellish, to the endangering of all Christendom, rather then fail, as is too well known by experience.

And which further aggravates their Diabolical Impudence, and unconscionable Antichristian en∣croachments, is, their pretending at last, their un∣just usurpations, (which every day and year, they continued, were multiplied into new wrongs,) by time and Age, to have changed their Nature, and to be become a righteous title Bonae Fidei, of unquestionable Supremacy, which for the oppress'd to shake off, by lawful means, and the miraculous assistance of Di∣vine Providence, (respecting in his own time, the groans and cryes of harrass'd Innocence,) is no less than the great Crime of Schisme, and Ecclesiastical Rebellion, and Pollution of our Land, in departing from the Catholick Faith: And that a Thief by smothering his light, and holding fast his Stollen Goods against his Conscience, becomes an Honest-man at last; and the Honest-man a Villain, for chal∣lenging,

or recovering his own, by just and lawful means: That Mahomet by so many years prescrip∣tion, by his Sword and Imposture, hath now good right and title to his Domination, and Tyranny, over the Eastern Churches, and that it were an ungodly Schisme in the poor Graecians, to accept of any de∣liverance from their long and miserable slavery, ei∣ther from Cod, or man.

For we do not, and cannot, deny Romes Intrusi∣on, and inroads upon our Brittish Church, and the consequent corruption of several of our Traditions, and Ancient Rites, (in publick at lest, and for a time,) when they swayed our Chairs, and soil'd and disturb'd our Ordinations, and Successions with their Roman mixture; (for well it was, if our Ancestors were able within door then, and in their hearts, to retain their Ancient Rites and principles by Orall Tradition, (as they term it) from devout Parents to their Sons:) yet our Ordinations received from them, in such times, (were as good, and as valid, as any they had, or now have amongst themselves,) but we have reason to count them our ill fate and grievance; for other∣wise our own, had continued pure, and regular, and Brittish, from the Resurrection to this present: And yet, their violent Imposition of hands in those dayes, in the place and right of our Brittish Bishops, was their guilt, not ours; who resisted it, while we were able; and greatly rejoyce at our deliverance from it, and by no means, if it be Gods will, would return under it any more: And God measures all by the heart, especially in matters of Church and Religion, according to my Text; its the sincerity and untaint∣edness of the heart, makes the best Catholick, 1 Tim. 1.5. And what was done unjustly stands undone; and what by force and necessity was yielded to, a∣gainst

the heart, and will, was not yielded to, in reason: For, id sit, quod jure fit, is a Law Maxime: and Tyrants are but great Lords of Nullities, by the exemption of the will and Soul from, and the frown of Heaven upon, all bruitish unjustice and force: And as Satanical injections refus'd, are the Devils guilt, but the Christians merit, who was buffeted with them to his grief, when he could not help: Of the like nature, especially as to the vio∣lence, were their Roman missions and Consecrations in this Land, wherewith our Brittish Church was needlessly troubled, and molested, at the entrance of Theodore, and his Canterbury Successors; for it may well be said, that our Brittish Clergy, had al∣wayes th••ir own Sees and Prelates, in reason, and right: although actually and forcibly Invaded and possess'd for a time, against Law and Canons, by Romish Tyrants; who when they ordained here, ordain'd not in their own, but in the right of the true Owners, and rightful Governours, as their Deputies by fiction, because of Gods permission, Prov. 8.15. Rom. 13.1. Which right was conveighed down to the Ordained, while the guilt and Irregularity of the Action, stuck solely to the Conscience of the usurping Ordainer, and to no other, that was worthy to be ordain'd; for which, the one must account one day, to their sorrow; while the others temporary embasement, and seeming bastardy Ecclesiastical, which they could not help, shall be repair'd to their relief and joy. And yet in this life, a Church restor'd, hath the Rights and Priviledges of a Kingdom restor'd, which hath and takes the power, and liberty, to allow, or disallow; reject, or Legitimate; enact, or abrogate, whatever Proceedings have pass'd in pub∣lick, in the time of Ʋsurpation. And such legitima∣tion,

and allowance is founded upon the Autho∣rity of the rightful Governour coming in, and not on any merit of the unrighteous Usurper, turning out: which makes patience commendable under any slavery, or oppression, though it continue 7, 20, 100, 500, or 1000 years, rather than to extricate it self by any indirect, or ungodly means, (which in Rome is little scrupled at,) for God is not to be offended, nor Faith, and Conscience vio∣lated, to save life; or liberty, which is more than life; or Ecclesiastical liberty, which is the great∣est of liberties: For no evil is to be done by a Chri∣stian, that good may come thereof, Rom. 3.8. For the Innocence of his Soul, is a more substantial eter∣nal prosperity, than any Outside deliverance whatso∣ever: The body being but a shadow to the Soul, and this life but a minute, to that come, 2 Cor. 4 ult. But to return of our own accord to that Spiritual Captivity, from whence we were so happily delivered in Gods time, and Counsel, and by lawful means, were to justifie, and approve, the wrongful slavery of our Ancestors, and Posterity, together with our own; a∣gainst the Spirit, and honour, and trust, and the com∣mon sense, and understanding of men, and Christians, and English Brittains; to sell our selves for naught, and spit back Gods merciful deliverances into his face.

Notes

• a

  Itinerar. Cambr l. 2. c. 1.
• b

  Mat. Westminster 561.
• d

  Hoveden Hist. part 2. p. 453.
• c

  Usher p. 530.
• e

  Bede l. 3. c. 4.
• f

  Idem l. 5. c. 10, 11, 12.
• g

  Usher p. 398. & p. 730. Bede l. 5. c. 10
• h

  Ubbo Emmius lib. 4. 124. l. 3. p. 99. Usher 398.
• i

  Idem p. 127.
• l

  Ubbo Emmius l. 3. c. 109.
• m

  Idem l. 4. p. 127.
• n

  Idem l. 4. p. 147.
• o

  Idem p. 147.
• p

  Ibid.
• q

  Idem p. 146.
• r

  Idem p. 154.
• s

  Ubbo Emmius p. 165.
• †

  Magd. Cent. 8. c. 10. p. 816.
• u

  Idem p. 161. Magd. Cent. 8. c. 2. p. 28.
• x

  Idem p. 145••
• y

  Idem p. 161.
• z

  Munster l. 3. p. 519.
• a

  Usher p. 30.
• b

  Usher p. 749.
• c

  Idem p. 745.
• †

  Munster l. 3. p. 323.
• d

  Idem l. 3. p. 604.
• e

  Idem p. 654.
• f

  Idem p. 552.
• g

  Ubbo Emmius l. 4. p. 148. Idem l. 4▪ p. 148.
• h

  Idem p. 147▪ Magd. Cent▪
• h

  Idem p. 147▪ Magd. Cent▪
• i

  Munster l. 3. p. 323.
• k

  Munster l. 3. p. 486. Magd. Cent. 8. c: 10. p. 795.
• l

  Ubbo Emmius l. 4. p. 148. Munster l. 3. p. 323.
• m

  Ubbo Emmius l. 4. p. 149. Munster l. 3. p. 485.
• n

  Idem p. 753.
• o

  Ubbo Em∣mius l. 4. p. 149, 150.
• †

  Magd. Cent. 8. c. 10. p. 822. Munster in fuldâ.
• p

  Ubbo Emmius p. 153, 154.
• q

  Munster l. 3. p. 719.
• r

  Munster p. 748 Magd. Cent 8. c. 2. p. 23.
• s

  Ubbo Emmius l. 4. p. 161. Magd. Cent 8. c. 2.
• †

  Munster l. 3. p. 737.
• u

  Ubbo Emmius. l. 4. p. 160. Munster l. 3. p. 749.
• x

  Ubbo Emmius l. 4. p. 161.
• y

  Ubbo Emmius p. 165:
• z

  Idem p. 161, 167.
• a

  Idem p. 166.
• b

  Munst. l. 3. p. 742, & 818
• c

  Idem p. 754.
• d

  Idem l. 4. p. 83.
• e

  Idem p. 902.
• f

  Idem p. 866. Madg. Cent. 8. c. 2. p. 1••. & ••••.
• m

  Spondanus Anno 44. n. 27.
• m

  Spondanus Anno 44. n. 27.
• m

  Spondanus Anno 44. n. 27.
• n

  Ibid. Anno 44. ad An. 68.
• o

  Spondan Anno 45. n. 6.
• p

  Idem Anno 46.
• q

  Idem Anno 51. n. 3.
• r

  Dr. Sudbury's late Sermon before the King.
• s

  Spondan A 51. n. 14.
• s

  Spondan A 51. n. 14.
• †

  Baron. Tom. 1. p. 254.
• u

  Nelvic Chron.
• †

  Spondan Anno 51. n. 14.
• t

  Ibid.
• u

  Idem Anno 5. n. 1.
• x

  Idem Anno 58. n. 19.
• y

  Helvic Chron. Anno Christ. 70.
• z

  Spond. Anno 68. n. 1.
• a

  Spondan Anno 44. n. 28.
• b

  Sect. 6. p. 145.
• c

  Spondan Anno 44. n. 28. & An. 159. n. 4••
• d

  Clem Constit. Apost. lib. 7. c. 47.
• e

  Munster l. 3. p. 290.
• f

  Annal. Eccl. Gall. 667. n. 20.
• g

  Bede l. 3. p. ••9. M. Westmin. A. 647.
• h

  Pref. Epist. ad Galat.
• i

  lib. 1. c. 5.
• k

  Jo. Vossius Praef. de vitiis serm.
• l

  Epiphan in Audianis, Audius being banished into Scythia, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉—Instructed many Goths, changing the names of Christians from Christ, into Audians, from Audius.
• m

  Usher p. 1012
• n

  Ubbo Emmius lib. 4. p. 126. &c.
• o

  Ubbo Emmius l. 3. p. 109.
• p

  Ubbo Emmius lib. 4. p. 131.
• q

  Bed. l. 5.12:
• r

  Usher 1168. & 730.
• s

  Bede l. 3. c, 27.
• †

  Epistl.
• u

  Praefat. Cram. Cambr. Dr. Davies
• x

  Apology for Learning &c. p. 44. where the Phaenicians also are proved to have had their Learning hence, as Plinie Nat. Hist. l. 30. c. 1. believes the like of the Persians, and the Original of their Magia.
• y

  Annius Viterb. in Beros. Antiq. lib. 5. ••••r of Caesar, Xenophon, Josephus, &c. proves the Greeks to have had their Letters, not from Cadmus, but the Celtae, or the Galli, and the Galli from Dis Samothes, the Father of the Samotheans in this Isle, called by us Samoth y s••r, from his skill in Astronomy: whereby it is probable, the Brittains came from Sem, while the rest of Europe, from Japheth, whence in their Language and Customes they agree more with the East.
• z

  M Westm. Anno 727.
• a

  Ibid.
• b

  Spelman. Concil. 167.
• †

  Bede l. 3. ••. 27.
• d

  Bede l. 5. c. 11. Spondan An. 694. 696.
• e

  Ubbo Emm. lib. 4 p. 131. Bed. 5. c. 11.
• f

  Ibidem, Magdeb. Cent. 8. c. 10. p. 822.
• g

  Bonifacij Epistl.
• h

  Spondan. A. 724. n. 2.
• i

  M. Westm. A. 609.
• k

  Baron. Tom. 9. p. 110
• l

  Usher p. 87. H. Lhuyd frag. p. 55.
• m

  Bede lib. 5. c. 11
• n

  Magd. c. 8. c. 9 p. 544. Math. Westm. An. 726. se{que}
• o

  Baron. Tom. 9 p. 79 Magd. cent. 8. c. 10 p. 684.
• p

  Spondan A. 751.
• q

  Ubbo Emm. Coronam Septrum{que} Pipino, &c. Spond. 75, 752.
• r

  Magd. Cent. 8. c. 10. p. 725.
• s

  Spond. A. 791. n. 3.
• a

  M. Westmin. 793 Spelm. 218.
• b

  Idem p. 307.
• c

  Magd. Cent 8 c. 9. p 626. seq.
• d

  Spelman Concil. p. 307.
• e

  Idem p. 308.
• f

  Spondanus Anno 794.
• e

  Idem p. 308.
• g

  Ibid. n. 3.
• h

  Monastic Angl. par. 1. p. 55. Usher p. 755.
• i

  Munster l. 3. 718.
• k

  Munster lib. 3. p. 800. Baleus of the Life and Tryal of Sir John O'd Castle.
• l

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• m

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• n

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Epiphan. in Audianis.
• a

  Dr. Hammond of Shism, p. 160.
• b

  Apud Usher p. 125.