An institution of general history from the beginning of the vvorld to the monarchy of Constantine the Great : composed in such method and manner as never yet was extant / by William Howel ...

CHAP. V. From the death of Pertinax, and the exposing of the Empire to sale, to the death of Maximinus the first elected Emperour without consent of the Senate, the space of 45 years.

1. THE Soldiers having murdered Pertinax, got them to their Camp, and set the Empire to sale, proclaming, that they would prefer him that should offer most. Two there were found who bade money for it: first Sulpicianus a man of Consular dignity, Governour of the City, and Father in Law to Pertinax, and Didius Julianus of the same degree, a great Lawyer, and exceeding rich. The Soldiers being jealous lest the former should have an intention to punish them for the murther of Pertinax, accepted the offer of Julianus, who promised what they would ask, having, as he said, trea∣sures of Silver and Gold. Being by a ladder received up to the wall, and so into the Camp, he promised to restore the honours and statues of Commo∣dus, to grant them what liberty they enjoyed under that Prince, and to give them more than they cold ask or expect, he was caried into the Palace, the people by the way cursing and upbraiding him with his purchase. Having thus invaded the Empire, he gave himself up to all Luxury, but being un∣able to perform his promise to the Soldiers, lost their favour, and fell into the contempt of all men, the people desiring another Prince. At this time Pe∣scenninus Niger was Governour of Syria, who as well for the greatnesse of his place (his Province containing all from Phoenicia unto Euphrates) as for his popularity, was most eminent: him did the People extol, and they implo∣red his assistance. He being glad of this opportunity, easily perswaded his Soldiers to accept of him for their Emperour, and entertained Ambassadors which now had recourse to him as the lawful Prince. But then giving himself up to idlenesse, he neglected to setle and confirm his estate by going to Rome, and (what was more) by drawing the Army in Illyricum to his side, and so lost all.

2. At this time governed both the Pannoniaes L. Septimius Severus an African born, a man forward and crafty, who seeing the Roman Empire thus obnoxious to every man's catch, resolved to venture for it amongst the rest, especially in regard that of those two who had seized on it, the one was negligent and secure, the other hated and despised. Being also incoura∣ged by some dreams, he first of all inveighed against the Praetorian bands which had killed Pertinax, whom knowing to be much beloved by his Sol∣diers, he highly extolled him, and easily perswaded them to revenge his death, who once was Lieutenant of the forces in Illyricum. Then presently (though he pretended he sought it not) was he saluted Emperour, and took upon him the name of Pertinax, which he knew was acceptable to all. After this he marched with great speed to Rome, the Italians (who ever since the dayes of Augustus had not been used to War) receiving him in all places, and Julianus his Soldiers very slowly providing for resistance, though he had now distributed to them all the money he could by any means compasse. Se∣verus conveyed his Soldiers in a disguised manner into the City, which was full of them privily armed ere Julianus or the People were aware; where∣upon Julianus wrote to him, to signifie he was willing to receive him into participation of the Empire, and afterwards desired he might resign it. For the Senate seeing him so timorous, and the other now at hand, being called together according to the antient custome by the Consuls, decreed death to him, and the Empire to Severus. Julianus held the dignity seven moneths, having purchased death at an excessive rate.

3. Severius having thus obtained the Empire, that he might not at first crack his credit by falsifying his word, got those Soldiers into his power that had slain Pertinax, & making them be stripped of their Military Cloaths, ba∣nished them 100 miles from the Citie. Then entring the Court, he promised great things to the Senate, professing his intention was to govern after the pre∣script of Marcus, and not onely to take the name, but also disposition of Pertinax, although there were some who so well knew him that they could not be deceived. After this he prepared for an expedition against Niger, but fearing to leave an Aemulator at his back, he endeavoured to prevent him. This was Clodius Albinus, who at this time governed Britain, was of Patri∣cian rank, and had a strong Army at his Command. He flattered him with the title of Caesar, beseeching him, as the fittest person, to take care of the Em∣pire, for that he himself grew old, and his Children were Infants. Albinus overjoyed that he should obtain what he had desired without any trouble, fooled himself in his vain confidence, especially for that Severus had writ∣ten to the Senate in the same strain, had ordered money to be stamped vvith his Image, erected him some Statues, and did him honour othervvise, to de∣ceive him.

4. Niger much troubled at his coming towards him, took care for securing the passages into Asia, gathered together all the forces in those parts, ob∣tained aid from the Parthian and Atrenian Kings, seized on Byzantium, and fortified the straights of the Mountain Taurus. Severus therefore di∣rected not his course towards Byzantium, but marched for Cyzicus, where Aemilianus General to Niger met him, and either for that he was over∣matched, or desirous to save his Children (whom Severus, as also others of his adversaries had got into his hands) betrayed his trust, and lost his Army. Then did Severus invade Bithynia, wherein they of Nicomedia revolted to him; but the Inhabitants of Nice stuck close to Niger: thence he proceeded into Galatia, and so into Cappadocia to passe over Taurus. The passage was so fortified and defended, that no hope there was of breaking through, till a∣bundance of Rain-water falling down from the Mountains broke down the Wall, whereupon the Defendants fled. Then came Niger with an Army very numerous, but not to be compared with the Legions of Illyricum for skill and valour, and they met at Issus, where Darius was overthrown by Alexan∣der. Here Niger had the same fortune in a great and bloudy battel, after which going back to Antioch, and being pursued by a party of horse, his head was cut off, having brought himself to this end by his delay and idlenesse. Severus having thus removed him, now cast his thoughts towards his friend in Britain.

5. He now consulted how he might secure the Empire to his family, which could not be done as long as Albinus continuing Caesar had some title to it, and to whom in his absence the great ones had demonstrated their affecti∣ons, as to a man of great nobility, and far more worthy of the Sovereignty than he who at present possessed it: he therefore resolved to remove him out of the way. By open War he thought it not convenient to do it, and therefore at first attempted his design by treachery, sending some who under colour of bringing Letters should make him away. Albinus having warning to beware of him, this succeeded not, so that he betook himself to force, and with incredible expedition returned into the West. Albinus terrified at his hasty retreat made all possible Provision for resistance, and passed over into Gaul, where after many skirmishes they joyned in a pitcht battel near Lug∣dunum. Victory at the first so far inclined towards Albinus, that Severus cast off his Robe, and hid himself, but by the coming in of Laetus, who de∣signed to destroy them both, and set up for himself, the fight was so changed, that Albinus was routed, and flying to the Citie, there had his head struck off. Then returned Severus to Rome with all his Army, which to reward, he not onely bestowed money upon them, but also such privileges, which though to him they might procure respect and service, yet proved the bane of the Commonwealth. For the Soldiers having formerly through the loosnesse and

neglect of some Emperours, contracted sloth and covetousnesse, were thence more animated to violate the Sovereignty, to depose, and set upon whom they pleased. Now he adding more fuel to this flame increased their allow∣ance of Corn, gave them license to wear Rings of Gold as Knights, and to marry and maintain vvives, which broke in pieces the Relicks of the antient Discipline, and effected that we shall hear more of them upon very sad occa∣sions.

6. He made another expedition into the East to be revenged upon such as had assisted Niger. Peircing into Arabia he besieged Atrae the Metropolis of the Atraevi; but found such entertainment as glad he was to retreat with∣out any thing performed, and onely by chance as some say saved his reputation. For in his return being driven by Tempests into Parthia, he was constrained to land near Ctesiphon, the chief Citie where Artabanus the King then re∣sided. Artabanus struck with the suddennesse of the thing fled amain, and Severus taking the Citie with ease, got great Treasures, with multitudes of Captives, and returned to Rome in a Triumphant manner, having more by good fortune than policy atchieved this Enterprize. When he had done these great things abroad, and (considering the Princes by him defeated, and the wonderfull expedition he used at all times) had approached near unto the greatest Military glory of the most famous Captains, he lay idle at home, or spending his time in judicial affairs he let fall the vizard of goodnesse, which in the beginning he had put on. His extraordinary covetousnesse increased his innate cruelty, so that under pretence of taking off his Enemies, he put to death unheard 43 persons of chiefest rank. In despite of the Senate he Cano∣nized Commodus for a God, cast Narcissus, who strangled him (as he had de∣served) to the Lyons, called himself his brother, and to his son Bassianus, whom he made partner with him in the Empire, he gave the sirname of An∣toninus. His cruelty was also extended to the Church, against which he rai∣sed the fifth persecution in the 10^th year of his reign, wherein perished many.

7. Severus after the overthrow of Albinus, sent first Heraclianus to seize upon Britain, and to rule it: then Virius Lupus as Propraetor and Lieu∣tenant (whom Ulpian the Lawyer calleth President of Britain) who being wearied with the inrodes and insolences of the Maeatae, sent for the Empe∣rour himself over. He was glad of this occasion, not onely for desire of glo∣ry, but also to draw away with him his two sons from the Citie, where they gave up themselves to licentious rioting, and exercised irreconcileable en∣mity betwixt themselves. The Britains sent Ambassadors to him to beg peace, but he detained them till he had made sufficient Provision for War, and then dismissed them without granting their requests. Leaving his son Geta (whom at his arrival he also created Augustus) in the hithermost part of the Province (which continued in obedience) for the civil Jurisdi∣ction and Administration of affairs there; he himself with Antoninus went into the further parts, where being busied in cutting down Woods, making Bridges, and drying up the Meers, he fought no battel, but what with the Enemies ambuscadoes, and with sicknesse lost 50000 men, according to Dio. Herodian writeth that the Britains found him work enough, being able to retreat where the Romans could not follow by reason of the Fens, which the Natives easily passed being naked, very nimble and skilfull in the places, so that by ambuscadoes laid in the Caledonian Forest, and through the unwhole∣somnesse of the Meerish grounds he lost many thousands of his men; but he forced them to Peace with delivery of a good part of their Countrey and their Arms. For these victories he stamped certain pieces of money with this inscription Victoria Britanica, assumed the sirname of Britanicus Maximus, and his son Geta was also sirnamed Britanicus, as appeareth by his Coins, saith Cambden. But shortly after they revolted, whereupon he brake out into such a rage that he gave his Soldiers charge to make a general Massacre of them all, and returning, though much tormented with the Gout, against them raised a Wall 130 miles in length crosse the Island to separate betwixt the Bar∣barians

and Romans, which Bassianus afterwards increased. When he had in some sort repressed the Rebels, he sickned, not so much out of any bodily distemper, as for grief, and sorrow of mind, by reason of the desperate and unreclaimable demeanour of his son Antoninus, who once or twice gave the attempt to kill him with his own hand. These were his last words: A trou∣bled State of the Commonwealth I found in every place, but I leave it in peace and quietnesse even amongst the Britains. He died at Eboracum, now called York (having tried as he said all sorts of lives, and condemned all of vanity) on the day before the Nones of February, having reigned 18 years, and almost lived 66. A. V. C. 964. A. D. 211. Q. Epidius Rufus and Pom∣ponius Bassus being Consuls.

8. Severus his body was in a Military sort carried forth by his Soldiers to the funeral fire, and honoured with a solemn justing and running at tilt per∣formed by his Sons and Soldiers. He was also Canonized a god after the or∣dinary manner of the Apotheosis of the Roman Emperours; which being not formerly touched its convenient in this place to describe, as we have it from Herodian. A custom, saith he, the Romans have to consecrate those Empe∣rors that die, their sons or successors surviving. And whosoever are thus honoured, be canonized, and registred in the Roll of their Divi or gods. Du∣ring this complement they hold a general mourning through the whole City, and the same mixed with a festival solemnity. For the dead body they bury with a sumptuous funeral, according to the manner of other men. But they frame an Image of wax, resembling in all points the party deceased, and lay the same openly at the Entry of the Palace, upon a most ample and stately bed of Ivory erected on high, and covered with Cloath of Gold. And verily that Image lieth with a pale colour like unto a sick man. About the bed there sits a good part of the day the whole body of the Senate on the left hand arrayed in their blacks; and on the right hand certain Matrones ho∣norable by the Dignity of their Husbands or Parents. And there is not one of them seen to wear any Gold about them, nor to be adorned with Jewels, but clad in white and slender Garments they represent mourners. This they do for seven dayes together: during which time the Physicians resort dayly to him to feel his pulse, and consider of his disease, and thereupon as of their Patient judicially pronounce that he groweth worse and worse. Then when he seemeth to be dead, certain of the noblest, and most choice young men, as well of Senatorian as Equestrian rank, take up the bed, and carry it through the Via Sacra into the old Forum, where the Roman Magistrates were wont to lay down their Offices. Here on both sides are certain steps raised in manner of stairs; upon which on the one hand are placed a quire of boyes of noblest birth and Patritian dignity, and on the other a Company of women of noble parentage, singing in commendation of the deceased Prince, Hymns and Sonets tuned to a solemn and mournfull note.

9. These things done, they take up the bed or hearse again, and carry it out of the City into the Campus Martius, where in the broadest place thereof a frame or turret four-square, with equal sides, is raised, and made in manner of a Tabernacle, of no other matter than great pieces of Timber. Now this within is all filled with dry fuel: but without adorned with rich hangings in∣terwoven with Gold wire, with divers Ivory portraicts of Imagery, and sun∣dry curious pictures. Over this frame stood another somewhat lesse; but in form and furniture like unto the former, with windows and doors standing open. And so a third, and fourth Turret, smaller every one than that next be∣neath it, and others like it still one after another, till you come to the last, which is the least of all the rest. The manner of this building you may com∣pare to those Lanterns, or light Towers standing by Haven sides, and com∣monly called Phari, which give light by fire in the night time, and direct ships at Sea in their course to safe Harbours. The Hearse then being moun∣ted up into the second Tabernacle, they get together spices, and odours of all sorts, as also all the sweet smelling fruits, herbs, juyces, and liquors, that the whole World will affoard, and thereon pour them by heaps. For there is no

Nation, City, or State, nor any person of rank and quality, but strive every one to bestow in honour of the Prince, these last gifts and presents. Now when there's a mighty heap of spices raised, and the whole room is therewith filled, then all of Knights degree first ride about the aedifice, marching in a certain measure: and therewith in their courses and recourses observe a Warlike kind of motion round, in just measure and number. Chariots are also driven about by such, as sitting in them are cloathed in purple, and represent all the famous Roman Captains and Emperours. These things thus performed, he that succeedeth in the Empire takes a torch, and sets it to the tabernacle: then all the rest on every side put fire under, and every place being filled with that drye fuel and odors, instantly are taken with a vehement fire. Then pre∣sently from the last and least tabernacle, as from some high turret, when the fire is put underneath, an Eagle is let flye, which is believed to carry the Princes Soul up into Heaven. And so from that time forward the Emperour is adored amongst the rest of the gods.

10. Severus left his two son Antoninus Bassianus (called also Caracalla from a barbarous habit he gave to the people, as Spartianus writeth) and Geta equal sharers in the Empire. They after his death left not off their former contentions, but increased them to that height, that they could neither live nor reign together, but thought of parting the Empire betwixt them; but their mother Julia (Spartianus maketh her the step-mother of Antoninus, and to have loved him better than her own son Geta, nay filthily, insomuch that she maried him afterwards) by her passionate interposition hindred it. They then betook themselves to secret conspiracies, which succeeding not, Anto∣ninus resolved though it were by open force to kill his brother, whom he perceived to be far better beloved than himself, and either breaking into his brothers chamber, or getting in by his mothers means, under pretence of re∣conciliation to be made, killed him in her bosom. This done, he secured the Empire to him by bribing the Soldiers, to whom he was so profuse, that in one day he bestowed on them, what his father had been unjustly scraping to∣gether for eighteen years. Then falling like a savage beast into cruel courses, he cut off all Geta's friends and acquaintance, all the Senators of any con∣siderable rank or wealth, the Lieutenants and Governours of Provinces, with the Vestal Nuns, and set the Soldiers to kill the people beholding the Circen∣sian Games. After this going into Germany, to please his Army he lived an hard and labouring life; and thence passing into Thrace, he there imitated Alexander the Great, whom he ever much affected to talk of, and pretended to emulate. He went thence to Ilium, were he counterfeited Achilles, and so to Alexandria, where he made the Inhabitants dearly repent of their rash∣nesse and folly.

11. Being naturally given to much tatling, they had formerly railed against him for his cruelty towards his brother, and despised him, for that being a man of so contemptible stature, he compared himself to their Alexander. Resolving then to be revenged on them, he first entertained them very plau∣sibly, but afterwards drawing forth all the youth by a wile, he compassed them in with his Army, and killed them all. After this desirous to become famous by some great exploit, he sent to the Parthian for his Daughter, and preten∣ded that he himself would come and mary her, whereby that King being per∣swaded to meet him with a great number of people, he fell upon them and made a great slaughter, for that they thought it needlesse to come arm∣ed to a wedding; and Artabanus himself with difficulty escaped. Getting here much booty, and as he thought much glory, he returned into Mesopota∣mia, where he received punishment from above, for his manifold cruelty. There was one Opilius Macrinus an African born, and one of his Captains, whom he unworthily used. This Macrinus receiving a letter from Materni∣anus directed to the Emperour (who had commanded him to call together the Magicians, and consult them about his end, and whether any lay in wait for the Empire) wherein Antoninus was advised to cut him off, as aiming at the Soveraignty, when he had ventured to open it, perceiving that either he or

his Master must dye, and therefore procured one Martialis to kill him. This man being inraged against the Emperour, for that he had condemned his brother without sufficient hearing, slew him as he was making water, on the sixth of the Ides of April, after he had reigned six years, and two moneths, in the first year of the 249 Olympiad, A. V. C. 970. A. D. 217, Brutius Prae∣sens and Extricatus being Consuls. Amongst many others Caracallus put to death Papinianus the great Lawyer, as its said, because he would not defend his paricide.

12. In the first year of Severus (that we may continue our method con∣cerning Ecclesiastical matters) died Victor Bishop of Rome, on the fifth of the Calends of August, and Zephirinus succeeded, the fifteenth Bishop of that Sea, according to Damasus. In the last of Antoninus Bassianus, Ze∣pherinus died on the seventh before the Calends of September. The Sea was vacant five dayes. Then succeeded Callistus, who therefore was elected, the day before the Calends of September, on the first feria. After Dios Bi∣shop of Jerusalem whom the Bishops of the neighbouring Churches had or∣dained after the departure of Narcissus, Germanion succeeded, and after him Gordius, in whose time Narcissus shewed himself again, as if he had been risen from the dead, and was intreated by the brethren to enjoy his Bishoprick, being much marvelled at for his departure, for his Philosophical course of life, and especially for the vengance and plagues of God poured upon his accusers. And because for his great age he was not able to supply the place, Alexan∣der Bishop of Cappadocia was joyned with him, and governed alone after his death. In the Church of Antioch, Asclepiades was Bishop after Serapion, about the first year of Caracalla, and was succeeded by Philetus about the last of that Prince's reign.

13. Upon Zepherinus Bishop of Rome falleth very foul Tertullian a Pres∣byter or Priest of Carthage in Africk, for that he was more severe against such, as through fear had sacrifized to Idols, than against Whoremongers and Adulterers, wherein not without cause truly (saith Cappellus) but yet without measure he blameth Zepherinus, and the whole Roman Clergy, the man∣ners of whom were even now very corrupt, if we may believe Tertullian. But really not so much out of hatred to their vices, as out of prejudice to the truth he calleth the Roman Clergy Psychicus, as well in his book de pudicitia, as in that de monogamia, which he thus beginneth, Haeretici nuptias aufe∣runt Psychici ingerunt. He pretendeth therein onely to condemn second mariages, but indeed most of his arguments respect both first and second, although he himself had maried a wife, and retained her in his Presbytery. But mariage which he had learnt of the Orthodox to approve, he learnt of Montanus to despise, to whom he would have more revealed than to the Apo∣stles, because they as yet (or for certain the Church) could not bear the yoak of fastings and caelibate which Montanus brought in, and he as a Montanist would inculcate. This humour at length so possessed him, that neither con∣tent with the title of Christian, nor that of Presbyter, he put on the Philoso∣phick Pallium, as a token of a more austere life, wherein he would be eminent not onely amongst Christians but also Montanists. The Africans either being amazed or laughing at this novelty, he wrote an elegant but most obscure Book de pallio, which before being miserably lacerated, hath been of late dayes restored by the most learned Salmasius. He wrote his Book de prae∣scriptionibus about the eighth year of Commodus, as Cappellus gathereth, be∣cause in the end thereof making a Catalogue of Hereticks, he mentioneth Theodotus (who was censured by Victor Bishop of Rome, for holding Christ to have been a meet man) but not Artemon the Heretick who appeared shortly after.

14. His book de corona militis acquainteth us with the occasion of the persecution of the Christians, in the reign of Severus. The Emperour ere he marched into the East (in that Expedition wherein he overthrew the Par∣thians) made his elder son his partner in the Tribunitial power, and by his liberality pleased the People formerly inraged by the many punishments he in∣flicted.

By occasion of this liberality, as it seemeth, a Christian Soldier holding a certain garland or crown in his hand, as if it were wickednesse for him to set it on his head as the rest did, was asked why he did so, and answer∣ed, that he was a Christian. This was the occasion of the Emperours rage. About the fifteenth of Severus he wrote against the Mancionites, whom he so impugneth, as yet underhand he inculcareth his Mont••nism. For saith he: Amongst us spiritual reason derived from the Comforter, perswadeth in the Faith single matrimony. But we must not forget, that about the fourth of Severus he wrote a most excellent Apology for the Christian Faith. At the same time with Tertullian flourished Clemens Alexandrinus, because a Phi∣losopher of Alexandria, the Scholar of Pantenus, and Master of Origen. Eusebius mentioneth him, and Pantaenus in the second of Severus, at which time it's probable he wrote his Stromata; for not intending his Chronology beyond the time of Commodus, he seemeth not long after his death to have begun that Work. At this time also lived Minutius Felix an eminent Lawyer, and the Author of that excellent Book intituled Octavius, which, as La∣ctantius writeth, doth declare how fit an assertor of the truth he might have been, had he applyed himself wholly to that study. This Book being inten∣ded as an Apology for Christian Religion, acquainteth us what thoughts the Heathen at that time had thereof, as also do the Apologies of Justin Martyr, the Books of Origen against Celsus, and especially that of Tertullian. We have already shewn the rise and increase of Christian Religion, we have de∣livered the series of the most eminent Bishops and Fathers thereof, as also of the several Hereticks which from within disturbed the peace thereof. We have also given an account of the several fiery tryals the faithful underwent. But what opinions the Infidels had of Christians and Christianity, of what crimes they accused them, whence their hatred proceeded, whereupon the Emperours grounded their bloody Edicts: what the Primitive Saints did in the mean time, how they behaved themselves under these pressures, how they caried it towards their Enemies, how they stood affected in duty towards their Princes; in sum, what their conversations both as men and Christians were, is most worthy to be considered, and those things in short out of the Apologies aforenamed, and other Authors, we shall endeavour to dis∣cover.

15. The first thing that the Heathens cavilled at in Christianity was the newnesse of it.(a) St. Paul seemed to them to be a setter forth of new gods. And there was an antient Law at(b) Rome which forbad introducing new ceremonies into Religion, as worshipping strange deities, unlesse ap∣proved by the Senate, and this was an inviolable Law, which binding Em∣perours as well as others, Tiberius could not as he desired receive Jesus Christ amongst their gods; for the Senate would not approve of a God they did not know. This prejudice (which yet in Idolatry often effected nothing amongst the Romans) was increased by a misapprehension of our Lord and Saviours sufferings; his being crucified made them despise both him and his. Hence(c) Tacitus telling the original of the Christians, will let the World know, that Christ from whom they derived their name, was Tiberio imperi∣tante per procuratorem Pontium Pilatum supplicio affectus. And hence Trajan(d) in his discourse with Ignatius, when he would mean Christ, cal∣led him Crucifixus, the Crucified, in way of contempt. This contempt was increased into disdain, by reason that Christ would have no other Gods (as they accounted them) sharers with him in worship, and this disdain was heightned into rage, when Christians preaching this saving doctrine, decla∣ming against Idolls, proving the Heathen gods to be devils, and striking at the root of Paganism, endeavoured to draw even the whole World from super∣stition and Idolatry so antient and universal. You say, we do not worship the Gods, saith(e) Tertullian. This was accouned a crime of sacrilege, and worthy of death; much more then to disswade others from doing it. Quid, homines (sustinebitis enim me impetum suscepta orationis liberius exerentem) homines (inquam) deploratae, illicitae ac desperatae factionis grassari in Deos

nonne ingemiscendum est? saith(f) Caecilius, as he is brought in by Minutius. Hereupon the Christians were accounted 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Atheists, and it was a cu∣stom to cry out against them where the Greek tongue was used(g) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Take off the Atheists, which words they would have had Polycarp ut∣ter as a sign of his recantation. This by reason of the malice of Devils (who were worshipped under the names of the several gods) did render them so highly impious in the opinion of the vulgar, and so inraged the multitude against them, that(h) if Tiber over-flowed, if Nile watered not the plains, if Heaven stopped its course, and did not powr its rains here below, if there were Earth-quake, Famine, or plague, they would immediately cry out Chri∣stianos ad Leones, Cast the Christians to the Lions, as the cause (in their opi∣nion) of all the calamities that arrived in the World, and all the evils that people suffered.

16. Prejudice and hatred being risen thus high invented false accusations, and caught hold of idle surmises, nothing ill seeming incredible concerning those that are already odious.(a) Athenagoras saith, that three things they objected against Christians: Atheism, Thyestes his feasts, and the Copulation of Oedipus. The two later (whereof as much as concerneth Thyestes and Oe∣dipus we have spoken above in their due places) (b) Tertullian thus explaineth.

The Crimes pretended against us (the horror of which makes us passe for wicked in the opinion of the people) are, that we meet together to sacri∣fize a Child; that after we have taken away his life by a barbarous supersti∣tion, we devour his body, and when we have eaten the flesh of this in∣nocent, we commit Incests. They add, that we have Dogs, which serve to overthrow the Candles, and doing the Office of those infamous Merchants of modesty, make us lose all shame in taking the lights from us, and co∣vering our actions under the veil of darknesse, embolden us to seek the use of ungodly, and sacrilegious pleasures.

Caelicius maketh beginners initia∣ted by the bloud of an Infant, which they all licking up, and dividing his Members amongst themselves, by so horrid a Ceremony confirmed their league, and the Covenant of their mutual secrecy.

These Sacra (saith he) are more abominable than all sacrilege. And as for their feasting 'tis known suffici∣ently, all speak of it in all places; the Oration also of our Certensis doth witnesse it: They meet together to eat on a set day with all their Children, Sisters, Mothers, Persons of every Sex, and every age. There, after much eat∣ing, when the feast is now grown hot, & the heat of incestuous lust is kindled by drunkennesse, the Dog that is tied to the Candle-stick is provoked, by casting a piece of meat beyond the length of the string by which he is bound, to a violent leap.

Thus the conscious light being overthrown and put out, &c. so he proceedeth to the same purpose, but in worse terms. And Justin Mar∣tyr in his Conference with(c) Tryphon the Jew demandeth of him after this manner.

Do you also believe concerning us that we devour men, and af∣ter meat the lights being put out, use wicked and promiscuous Copulation?

Lastly, Theophylus Patriarch of Antioch in his third book(d) to Antolycus against Calumniators of Christian Religion, summeth up what we have alrea∣dy said, in these words.

They say that our wives are common, and accuse us that we use promiscuous Copulation. Besides, they lay to our charge that we do not abstain from our own sisters, but rashly dare to violate those with incestuous lust. But this is most cruel and brutish of the Crimes they ob∣ject against us, when with an impious mouth they prate, that we eat mans flesh: neither do they cease to traduce our Religion or Doctrine as of yester∣day, and destitute of all truth, which neither we our selves, if a controversie arise are able to defend with clear demonstrations. Further, they say that our Doctrine is nothing but folly, and meet toys.

17. That malice which invented these impious adjuncts of Christian Reli∣gion, found out a suitable object of vvorship; for the Romans had so far for∣gotten their own antient custom of serving their Gods without Images, or re∣semblances (for Numa, as Plutarch telleth us, and the antient Romans for many years admitted no Images in their Temples, because the Deity cannot

be made out by any external resemblance) that they thought it impossible for any Religion not to be guilty of Idolatry towards some visible thing. Hence came that fable related by(a) Tacitus (an Author guilty of malice against both Jews and Christians)

that the Jews consecrated the Image of an Asse, because (forsooth) being pressed sorely with thirst in the deserts of Arabia, certain wild Asses shewed them the Fountains where they were wont to drink; although this Author, who saith he lies not, writeth, that Pompey ha∣ving taken Jerusalem, and entred into the Temple to see the mysteries of the Jewish Religion, saw there no Image at all.

(b) Tertullian conceiveth, that from this tale sprung that conceit that the Christians (the Religion of whom was drawn from that of the Jews, and succeeded it) worshipped the Effigies of an Asse.

I hear, (saith Cecilius) that they vvorship a Consecrated head of an Asse, the most filthy of all sorts of Cattel, I know not out of what foolish perswasion; a Religion worthy of, and descended from, such manners.

But he goeth further, and relateth a report, that the very object of their vvor∣ship was also obscene.(c) Tertullian further writeth, that some were of opinion they worshipped the Crosse, and Cecilius, from the ignominious death of our Lord, and this instrument of it, argueth to the infamy of Christian Reli∣gion in an abominable manner. Tertullian in the same place telleth us, that

some with more apparent reason believed the Sun to be their God, and sent them to the Religion of the Persians, herein suspecting them for so doing, because when they prayed they turned themselves toward the East.

[And after an answer to this lye he addeth:]

The calumnies invented to cry down our Religion arose to such excesse of impiety, that not long ago in this Citie, a picture of our God was shewed by a certain infamous person that got his living by exposing to the sight of the people, wild beasts: who by a strange faculty gotten by him to avoid their bitings, making use of his craft, shewed also the aforesaid picture to all comers, with this inscription thereon, This is Onochoetes the God of Christians. This supposed God of the Christians pretended by him, had the ears of an Asse, an hoof on one of his feet; car∣ried a book, and was clothed with a Gown: we laugh at the barbarousnesse of this name, and the extravagancy of this figure.

Such were the blasphemies of Pagans against Christian vvorship, and as an argument for them they pro∣duced the secrecy of Christian meetings, which their own cruelty and rage had made necessary.

They(d) talked of nothing more than the excesse of the Tables of the Christians. And after all this they(e) objected, that they were not any way profitable in the commerce of the World.

18. As to their outward demeanour they accused them of Sedition as well as Atheism. Let(a) Tertullian speak upon what frivolous grounds:

You say we vvorship not the Gods; nor for the welfare of the Emperours offer sa∣crifices to them. The one of these two Crimes whereof you accuse us must necessarily follow upon the neck, or in consequence of the other: for, being resolved to render no manner of vvorship to your Deities, we must necessa∣rily in like manner be resolved not to sacrifize at their Altars, whether for our selves, or for what person soever it be. Hereupon you conclude us guilty of Sacrilege and high Treason.

Pliny was wont, as appeareth from his Epi∣stle to Trajan, to try Christians by supplications made to the Images of the Gods, and amongst these to the Emperour's picture, by Frankinscence and Wine. This burning incense was an ordinary tryal in all ages. They were also counted singular and factious, for that they would not swear by the Fortune or Genius of the Emperours. This the holy Martyr(b) Polycarp was bidden to do by the Proconsul a little before his suffering. These prejudices and false opi∣nions being heightned and irritated by the malice of Devils, who found themselves neerly concerned therein, procured wonderfull enmity and ma∣lice in the hearts of Pagans against the faith.

19.

Is it not strange (saith(a) Tertullian,) that the hatred vvherewith this name is pursued, in such manner blinds the minds of most men, that vvhen they vvitnesse the probity of a Christian, they mix in their discourse as a reproach that he hath imbraced this Religion. One saith, truely, he of

vvhom you speak is an honest man, if he vvere not a Christian, and his life vvould be free from blame. Another, Do you know such a one, vvho had the reputation of a vvise and discreet man? he is lately turned Christian. [Again] These people by an extreme blindnesse of hatred speak to the ad∣vantage of the name Christian, vvhen they strive to render it odious. For, say they, How pleasant, and of vvhat a good humour vvas that vvoman? How sociable and jovial was that man? 'Tis pity they should be Christians. So they impute the amendment of their lives to the profession of Christianity. Some of them also purchase the aversion they carry against the name Christian, which we bear, with the price of what is most precious to them, rather desiring to lose the sweetnesse of life, tranquillity of mind, and all sorts of commodities, than to see in their houses that which they hate. A man who heretofore had his mind full of jealousie, can no longer endure the com∣pany of his wife, what assurance soever he hath of her chastity, after once he perceives her to be turned Christian, and parts from her now when her actions full of modesty have extinguished all suspitions wherewith he was heretofore moved. A father who of a long time endured the disobedience of his heathenish son, resolves to take from him the hope of succeding him in his inheritance for turning Christian, when at the same time executing his com∣mands without murmuring. A master that used his slave gently when his carriage gave him some cause of distrust, now puts him far from him for a Christian, when he hath most assurance of his fidelity. 'Tis committing of a Crime to correct the disorders of a man's life by the motions of an holy conversion to the Christian faith, and the good which is produced by so hap∣py a change works not so powerfully in the minds of men, as the hatred they have conceived against us. Indeed this hatred is strange; and when I con∣sider that the name of Christian onely makes it to be so, I would willingly know how a name can be Criminal, and how a simple word can be accused?

Thus much (and enough I suppose) to discover hatred it self.

20. And the fruits of hatred abundantly manifested themselves.

1 In fastning Christians to Crosses & pieces of wood. 2 Hanging them up as pub∣lick spectacles unto all men upon Gibbets. 3 Piercing their bodies with Irons. 4 Cutting off their heads. 5. Exposing them to the rage of wild beasts. 6. Throwing them into flames. 7. Condemning them to work in Mines, and 8. confining them to Islands; "all which sorts are expressed in one(a) Chapter of Tertullian's Apology.

In another(b) place he thus writeth.

How often do those people being our Enemies, of their own accord, without your authority, assault us with stones, or burn us? They are verily so inraged against us, that during the furies of the Bacchinales, they spare not even Chri∣stians that are dead, but trouble the rest of their Graves, they violate their Sepulchres which are as Sanctuaries of the dead, they draw forth their bo∣dies not to be known whose bodies they are, after mangled by them, which with extreme inhumanity they tear, and drag in the streets.(c) [Elsewhere;] How many are there among you, O ye people, that are this way greedy of the bloud of Christians? and also among you, O ye Magistrates, after you ap∣pear such Justiciers by the severity you treat us with, whose consciences I would strike with true reproaches of having procured the death of your own Children? Yet if you did but simply put them to death, it were something; but by a strange excesse of cruelty you throw them into the water, you ex∣pose them to the rigour of cold and hunger, and the rage of Dogs; you will not take their lives away with the sword, because too gentle a death, and which men of the age of discretion had rather suffer, than any other that hath violence in it.

21. But, when the time of persecution drew towards an end, then espe∣cially did the Devil rage with variety of torments against the Primitive Saints. For besides those formerly mentioned,(d) Serapion was thrown down, and had his neck broken. Some having their flesh rent in pieces with the lash of the whip were broyled upon Gridirons; others having their skins razed, and scorched, being tied by one leg were hanged on Trees with the head down∣wards.

They pulled out the right eyes of others, searing the empty place, and sawing off the left legs of others, seared their hams, and condemned them to the mines, which usage was accounted clemency. Some they scour∣ged to death, cut out their tongues, and strangled them. One Apphianus, being all disfigured with stripes, had his feet wrapped in flax, oyled all over, which being set on fire, it ran over his flesh and consumed it, and peirced in∣to the marrow within the bones, so that his whole body distilled like to mel∣ting wax. Three dayes he was suffered to remain in prison after this torture, and when, by reason of his wounds he was ready to yield up the ghost, then was he thrown into the Sea. Others were forced by buckling, justing, and buffeting, to kill one another. Others of mens estate were gelded and con∣demned to the quarries. Others were tormented grievously and chastized with imprisonment and fetters, of which number was Pamphilus, of all my familiars my dearest friend, a man who among all the Martyrs of our time, saith Eusebius, excelled in every kind of virtue. He had his sides mangled with sharp razors, and then was ordered to be kept in the noisom stench of the close prison, where the rest of the Confessors remained, till at length he was put to death, being a Presbyter of the Church of Caesaraea, concerning whose life Eusebius wrote three books, and for his familiarity with, and affe∣ction to him, had the sirname of Pamphilus. This variety of the torments of Christians, appeareth from several passages in the seventh and eighth Books of his Ecclesiastical History, which so far exceedeth all inferiour punishments, or (that I may speak in the phrase of Lawyers) the diminutiones capitis, that we need not mention how Christians were denied the title of(b) Roman Citizens. But one kind of punishment far more grievous than the rest there yet was, which more tormented Christians than all other tortures put together: and that was the losse of their chastity. This Engine battered the fort of Origen's constancy, who chose rather to sacrifize to idols than be abused by an Aethio∣pian, as Suidas writeth.(c) Tertullian giveth us another instance, that we may enquire no further.

And indeed a few dayes since, (saith he) you con∣demned a Christian maid to be rather prostituted to an infamous corrupter of her chastity, than to be exposed to the rage of a Lyon; you acknowledge there is no punishment nor kind of death, which is so intolerable to Chri∣stians, as the losse of their chastity.

22. Such was the entertainment Christians found in this World, now let us see how far they deserved it, as to their demeanour, and cariage; for there is no need to speak here to the two first objections.

The Heathens(a) be∣lieve a man could not make profession of Christianity, without being tain∣ted with all sorts of crimes, without being an Enemy to the gods, to Prin∣ces, to the Laws, to good manners, and to nature, and that a Christian could not be acquitted, unlesse he denied himself to be such an one.

But their cariage was so quite contrary to all these surmises, except that concern∣ing the worship of Heathenish vanities, or Devils, under the name of gods, that they onely were the servants of the true God, they onely were free from all sorts of crimes, were the best friends and Subjects of Princes, of the Laws, good manners, and nature, and truly affirming themselves Christians, might justly in this respect have been acquitted from these accusations.

They (b) assembled together by troops in their prayers to God, as if thereby they would carry by force the grant of whatsoever Prayers were presented to him, this being a violence agreeable to him; they prayed to him for the Empe∣rours, their Ministers the Magistrates that had the exercise of their power, for the State, the tranquillity of the Empire, and the retarding of the gene∣ral dissolution that must put an end to all things. They assembled together to read the Holy Scriptures, and they read them according to the condi∣tion of the times; what served either to admonish or confirm the faithful. In effect, the Scriptures nourished their faith, lifted up, and assured the confidence they had in God, neverthelesse they ceased not to confirm their discipline by the strength of precepts they continually repeated. In these Assemblies, (saith Tertullian, for the former are also his words) we make

exhortations and threatnings, and exercise Divine censure, which banisheth sinners, and excludes them from our Communion: we judge them with very much circumspection, because we know that God is in the midst of us, and sees what we do; and certainly it is a great foretelling of the judgment that God will one day pronounce against the wicked, when the Church moved with the enormity of their crimes, darts out upon wilful sinners the Thun∣derbolts of excommunication, and deprives them of the participation of it's prayers, it's society, and all sorts of holy commerce with it.

23. In our assemblies there are Bishops that preside, and have authority over all the faithful committed to their charge; they are approved by the suffra∣ges of them whom they ought to conduct, and it is not bribes that acquire them this honour, but testimonies given of their good life. For in the Church of God nothing is done by the allurement of gifts; if there be among us any kind of treasure, the money laid up makes our Religion not ashamed. And every one contributes a little sum at the end of the moneth, or when he will; but it is if he will and can; for none are constrained to give. If we get any alms it is of good will, riches gathered in this man∣ner are as the pledges of piety; we do not confound them in eating and drinking with excesse; we make not use of them for the foul and loathsom exercise of gluttony: but we employ them in feeding the poor, burying them, in comforting poor Orphans, in helping old men who have spent their best dayes in the service of the faithful, in helping the poor that have lost by shipwrack what they had, and in assisting them that serve in the mines, are banished into Islands, or shut up in prisons, because they professe the Reli∣gion of the true God, that during the time they suffer for the confession of his name, they may be nourished by the stock of the Church. But it's a strange thing, that this charity among us gives occasion to some to blame us. See, say they, how they love one another; this astonisheth them, because they hate one another. See say they, how they are ready to die one for ano∣ther; but as for them they are ready to kill one another. [A little after:] As we live with the same intelligence, as if we had all but one spirit and one soul; we have nothing in particular but our wives, of all things in the World there is nothing but wives, whereof we reject community; and on the contrary, among them of their wives onely there is a community with other men. [Again]: Now seeing we live together with so much charity, that all our goods are common, why should they wonder if we make good chear? for it's one of the excesses you reproach us with; besides the infa∣mous crimes whereof you accuse our repasts, you charge it with prodi∣gality.

24. In the same place: But you need but consider the name given ro our repasts, to know the quality thereof. They expresse themselves with the same word that signifies Love with the Greeks; whatsoever the cost is that is made, it is profitable, for they gain alwaies in this expence, because it hath piety for it's foundation. Its a sweetnesse wherewith we comfort the want of the poor, but we do not treat them as you those infamous gluttons, who glory in selling you their liberty for the price of their good bits, where∣with they fill their bellies in the midst of a thousand indignities. But we will have the least served with our goods, because they we know, amongst all men, are the most acceptable unto God. Then seeing our feasts have so honest an end, consider what our disciplne should be in the rest of our acti∣ons, even those which more concern the duties of Religion; it permits no∣thing that is dishonourable, nor far from modesty. Before we go to table we are fed with heavenly meat, which is the Prayer we make to God; we eat as much as is necessary to satisfie one's appetite, we drink as much as is permitted to persons that have a care of their purity. They that sit there, take their refection with so much temperance, as they may remember they are obliged to worship God even at night. They entertain one another as People that know God hears what they say. After the repast done, they have washed their hands, and lighted the candles, they are invited to praise God and sing

Psalms taken out of the holy Scripture, or Hymns every one composeth according to the capacity of his mind. By this it may be known, if they have committed any excesse at table; as the repast began with Prayer, so it ends; they go forth not in divers troops to defile their hands with the blood of men, not in several bands running in the streets, not to do insolencies; but with the same care they had in coming in, preserve their modesty and chastity.

25. Finally, Christians retire with so much stayednesse, that we may very well see they are not fed so much with corporal meats as the substance of heavenly and holy discipline. Certainly, it were but reason that this soci∣ety of the Christians should be reputed unlawful, if it were like to that the Laws forbid; it were but good reason it should be condemned, if it were not different to that which deserves to be condemned; if one would re∣proach it with the same things wherewith they accuse factious societies. But tell me, Did we ever assemble to pro••ure the hurt of any one? we are the same in a body, as when separated: as we are in particular, so we are in ge∣neral: that is to say, in whatsoever estate we are found, we injure no body; when any virtuous or godly People are associated, when any pious or chast persons assemble together, their union should not be called a faction, but a lawful society.

Thus Tertullian, to whose words, as to the harmlesse cariage of the Christians in their Assemblies, Apostates witnessed, as appeareth from what Pliny the younger wrote to Trajan. As for the crimes supposed to be committed by them, they ever challenged any witnesse to be produced of them, and sufficiently confute the vain reports in their Apologies. They laughed at the fiction of the Asses head, and such like stuff, and as for wor∣shiping Crosses, Octavius in his answer to Cecilius saith, Cruces etiam nec co∣limus nec optamus. Crosses we neither worship nor wish for. Neither did they meet for seditious ends, as for the alteration of Governments, destruction of Princes, or changing of Magistrates. Though they rather than any of late time might pretend to Saintship, yet did they not make it an advantage to raise themselves; whereby they laid no claim to the riches, power, or dominion of the World; they did not hold that temporal dominion was founded in grace, nor that the true and spiritual Kingdom of Jesus Christ destroyed the right and interest of earthly Princes. They made no insurrections, covered on rebellious designs with the name of Religion, neither did by violence attempt a reformation; although they were so many thousands, as in all probability they might have born down all before them; though they filled all places, consisted of all degrees, and hereby shared in all interests, in power and in∣telligence, and by their combinations might have taken their opportunities, and easily by force of arms made way for their designs; yet obedience to their Princes they ever held most inviolable by the Principles of their Reli∣gion, and made use of no other weapons than prayers and tears, though for their own safety and preservation. Hear to this pupose what challenges Ter∣tullian makes to such, as if he had not had truth on his side, would have been sufficiently ready to instance wherein the Christians offended, which they yet never adventured to do.

26. In the midst of all these outrages have you observed that these People, who (as you think) have framed so strange a conspiracy, and on the other side might be animated enough for revenge, by the punishments wherewith you take away their lives, endeavoured any thing against you to ressent the evil treating they have received? Think you that they want an occasion? when in one night onely a small number of torches would be enough to sa∣tisfie their Revenge, if with us it were permitted to render evil for evil; but God forbid we should do so. A Religion that is all divine, ought not to revenge by the instigation of men, and must not think it strange to suffer that which is made use of to prove them. If we would declare against you as open, rather than pursue you as secret Enemies, might we not have forces and troops enough? It may be the Moors and Marcomanns, the Parthi∣ans, or whatsoever People they are shut up in the bounds of the Country they

inhabit, make a greater number of men than they that are spread throughout all the Universe, and have no other limits than that of the World. Our Re∣ligion is but of late, and we fill already all that your power acknowledg∣eth, Cities, Fortresses, Isles, Provinces, the Assemblies of the People, the Armies also, the wards and tenths of Rome, the Palace, the Senate, and the Publick places; Finally, we leave you but the Temples. What Wars were we not able to undertake? with what readinesse might we not arm our selves, although we should be the weaker? we that suffer our selves so willingly to be killed, if in our Religion it were not rather lawful to let our selves be killed than to kill others, we could also make War against you without taking up arms, by casting our selves into a revolt; it were enough not to live with you, and to separate our selves, our divorce would print shame in your foreheads. For if Christians, who make so great a multi∣tude of all sorts of persons, should abandon you to retire unto some Coun∣try of the World dispersed from all society; truly the losse of so many Ci∣tizens, of what condition soever, would disparage your Government, and also our retreat would be a rude punishment to you; without doubt this so∣litude that would remain with you, this silence of all things, this general astonishment of nature, even as if all the world were dead, would frighten you; you might go seek Subjects to command, there would remain to you more Enemies than Citizens: now you have more Citizens than Enemies, because there are a greater number of Christians among you.

27. Thus we see their peaceable demeanour, how their minds stood af∣fected towards their Princes, let Tertullian also inform us.

As for us, in the prayers we make for the Emperours, we call upon the eternal God, the true God, the living God, &c. [In the same place:] It is to him to whom we Christians addresse our prayers, make them with hands opened and lifted up, because innocent; the head bare, because no cause to be ashamed when we pray to God. There are none telleth us the words we are to say, because it is our heart that acteth rather than our tongue. We pray for all the Empe∣rours, and ask of God that he would give them a long life, that their Em∣pire enjoy a profound Peace, their house happy concord, their Armies be innumerable, themselves assisted with good Councils, the People remain in their duties, no trouble arise in the World against their authority. In con∣clusion, we forget nothing the Prince can wish for, either as a man or as an Emperour. [A little after:] Whilst we implore the grace of God for the Emperours with our hands lifted up, and stretched towards Heaven, let irons peirce us, let us be put on gibbets and crosses, fires consume us, knives cut our throats, beasts devour us: A Christian while in prayer lifting up his hands to God, is in a condition fit to receive all sorts of punishment; and therefore continue O Magistrates so affected to Justice; ravish our Souls whilst they are in prayers for the welfare of the Emperours, and make a crime of Truth and the Service of God. [In the following Chapter] We intreat them who believe our Religion takes no care of the preser∣vation of the Emperours, to examine the Laws of our God, to read our Books which we hide not, and which by divers accidents fall into other hands than ours. They will learn there, that it is commanded by a supera∣bundant charity, to pray to God for our Enemies, and to wish good to them that persecute us. Now have we greater Enemies, and ruder persecutors, than those who make offended Majesty the ground of the crime they impute unto us? Holy Scriptures content not themselves with this commandment, they have another more precise and clearer. Pray, say they, for Kings, Princes, and Powers, that you may live in peace in the midst of publick tranquillity. [In another place:] But why should I stay longer in making known with what sence of Religion and Piety Christians honour Empe∣rours? It sufficeth to say, we are obliged to render them our duties, as to whom our Master hath commanded us so to do.

28. As these Primitive Saints were good Christians in the excercise of their Religion, and dutiful Subjects towards their Princes, so also good men, free

from vice, and adorned with Virtues; or if any were noted to be of contra∣ry practice they were disowned, and the Censures of the Church cut them off from it's society.

We speak as boldly (saith Tertullian) of the Christi∣ans you put to death, for we have an unreproveable testimony of their in∣tegrity, which we take also from your Registers. You who are imployed every day in judging those that are kept in prisons, and who terminate their processes by the sentences you give against them, of all the malefactors ac∣cused before you of so many sorts of crimes, is there any of them charged with Murther, Robbery, Sacrilege, and other faults, to whom they im∣pute also that he is a Christian? either, when Christians are presented to be punished as Criminals, because they are Christians, is there any amongst them whose life is like that of other prisoners? all the Malefactors where∣with your prisons are so filled, that they are overcharged, are of your Reli∣gion; they are also of your Religion that make the Mines grone under the weight of their stroakes, they are the wretched creatures of the same Reli∣gion you are, wherewith the wild beasts fill their bellies. All those poor Criminals which your Citizens keep to make them cruelly kill one another before a bloody people, have the same opinion you have of the Deity. Fi∣nally, among all those wretched creatures there's not one Christian, unlesse he be charged by justice, because of his name Christian: Or if there be a Christian found attainted of the same crime, he hath no more the name Christian, because he hath lost that divine quality in losing his innocency. [Elsewhere:] But some will say, even among us there are a people that give themselves the liberty of doing evil, that free themselves from subjection to our Laws, from any what ever exact observation of what is legally comman∣ded by us. It is true there are some such, but so soon as they fall into this disorder, we hold them no more for Christians.

The fear of God, and purity of his precepts constrained them to this holy demeanour; for opinion of men and their rules, as this our Author observeth, canot reach the heart, not procure that Virtue which is truly good.

The admirable fruits their doctrine produced (the knowledge whereof became publick by the com∣merce they had in the World) made so down-right a conflict with rude in∣credulity, that to defend herself she was forced to say, that their profes∣on had no Divine matter in it, but was onely a Sect of Philosophy, that obliged Christians to rank themselves there in the exercise of Moral Virtues.

29. Though there was some diversity of opinions amongst them, yet as we shewed before, they maintained mutual Love; and that herein they were highly eminent as to all pious effects, is already evident. Origen in his Work against Celsus (wherein he especially answereth to cavils raised against the Author and Doctrin of Christian Religion) takes off that prejudice that might arise from diversity of opinions, by a comparison of this difference with the numerous (or rather innumerous) Sects of Heathen Philosophers. Ter∣tullian layeth the great guilt of Heresie upon such, who being animated with the spirit of Philosophy, infected the purity of the Gospel with the corrup∣tion of their own opinions. In the same place he acquainteth us what was the Primitive touch-stone of Doctrines most worthy now to be considered.

These People (saith he) that are separated from us have violated the Faith of Jesus Christ, and we beat down their errors by this onely exception, that the true rule of Truth is, that which hath been taught by our Master, and transmitted to us by those holy persons, who had the happinesse to hear his Word, and receive his Divine Institutions; we shall shew in another place, that all which is not conformable to this rule, hath been invented by new Doctors, who came not till after the blessed companions of the Sonne of God.

30. All these excellent qualities in those holy persons, might have sufficed to stop the mouths of Calumniators, and had weight sufficient to have moved the minds of all men to the truth. But that Victory which Christians obtain∣ed over Devils, might much more have convinced them of the power which

was superiour to that of their false Gods.

Christians were wont to drive away these Devils from the bodies of men, forced them to confesse that they were no other than Devils, and that Jesus Christ was the Son of God, and his way the true Religion. [As to the former, first hear Tertullian:] But if we were not near you, who would snatch you away from these secret Ene∣mies, whose malignant operations make so strange a confusion in your minds, and so horrible an alteration of your healths? I have heard speak of the possession of Devils, wherewith you are tormented, from whence we deli∣ver you freely, and without reward; if we had the spirit of Revenge, it were enough to satisfie us, that these corrupted spirits might at all times seize on your bodies, and that entrance therein were alwayes open to them. But as you do not think of that you ought, viz. so dear a protection, you cease not to declare a People to be your Enemies, who do you no hurt, whose assistance is so absolutely necessary for you. It is true, we are Ene∣mies, yet not of men but of their errors. [In another place:] As for Devils or Genies, we are wont to conjure them, to drive them away from the bodies of men, whereof they are seized, and render them not the ho∣nours due to God only, by swearing by them. [Justin Martyr in his fifth Apology:] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. For many possessed with Devils throughout the World, and this your City, whom many Exorcists, Inchanters, and Conjurers could not cure, Many of our men through the name of Jesus Christ crucified under Pontius Pilate have healed, and now also do heal, disarming and driving out of men those Devils that had posses∣sed them. [In his Dialogue with Tryphon the Jew:] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. For in the name of this the Son of God, the first-born of every creature, and born of a Virgin, and made a man subject to suffering, and crucified by your people under Pontius Pilate, who died, arose from the dead, and ascended into Heaven, every Devil adjured is overcome and subdued. [In another place of this Apology:] And now we who believe in Jesus Christ our Lord crucified under Pontius Pilate, adjuring all Devils and malignant spirits, have them subject under our power.

He affirmeth the same thing in other places.

31. That Christians constrained Devils to confesse themselves such, and to acknowledge the truth of the Gospel, in this matter hear also Tertullian:

If a man should bring before your tribunals one that were truly possessed of a Devil, if a Christian should command him to speak, this wicked spirit will confesse that he is a Devil, with as much truth as he saith falsely at ano∣ther time he is a god. Let them present any one of these they believe to be wrought upon within by a deity; that in the ceremony of the Sacrifices they offer on the altars have the virtue of a God, in senting the smell which goes out of the Sacrifices; who with force belch out words out of their sto∣machs; within breathing declare Oracles; if this heavenly Virgin that pro∣miseth rain; if this Aesculapius who teacheth the secrets of Physick, who preserves the lives of them that must lose the same soon after, confesse not by the mouths of these Impostors, the fegined inspirations of whom deceive the World, that they are but Devils, if the presence of a Christian takes not from them the boldnesse of lying, we are willing, that in the same place you shed the blood of this Christian, and punish him as a wicked person. [In the same Chapter:] Now seeing by our means your gods discover to you that they are no gods, and that all the other to whom men erect altars are none in like manner; but this at the same time they make you know, who the true God is, if it be this onely God whom we that are Christians worship, if we must believe of him what the Christians believe, if he must be served as their Laws ordain. When you conjure your gods in the name of Jesus Christ, do they ask who is that Jesus Christ? do they call the Hi∣story of his life a fable? do they say he is a man of the same education as other men? that he was a Magician? that after he was dead, his disciples took away his body privately from the Sepulcher? and that he is now in Hell? say they not rather, he is in Heaven? that he must descend to the

terror of all the World? with horrour to the Universe? with the lamenta∣tion of all men but Christians? and that he shall come down on the Earth full of Majesty, as the Virtue of God, the Spirit of God, the Word, Wis∣dom, Reason, and the Son of God?

32. Whence Christians came to be so strong, as to wrest these confessions from them, hear him in the same place.

Now all the power we have of them, is the name of Jesus Christ who gives it us, it is the threatning we give them of the evils God is ready to pour on their heads, and which one day Jesus Christ must declare unto them. As they fear Jesus Christ in God, and God in Jesus Christ, they are under the Government of the servants of God and of Jesus Christ: so by the onely touch of our hands, and breath of our mouthes, the Devils seized with fear at the sight of the flames that en∣viron them are forced to obey us, to come out of the bodies they possesse, in despite of them, and with murmuring to suffer this shame in our presence. You that are wont to believe them when they lie, believe them when they speak of themselves. None will tell a lye to get shame by it, but rather to gain honour; one will sooner believe them that confesse against their own interest, than those that denie to their advantage. These testimonies which we have of your gods make men to be Christians; for we cannot give a full belief to what they say, without believing in Jesus Christ our Master. Your gods kindle in our hearts the Faith which the holy Scripture teacheth us, they strengthen our hope, and confirm us in the assurance we have of our Salvation. As for you, to honour them, you offer them also the blood of Christians; and if it were permitted them to lie when Christians inter∣rogate them, and labour to make you know the truth by their confession, they would take good heed of discovering your errors to you, as well for keeping the profit they have of them, and the honours you render them, as for the fear they might have, that in becomming your selves Chri∣stians, you drive them away as we do, from the bodies they torment with so much rage. [In the beginning of the following Chapter:] "We need no∣thing but the acknowledgement we have from your gods, when we make them confesse they are no gods, and when they answer us, there is no other God than the onely God we serve, to purge us from the crimes of high-trea∣son and impiety to the Roman Religion.

33. No wonder then that these impure Spirits inraged at Christians, sought all manner of wayes to destroy them. But yet in their deaths they overcame them, and in all sorts of indignities and tortures triumphed over their im∣placable adversaries; for The blood of the Martyrs was the seed of the Church. That this was so indeed, Tertullian also informeth us, the veracity of whom, as to these things alleged is unquestionable, because appealing to his adversaries, he must needs in behalf of his cause produce such things as were most certain: the contrary whereof would have Apologized sufficiently for what he laboured to confute. We shall with the last words of his excel∣lent Apology conclude this most delightful Subject.

But do what you please, all inventions the most exquisite cruelty can advise you unto are to no purpose; so far are they from profitting you, that contrarily they draw all the World to our Religion. The oftner you make an harvest of the Chri∣stians, the oftner their number increaseth: their blood is a seed which dies not on the earth, but puts forth prosperously. Many among you have la∣boured to perswade men to suffer constantly pain and death, (as Cicero in his Tusculans, Seneca in his Treatise against casual things, Diogenes, Pyrrhon, and Callinicus) but Christians have better taught constancy, by the examples they have given, in supporting patiently so many evils, than all the Philo∣sophers with all their discourses. This same obstinacy, wherewith you re∣proach us, is an excellent mistresse of truth which we believe: for who is there not that striveth with contemplation to seek what it is? who after his search made, comes not on our side? who having imbraced the Faith of Jesus Christ, desires not to suffer for him, that by his sufferings he may get the infinite treasures of the grace of God, and that in the price of his blood,

they may obtain the pardon of their faults; for the remission of all our sins, is the assured recompence of our punishments. This is the reason that when they read your sentences of death unto us, we render you thanks; because by an happy emulation that meets between the Judgements of God, and the judgement of men, at the same instant when you condemn us here below, God pronounceth our absolution in Heaven.

34. The Soldiers being at a stand after the murther of Antoninus Bassia∣nus, were without an Emperour for two dayes. Then hearing that Artaba∣nus, the Parthian, was coming to revenge the injury offered to him, they made choice of Ardentius one of their principal Officers, but he excused himself by his age, and the dignity was conferred on Macrinus, by the especial indea∣vour of the Tribunes, who alone were conscious of the fact towards Anto∣ninus. He gave battel to Artabanus, and made incredible slaughter of men for two dayes, during which time, the Parthian knew nothing of his Ene∣mies death, but on the next day being certified thereof by Macrinus, he re∣ceived the Captives with the spoil taken in his Country, and making a League with the Roman Emperour, departed into his own Kingdom: Macrinus re∣turning to Antioch, by letters gave the Senate an account of his successe, and endeavouring to remove all prejudice which might arise from the obscurity of his birth, promised to rule with as much moderation as any. He was chear∣fully owned, not so much out of respect to himself, as hatred towards his Predecessor. During the time he reigned, things were well reformed; but lying idle at Antioch, he gave up himself to pleasures, and keeping there the Sol∣diers against their inclination, thereby drew contempt and hatred upon him∣self, which wrought his destruction.

35. Maesa a Phoenician, sister to Julia the wife of Severus, had two daughters, Soaemis and Mammaea. The former had a son named Bassianus fourteen years old, and the later one called Alexianus two years younger. Both these boyes were Priests of the Sun, in the Phoenician language called Heliogabalus, and the elder being the chief, was also a youth of an excellent beauty, and for it was very much admired by the Roman Soldiers. Their Grandmother Maesa hereat took occasion to affirm (whether truly or other∣wise) that they were both the sons of Antoninus, who had been familiar with both her daughters, dwelling with her under the same roof. Having got great store of wealth by living at Court in her sisters time, she pro∣mised large sums to the Soldiers, in case the Empire could be devolved upon one of them. The Soldiers gladly closing with her offer, received them in∣to their Camp; which Macrinus hearing of, neglected it, onely he sent Ju∣lianus with a party against the Revolters; but this party allured with the sight of the boy and money together, cut off their Captains head, and sending it back ••o Macrinus, were also received into the Camp. After this a battel was fought in the confines of Syria and Phoenicia, wherein Macrinus ha∣ving the worst fled towards Italy, but was taken at Chalcedon, where he fell sick of his journey, and his head was struck off after he had reigned about fourteen moneths. He was more sharp towards his Soldiers than was suitable to his condition, being otherwise also very severe, so as he burnt Adulterers quick with their bodies joyned together. He was slain in the 54 year of his age, together with his son Diadumenianus, to whom he had given the title of Caesar.

36. Antoninus Heliogabalus succeeding Macrinus, continued still in his Office of Priest, wearing the ornaments belonging to it, and dancing con∣tinually in that Antick habit. He gave up himself to all filthinesse, luxury, and uncleannesse, and killed many that talked against his courses. He maried the Image of Pallas (which never had seen light, except when the City was burnt, since its bringing from Troy) unto his god, as also that of Urania (by which the Africans meant the Moon) reported to be brought out of Phoenicia by Dido. He built a sumptuous Temple for his god, who was brought into it in a chariot adorned with gold and precious stones, the Priest himself leading the horses, and going backward all the way. He painted his face though he

had much natural beauty, vvore Pearls in his shooes, never supped under the rate of thirty pounds, vvas dravvn by Dogs in a Chariot up and dovvn the Pa∣lace, alvvayes sate either amongst Flovvers or svveet Odours, and vvhen he journeyed had no lesse then 600 Carriages in his train. Being told by the Sy∣rian Priests that he should die a violent death, he provided silken Halters, Golden Knives, and a Turret floored vvith Gold and Pearl, saying, his death should be costly and luxurious, that it might be said, No man died in such a sort. Of his mother he vvas so fond, that he vvould do nothing vvithout her, and carried her vvith him into the Senate-house. But these courses occasioned the ruine of them both.

37. His Grand-mother fearing these courses would bring him into contempt with the Soldiers, prevailed with him, though otherwise heady enough, to adopt Alexianus his Cousin German, that all might not miscarry together with him. She perswaded him to it, by shewing how hereby he might provide for his plea∣sures and attendance on his God, the other taking care of State affairs. He sought to train up Alexianus, now called Alexander, in his own way, and Mammaea having provided him Tutors, able men to bring him up in good literature, he either put to death or banished the chief of them, as corrupting his son. He preferred none but Players to publick Dignities, and gave the governments of Provinces to the filthiest amongst his slaves. By these things he drew more and more upon him the hatred of the Soldiers, who all inclined to Alexander as a youth of good hope, who also had money from his mother for a bait, without which all had been nothing. Antoninus knowing this, en∣deavoured all wayes to poyson him, and this succeeding not, he gave out he was dead, to see how the Soldiers would take it, who hereupon mutined. To ap∣pease them, he took him along with him in a Chariot beautified with Pearl and Gold to the Camp. Here was Alexander saluted and honoured alone, no respect being given to Heliogabalus, who being incensed thereat, went about to animadvert upon such as made acclamations; but the Soldiers catch∣ing at this advantage, slew him, together with his mother, and those that ac∣companied him, their two bodies being tumbled up and down the streets were at length cast into Tiber. He thus died having lived 18 years, and reigned five; A. V. C. 975. A. D. 222.

38. Alexander then was received as Emperour, and ruled with great mo∣deration and clemency, being kept from ill company by Mammaea his mother, and otherwise of his own inclination abhorring bloud, so that in all his time not any one was put to death innocent and unheard. He carried himself with great courtesie towards all; nay, Camillus attempting new matters, he onely thanked that he was willing to receive that burthen which good men refused. His saying was, Quod tibi fieri non vis alteri ne feceris. What thou wouldest not have done to thy self, do not to another. Although the peace which Ma∣crinus had made with the Parthian was disgracefull to the Roman Empire, yet it pleased not the Parthians, who thought the perfidiousnesse of Bassianus deserved much greater punishment. Thence arose dissatisfaction, contempt, and hatred amongst the subjects of Artabanus, the issue whereof was, that Ar∣taxares or Artaxerxes stirred up the Persians to the recovery of their antient honour, and translated the Kingdom from Artabanus, and the Parthians, upon himself, in the fourth year of this Alexander, 538 years after Alex∣ander the Great, or rather in the 538 year of the Seleucidae. Not content herewith, he sent to Alexander to demand whatsoever the Romans had taken from the Persians, and having a great ambition to recover what ever had be∣longed to that Empire, invaded Mesopotamia, giving out he would reduce all Asia unto his power. Alexander was constrained to march against him, and so repelled and weakned him, though with great losse of his own men, that for divers years no more was heard of him. By his Lieutenants he prospered in the Wars of Mauritiana, Illyricum, and Armenia, but being called for a∣gainst the Germans who wasted Gall, either because he was despised for want of successe in this expedition, for his severity, or rather for that the Soldiers loved to fish in troubled waters, he was traiterously murdered, together with his mo∣ther,

and Maximinus was set up in his stead. Mammaea his mother was first instructed in Christian Religion by Origen, whom she called to her at Antioch, but afterwards learnt of the Gnosticks, 1. Openly to deny what she privately owned, and 2. to keep, and worship images of Christ. She instru∣cted her son in the same Doctrine, who would have made a Temple for Christ, but was prohibited saith Lampridius; that is, would have made one if he could have done it with the good will of the Romans. Ulpian the great Lawyer was his chief Justice, and was slain by the Soldiers. Paulus also, Pomponius, and Modestinus flourished in his time, which abounded with able men of this profession. Alexander was slain in Gall near Moguntiacum, on the fourth be∣fore the Nones of October, having lived 29 years, and reigned 13. A. V. C. 988. A. D. 235. L. Catilius Severus, and L. Ragonius Quintianus being Con∣suls.

39. Maximinus by whose procurement Alexander was murdred, was born in Thrace, his father being a Goth, and his mother an Alane. Being at first an Herds-man, he was for the vastnesse of his body made a Soldier, and by degrees was preferred in the Army. He had been set over the new raised Soldiers, to train, and exercise them, and by his great valour, and enduring all labour and toil together with them, procured their favour, and hereby his own rise. As he was a man of stupendous bulk and proportionable diet, so also of avarice and cruelty, to the later whereof he was the more provoked by a con∣spiracy or two, which were discovered ere they took effect. He overthrew the Germans, and wasted their Countrey, threatning also to subdue all the Northern Nations as far as the Ocean, and had his other carriage been answe∣rable to his valour, he might have enjoyed time and opportunity for the per∣formance of much. This occasion of revolt from him was first given in Africk by his Officer at Carthage, whose rapacity so far incensed certain young men, that they killed him, and compelled Gordianus the Proconsul to take upon him the Purple, who being of the age of 80 years, was joyfully owned both by Senate and People. But he going about to revenge private injuries, destroyed himself, by constraining Capellianus who governed Mauritiana to come upon him with an Army, wherewith being worsted he hanged himself, his son ha∣ving perished in the fight at the age of 46. They scarcely enjoyed the title 36 dayes.

40. The Senate, that they might have some to oppose against Maximi∣nus, chose two Emperors, Maximus and Balbinus; but the people not be∣ing satisfied therewith, and being desirous to have a Prince out of the stock of Gordianus, they gave the title of Caesar to Gordianus his Grandson by his daughter, a boy of 13 years of age. A little after it hapned that two old Sol∣diers vvho had belonged to Maximinus going to the Senate-house to hearken for news, vvere slain by two Senators, vvhich thing raising a great tumult, the Soldiers in Town set the Citie on fire, vvhereby a great part of it vvas burnt down, and got them to their Camp. Balbinus vvas appointed to take care of Rome, and Maximus vvent into Italy to raise forces against Maxi∣minus, vvho now marched fast for Rome. Finding no resistance at the Alpes, he accounted himself most sure of victory, but found so much at Aquileia as stopped his journey; for the Inhabitants furnished by the commodiousnesse of the place vvith all sorts of Provisions most stoutly defended themselves. They threw dovvn so much scalding Pitch and Sulphur upon his Soldiers, that they vvere not able to continue the storms, and the vvomen, 'tis said, cut the hair from their heads to make Provision for bovv-strings. This unexpected oppo∣sition drove him to such a rage, that having no povver to torment the Enemy, he exercised his fury upon divers of his Captains vvhom he put to death, as if through their lazinesse and neglect the Tovvn stood out. This cruelty, toge∣ther vvith the scarcity of Victuals in the Camp (for the besiegers vvere so be∣sieged that all Provisions vvere cut off from them) induced such of the Sol∣diers, as had their Wives and Children at Rome, to conspire against him. To∣gether vvith him fell his son, such an one as himself, vvhom he had named Caesar, the Soldiers crying out, that of an ill Litter not a Whelp was to be

preserved. He also persecuted the Church by the sixth persecution, comman∣ding that Governours onely and the principal Ministers of our Saviour's Do∣ctrine should be put to death. But to such an end came he, being the first Emperour created onely by the Army without consent of the Senate, after he had reigned three years, A. V. C. 991, A. D. 238.

41. Now to our continuation of Ecclesiastical matters. In the first year of Alexander or the last of Heliogabalus, the day preceding the Ides of October, Callistus Bishop of Rome was crowned with Martyrdom. The Sea was vacant six dayes, and then succeeded Urbanus the seventeenth Bishop, ac∣cording to Damasus, on the twentieth of October, and first Feria. In the tenth of Alexander, on the eighth before the Calends of June died Urba∣nus. The Sea was vacant thirty dayes, and then Pontianus succeeded on the eighth before the Calends of July, the sixth Feria. In the first of Maxi∣minus, Pontianus being banished into the Island Sardinia, there died on the thirteenth of the Calends of December, and Autherus succeeded him, who in the year following on the third of the Nones of January was crowned with Martyrdom, because he had diligently gathered an History of the Martyrs, and laid it up in the Church. The seat was vacant thirteen dayes, and then was Fabianus elected on the seventeenth of January, and the first Feria, being the twentieth Bishop of Rome, according to Damasus. And about theeleventh year of Alexander, Heraclas who once was Origen's Usher in the School of Alexandria was Bishop of that Sea, where he continued sixteen years.

Notes

• Herodian. l. 2.
• Didius Julia∣nus purchaseth the Empire.
• Severus ob∣taineth it.
• Olymp. 243. ann. 1. V.C. 946. A. D. 193.
• Lege Herodian. lib. 3. Eutrop. lib. 9. Aurelium Victorem. Xiphil. ex Dio∣ne. Orosium lib. 7. cap. 17.
• Suppresseth Niger,
• And Albinus.
• His successe in the East.
• His Vices.
• The fifth per∣secution.
• Euseb. Eccles. Hist. l. 6. c. 1. &c.
• Coming into Britain.
• Here he dieth.
• Omnia fui & nihil expedit.
• Lib. 4. ad ini∣tium.
• The manner of the Apothe∣osis of the Ro∣man Empe∣rours.
• Lege Herodian. l. 4. Aurel. Vict. Spartian Eu∣trop. l. 9. Dion. lib. 77. Orosium l. 7. c. 8.
• Bassianus ha∣ving killed his brother, cruelly rag∣eth against others.
• Olymp. 247. an. 4. V.C. 965. A. D. 212. Bassiani 2.
• Bishops.
• Euseb. Eccles. Hist. l. 6. c. 10.
• Tertullian.
• Clemens Alex∣andrians.
• Minutius Felix.
• (a)

  Acts 17, 18.
• (b)

  Tertullian Apol c. 5.
• An inquiry into the con∣dition of Christians.
• (c)

  Annal. l. 15. c. 44.
• (d)

  Acta Ig∣natii.
• The reason of the prejudice of Heathens against them.
• (e)

  Apol. c. 10.
• (f)

  Minuc. Fael. Octav. p. 22.
• (g)

  Smymens. Ecclesiae epist. De S. Polycarpi Martyrio p. 16. & 20.
• (h)

  Tertull. Apol. cap. 40.
• (a)

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 pag. 4. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Apol. c. 7.
• Malicious slanders con∣cerning the manner of their worship.
• (c)

  Pag. 227. B.
• (d)

  Pag. 119. D.
• (a)

  Histor. lib. 5.
• (b)

  Apoll cap. 16.
• And the ob∣ject of it.
• (c)

  Ibid.
• (d)

  Tertul. A∣pol. cap. 39
• (e)

  Idem ibid. cap. 42.
• (a)

  Apol. cap. 10.
• They were accused of Sedition.
• (b)

  Epist. Ec∣clesiae Smyr∣nens. de S. Po∣lycarpi Marty∣rio Pag. 20, 21.
• (a)

  Apol. c. 3.
• Hence won∣derfull ha∣tred.
• The sad ef∣fects thereof.
• (a)

  Cap. 12.
• (b)

  Cap. 37.
• (c)

  Cap. 9.
• (d)

  Euseb. Eccles. Hist. lib. 6. cap. 41.
• (b)

  Tertul. Apol. l. 36.
• (c)

  Apol. c. ult.
• (a)

  Tertul. ubi supra c. 2.
• (b)

  Idem ibid. c. 39.
• The un∣blameable demeanous of Christians in their Assem∣blies.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• They were good and loy∣al Subjects.
• Tertul. Apolog. c. 37.
• Apol. c. 30.
• Chap. 31.
• Chap. 32.
• Chap. 44.
• And good men.
• Chap. 46.
• They were eminent for love and uni∣ty of affection.
• Apolog. c. 47.
• They forced Devils out of bodies, and to confesse the truth.
• Apolog. c. 37.
• Chap. 31.
• Pag. 45. totius operis.
• Pag. 311.
• Pag. 302▪
• Apol. cap. 23.
• Whence they had this strength a∣gainst them.
• They tri∣umphed over their enemies in their very sufferings.
• Lege Herodian. l. 4.
• Orosium l. 7. c. 18.
• Xiphilin. ex∣cerpt. ex Dione.
• Macrinus suc∣ceedeth Bas∣sianus.
• Olymp. 249. an. 1. V. C. 970. A. D. 217.
• Heliogabalus.
• Alexander.
• Olymp. 250. ann. 2. V. C. 975. A. D. 222. Consule Here∣dian. ubi su∣pra. Lamprid. in Alexand. Eutropium l. 8. Euseb. Eccles. Hist. l 6. c. 28. Orosium lib. 7. cap. 18.
• Maximinus made Empe∣rour by the Soldiers.
• Herod. lib. 7, 8.
• Capitolinus Eutropius lib. 9. Orosius lib. 7. cap. 19.
• Gordianus.
• Maximus and Balbinus.
• Maximinus killed by his own men.
• Euseb. Hist. l. 6. c. 29, & in Chron.
• Bishops.
• Damasus. Euseb.
• Euseb. Hist. l. 6. c. 15, 26, 35.