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CHAP. III. The affairs of Sicilie during this Empire.

SECT. I. The first Names and Inhabitants of this Island, with a relation of such things as preceded the Persian Empire.

1. SICILIE is an Island of the Mediterranean Sea, lying over against Italy at five miles distance; from which it is thought to have been seve∣red by some Earth-quake, or the violence of the Sea, being joyned formerly by an Isthmus, or neck of Land, to the Continent.

2. It was first, from the Triangular Figure, called Trinacria, then Sicania, and afterwards obtained the name of Sicilie. The most antient Inhabitants were Cyclopes, or Gyants with one onely eye in their foreheads (as the Poets fancied) and the Laestrygones of the same Original. After them succeeded the Sicani, by some said to be indigenae, or naturals of the place; but by others a people of Iberia, or Spain, and so named from Sicanus, a River in that Countrey, whence they were expelled by the Ligyes, and coming into the

Island Trinacria changed its name into Sicania. After these, the Siculi a people of Italie (so named saith Thucydides from Italus a King of Arcadia) being expelled by the Opici, passed into this Island, and overthrowing the Sica∣ni seized upon the best parts of it, and gave it the name of Sicilie, almost 300 years before the Greeks found it out. When Ilium was taken, some Troians fled by ship from the Achaeans into this Countrey, and fixing them∣selves near to the Sicani, were all called Elymi, whose principal seats were Eryx and Egesta. To these were added some of the Phocensians, of those who in their return from Troy being driven by Tempest into Libya, or A∣frick, thence passed into Sicilie. The Phoenicians also inhabited all over the Island in the Maritime parts, and the little Islands near adjoyning, for the benefit of Traffick with the Siculi; But after that many Greeks arrived, they removed, and joyned themselves to the Elymi, and inhabited Motya, Soluns, and Panormus, because thence was but a little passage unto Carthage. So many Barbarians, and after this manner, inhabited Sicilie saith Thucydides, with whom in the main of their relations, consent Diodorus, Strabo, Diony∣sius of Halycarnassus, Pausanias, Constantinus Porphyrogenneta and o∣thers.

3. The first Greeks that came into Sicilie (as Thucydides proceedeth) were some from Chalcis in Euboea, who under conduct of Theocles planted Naxus. The year following Archias the Corinthian, descended from Hercules, drove the Siculi from that place where stood the Citie afterward called Syracuse. About the same time Lamis brought a Colony from Megara, which he first placed upon the River Pantacius, in a place called Trotilus. In the 45 year after Syracuse began to be inhabited, Antiphernus from Rhodes, and Euti∣mus out of Crete, with their several Colonies planted Gela, so named from the River by which it stood, the Inhabitants whereof 108 years after erected the great and Magnificent Citie Agrigentum, or Agragas, so called also from a River of the same name. Zancla was first inhabited by some Pyrates of Cuma, a Citie belonging to Chalcis; but afterwards by a multitude that came promiscuously from Chalcis and other parts of Euboea, under the the conduct of Perieres of Cuma, and Cratamenes of Chalcis, and were hence cast out again by the Samians and other Ionians, who fled from the Medes into Sicilie. Zancle was so named by the Siculi, from a Sicle, in their language Zancla, which it resembled. Not long after Anaxilas Tyrant of Rhegium banishing the Samians filled it with a mixed multitude, and called it Messana, after the name of his own Countrey. Himera was planted by the Zanclaeans, and many Chalcidians amongst them, with whom also joyned certain Syracusians being expelled by the contrary faction, and called Myletidae. Their language was mixed betwixt the Chalcidian and Dorick tongues. These were the Co∣lonies which from several parts of Greece planted Sicilie. As for other Towns that were Colonies of these Colonies, they shall be told whose they were up∣on occasion.

4. That Gyants inhabited Sicilie (although to some it hath seemed no other than the invention of Poets, who usually speak monstrously of antient things) the discovery of the last age hath made most manifest; at what time were in several places of the Island found the bones of such kind of men, and the perfect proportion of one or more within the earth, which upon touch mouldred all into dust. Cluverius in his Description of Sicilie, and Fazellus, herein give abundant satisfaction, which might be further strength∣ned from what the discoverers of America relate concerning men of such sta∣ture; but that the Testimony of Scripture alone sufficeth to make evident the being of Gyants. That they were indigenae, or first Inhabitants of Sicilie, is probable, and the very same with the Laestrygones. As for the Sicani, no credit is to be given to the Testimony of Thucydides in this point that they came out of Spain, for that Diodorus being this Countrey-man, and cer∣tainly rather more concerned in the delivery of the Antiquities of it, than other Nations, averreth the most accurate Historians to have affirmed them indigenae, which Timaus, who lived under Agathocles the Tyrant, did fully

demonstrate. Thucydides, who first obtruded this fable upon the Greeks, confesseth that they themselves were of a contrary opinion, and though they in a matter concerning their honour might not be heard, yet this may satisfie, that in Spain there is no such River to be found as ever had the name of Si∣canus, which some of those who follow the opinion of Thucydides change into Sicoris (at this day Segre) and others speak of a Citie called Sicania, and one Sicanus Captain of the Colony, all which are as true as any. Nei∣ther could these Sicani be driven from their seats by the Ligures, whose ha∣bitation was not in Spain beyond the Pyrenaean Hills, but in Gaul near the River Rhodanus and the Alps. Lastly, that difficult journey which those obscure people must have taken by Land (for the use of shipping was much later in Spain) through the Countreys of the Tyrrhenians, Umbri, Ligures, Ausonae, Opici, Oenotrians, and other fierce and warlike Nations, after the passage of the Pyrenaeans, Alps, and Gaul, may justly induce as to give cre∣dit rather to the opinion of Diodorus, and of Demetrius Calatianus a most antient Writer; who, as the Scholiast of Theocritus telleth us, derived the Si∣cani from the Cyclopes or Gyants.

5. That the Siculi came out of Italy several grave Authors relate, as a∣mongst others Diodorus and Dionysius of Halicarnassus from the credit of Hellanicus the Lesbian, Philistus, and Antiochus, both of Syracuse; but they so diversly relate the story, that it appeareth to be no other than dubious, and so intricate as nothing certainly can be pitched on. In Thucydides the Opici, in Antiochus the Oenotrians and Opici drove out the Siculi: But in Hellanicus instead of Siculi the Elymi and Ausonae were expelled, with Si∣culus their King, by the Oenotrians and Japyges. Again, according to the mind of Philistus, neither any Siculi, Ausonae, nor Elymi transported them∣selves out of Italy; but the Ligures under conduct of Siculus. Solinus and Martianus make this Siculus the son of Neptune, Isiodorus the brother of Italus, Servius Captain of the Sicani, and Antiochus will have him a Ro∣man Exile, whom Morges the Successor of Italus entertained. Further, Dio∣nysius writeth, that the Siculi were Native Inhabitants of Latium, and thence beaten by the Aborigines, which is plainly out of the road of history, the Si∣culi never having been masters of Rome. It would be too tedious to recite the several opinions concerning the time when these Siculi should make their passage out of Italy into this Island. And what Thucydides bringeth for a confirmation of his opinion, viz. that in his time some of the Siculi remained in Italy, cannot but be false, no foot-steps of them being to be found out in that Countrey by the discovery of any Geography; so that others, on the con∣trary, grant that the whole Nation passed over. These arguments drawn from the uncertainty of reports constrain us rather to acquiesce in the opinion of Bochartus, who concludeth that no other stranger came from other parts to inhabit Sicily, but all were Indigenae, except the Greeks and Phoenicians, the Siculi and Sicani not being distinguished in Nation but onely in place. From the Phoenicians (who especially lived about the Promontory of Lily∣baeum, though they were dispersed throughout the Maritime Coasts) he shew∣eth the Island it self, and every notable Town and River to have been named, in the first book of that admirable work intituled Canaan.

6. Sicily, saith Justin out of Trogus, was from the beginning the Countrey of the Cyclopes, which being extinct Cocalus made himself King of the Island. To him fled Daedalus for protection, from the presence of Minos King of Crete. This Daedalus was an Athenian, of the family of the Erechthidae, and a famous Artist in all manner of Graven and Carved works. It hapned that he had a Scholar, his own Nephew by his sister, named Talos, who going beyond him in skill, he privately murdred him, and the matter coming out, was forced to fly for his life, and went into Crete. There being courteously entertained by Minos, he wrought many rare pieces of Architecture, but at length so displeased the King in some thing which concerned Pasiphae his wife, that he also fled thence into Sicily, where he was entertained by Co∣calus King of the Sicani, then reigning at Inycus, called also Camicus. Some

thought that by the means of Pasiphae he escaped by boat, his Son Icarus ac∣companying him in another, and that having invented sails, (whereas be∣fore oars onely were in use) Icarus not managing his with skill enough, his Vessel sunk, and thereupon arose the Fable that they escaped with wings made of feathers waxed together, and of the young man's soaring so high, till the Sun melting the wax, he thereupon fell headlong into that part of the Sea which afterwards bare his name. Others thought Icarus was drowned as he took water. But Minos getting notice whither Daedalus was fled, pur∣sued him with an Army, and required Cocalus to give him up. Cocalus re∣turned him a satisfactory answer, and invited him unto his house, where he stifled him in a bath, or else his daughters, for the love they bore to Daedalus, when they came to wash him (which was the custom for women and maids to do unto guests, according to Athenaeus) instead of warm water, poured on him scalding pitch. He gave up his body to his men, pretending he had slipped by chance into hot water, and perswaded them to stay and plant in the Island, where they built Minoa and Engyum, now Gange, the two first Greek Cities founded in Sicily, as some note. The Cretans afterwards in re∣venge for their King's death, came and besieged Camicus five years to no purpose, and were shipwrackt in their return upon the Coast of Italy, where then resolving to stay and hide their disgrace, they built Hyria, betwixt Ta∣rentum and Brundusium, and from them descended the Iapyges and Messa∣pii. This passage concerning Minos the younger, happened in the dayes of Hercules the Graecian, an Age before the Trojan War.

7. After Cocalus the several Cities (because they wanted rightful and suc∣cessive Kings, as it seemeth, and lived under loose Democracy) became the prey of Tyranni, whereof no Country was ever more fertil than this Island, saith Justin. Of these, Anaxilaus his Justice vied with the Cruelty of the rest, and was not unrewarded. For at his death leaving his children young, whom he committed to the trust of Micythus his faithful slave, his Subjects so prized his memory, as they chose rather to obey him, and suffer the Majesty of a Kingdom to be managed by a slave, than desert his sons. But if by these Tyranni be to be meant, such as after the setlement of the Greek Colonies, made themselves Masters of the Cities (as we have no other ground than to believe; the name of Anaxilaus sufficiently declaring it's original) then Cocalus living an Age before the Trojan War, and the first Greek Colony mentioned by Thucydides being planted in the 11 Olym∣piad, this after Cocalus is with great liberty used by Trogus or Justin; seve∣ral hundreds of years, (viz. five or six) intervening betwixt Cocalus and those Tyrants. For the Cities were many years after their founding gover∣ned by the People, according to the custom of Greece, till Phalaris usurped in the State of Agrigentum, which Suidas writeth to have happened in the 52 Olympiad, and Eusebius in the 54. This difference betwixt them may well be reconciled, if, with Cappellus, we believe that Phalaris coming to Agrigentum, there was kindly entertained for eight years, at the end where∣of took occasion from a guest, and perhaps a Judge of Controversies, to make himself Tyrant, and the People slaves.

8. Phalaris was born at Astypalea a City in Crete; his Fathers name was Laodamus, who died whilst this his son was an infant. He married Erythia, and on her begat Paurolas, a little before whose btrth being banished, and deprived of the greated part of his estate, he continued long in a desolate condition, not knowing what to do, till at length a Sedition being raised in the State of Agrigentum, he was sent for by the weaker faction, and in con∣clusion got all the power into his hands. He kept the Tyranny by the same arts he first obtained it, viz. fraud and cruelty, for which cause he was grie∣vously hated by many, and his life laid at by those of whom he had well de∣served. Erythia continued all her life with her son Paurolas at Astypalea, where though she was much importuned by many Suters, yet she remained stedfast in fidelity to her husband. The Citizens of Astypalea when they saw Phalaris had so advanced himself, either for that now their hatred was allai∣ed,

or out of fear of revenge, sent to him to intimate that they had revok∣ed what had been formerly done against him, as unjust. He despised not this late repentance, but sent them his hearty thanks, and rewarded them. Ha∣ving obtained a victory over the Leontines, his son Paurolas sent him a Crown of Gold, which he returned back unto his wife Erythia. She was at length poysoned by Python one of her Suters, inraged at a repulse; which thing Phalaris took most impatiently.

9. It hapned that one Perillus an Athenian, and an excellent Statuary, came to Agrigentum, where shewing his rare skill, he was kindly entertained by Phalaris. He taking notice of Phalaris his cruelty, framed a brazen Bull, which being heated and a man put in his belly, would by the roaring of him that was thus tormented, imitate the voice of a natural one. Presenting him with this exquisite piece, as incomparable for the torturing of men, he ad∣mired his skill, but detesting his wickednesse, caused him first to make a tryal of it, and excused himself to the Athenians, who took it ill, as having done nothing but what was just and meet. If Perillus had onely made experiments, Phalaris had satisfied all reasonable men; but threatning his Enemies with this Engine, and making good his word upom them as often as he could have occasion, he thereby incurred, and slighted the hatred of mankind. At the same time flourished one Stesichorus a Poet of Himera, who died eight years before Phalaris. He wrote verses against the Tyrant, and raised an Ar∣my, animating the Inhabitants of Himera against him, with whom joyned Conon a most leud and naughty man, and divers others, all which, together with the Poet, at length fell into his hands. Conon was presently condem∣ned to the Bull. He doubted at first what to do with Stesichorus, but at length beholding his worth, he not onely dismissed him unpunished, but with large gifts; and ever after mightily reverenced him both alive and dead; in∣somuch as he desired the Himerians to build him a Temple, and Altars (of∣fering for that purpose men, money, and all necessaries) and most lovingly comforted his daughters.

10. He was so great a contemner of Popularity, and so conscious of his wickednesse and publick infamie, that he refused the honours offered him by them of Melita, not for any pride, but with a friendly admonition, that it would be to them infamous, and to him not at all advantagious. So when Stesichorus, Cleaeneta, Theano, and others, thought of writing in his praise, he seriously desired they would forbear, wishing rather that his name might be buried in oblivion, than celebrated in the Writings of Learned men, and, to no purpose, adorned with false commendations. Being grievously pro∣voked by the affronts of the Messenians, Catanians, Leontines, Zanclae∣ans, and Tauromenites, he prosecuted them to the utmost, often saying, that he most certainly knew they would fall into his hands, which accordingly came to passe. He confesseth that he had tortured in the brazen Engine 37 men, seriously wishing they might be the last; but he foresaw that Lamachus and Epiterses, though absent, would increase the number. These things are related in the Epistles that go under his name, which some Learned Men think written by Lucian. But whoever so drew to the life another's dispo∣sition as he there doth his own, insomuch as Suidas accounteth them very ad∣mirable. If one consider their style, accutenesse, and invention, there are no Epistles of any Tyrant, no not of any Orator or Philosopher to be com∣pared with them. But if one look at the disposition of the man, he was a portentous thing, born for the chastisement of the naughtinesse of men, of cruel hatred and unparalleld cruelty; yet of a most propense and munificent mind towards his Friends, and withall reverencing Virtue so much in his very Enemies, that for it's sake he would pardon injuries, and relinquish hatred.

11. That is scarce credible which Clearchus relateth in(a) Athenaeus, that he was transported with so great cruelty, as to have served up to his table sucking and new born Infants.(b) Aelian hath a more likely story concer∣ning Chariton and Melanippus. Chariton loved Melanippus with an ex∣travagant

and immodest Love, as appeareth from the historian. Melanippus having a contest with one of Phalaris his friends, was commanded, and at length forced to desist, which taking very ill, he complained of it to his Lo∣ver, and desiring his assistance for killing the Tyrant, thought of taking in other young men into the conspiracy. Chariton desired of him to trust him alone with the matter to take an opportunity to revenge him, unwilling that both of them should miscarry in it if it were discovered; and on a time made at Phalaris with his dagger, but was prevented by his Guard, which he had continually about him. Being examined concerning his Complices, he en∣dured great tortures, so long, that Melanippus more sensible of them than he himself, went to the Tyrant, and revealed the whole matter. He admir∣ing the courage and love of both, dismissed them, with this condition, that they should depart the same day out of Sicilie. This love which appeareth to have been no better than an unnatural lust, was afterwards by Apollo cal∣led divine, whence, as in other respects, these impure Spirits, the gods of Heathens, betrayed themselves what they were. And hence it is no wonder that the Philosophers of old, such as Socrates, Plato, Xenophon, Aeschi∣nes, Cebes, and the rest, might approve of this affection towards Males, which the(c) Romans yet abhorred in some Ages, the(d) Lacedaemonians held as Capital, and the Lake wherein Sodom and Gommorah were swallowed up, evinceth to have been contrary to the Law of God and Nature. But as for Phalaris, after he had tyrannized sixteen years, he perished by the fury of all the multitude of Agrigentum, which, as(e) Cicero writeth, fell upon him. Some thought that his subjects conspired against him, being principled there∣to by the doctrine of Pythagoras, of which opinion is also(f) Jamblich••s in the life of this Philosopher. But the whole relation concerning Pythagoras his entercourse with Phalaris is therefore deservedly suspected, because the Philosopher being yet young had scarce passed into Italy. The death of Phalaris hapned about the first year of the 58 Olympiad, and the twelfth year of Cy∣rus his Reign, reckoned from his first obtaining the Kingdom of Media.

SECT. II. Of such thing as were Contemporary with the Persian Empire.

1. AFter the death of Phalaris, the Citizens of Agrigentum recovered their liberty, and enjoyed it till Thero again brought them under. He was the son of Aenesidamus, and boasted that he was descended from Oedipus. He got the prize at the race with the Chariot in the Olympick games, and is celebrated by(a) Pindar the Poet, whose Scholiast teacheth us, that he was Father in Law to Gelon Tyrant of Syracuse, by his daughter Demare∣ta, and married also his brother's daughter: At this time Panatius made himself Lord of Leontium, and Cleander of Gela. Cleander, after seven years, was succeeded by his brother Hippocrates, who sore afflicted the peo∣ple of Naxus, of Zancle, or Messana, and Leontium, whom he forced to acknowledge him for their Lord. After seven years, he was also slain in a bat∣tel against the Siculi, having before this made war with the Syracusians, and by composition got from them the City of Camerina. After his death Ge∣lon the son of Dinomenes (descended of the race of the Rhodians, who with the Cretans and other Greeks had seated themselves in Sicilie) that had com∣manded his Forces with great successe, and to whom he committed the trust of his Children, breaking all obligations made himself Lord of Gela. Af∣ter he was in possession of this Town, a Sedition happening in Syracuse, be∣twixt the Magistrates and People, he being called in to the assistance of the Governours that were driven out by the multitude, made himself Prince. Such being the danger and infirmity of all Governments, except rightfully suc∣cessive Monarchy. This fell out in the second year of the 72 Olympiad,

when Hybrilides was Archon at Athens, the 31th of Darius Hystaspis, and the same, as some reckon, wherein the battel at Marathon was fought. Now the comportment of Sicilian affairs constraining us to speak most con∣cerning Syracuse, so considerable a place, both as to its self, as a Citie, and as the scene of so great transactions, requireth a more accurate de∣scription.

2. Syracuse was first inhabited by some Greeks of Aetolia, and had the name of Ortygia. These were expelled by the Siculi, who possessed them∣selves of the place, and at length were outed also by a Colony led hither out of Peloponnesus by Archias the Corinthian, in the eleventh Olympiad, Ro∣mulus then reigning at Rome, and the Mess••nian War being very hot in Pe∣loponnesus. This new Colony, because of Archias, and for that many followed him from Corinth, owned that Citie for its Metropolis, which at that time was most powerfull at Sea. But many afterwards flocked out of other parts of Peloponnesus, and by little and little the Citie of Syracuse so increased, as it became not onely the greatest, and most beautifull of all in Sicily, but of Greek Cities whatsoever, as Cicero affirmeth. It contained, as he writeth, four great Cities; the Island, Acradina, Tycha, and Neapolis. Its com∣passe was 180 furlongs, having, besides Suburbs, two Ports very commodious for shipping, being separated by the Island, and grounds about it very fertile, in some places rising into little Hills, but compassed about with Fennes. The first Inhabitants dwelt in the Island antiently called Ortygia; then as the Citie increased the other parts were added, whereof the latest was Neapolis. As for the state of the Citie, after it received a new beginning from Archias, the form of the Commonwealth was without doubt the same that then was in the Metropolis under the Government of the B••chiadae, viz. Oligarchical, bordering upon Aristocracie. Afterwards the common people waxing heady outed the better sort of the possession of the grounds, and seizing on the Government, made bad to be worse, as the sad changes and desolations will shew. The Exiles (by Herodotus called Gamori) betook themselves to Ge∣lon the Tyrannus of Gela, who coming to restore them with an Army, the peo∣ple resisted not, but received him into the Citie, whereby obtaining the whole power, he restored it not to the Nobility, but made himself master of Syracuse. This hapned at the time aforesaid, and about 244 years after the Plantation of Archias.

3. Gelon so used his power as he was loved by all, and feared by none. He every way much inlarged, adorned, and inriched the Citie: out of all Con∣quered Towns he took the Noblest, and worst disposed Citizens, and brought them to Syracuse. He procured the affections of almost all that dwelt in Si∣cily, and so greatly strengthen'd himself, that he was able with a Navy of 200 Triremes, and as great an Army as all Greece could set forth against Xerxes, to help the Graecians in the Median War; and had gone to their assistance, if they would either have granted him the Command of the Land Army or the Fleet. When he could obtain neither of those, he imployed his forces a∣gainst the Carthaginians, who had been called into Sicily by the Egestans, and on the same day wherein the Greeks obtained their victory at Salamine, got so great an one over them at Himera a Maritime Town, that his glory is thought to have equalled, if not exceeded, the other of Themistocles. At this time the Carthaginians were very powerfull, and become Eminent; whose affairs being by necessity to be joyned with such matters as relate to this Island of Sicily, a more convenient place cannot be had, to speak some∣thing (as this work requireth) of the Original, and progresse of their Common∣wealth.

4. Carthage was a Colony of Tyre, and Tyre of Sidon the most antient Metropolis of Phoenicia, mentioned by Homer with commendation for inge∣nious industry (who hath not one word concerning Tyre) and built by Si∣don the eldest son of Canaan. Tyre was built about the 2747 year of the World, and 240 years before Solomons Temple, as(a) Josephus hath ob∣served. The Greeks thought it received its name from Tyrus the Founder:

and(b) some invented a fable of a Nymph, called Tyros, beloved by Her∣cules. But Tsor in the Phoenician language signifying a Rock, the situation it self sufficiently declareth the Original of the name, which upon this account was communicated to three other places, besides this eminent Citie, viz.(c) two in the Continent, and another in the same Island. Near the Island of this famous City stood Palaetyrus, or Old Tyre, mentioned by Joshua, and cal∣led a strong Citie even at the division of the Land of Canaan, which hapned about 200 years before the building of that whereof we speak. Now(d) Jo∣sephus maketh the Temple of Jerusalem to have been founded in the ele∣venth year of the reign of Hiram King of Tyre, who was son to Abebaal, by Josephus called Abibalus, and by Eusebius, Abelbalus. Hiram, or Huram according to the Hebrews, (by the Greeks called Irom and Syron (for Ho∣rom) by Eupolemus) was a great friend to David, and supplied Salomon his son with materials, and work-men for building the Temple. He also propo∣sed hard questions to Solomon to be unfolded, as Menander testified, who translated the Tyrian Annals into the Greek language: He strengthned, and inlarged the Citie of Tyre, as Dius also wrote, and reigned 34 years. After him his son Beleastartus reigned 7. and Abdastartus 9. who being slain by the four sons of his Nurse, the eldest of them reigned twelve years. Then Astartus the son of Baleastartus 12. his brother Astarimus 9. who was slain by his brother Phelles. Phelles reigned but eight moneths, being killed by Ithobalus the Priest of Astarta, who reigned 32 years; after him Badezorus his son 6. then Mettinus his son 9. and lastly, Pygmalion 40. in the se∣venth of whose reign his sister Dido built the Citie of Carthage in Africk. Therefore from the beginning of Hirams reign to the building of Carthage intervened 155 years and eight moneths; and whereas the Temple was founded at Jerusalem in the twelfth of his reign, from the building of the Temple to that of Carthage passed 143 years and eight moneths, as Jose∣phus collecteth from the Testimony of Menander the Ephesian, in his first book against Apion.

5. But Appian in his History of the Punick Wars, writeth that Carthage was built by the Tyrians, 50 years before the destruction of Troy, which precedeth the former date 360 years. He nameth as founders Zorus and Carchedon, according to the opinion of the Greeks, who thought them the Captains of the Colony; whereas Tsor, or Zor, was the name of the Metro∣polis, and Carchedon of the new Citie, Carthada signifying a New Citie in the Phoenician language, as Solinus witnesseth. Strabo again will have the Phoenicians to have led out Colonies as far as the Pillars of Hercules, and planted some, a little after the Trojan War, upon the Maritime Coasts of Africk, with which Virgil closing, feigneth Dido to have reigned at Carthage at that time; whereas she was 300 years later, according to the Testimony of the Phoenician Annals; so as Servius upon the Poet affirmeth the whole story of Aeneas and Dido to be a fiction, and utterly against the course of History. Further, Eusebius noteth that some accounted Carthage built 143 years af∣ter the destruction of Troy, about the 2966 year of the World, and the 23 of the reign of David, 164 years or more before the time assigned to Dido by Menander. For the reconcilement of these several assertions it must be considered that Carthage consisted of three parts, viz. Cothon, Megara, and Byrsa, whereof the first was the Port, and the last the Citadel compassed about by the second, called Magalia and Magaria, but more truely Megara, signi∣fying properly in the Punick language, dwellings in a strange Countrey. 'Tis conceived that these might be built at several times; as that part about the Haven before the War of Troy; the other some time within 144 years after the destruction of it, which might rightly, in respect of the other, be called Carthada, or New Town; and lastly, the Byrsa by Dido 166 years after. For the Phoenicians being masters at Sea, might according to their pleasure, as they had occasion, send out Colonies, which they began to do from the time that Joshua expelled them out of the Land of Canaan. The Greeks themselves believed that Cadmus made an expedition into Africk, and

there built many Cities, as appeareth out of Nonius; and he built the Ci∣tadel at Thebes about the time of Joshua. In Procopius his age, who lived under Justinian the Emperour, about the 540 year of Christ, the two Pillars were yet standing, which those Canaanites erected that fled from the face of Joshua, in that part of Africk, called Tingitana, as the inscription testi∣fied, which we formerly mentioned, and Eusebius writeth that these same Canaanites led Colonies into Tripolis in Africk. Lastly, amongst several other Cities built by the Phoenicians, the most considerable, after Carthage, was Utica, some ten miles distant from it, which Aristotle, from the Phoeni∣cian Histories reporteth to be 287 years antienter than Carthage, and Vel∣letus Paterculus to have been built by the Tyrians a few years after Gades, about the time of Codrus, who being Contemporary with Saul, this Citie ob∣tained the name of Utica or Ityca, that is (saith Bochartus) in the Phoenician language, Old or Antient.

6. Dido was sister to Pygmalion King of Tyre, & wife to Sichaeus, or Sicharbas their Uncle the Priest of Hercules. Sichaeus being murdred by Pygmalion for his Wealth, she out of hatred to, or for fear of her brother fled into Africk, with all she could take, & thereby disappointed the murderer of his prey. The story goeth, that coming into Africk, she & her Companions were repelled by Hiarbas the King of that place, till they craftily desired to buy of him so much ground as an Ox's hide would compasse. The Africans laughed at their folly, and out of desire to see what use they could make of so little ground, swore to make good the bargain. The Phoenicians then cut the Hide all into one small thong, with which they encompassed twenty furlong, and thereon built a Castle, thence, (said the Greeks) called Byrsa. But learned men explode this story of the Hide as a meer invention, and a fable raised from a false explication of the word, which in the Hebrew tongue is Bosra, and signifying a fortified place, or Castel, is changed into Byrsa for the better sound, because the Genius of the Greek language suffereth not S & R to be joyned together. Justin out of Tro∣gus relateth that Hiarbas King of Mauritania sent for ten of the principal Carthaginians, and required Dido in marriage, threatning else to make War upon them. At their return they told her he desired some one who might teach his people breeding and manners, but none could be found that was content to leave his Countrey, and joyn himself with the Barbarians, whose lives were like to those of wild beasts. She blaming them all exceedingly, that they preferred their private commodity before the good of their Coun∣trey, to which if need required they ought their very lives, they opened to her the whole matter, saying, that what she would impose upon others, she ought not her self to refuse. Being caught with this wile, she long called on the name of Sichaeus, her husband, with many tears and great lamentation, then taking three moneths time for the doing of what there was necessity for, she made a pile of wood, as though to make a Parentation to Sichaeus, and appease his Ghost before her second marriage. Having killed many beasts, she ascended the Pile with a Sword in her hand, and turning to the people said, that now she was going to her husband, and therewithall killed her self. Before the name of Dido (which some make to signifie Loved or Amiable, and others more probably Wandring or Erratick) she had that of Elissa, be∣tokening a Divine Woman, or Virago. The Latin word Virago, in Greek written Ouirago, is in Eusebius corrupted into Origo, and being applied as a name to the Citie, and not to the woman, by a misunderstanding hath much perplexed Joseph Scaliger and others.

7. Carthage then being re-edified, or inlarged by Dido, and the Colony she brought thither, about the 3132 year of the World, in the dayes of Jo∣has King of Judah, and Jehu of Israel, 310 years after the destruction of Troy, 97 before the first Olympiad, and 120 before the building of Rome, was at first under Monarchical Government; but afterwards rejecting it, indured many hazards and hardships, which followed loose liberty, where∣of most are briefly recited by Justin in his eighteenth book, and those that follow. The(a) Philosopher compareth this Commonwealth with those of

the Cretans and Lacedaemonians, saying that it was mixed of Aristocracy and Policy, as he calleth it.(b) Polybius saith it was composed of Kingly, Aristocratical, and Democratical Governments, and(c) Isocrates maketh it Oligarchical at home, and in War Monarchical. As two Kings at Lace∣daemon had the first rank of Magistracie with equal power, so at Carthage two persons, by them called Suffetes, and by Aristotle, and Polybius, and Corn. Nepos, termed Kings, yet onely nominal; As the former were for life, so these were but Annual (in which respect(d) Livie compareth them with the Consuls of Rome) and their dignity being hereditary, those were yearly elected out of any noble Families. Such were especially preferred as were accounted most eminent for Virtue, and able to defray the charges of their place. Aristotle commendeth this above the Lacedaemonian custom, all but that concerning their wealth, imputing it as an error to the Legislator; who ought another way to have provided for Magistrates, that they might attend publick businesse without any detriment to themselves, and so be preferred meerly for their Virtue.

8. These Suffetes were more rightly in their own Language called Sophe∣tim, the Hebrew name of those chief Judges amongst the Israelites, who from Joshua to Saul governed their Commonwealth, and the History of whose actions by us called Judges, hath the same title of Sophetim, for that interpretation which renders it Sophim (i. e. Overseers) at the first sight ap∣peareth lesse probable. Their Office was to assemble the Senate, in which doubtlesse they presided and proposed. They decided causes Criminal, but their power was confined to home, nothing appearing of their medling with warlike matters, or having command of the Armies. To these Suffetes was added a Senate, which because Aristotle compareth it with that of Lacedae∣mon, may be supposed elective out of the best sort and most antient men, and the Senators it's likely, injoyed the dignity all their lives. How many they were in number doth not appear; but that herein this Senate exceeded the other of Lacedaemon, is to be gathered from Justin, who speaketh of 100 persons that out of it were chosen for Judges, to take account of the actions of all Generals at their return from the Wars. This Senate, as that at Rome, was the chief member, and as the Soul of the State, wherein the Suffetes propounding, as the Consuls there, all thines of moment were brought to it; especially what concerned those great things of Empire: viz. Peace, War, and Leagues. The Suffetes deliberating with the Senate, if it was unanimous, and they resolved the same thing, their Decree was Law to the whole State; but if the Senate and Suffetes disagreed, then was the mat∣ter referred to the People.

9. In the Concio or Assembly of the People, any one of the rabble might speak his mind freely, and without danger contradict the Magistrates. The People's Decree concerning any thing referred, was taken for the ultimate de∣termination of the whole and State, and being once passed was so binding, that it was not lawful to offer any thing against it, which Aristotle repre∣hendeth (and well may he) as too Popular, and too much declining from the best form of a Commonwealth, affirming this Constitution to have no place in the best modelled States. But Polybius dissenting from the Philo∣sopher, where he compareth the Carthaginian with the Laconick and Roman Commonwealths, sheweth that it was poised of the three kinds of Govern∣ment, that the Suffetes were as Kings, the Senate held the place of Opti∣mates or Nobility, and the People a convenient power. Yet he addeth, that when Hannibal made War upon the Romans, (which happened ten years af∣ter the death of Aristotle,) the State of Carthage declined from it's antient and best condition, the People having assumed more than formerly, vvhen the Roman Senate's authority was yet whole. This he thinketh to have much incommodated their affaires, and brought great advantage to the Romans. But what authority the People had during the best and most ancient State, he no where in those Books and fragments that are remaining, declareth. Em∣mius thinketh that it consisted in electing Magistrates, making Laws, Leagues,

Peace, and War; in appointing and ordering Negotiations, Customs, Tri∣butes, and such like things, which concerned the generality, and respected the profit of the multitude. But some of these things seem rather to have fallen under the consideration of the Kings and Senate; however the disor∣ders that followed, as in all other such Governments, will satisfie the Reader in his opinion of the excellency of Monarchy.

10. Besides the Senate there was a Council of 104 men, whereof Ari∣stotle onely informeth us, and which, according to the round number, from him we may call the Centumvirate. They had power to chuse five men out of their body, who had very large and great authority; Both these sorts of Ma∣gistrates retained their povver longer than any other, enjoying it both before and after they came to be of the five, vvhich thing vvas plainly Oligarchical. But in that they were not chosen by lot, but by the Suffrages of the People, and served without wages; in that they alone took cognisance of, and judg∣ed controversies, and publick actions, none being remitted to others, as the custom was at Lacedaemon, this he taketh notice to be Aristocratical. He compareth the power of the Centumvirate with that of the Ephori at Sparta, whereby he teacheth us, that the power of judging lay in it. And as the Ephori were (acording to him) Conservators of Popular liberty at Sparta, protecting the Plebeians against the power of the great ones, so it is likely, from these words of Aristotle, that those 100 men at Carthage were the Keepers of the Popularity. Herein he prefereth them before the Ephori, that they were not chosen out of the rabble, but the better sort of Citizens, wherein lay also a piece of Aristocracy; for mean persons being preferred to greatest places, do much hurt a Commonwealth, saith he, and have alrea∣dy endamaged that of the Lacedaemonians. Amonst civil Officers there were some that made inspection into the manners of the Citizens, as Corn. Nepos telleth us in the life of Amilcar, the Father of famous Hannibal, from whom they removed a beautiful young man called Asdrubal, because he was reported to be more familiar with him, than modesty required. There was also a Praetorship which had authority to look to the Customs and Tributes, and also to prefer Laws, as appeareth by Hannibal, who being chosen into this office, not onely reformed the Customers, but also taking notice of the corrup∣tion of Judges, procured a Law for them to be chosen every year. But whether there were more than one of these Officers, is not to be discovered from antient Writers.

11. Besides the faults before mentioned, Aristotle reprehendeth the Cu∣stom of chusing the Suffetes for their riches, which openeth a dore to avarice and indirect practices thence arising. He also noteth it as a fault, that one and the same man had several Offices, which yet they esteemed as a great honour. One detestable practice they used of old, to sacrifize to their gods humane Sacrifices, when any affliction or disaster fell upon them, and even their own Sons, as Plato witnesseth, which custom they seem to have brought with them out of Palaestine, every year sending thither such kind of presents unto Hercules, as we find in Pliny. Another absurd Law they had, which forbad any Citizens to learn the Greek Langage, lest they should hold intelli∣gence with the Enemy, because one Suniator had so done with Dionysius the elder, as Justin writeth. This indeed was laudable, that this City abhomi∣nated Drunkennesse, and severely prohibited Wine as much as to be tasted in in the Camp, as Plato recordeth in his Laws. This also Aristotle commend∣eth, that, for an incouragement to warfare, they had a Law which gave liber∣ty to a Soldier to wear so many Rings as he had served times in the field. The People were by their natural constitution, morose and surly, obedient to their Magistrates, tyrannical towards their Subjects, most dejected in time of fear, and cruel in anger, resolute in their designs, notwithstanding all force of flattery, and so infamous for their breach of faith, that the Punick faith or trust became a Proverb. As for their greatnesse and Dominion, the description thereof is to be left to it's proper place. Now must their affaires abroad in Sicily and other parts, be defined with the matters of that Island.

12. At what time, or upon what occasion the Carthaginians first came in∣to Sicilie is uncertain,(a) Livie will have them first called in by the Sedition of the Islanders. in the year that T. Quintius (Sirnamed Cincinnatus, as al∣so Penno) and Cn. Julius Mento were Consuls, which was in the beginning of the Peloponnesian War, the 323 year of the City, 50 years after the pas∣sage of Xerxes into Greece, and consequently as many from the Victory which Gelon got over them; a grosse mistake.(b) Justin out of Trogus, having first related their impious custom of pleasing their gods by humane Sa∣crifices, addeth, that the divine powers being therewith displeased or averse to them, when they had long unhappily made War in Sicilie, they translated it into Sardinia, and there losing the greatest part of their Army, received a grievous overthrow, whereupon they banished Mazaeus their General, (by whom they had conquered a great part of Sicilie, and done great matters a∣gainst the Africans) with that part of the Army which remained. The Army taking this in great disdain, sent to the City to desire a repealing of the Act of banishment, and threatned by force to rescind it, in case they were thereto constrained by a denyal of their sute. Their message being despised, they be∣sieged the City, and after a few dayes took it. Mazaeus calling the People together, complained of the injury, excused the necessity of the War, and in∣veighed against the contempt of his Victories. He said he would pardon all, but such as had been authors of the injurious Exile of their fellow Citizens; and accordingly putting ten of the Senators to death, he restored the City to it's Laws. Not long after being accused of an intention to make himself absolute, he was punished both for his paricide committed against his Coun∣try, and his own Son (as Justin termeth it) whom being a Priest, he had crucified, for refusing to come to him before he had finished his superstitious rites, and when he came appeared in his purple and other ornaments, which Mazaeus thought unsuitable with the condition of him his Father. Him succeeded Mago, by whose industy the wealth, dominion, and reputation of the Carthaginians, for matters of War, increased.

13. Mago being the first, who by ordaining military discipline, had laid the foundation of Empire, and added to the strength of the City, as well by introducing Virtue as the Art of War, left two Sons behind him, Asdrubal and Amilcar, who by treading in his paths, succeeded as well to the great∣nesse as the Patrimony of their Father. Under their conduct the State made War in Sardinia, and fought against the Africans, who demanded Tribute for the ground on which Carthage stood, which also at length they constrained the Carthaginians to pay. Asdrubal died of his wounds in Sardinia, whose death was ennobled by publick mourning, eleven Dictatorships, as Justin calleth them (by which seemeth to be understood no other than so many times sending out, or commissionating as General, with full power in the field, yet so as to be under the commands of the State) and four Triumphs: and the Enemies of Carthage took heart, as if with the Captain it's force and power was also dead. The Inhabitants of Sicilie then vexed with the continual injuries of the Carthaginians, betook themselves to Leonidas the brother of the King of Sparta, and a great War insued, wherein both par∣ties long strugled with various Fortune. At this time came Ambassadors from Darius (the Son of Hystaspes) King of Persia, commanding the Cartha∣ginians to forbear offering humane Sacrifices, and eating mans flesh, requiring them to burn their dead rather than bury them, and demanding assistance against the Greeks, with whom he was about to ingage in War. They deni∣ed to afford any succours because of their continual Wars with their neigh∣bours; but obeyed him in the rest, lest they should seem too stubborn, saith Justin; yet that they stood not to their word, the testimonies of Plato, Dio∣dorus, and Pliny, do certifie. Whilst these things passed, Amilcar was slain in the War of Sicilie, leaving three Sons: Amilco, Hanno, and Gisgo. Asdrubal also left so many: viz. Annibal, Asdrubal, and Sappho. Of these, Annibal is mistaken for Annibal the great, by one who hath made some short Notes upon Justin, and Amilcar his Uncle, for Amilcar Bar∣chas

Father to the famous Annibal, and Mago also for another of this name, that lived many years after in the dayes of Dionysius the younger, and Ti∣moleon. The Annotator wondreth what came into Justin's mind to make Annibal (the great) the son of Asdrubal, and well he might, if any such thing had been intended: he also referreth the Reader to the life of Timo∣leon, to find that Mago killed himself, and was after his death nailed to a crosse, because he fought unprosperously in Sicilie, which Plutarch intend∣eth of another person. Of this grosse mistake of one (whosoever he was) that took upon him to inform beginners, Students in History are to take no∣tice and beware.

14. For this Amilcar seemeth no other than the very same that was slain in the battel fought with Gelon of Syracuse, in the sixth year of Xerxes, Son to Darius King of Persia, from which was made a digression into the af∣faires of Carthage. With Amilcar perished 150000 Carthaginians; the Captives that remained of his Army, filled all the Cities of the Island, and the State of Carthage was constrained to beg peace, having, as some say, made this War at the instance of Xerxes, that thereby the Greeks in Sicilie might be diverted from helping their Friends. After this, Gelon was offered the Kingdom of Sicilie; but he generously refused it, whereby he obtained the greater glory and love. At length, having setled all things well, he died full of honour at Syracuse, after he had held the Principality about thirteen years. In the third year of the 75 Olympiad his elder brother Hieron succeeded him. He rebuilded Catana, and changed it's name into Aetna, the Moun∣tain of which name about this time brake out into flames, as fifty years after it did also. In the beginning of his reign he was much unlike to his brother Gelon, being suspicious, cruel, covetous, and turbulent: then caught with a lingering disease, he was much amended by the conversation of most Learned men. After this he fought prosperously against the Carthaginians, who now again returned into Sicilie, overthrew Thrasydaeus of Agrigentum in a great battel, and drove him to desperation: at length he incurred the ha∣tred of the Syracusians, uncertain for what cause, and shortly after with∣drawing himself to Catana, there died in the second year of the 78 Olym∣piad, when he had held the Principality from the death of Gelon eleven years and eight moneths.

15. After him his brother Thrasybulus seized upon the power, whose practices stirred up the Citizens to recover their liberty with the ha∣stening of his ruine. For being set upon by them, he was overthrown, and reduced to such a straight, that he fled into Locri on the Coast of Italy, and there killed himself, having held the Soveraignty ten moneths from the death of Hieron. The Syracusians now gladly resumed their liberty; yet not therewith content, that they might the more secure it, they freed also many other Cities of Sicilie, from Tyranni and forein Garrisons. But not long af∣ter they fell into a most pernicious Sedition. For excluding those from ho∣nours whom Gelon had brought into Syracuse for the establishment of his own interest, they themselves bearing all Offices of Magistracy, and governing the Commonwealth, though they took not away from the other the freedom of the City, the lately made Denizons not enduring it, conspired together, being in number 7000 of 10000 which Gelon had brought in. Three years after liberty recovered, they sodainly fell upon two parts of the City: the Island and Acradina. The natural Inhabitants overpowering them in num∣bers, besieged them close, and overthrowing them in a Sea fight, at length constrained them to acquiesce in the present state of things, or else quit the City, after the Sedition and tumult had endured two years. In the mean time by the conduct of Ducetius a Sicilian, those planters that Hiero had placed in Catana, were thence ejected, and the old Inhabitants restored to the place, whom he had cast out: now also the whole Island was restored to it's antient condition, the Exiles being repossessed, and new comers driven out, who setl••d themselves at Messana, the utmost part of the Island.

16. That form of a Commonwealth was now established at Syracuse, which Aristotle properly calleth Policie, mixed of Oligarchie and Democra∣cie; which, how dangerous it was, appeared shortly. For, after some years, the State continuing in this form, and the number of Citizens increasing, one Tyndarides, an Eminent man, and very rich, egged on by his ambition, brought it into great danger. For binding to him the indigent rabble by his gifts, and using them as a Guard, he manifestly pressed towards the soverainty, but by the Union of those who were in greatest grace with the people, he was re∣pressed, and when the beggerly sort would needs undertake his protection, killed in a tumult. When others not at all deterred by this example aspired after such power as threatned liberty, the people for to humble those that carried their heads highest, in imitation of the Athenians brought in the use of the Petalism. As they by their Ostracism removed such Citizens for ten years, who for their reputation and interest were dangerous to the freedom of the Citie, so the Syracusians by the Petalism removed such like for five years. This kind of banishment, without losse of honour, or fortune, was cal∣led in Greek Pesalismos, because his name whom any one would have ba∣nished was written in a leaf of an Olive, according to Diodorus, both which in the same language were signified by the word Petalos. But this constitu∣tion, as the other at Athens, could not long continue. For those Eminent persons who were most fit for State Affairs, for fear thereof bv little and little withdrew themselves from publick businesse to a private life. Hereby the Commonwealth fell into the hands of bold, rash, unskilfull, and the naugh∣tiest sort of men, whence grievous incommodities and dangers followed. By these things the people were moved to abrogate the Law of Petalism, and the better sort returned to the care of the Commonwealth, after which it re∣mained in quietnesse for some time, but again relapsed, as necessarily it must, from the informity of Antimonarchical Government.

17. Abroad the Syracusians had War with the Tuscans in Italy; with Ducetius Captain of the Siculi, as also the Agrigentines, Trinacrians, Leon∣tines, and Egestans in Sicily, wherein most commonly they had the better, and either fully brought under, or bound to them by Leagues, most of the Ci∣ties in the Island. Leontium a most flourishing Town was utterly destroyed when it now gaped after the Empire of Sicily, the principal Citizens being re∣moved to Syracuse, and the multitude driven into Exile. Out of these mo∣tions they fell into the Athenian War in the first year of the 91^th Olympiad, concerning which we have already sufficiently spoken. Syracuse was so ex∣hausted therein with expences and slaughters, that upon the brink of ruin it was meerly preserved by the wisdom and valour of Gylippus, a stranger of Sparta; and not onely preserved, but made victorious to admiration, and in∣abled to return to the Athenians so great overthrows by Land and Sea. This War which begun in the 50th year after the recovery of their liberty (by means of the Egestans, who craved aid of Athens against them and the Seli∣nuntians) lasted not fully three years, leaving a sufficient warning to all, of the vicissitude of humane affairs, and shewing, that they who gape after Do∣minion, and are busie to inlarge their bounds, being carried out by the force of ambition rather than reason, often fall into a necessity of defending their own Estate, and sometimes lose all.

18. The multitude grown exceeding high upon this successe, would not rest satisfied with its former privileges, but so ordered the matter, that the temper of this Commonwealth more and more degenerated. Diocles a man of prin∣cipal note, who had perswaded them to put to death Nicias and Demosthenes the Athenian Generals, being of a most severe and rigid disposition, elo∣quent tongue, and great reputation for wisdom, perswaded the people to change the Commonwealth, and elect Magistrates by lot, whereas formerly they were left to the suffrages of the people. The former way inclined to Oligarchy; but, by this, admission was given to the meanest and unfittest person to Govern, which ill agreeth with the fame of Diocles his wisdom. Some think that the multitude having got a promise from the great ones in

the late danger, in case they would well demean themselves, now wrested this Law from them, that Diocles perswaded the Nobility, and the better sort to give way to the time for avoiding some greater mischief, and then he with his Collegues having power from the whole State, as Diodorus addeth, form'd this new Commonwealth with convenient Laws, whereby this liberty was bounded, and other things defined as they thought, but falsly, made for pub∣lick good. This Diocles was in punishment of vice rigid, and inexorable, and yet most just in what was deserved by any man. His Laws were so well thought of by the vulgar, that many Cities of Sicily received them on their own accord, the whole praise of the invention being given to him, though he had others joyned with him in the work, that were excellent for wisdom and prudence. In after-times one Cephalus under Timoleon, and Polydorus under Hieron, were deputed to the making of Laws, but neither of them were accounted Legislators, but both Commentators upon him, who in the form of his speech was something short and obscure.

19. Diocles amongst other Laws ordained, that it should be Capital for any man to come into the Forum, or place where the people was wont to meet, with his Arms, and that neither the plea of ignorance nor any other excuse should stand him in stead that so offended. Afterwards it hapned that he himself having issued out against the Enemy who made incursions, as he re∣turned with his sword, heard of a tumult in the Forum, and so went dire∣rectly thither, not thinking what he had about him. Being for this repre∣hended by a private man as breaking his own Laws, he cried out he would do no such matter, but establish them with his blood, and therewithall killed himself. In the Commonwealth thus new modelled by him, 'tis uncertain what order there was, or what method was observed in acting. There was a Senate consisting of 600 men, as we understand from Diodorus; but the fame of it was very obscure, and the power, as may be gathered, exceeding small, which maketh it be so seldom mentioned. The multitude was sole Lord of all, and dayly meeting together created the chief Magistrates, disposed of the Militia, placing, and displacing Officers therein, decreed War, made peace, contracted Leagues and Alliances, exercised power as to life or death, granted Indemnity, banished, and recalled at their pleasure. Other things of lesser moment were left to Magistrates, which were various, as in other popular Commonwealths. They were annual, as the Generals abroad, 2. 3. 4. or more, as the people pleased, the General at home who was over the Militia of the Citie in time of peace, and had great authority. Others were chosen by lot, as Judges, Treasurers, Censors, and such like, amongst which were also those that oversaw the matters at Sea, the Citie having an excellent site for trading. But things could not thus long stand, the Government being such, and wherein the wisest sort could do least, and the foolish unexperienced rabble was most powerfull, though having no skill in State affairs they little minded what they did, and onely aimed at their private advantage. Hereby they were easily led aside by one, who cunningly, though underhand, wrought his own designs. For scarce were 8 years passed over from the overthrow of the Athenians, when Dionysius the son of Her∣mocrates, a man of a subtile head, and deep dissimulation, so fooled the mul∣titude, as obtaining from it a Guard for his person, he invaded the Tyranny in the fourth year of the 93th Olympiad, the very same that the Citie of Athens was yielded up to Lysander. How this was effected must more particularly be related, to let the reader behold the danger of Antimonarchical Govern∣ment, and the happinesse of a people under that of hereditary Kings.

20. The Citizens of Aegesta (who had entred into League with Athens against the Syracusians, and been cause of the Athenian War, by reason of the controversie betwixt the Selinuntians and them about some grounds) were in great fear after the overthrow of their friends to be called to account, quitted those grounds for which they had contested. But their adversaries not resting satisfied with the restitution of these Territories, but seizing also upon part of the adjoyning Region, they sent to Carthage for help, giving up

themselves into their protection. The Carthaginians were very desirous to be masters of this Citie, so fit for their purpose of Conquering Sicily, but on the other hand they stood in fear of the Syracusians, who had so lately grapled with, and worsted the power of Athens. Yet their ambition prevailing, they promised them aid, which they committed to the care of Hannibal, then one of their principal Magistrates, giving him Commission to make War if the case should so require. After the death of Amilcar the affairs of Carthage had been managed by his, and his brothers sons, being six in number, under whose conduct War was made upon the Moors and Numidians, and the Africans were also constrained to remit the Tribute which had been for∣merly paid them for the site of the Citie. Now it was, that this great & nume∣rous family being dangerous to the liberty of the Citie, by doing, and judging all things, 100 Judges were chosen from amongst the Senators, who received an account from the Generals at their return from the War, that by this awe they might so manage affairs abroad, as having an eye upon Justice, and the Laws at home. To Amilcar in Sicily succeeded his son Amilco, who having good successe in the War, both by Land and Sea, on a sudden lost his Army by the force of Pestilence, for which disaster there was a sad mourn∣ing at Carthage (as it is largely described by Justin) and he at his return kil∣led himself. Hannibal was his brothers son, being the Grandson of Amilcar by his son Gesco, or Gisgo, as Diodorus informeth us.

21. Hannibal having an inbred hatred against all Greeks, and an earnest desire by his own acts to redeem the credit of his family, was glad of an op∣portunity to gratifie his Countrey, and near upon seventy years after the overthrow, and death of his Grand-father, undertook the employment. He first sent to the Syracusians, referring the matter betwixt the two Cities unto them, that the Selinuntians refusing to stand to any award, as he knew they would, a more specious pretence might be obtained for the War. They accordingly opposing it, the Syracusians decreed to hold them as Allies and Confederates, and also to be at peace with the Carthaginians; but the two concerned Cities falling upon each other, both Syracuse and Carthage was thereby drawn into the quarrel. Hannibal then having both in Spain and Africk made great preparations, the next year landed at Lilybaeum the most Southern Cape of Sicily towards Africk, and setting upon the Seli∣nuntians at unawares with a vast Army, took their Citie in the 10th day of the siege, wherein he made Captive 7000 persons, 16000 being slain, and 2600 escaped to Agrigentum. He permitted Empedion and his kindred to people it anew, under condition of paying Tribute to Carthage. This was the condition of Selinuns, after it had stood 242 years from its first founding by the Megarians, who being descended from Megara in Greece first came into Sicily under conduct of Lamis, and built a Town upon the River Pan∣tacius, called Trotilus. Thence Lamis departing with some of his Colony went to the Leontines and Chalcidians, with whom having lived some time he was driven out by them, and planting some Inhabitants in Thapsus, after his death they left the place, and under conduct of Hyblon the Sicilian King, who betrayed the Countrey, inhabited Megara, and were called Hyblaeans. After 245 years they were driven hence by Gelon of Syracuse, but 145 years before this, they sent out a Colony with Pammilus, which built Selinuns.

22. Hannibal from Selinus marched to Himera, having a particular grudge against that place for his Grand-father's death. Falling on it with all his might, he was repulsed for a little time by the resolute valour of the Inhabi∣tants, but the Wall being beaten down with his Engines, he shortly took it. Many Women and Children had withdrawn themselves out of the Citie; of those men which he took he carried up 3000 to the Hill where his Grand∣father had been slain, and there killed them, being before used with all kinds of indignities; then rased he the Citie which had been inhabited 240 years, and dismissing his Mercenaries and Subjects of Sicily departed home, where he was received with greatest expressions of honour and affection for

having done in three moneths what other Captains would have required far larger time to effect. After his departure, Hermocrates the Syracusian (who having been sent as General to the assistance of the Lacedaemonians, was condemned to banishment in his absence, through the malice of his Ene∣mies) returned with a considerable Force into Sicilie, and to ingratiate him∣self with his Country-men, repeopled Selinus, and fell upon the tributaries of Carthage. The more still to indear himself, he took up the bones of those Syracusians that fell at Himera, and in a cariage sent them to the City, well knowing, that this would procure as love to him, so envy and hatred to Dio∣cles his main adversary, who having been the Captain of the slain, had taken no care for their burial. Diocles much opposed their publick Sepulture, but the People resolutely decreed it, then banished him, and yet they re∣called not Hermocrates, being lealous lest he should improve his power and abilities to the making of himself absolute. He then being in despair of re∣turning by fair means, attempted to do it by force, and getting in to the Ci∣ty, was amongst his complices killed by the multitude.

23. In the second year of the 93 Olympiad, the Syracusians sent to Car∣thage to complain of the late War, and to desire that for the time to come they would forbear all hostility, to which they returned an ambiguous an∣swer, and made all possible provision for an Army, wherewith to subdue the whole Island. Before they transported any Forces they sent a Colony thither, which at the hot waters built a City, and called it Thermae. The year follow∣ing they ordered Hannibal to go over as General, who excusing himself by reason of his Age, they joyned with him Imilco the son of Hanno, one of the same Family. These two Generals then made Levies throughout Africk, hired Soldiers out of Spain, the Islands Baleares, and Italy; and got toge∣ther an Army of 120000 men according to Timaeus, but after Ephorus his reckoning 300000. As they were passing over, the Syracusians met them, and sunk fifteen of their Vessels, but with the rest Hannibal passed safe over, and fell upon the rich and stately City of Agrigentum, which contained 200000 persons. The Agrigentines wanted not assistance from their friends, all the Greek Cities being deeply concerned in their welfare, and the Syra∣cusians gave the besiegers a considerable defeat, who demolishing the Tombs and Monuments the better to get to the walls, had thereby pulled down a Pestilence upon themselves, saith Diodorus, wherein Hannibal died. But Imilco (or Imilcar) thereby not discouraged, continued the Siege, expiat∣ing the offence, as he thought, by sacrifizing a Boy to Saturn, and drowning a company of Priests in the Sea as an offering to Neptune. His Soldiers mu∣tinying for provisions, he supplied, by taking of the ships which loaded with necessaries were sent from Syracuse to the besieged. Hereby he starved them within, and constrained them to quit the City, being guarded to Gela by armed men. Imilcar found extrordinary rich plunder in it, whereof some rarities he sent to Carthage, amongst which was Phalaris his Bull, though Timaeus the Historian carping at all others, by denying that there was ever any such thing, is justly censured by Diodorus. For Scipio Africanus the younger, 260 years after, having destroyed Carthage, restored this Engine to the Agrigentines, with whom it was yet remaining when Diodorus wrote his History.

24. Imilcar having, after a Siege of eight moneths, thus mastered Agrigen∣tum, a little before the Winter solstice, destroyed it not presently, that therein he might quarter his Soldiers that Winter. All the Island was struck with great fear upon report of what had happened; some of the Sicilians departed to Syracuse, and others transported their wives and children with their wealth into Italy. The Agrigentines being got safe to Syracuse, accused their Captains, as having betrayed their Country, and the Syracusians were also blamed by the rest for having chosen such Generals, as by their dishonesty had brought Sicilie into extreme danger. A meeting being had at Syracuse, and great fear of a War possessing all men's minds, none dared to speak one word, or give any advice. All sticking at the matter, at length stood up Dio∣nysius

the Son of Hermocrates, and accusing the Captains of having betrayed Agrigentum, earnestly moved the People to punish them forthwith, and not stay the time prefixed by Law. For this unlawful and seditious motion, the Magistrates fined him; but one Philistus a wealthy man, who afterwards wrote his History, bade him proceed, promising to pay his fine, though it were a whole day together. Animated hereby he proceeded, urging that the Cap∣tains had been corrupted to betray the interest of Sicilie, and accusing others of the better sort of Citizens as affecting Oligarchy. He therefore moved that new Officers might be created, such as were not eminent for power, but good will towards the People, for that the other usurping dominion despi∣sed the common sort, and made their own markets out of the publick; where∣as those being of lower fortunes, by a consciousnesse of their own weaknesse could not attempt such a matter.

25. Having discoursed these things fitly to the humour of the multitude, and his own design, he made no small impression in the minds of the Vulgar, who having had the fidelity of the Captains in question before, gave credence to these slanders, and deposing them, made new, amongst which was Dionysius, ha∣ving got much credit for his valour against the Carthaginians. The foundati∣on thus laid, he beat his head all manner of waies how to accomplish his de∣vice, and resolved if possible to get his Colleagues removed. For this pur∣pose he never would meet in council with them, giving out they hatched clan∣destine designs against the State, and seeing the Citizens much affrighted at an approaching War, procured the Exiles to be called home, hoping that they being obnoxious to him, and desirous of innovation, would be fit for his purpose, taking great delight in seeing their Enemies killed, and their goods sold, their own Estates being restored to them. At this time it happened that a Sedition falling out in Gela, he had an opportunity to lead thither 2000 Foot, and 400 Horse, where procuring their principal men to be put to death, and their Estates confiscated, he thereby much ingratiated himself with the multitude and Soldiers. At his return he found the People just de∣parting from the shows of the Theatre, which asking him news, he said he knew none, but that their Governours were greater Enemies to the State than the Carthaginians, by whose flatteries they now kept holy day, and who fleecing the Commonwealth, cheated the Soldiers of their wages. Now was an innumerable Army hovering upon the borders, and ready to invade, which they not at all regarded. This he understood a little before, but now fully, having received a message from Imilco that desired his connivance. Wherefore for his part he would lay down his Office, not induring that others making merchandise of the Commonwealth, he alone should, together with the Citizens, bear the burthen, and undergo the danger; and yet also be accoun∣ted as treacherous as the rest. For this night every man in great fear went home to his house. The next day he called them together, and loading his Colleagues with great invectives, so stirred the multitude, that some beginning to cry out he was to be made Dictator, for that they had formerly had experi∣ence how convenient the conduct of a single Person was, by the example of Gelon his Victory over Amilcar; the multitude out of hand created him Ge∣neral with full power. Then to bind fast the Soldiers to him, he procured a Decree for double pay, alleging it would make them more valiant in that time of danger, and bidding the People take no thought about raising money.

26. The wiser sort had all along sufficiently understood whither these acti∣ons tended, but the multitude stopped their ears against all accusations, as proceeding from the malice of the great ones. But now upon further consi∣deration they began to suspect him, and repent they had put the power out of their own hands, which he being aware of, lest the discontent should so seize upon the generality as thereby to procure him any let or hindrance in the full compleating his design, he drew out the Army to Leontium, which now was used as a Fortresse or Garrison, and there shutting himself close up, pretended a great conspiracy against his life. The day followng he called the

multitude together, and alleging many probable reasons to perswade them of the danger, obtained to have 600 men as a guard for his person, which he should chuse out where he pleased. This number he increased to 1000, picked out, and consisting of such as were desperate in fortune, and thereupon backed with stomach and resolution. He called the Mercenaries, and ingaged them to him with good words, then new modelling the Army, gave such commands therein as he knew would best serve his own turn: he gave free admission to all Exiles and malefactors, knowing such would be effectual to all his purpo∣ses. Having thus in imitation of Pisistratus got him a guard, and made him∣self Tyrant, at his return to Syracuse he openly shewed himself such, pla∣cing his Tent in the Arcenal. The People murmured in vain, being beset with strangers and mercenaries at home, and in continual fear of a War hang∣ing over them from abroad. To establish himself he took to wise the daugh∣ter of Hermocrates, who did such service against the Athenians, and was slain in attempting to seize on the City: he also gave his own Sister in mar∣riage to his wives Brother, thinking it his interest to be allied to so great a Family. Then assembling the People, by his devices he procured Daphneus and Demarchus the most potent of his Adversaries to be put to death; and so from a Scribe and a man of mean condition, he became Master of the greatest Greek Citie, continuing such for 38 years, unto his end.

27. Imilcar having wintred in Agrigentum, at Spring-time razed the City, and then fell upon Gela. The Inhabitants betook themselves to Dionysius for help; but his indeavours not well succeeding, they were for∣ced to quit the Town, and leave it also to the disposal of the Enemy. Diony∣sius made the Citizens of Camarina to do the same, possessing them with a fear of the Carthaginians; so that departing thence in haste, some with their Gold and Silver, others with their wives and children onely, and the wayes being full of both sexes and ages, who miserably shunned servitude by exile, the Syracusian Horse-men pitied them exceedingly, and accounting this but a fetch of their Tyrant, to make himself Master of the place, conspired how they might kill him in the way, and the rather, because they had observed how remisse, or rather industriously treacherous, he had been in the relief of Gela. He keeping the Mercenaries close to him, they could not execute this design, but rode fast to Syracuse, where being easily admitted, they rifled his Pa∣lace, and used his wife very harshly that she died. Being secure of him as at a great distance from them, he conjectured the same, and in post-haste come∣ing to Syracuse, set fire on one of gates, and so got in. Then slaughtered he such of them as he could light on, as also of those Citizens whom he knew to be most averse to him, some he slew, and others he expelled the Town. Scarce were things setled, when a message came from Imilcar, inviting the Syracusians, though conquered, unto Peace. Dionysius most gladly imbra∣ced the offer, so that it was made upon these terms: The Carthaginians were to have subject to them, besides their old Tributaries and Colonies, the Sicani, Selinuntians, Agrigentines, and Himerians, and also the Gelaeans, and Camarinaeans, who might inhabit their Towns unwalled, but be tributary to Carthage. The Leontines, Messenians, and all Sicilians, were to be free, and the Syracusians subject to Dionysius. All ships taken on both sides were to be restored. These things confirmed, Imilcar passed over in∣to Africk, having lost half of his Army by the Plague, which so raged also in Africk, as great multitudes both of the Carthaginians and their Associates fell thereby.

28. Dionysius knowing that the Syracusians now eased of the War, would busie their heads how to recover their liberty, to prevent such a design, forti∣fied that part of the City called the Island, which he caused to be inhabited with his own confidents: he also divided the publick grounds to such as he thought fit, and admitted strangers to equal privileges with the Citizens. Having thus as he thought secured his estate, he resolved to march against such Sicilians as he thought most assisted the Carthaginians, and was about to be∣siege Erbesa, when the Citizens of Syracuse now armed, considering what

an opportunity was put into their hands, and repenting they had not assisted the Horsemen in their revoult, resolved to declare for their liberty. The at∣tempt generally took, the Citizens stood upon their defence, and the Ty∣rant was besieged, for whose head a great sum of money was offered. He was much cast down, and thought to resign his power, according as some ad∣vised him; but Philistus turned his mind, and made him resolve to ven∣ture all rather than do it. Bethinking himself how he might circumvent the Citizens, he sent to them, pretending a willingnesse to quit all, if they would but permit him to carry away his goods; and at the same time he dispatched a message to the Campanians (mercenary Soldiers of Campania in Italy) of∣fering them large rewards if they would stand by him. The Syracusians con∣sented he should depart with five ships, and then, as if their liberty was fully recovered, grew secure, remisse, and idle, disbanding some of their men, neglecting their guards, and taking their pleasure in the fields: The Cam∣panians allured by his prowises broke in to him, some Troops of Mercena∣ries also came to his assistance, with which he set upon the Towns-men, and easily putting them to flight recovered his power. He hindred his men from killing, and a great number flying to Aetna, he sent to them, offering them pardon, which some imbraced, and others refused to venture themselves upon it.

29. When he had well re-setled himself, he made War upon several Towns in Sicilie, some of which he took, and having an eye upon the Car∣thaginians, strongly fortified his City of Syracuse. He resolved with him∣self to make War upon them, hoping that all those Towns which in time of Peace willingly submitted to their yoak, would then revolt to him. Under∣standing that in the Athenian War a line had been drawn before Syracuse, from Sea to Sea, and thereby accesse into the Country cut off, with admira∣ble celerity he raised a wall to prevent this for the time to come, labouring himself amongst the workmen, to cause them the more chearfully to under∣go the toil: Then did he make extraordinary provisions of all sorts of Arms, compleatly furnished himself with shipping, and hired Soldiers from all parts. Thus provided, he caused all the goods of the Carthaginian Marchants, and others dwelling there, to beseized by the multitude of the Syracusians, to whom now he caried himself more mildly, being very ready to begin the War; especially upon so profitable terms. Other Sicilian Towns fol∣lowed his example, out of hatred to the Cathaginians for their cruelty, of whom such as were amongst them they unmercifully handled in way of requi∣tal, which taught that State to deal more favourably afterwards with such as they took, in remembrance of the vicissitude of humane affaires. Then dispatch∣ed he a messenger to Carthage, to denounce war from the people of Syra∣cuse, except they would set at liberty all the Greek Cities of Sicilie. They were much struck therewith, being exceedingly spent by Pestilence, but re∣jected the terms, and as they might, made provision for resistance. Diony∣sius besieged Motya one of their Colonies, and chief Fortresse for War; upon whose ships Imilco, as yet not sufficiently provided, made an attempt, and beating up the Camp presently retired again; so that Dionysius became Master of the Town.

30. Ere he had taken Motya he besieged Aegesta, the Inhabitants where∣of would not betray their trust, and made excursions into the Territories of their Friends. But the Spring following the Carthaginians having created Imilco King, sent him over with a vast Army, wherewith he first wrosted Lep∣tines, whom Dionysius had commanded to attend his motions; then took Eryx, and presently recovered Motya. He had Panormus betrayed to him: he took Lipara, and after that Messana with his ships, the Inhabitants having sent their Forces out of the Town to meet his Land-Army. When he took Motya, Dionysius brake up his Siege and retreated to Syracuse; now hearing that he intended to set upon Catana both by Sea and Land, he sent Leptines with the Fleet after Mago the Carthaginian Admiral, and he himself march∣ed by Land to meet with Imilco. Leptines according to order made after as

fast as he could, and attaching the Enemie's Fleet, at first sunk diverse Ves∣sels; but when he was now almost incompassed with Mago's ships which were in number 500. not able to fight at such disadvantage, he was forced to fly out into the main, and in his flight lost 100 Vessels. Dionysius kept on his march, intending to fight Imilco; but was stopped by the intercession of his friends, who feared lest in his absence Mago might with his whole Fleet set upon Syracuse, and take it. He therefore returned to the Citie, and dispatched away Messengers into Greece and Italy for aid.

31. Mago by Sea with nigh 200 ships, and Imilco by Land with 300000 foot, and 3000 horse, besieged Syracuse, who for that the Citizens refused to give battel, wasted their grounds for 30 dayes, and after that took the Sub∣urbs of that part of the Citie called Acradina. His Army was taken with a sudden Pannick fear, and seized by a sore disease; yet notwithstanding he drew a line for the Fortification of his Camp, and built three Forts upon the Sea, wherein he put his provisions, and sent into Sardinia and Africk for more. Afterwards Polyxenus father-in-law to Dionysius returning out of Peloponnesus and Italy with 30 long ships, and Pharacidas the Lacedaemonian, to the assistance of the Syracusians, they took a victualling ship from the Car∣thaginians. They doing their endeavour to rescue it, the Syracusians drew out their whole Fleet, and ingaging, took the Admiral Gally, and spoyled 24 Vessels. After this the Carthaginians durst not stir abroad, and the Syracusians puffed up with this victory, thought of recovering their former liberty. Dionysius coming in at the Port, called them together, incouraged them in the War, and gave them hopes of finishing it shortly to their satisfa∣ction. Here before his face, one Theodorus in many words exhorted his fel∣low Citizens to throw off the yoak, and either take the Militia into their own hands according to the Laws, or deliver it up to the Lacedaemonian General. But Pharacidas the Lacedaemonian, according to his instructions from his Su∣periours (who had now established an Oligarchy wherever they could, agreeable with their own Government and interest, or gave way to the power of a single man rather than that of the people) said openly, that he was sent to help them against the Carthaginians, and not to overthrow the power of Dionysius; so that the people were at so unexpected a thing utterly quelled, murmuring much against the Lacedaemonians, who had now twice deceived them in the recovery of their freedom. Dionysius a∣frighted hereat, made shew afterwards of great humanity, to gain the affecti∣ons of the people.

32. The Carthaginians were at this time seized with a most grievous Plague, which Diodorus attributeth to their rifling the Temples of Proserpina and Ceres, as the Meritorious cause, and to the unwholesomnesse of the place beset with Fens, as the effectual means that wrought the distemper. A grievous disease had formerly falln upon the Athenians in the same place. For before Sun-rise, because of a cold vapour that rose from the Fens, a cold and shaking seized on the body, then at noon a suffocating heat. So many men being gathered together into one place, the contagion first began with the Africans, who, though they died in great numbers, were at first all bu∣ried. Afterwards the number increasing, such as looked to the sick dying also shortly after them, none would venture to come near the infected. But besides want of attendance, no remedy could be had for the evil. For from the stench of the dead, and putrefaction of the Fennish aire, in the beginning of the disease a Catarrhe, and then presently an Angina, or swelling of the neck, took the patient. These were followed by a Feaver, pains in the Spina, and numnesse of the legs, which drew after them a Dysentery, and Spots over all the body. Some were taken with madnesse, and abolition of memory, who wandring up and down the Camp beat all they met. At length all the endeavours of Physicians were void, through the vehemence of the disease, and suddennesse of death, for on the fifth, or at furthest on the sixth day they died in great torment. Dionysius understanding this sad condition of the be∣siegers, thought it convenient to sally out upon them, and sent 80 ships to fall

on their Navy. The Land Army first arriving took two of their Forts, and diverted them from their ships, which as soon as they saw in danger, they again retired to them; but with little advantage. For the Syracusians boarded and slaughtered them in great numbers, and Dionysius, with his Land Army, fired 40 of their Gallies that rode at Anchor in the Haven of Dasco. The night approaching broke off the fight, and then the Carthaginians sent to Dionysius 300 Talents, begging leave to depart; which he granted (with ex∣ception to all Sicilians and other Mercenaries) being unwilling they should be quite defeated, that through fear of them his subjects might be the better contained in obedience. After the flight of the Carthaginians, the Si∣cilians departed home, and all the rest were slain or taken, except the Spaniards, who gathering themselves into a round body, sent to Dionysius to enter into Alliance with him; which he accepted.

33. Dionysius being secure of the Carthaginians for some considerable time, provided against his Mercenaries, which badly affecting him, he pre∣vented, by taking of their Leader, and bestowing on them the Citie and Ter∣ritories of Leontium. Then did he make new Leavies, and replanted Mes∣sana with its antient Inhabitants the Messenians; but seeing the Lacedaemo∣nians his friends offended with it, he removed them to another place near the Sea, which they called Tyndarides, and wherein they did thrive exceedingly, Conquering, and laying several places to their demesnes. Having fortified Messana, the Inhabitants of Rhegium (who formerly jealous of his growth, had shown their bad affection to him) conceived it to proceed from some design against their Citie, which stood over against it in Italy, upon the very Crag of the Promontory, where Sicily was supposed to have been broken off from the Continent, whence it had the name of Rhegium. They sent Helo∣ris to besiege Messana, whereupon he determined to make War against them; but the Sicilians seizing upon Tauromenium, he first resolved to recover it. He continuing his siege all Winter, in a dark night got a certain Fort into his hands, and made way for all his Army into the Town; but the Inhabitants gathering together, and resisting, from the higher ground, beat back his men, whereof 600 were slain, and he himself escaped very narrowly; after which the Agrigentines and Messenians forsook him. The year after, he set upon Rhegium on a sudden; burnt the Gates, and set Ladders to the Walls; but was repulsed by the strong opposition of the Citizens. By this the Inhabi∣tants of these Sea-Coasts of Italy, seeing how far his covetousnesse and ambi∣tion extended, made a League amongst themselves, and appointed a common Council, both for the resistance of him and the Lucanians, who made War upon them at the same time.

34. Mago was yet in Sicily, and was once overthrown in battel by Diony∣sius. The year following his Superiours sent over great supplies, gathered as well out of Sardinia and Italy, as Africk, to the number of 80000 men, wherewith he overran the Countrey, and withdrew most of the Cities from their obedience, till he came to the Agyrinaeans, whom he could neither re∣move by fair nor foul means from their resolution. Dionysius with his Mer∣cenaries and Syracusians marched out against him, sending before to the Agyrinaeans to be in readinesse, who thereupon met him, and joyned their Forces with his Army. Mago now in an Enemie's Countrey was sore straight∣ned for provisions, which made the other resolve to draw out the War in length, and not try his fortune quickly by battel. The Syracusians being earnest for fighting, upon his refusal forsook him and departed home. This put him upon a resolution to make free and list all slaves, but even then came Ambassadors from Mago to treat of peace, which he accepted upon this con∣dition, that the Sicilians should be under his authority; and so Mago returned home. After this Dionysius seized on Tauromenium, and then banished the greatest part of the Sicilians from that Town.

35. The next year but one, being the 3615^th year of the World, into which fell part of the third year of the 97^th Olympiad, wherein Rome was ta∣ken by the Gaules, as some compute, Dionysius once more undertook an expe∣dition

against Rhegium. He landed his Army, consisting of 20000 foot and 1000 horse in the Territories of Locris, wasting all with fire and sword, his Navy, which consisted of 120 Gallies, attending his motions all along, till at length he pitched his Camp near the Streights. The Italians inhabiting that part of Italy called Magna Graecia, hereupon dispatched away sixty ships to help them of Rhegium, upon which he fell, and had taken or destroyed them, but that the besieged issuing forth, repelled him with Darts and Arrows, and taking the opportunity of a storm, drew the ships to Land; so that in this fight he lost seven ships with 1500 men, and escaping drowning but narrowly, fled to Messena. Then Winter drawing on, he made a League with the Luca∣nians, who after his departure, for a private quarrel betwixt them, invaded the Thurians. These sending for aid to the rest of the Italian Cities, would not stay for it, which they might justly expect according to Covenant, but is∣suing out against the Enemy, pursued them into their own Territories, who then taking them at advantage cut off many thousands of them. The rest see∣ing some ships sayl by, cast themselves into the Sea to swim to them, thinking they belonged to Rhegium. But it proved Dionysius his Fleet sent under conduct of his brother Leptines to aid the Lucanians; yet Leptines took pity of them, and landed them safe; he also perswaded the Lucanians for a pound of silver a man to release their Prisoners, passing his word for the mo∣ney; and at length made them friends. But hereby he lost the favour of his brother (who hoped to devour both sides, and make himself master of Italy, when they should have sufficiently weakned one another) so that, being displaced, Thearides the other brother was made Admiral in his stead.

36. Dionysius his mind was still upon Rhegium, to which Citie he bore mortal hatred, because some years before having sent to them for a wife, they returned him answer, that their Hang-man had a daughter, which if it pleased him to accept they would give to him. Therefore the year following he set sayl once more against them, who then looking for no mercy in case he should take the Town, sent to him, desiring they might be moderately used. He required a Tribute of 300 Talents, all their ships, with 100 Ho∣stages, and then went against Caulonia, the Inhabitants whereof he removed to Syracuse, razed the Town, and bestowed the ground upon the Locrians. But his design was not thus accomplished against them of Rhegium; his re∣solution was not to dismisse them upon the former terms, but by taking away their ships to prevent the bringing in of provisions by Sea, that he might the more easily starve them in a siege. Bethinking himself how with any shew of credit he might break the League, at length hovering yet about the Straights, he desired a supply of provisions from them, pretending he would shortly return to Syracuse; but he put it off from day to day, excusing himself by his own indisposition, or some other pretext, so that plainly seeing his drift, at length they flatly denied to send him any more victuals. This he pretending to receive with great indignation as an afront, he laid close siege to the Town, and battered the Walls. The Inhabitans making one Phyto their General, armed all that could carry Weapons, and making many brave sal∣lies out upon him, burnt his Engins, and gave him a dangerous wound with a Lance. But the siege continuing, after eleven moneths they were driven to such want, as a Bushel of Wheat was sold for ten pounds, & at length they were forced to come out of the Walls, and there graze like Cattel, whereat he was so far from being moved with compassion, that he sent beasts thither to eat up the Grasse from them. Great heaps of Carkasses lying in the Town, and the visages of the living being by famine rendred like unto them, they at last de∣livered up the Town. Such as could redeem themselves with a pound of silver he released, and sold the rest. Phyto the General, after grievous torments, he drowned in the Sea, with his whole family.

37. After the destruction of Rhegium, Dionysius lying idle at home, ap∣plied himself to Poetry, being heretofore much addicted to it. Whilest he lay before Rhegium he sent his brother Thearides to the celebration of the

Olympick games, there to repeat his Verses, which by their baldnesse drew the auditors into such a distast, that they rifled the Ambassador's tents. He called together the best Poets from all quarters to judge of his skill. He also drew over to him Plato the Philosopher, whom at first he used very courte∣ously, but afterwards offended at him for his freedom of speech, he brought him into the common Cage, and there for five pounds sold him as a Slave. The Philosophers coming over on purpose redeemed him, and then sent him into Greece with this memnto in his ear, That A Philosopher must either very rarely, or very pleasantly converse with Tyrants. A year or two after this he put out to Sea with 60 Vessels, pretending an intention to clear the Coasts of Pyrates, but wanting money, according to his custome towards the Temples of Sicilie, he seized upon a Chapel near Argylla, on the Coasts of Italy, which being exceeding rich, he plundered of 1000 Talents, and got much spoil from the Inhabitants of the place, who opposed him. Being now furnished with money, he resolved to renew the War against the Cartha∣ginians, and the next year drew divers of their tributary Cities from their obedience. The Carthaginians made great preparations for defense, raising a numerous Army, which they committed to the conduct of Mago. He poured out a great number of men both into Sicilie and Italy. In the Island, Dionysius overthrew him in a battel near Cabala, wherein were slain more than 10000 of his men, and 5000 taken: he himself with the rest retired to an hill, where fighting manfully he was slain, and his men sent to Dionysius to desire Peace.

38. Dionysius answered, that the onely way to obtain their desire, was to quit Sicilie, and pay the charges of the War. To this he seemed to assent, but alledged they had no power to deliver up the Cities, and therefore desired a truce for some time to advise about it. During the truce, Mago's son be∣ing advanced into his Father's place, trained the Soldiers, and exercised then continually, so as he brought them into a good condition for fighting, and then at the end of the Truce led them down, and gave battel in stead of receiving Peace. Now were the Sicilians so puffed up by their late Victory, as the other took advantage of their carelesnesse, and so playd the men, that though Dionysius in his wing, and Leptines his brother in the o∣ther, fought most valiantly, and the former prevailed; yet the later being slain, his party was presently put to flight, in which great execution was done, the Carthaginians giving no quarter; so as 14000 Sicilians are said to have been slain. The Conquerours departed to Panormus, and thence sent to Dionysius, offering to have the quarrel taken up, which he gladly imbraced. Both sides were to retain what they already had, onely the Car∣thaginians took to themselves the City and Territories of Selinus, with so much ground belonging to Agrigentum as reached to the River Helycus, and required of Dionysius 1000 Talents. Long after this he rested from War, but still grudging the Carthaginians any footing in Sicilie. This moved him at length with great preparations both by Sea and Land to invade their Territories, wherein he took some Towns, wasted the Country, and besie∣ged Lilybaum; but perceiving it very strong presently again rose up from before it. Then hearing that the Arcenal at Carthage was fired, he care∣lesly behaved himself, and sent 130 Gallies to seize on the Haven of the Ery∣cinians, commanding all the rest to return to Syracuse; but the Enemy un∣expectedly with 200 Ships well manned, fell upon them in the Haven, and took most of them; then winter coming on, they made Truce, and each departed to their own places. Not long after, Dionysius died of a Surfet he got by feasting, for joy he was pronounced Victor in Poetry at Athens, after he had reigned 38 years, in the first of the 103 Olympiad, A. M. 3637. 366 before the ordinary Aera of Christ. It had been told him by an Oracle, that he should die when he overcame his betters, which he had applied to the Carthaginians.

39. Dionysius married two wives in one day: Doris born at Locri, and Aristomache daughter to Hipparinus of Syracuse, and sister to Dion. By

the former he had a son called also Dionysius; by the later no children for a long time (for which cause he put to death the mother of Doris, upon suspi∣cion of her having practised something upon Aristomache to cause her bar∣rennesse) but afterwards begot of her two sons and as many daughters. When he lay sick, Dion inquired of the Physicians concerning his condition, whether he was in any danger, that if so, he might move him about the sharing of his Kingdom; for that he thought his sisters children might justly ex∣pect their part therein. The Physicians told this to young Dionysius, who found himself so concernd in it, that to prevent his Father's discoursing with Dion, he compelled them to give him that which laid him so fast asleep as he never could awake, and so he solely succeeded him.

40. Dionysius the younger at first g••ve such hopes of a pliable disposition, that Dion prevailed with Plato to return to Syracuse, thinking that by his instruction he might be made a good and temperate Prince. But Dion's emu∣lators fearing he might be changed from his former course, which though bad in it self was more convenient for them, recalled Philisthus (one who was banished by the late Dionysius, and being a learned man, wrote the history of his life) that they might have one to oppose to Plato. He according to what was injoyned, and his private interest, upheld him in his extravagances, as many other flattering Philosophers did; especially Aristippus of Cyrene the Scholar of Socrates, who had so great a command of his own temper, that he could apply himself suitably to all times and persons. Plato, when he came, found Dion in great troubles, being for his nobility and courage both envied and feared by Dionysius, who, four moneths after, seeing the People much addicted to him, banished him to Corinth, pretending he sent him thither for the good of them both, that one might be out of fear of the other. Because he saw that this displeased all men, he sent him all his movables, but kept his wife and his son, marrying her afterwards by constraint to Polycra∣tes one of his Guard. This much startled Dion's friends, and Plato amongst the rest, by whom Dionysius fearing that something might underhand be wrought against him, gave them good words, and laboured to keep Plato, who earnestly desired now that War was begun in Sicilie to be dismissed; especially seeing his mind far remote from the love of Philosophy. By his importunity he got leave to depart, upon condition that, when Peace was made, Dion should be recalled, and he return with him.

41. When the time came, Dionysius earnestly desired the return of Plato, but would have Dion discontinue a year longer, who earnestly besought Plato to return to Syracuse, for that it was reported that the Prince now was won∣derfully taken with Philosophy. He stifly refused to do it, objecting his age, with the breach of Covenants, but being again urged on all sides, a ship was sent for him, and large letters were written, wherein the Tyrant promised to deal with Dion as his friends should judge reasonable; many of the best sort also in Sicilie and his acquaintance were sent to accompany him over. Wherefore Plato once more undertook the journy, with intention to recon∣cile Dion to Dionysius, and reduce the Tyrant to a more strict and commen∣dable life. But not long after his arrival Dionysius stopped Dion's Revenues, which Plato taking ill, once prevailed to have the stoppage removed, for other∣wise he would be gone; but when the ships were departed, and Plato's pas∣sage thereby prevented, he again sequestred the Estate. After this he fell plainly out with Plato, for holding that faith was to be kept with Heraclides, who was suspected to have raised a Sedition, and put him out of his Court, so as the Philosopher was glad to take up his quarters with the mercenary Sol∣diers, amongst whom also slanders were spred concerning him, whence he signified his condition to his friends at Tarentum in Italy, who with much adoe prevailed with the Tyrant to send him home safe. Such was the enter∣tainment of Plato with Dionysius both father and son.

42. Though Dionysius had left to him an hereditary War with the Cartha∣ginians, yet giving up himself wholly to luxury and sluggishnesse, he was unfit to manage publick affairs, and therefore made peace with them. But

Dion being now at Corinth, together with Megacles his brother, and Cha∣ricles the General of Dionysius, raised as many Mercenaries as he could, which not in number passing 500, he transported in two ships of burthen in∣to Sicilie, leaving Charicles (or rather Hercules) behind, to bring after more ships; such was his courage, that he durst venture with so inconsiderable a force upon so great a power. After his landing, mulitutdes flocked to him as he passed through the Island, and out of Syracuse it self, whom Dionysius in suspition had disarmed. To them he gave weapons, having brought many over with him for such a purpose. By the time he got unto the City he was 5000 strong, which he easily entred, notwithstanding the opposition of those Captains that Dionysius had left there, who at this time was upon the Coasts of Italy. Upon his declaring to the People that he came to restore them to their antient liberty, they made him and Megacles their chief Generals with with full power. Dionysius seven dayes after returned and got into the Castle, which standing in the Island was severed from the rest of the City, whence he sent for Ambassadors to treat of Peace, that he might gain time. The People overreached, sent their Commissioners, whom he kept with him, till seeing the Citizens negligent and carelesse by reason of their hopes, he poured out his Mercenaries upon them; but Dion with much labour repelled them, and slew 800 men. After this he sent again to desire a Treaty, but Dion an∣swered, that his onely way to obtain peace was to lay down his power, and content himself with certain honours; whereat he was much vexed, and took counsel how any way he might revenge himself.

43. Philistus whom he had made Admiral, fought with the Syracusians, now not inferiour to him in number of ships, and losing the day lost also his life; having either killed himself, because he would not be taken, or been tormented to death, after he fell into his Enemies hands, both which are said. Then did Dionysius offer half of his Kingdom to Dion, and afterward was content to quit it all; but he was answered by him▪ that he must leave the Castle, and be content with certain goods and honours: and it was agreed, that with his movables and Mercenary Soldiers he should have leave to passe into Italy. The People hardly granted this, as being confident to subdue him by force; but he leaving some stout men to defend the Castel, departed in the twelfth year of his Reign, with his treasure and rich stuff into Italy, undis∣covered by Heraclides, who ere this arrived out of Peloponnesus with a good force, and was set over the Navy. Heraclides being much blamed for this, that he might re-ingratiate himself, perswaded one to stir up the multitude to an equal division of the grounds, which being opposed by Dion, he out of emulation procured him ill-will, and caused the People to create 25 Praetors, whereof he himself was chosen one. Dion's Mercenaries by this new Mo∣del deprived of their pay, desired him to use their help in revenging himself upon his ingrateful Country-men. He then took upon him to be their Lea∣der, and marched away to Leontium. The Syracusians pursued, and opposed them in their way; but being forced with losse to retire, the Leontines recei∣ved him with much honour, gave to the Soldiers their arrears, and made them free of their City.

44. But ere long there was an occasion for the recalling of Dion. The Soldiers whom Dionysius had left in the Castle of Syracuse, being distressed by want of provisions, resolved over night, that the next day they would yield it up; but that very morning appeared a Fleet sent to their relief, over which Nipsius a Neapolitan had the command. The Syracusians issuing forth against it, had the better; but then growing secure, and giving up themselves to gormandizing and drunkennesse, Nipsius thought a good op∣portunity to be offered for the redeeming of his credit, and fell upon the Ci∣ty, sending some over the wall, who killing the sentinels, opened the gates for his Soldiers. The new Captains of the Syracusians being drunk, could take no order for resistance, so as great slaughters were made in every place, the Garrison Soldiers issuing out of the Castel, and great plunder with ma∣ny prisoners were taken away. Now the Citizens saw that no help remained

for them, but onely in Dion, to whom they sent, begging of him, that laying a∣side all thoughts of private injuries, he would now succour his distressed Coun∣try. He being armed by precepts of Philosophy against private grudges, marched for Syracuse, and was met by a number of old men, women, and children, who with lamentable cries implored his help. As the Garrison Soldiers were busie in plunder, and had set the houses near the Forum on fire, he brake in upon them, distributing his men to the several quarters of the City. They fell upon them all in disorder, and burthened with plun∣der, killed 4000; and so forcing up the rest into the Castel, cleared all.

45. Dion having atchieved much honour by this act, was made General of the Land Forces; but Heraclides his emulater still retained his Admi∣ralship. This vexed him so, that he gave out some words that a Common∣wealth could not be well governed by many, which procured him great envy, as if he thereby signified that he would get the Soveraignty over all. He studied not how to palliate the matter, but sought to cary on all things by an high hand, and in a way of force; and either procured Heraclides to be made away, or connived at those whom he formerly hindred from doing it; after which he seized on the goods of his Enemies, and distributed them to his Soldiers. But presently again money failing him, and having none to run upon but his friends, he was constrained either to lose them or his Sol∣diers, who being also displeased for want of pay, the common People might safely revile him, affirming that the Tyrant was not to be endured. Whilst he with thoughts of these things tormented himself, came to him one Calliccrates (or Callippus) an Athenian, a most cunning dissembler and irre∣ligious person. He told him, that seeing he was in such danger, both in re∣ference to Soldiers and People, his best way was to have some friend, who counterfeiting himself his Enemy, should hold intelligence with his adver∣saries, and thereby discover all their plots and practices against him. This part, by Dion's consent, he took upon himself, and under this pretence really and indeed practised his destruction, which Dion's wife and sister hearing of, therewith acquainted him; but he regarded them not, giving too much cre∣dit to what Callicrates had promised. The women neverthelesse brought Callicrates into the Temple of Proserpina, and there made him swear, that he had not at all plotted against Dion's life; but he minding no Religion, but being egged on more forward to the accomplishment of his design, sent certain young men, natives of Zachynthus, in to him, whilst he was private in his chamber, who being easily admitted, for the knowledge his family had of them, fell upon and presently bound him: but being unarmed could not kill him, till one Lyco a Syracusian reached them a Sword in at a window; his Guard hearing, but stirring not. He died in the 55 year of his age, and the fourth after his retutn out of Peloponnesus, being much lamented after his death, though before called Tyrant, and what ever else could expresse him odious.

46. Callicrates after Dion's death seized on the Principality, which he held but thirteen moneths; for then Hipparinus son to Dionysius the elder, by Aristomache Dion's sister, expelled him, and placed himself in his father's Kingdom, which he enjoyed two years. Callippus (or Callicrates) with Leptines went against Rhegium, which was held by a Garriron of Dionysius his Soldiers, which taking, he was there slain by Leptines, and Polyspher∣chon, it's said, with the same 'word wherewith Dion was killed. After Hipparinus, Nasaeus obtained the Soveraignty over Syracuse, and then Dionysius recovered it in the tenth year after his expulsion. In this time of his exile he made himself Lord of Locri, where his mother was born, and tyrannized over the Inhabitants six years in a most cruel manner; ravishing their Virgins, and playing other pranks suitable to his disposition. There he raised a Company of men, and coming over on a sodain to Syracuse, where finding all men in deep security, he expelled Nasaeus, and erected his Ty∣ranny afresh. When he was gone, the Locrians expelled his Garrison, and in revenge for his ravishing their Virgins tormented his wife and two daugh∣ters

to death, by thrusting sharp Needles under their Finger Nails. The Commonwealth of these Locrians being very famous, is commended much by the antients, not onely Diodorus Siculus and Strabo, but more antient than they, as Plato and Demosthenes; the former in his discourse which he maketh to have been betwixt Socrates and Timaeus a Locrian Philosopher of the Pythagorean Sect, concerning the nature of things, and Original of the World; and the later in his Oration against Timocrates, an Author of new and pernicious Laws. Something is therefore according to the nature of our design to be said of it.

47. Zaleucus (as he was accounted) a wise, just, and honest man, born of an Eminent family at Locri, was the modeller of this Commonwealth. Eusebius thinketh he flourished about the 29th Olympiad, but Diodorus and several others making him a Scholar of Pythagoras, who taught in Magna Graecia, reckon him as Contemporary with Charondas the Law-giver of the Thurians, another of Pythagoras his Scholars, and who is famous for the stri∣ctnesse and severity of his Laws, which he is said to have confirmed by his death in the same manner as Diocles did his; the same story being told of him. According to their account he must have flourished about the 80th O∣lympiad. In the beginning of his Laws, or his Preface to them, this to some appeareth to have been his design; to affect the minds of his people with piety towards God, as the Original of all Right and Justice, the Lord and Governour of Heaven and Earth, as also an hater and punisher of wicked∣nesse. Then mentioned he Laws, not very many in number, but most effectual for the defence of Justice, restraining Vice, preserving concord and tranquillity in the State, preventing innovations, and for the establishment of themselves; which as long as observed (and they were observed long) pre∣served the Commonwealth in safety. He thought a few stable and unalterable Laws well obeyed, to be more profitable for a State than an infinite multitude of weak ones, which are easily changed by those that have a mind to inno∣vate, and he concluded, that the spediest way to the ruin of a Commonwealth was by change and innovation. That his opinion was true, the example of Athens abundantly demonstrated, which erring in this point paid dearly for it, as Demosthenes often complaineth; and Rome also, which being infected with this itching distemper, at length was constrained to submit to the power of one man. It being almost impossible, but that popular Governments should totter, what ever might happen to this inconsiderable Citie. He commanded his Laws to be strictly observed, and the Magistrate to proceed according to the Letter of them, without giving his own glosse, or pronouncing sentence according to his private fancy. To this purpose is most memorable of all his Laws, that which Demosthenes and Polybius relate concerning one who should afterwards prefer a new Law, abrogate any old one, alter any thing in it, or dispute concerning the meaning of it. He was to come into the Council of 1000 men with an halter about his neck, where speaking his mind, if to them he should demonstrate his opinion to be profitable for the State, then was he to be dismissed safe, and the Law admitted; but if it should appear contrary, then was he to be strangled forthwith in the sight of the Council.

48. Zaleucus chose 1000 men out of all the people, in whom he appoint∣ed the Supream power to reside. It is not to be doubted but he ordained al∣so a Senate of a far lesse number, by which dayly and lesser matters should be dispatched: that there were also certain Magistrates and Courts of Justice, which had orders prescribed to them, we need not question; though we find one onely Magistrate in Polybius, called Cosmopolis, who seemeth either to have presided in the Senate, or the greater Council. Zaleucus took care for preventing dissentions amongst Citizens, pride in the greater ones, and ei∣ther favour or hatred in Courts of Justice. For to cut off the pride and va∣nity of women, he forbad any to go abroad with more than one waiting wo∣man, except she were either drunk, went out of the Citie by night, or be∣took her self to an Adulterer; to deck her self either with costly apparel, ex∣cept

she professed the trade of a Strumpet. He forbad men in like manner to wear Gold Rings, or a Milesian Garment, under pain of being ac∣counted Whoremongers and Adulterers. Aelian mentioneth a Law of his, prohibiting any one to drink strong Wine, except by the Physicians or∣der, though for health's sake, upon pain of death, and another, command∣ing that an Adulterer convicted should lose both his eyes. Concerning the later a notable thing hapned to the Law-giver himself, whose son being found guilty of this Crime, all the people were willing for his sake to re∣mit the punishment, but he would not suffer his Laws to be broken, but to preserve sight to his son, commanded that one of his own, and another of the young man's should be pulled out.

49.(a) Demosthenes maketh mention of another Law, commanding that he who struck out his Neighbours eye should be punished with the losse of one of his own, as a Lex talionis. It hapned that a naughty man bearing a grudge to his Neighbour that had but one eye, threatned him to strike it out, though with the losse of one of his own. The poor man terrified exceeding∣ly herewith, and judging continual blindnesse worse than death, with a rope about his neck came into the Council, and asked a Law, that whosoever should strike out his e••e that had but one, or deprive him of the use of one who was pur-blind, should lose both his own, or be punished with the like calamity and losse that he should bring upon his Neighbour. This as just he easily ob∣tained, and this was the onely new Law which in 200 years time was brought in, the Insolency of innovators being repressed by the severity of the former constitution, as the Orator observeth. Another there was, that a thing con∣troverted should remain in the possession of him whose it was when the sute commenced, till such time as a definitive sentence passed; concerning which(b) Polybius telleth a notable story of two men that contending about a slave, the one having had him long in possession, the other got him into his hands two dayes before the tryal, and then the former went and taking him away, possessed him the second time. The Judges referred the matter as an hard case to the Cosmopolis, who determined in favour of the first and last possessor; but the other contended with him about the sense of the Law, to whom he offered that both of them should go with ropes about their necks and dispute about it. The young man told him, he was old, and expecting but three or four years longer to live, dying now would be no great losse to him, whereas he expecting a far longer time, according to the course of na∣ture, should have the far worse bargain; with which facete reply he hand∣somly ended the dispute, and the Judges confirmed the opinion of the Cos∣mopolis.(c) Aristotle mentioneth a Law of Zaleucus, which forbad inheri∣tances to be sold except in urgent necessity, and this was to be proved, which Law being neglected amongst the Leucadians, made their Government dege∣nerate into too much Popularity.(d) Heraclides mentioneth other two, whereof the one forbad mourning for the dead; it being the custom of the Locrians to feast after Funerals. The other inhibited all retaling shops, com∣manding Husband-men to sell their own Commodities. This was the form of the Commonwealth of Locri, called Epizephyrii, from the Promontory Zephyrium near adjoyning, being a Colony of Locri(e) Ozolae, one of the two Locri of Phocis in Greece: whereof the other was called Locri Op••••tii and Epicnemidii. Dionysius the elder having got footing in Italy, made him∣self master of this place; but yet left them to their own freedom, but Diony∣sius his son Tyrannized in the manner aforesaid.

50. When Dionysius recovered his Principality over Syracuse, the Citi∣zens were more inclining to one Hicetas born amongst them, who at that time was Lord of Leontium; yet notwithstanding all their attempts he kept his possession. But within awhile the Carthaginians from without invaded them, being thus at odds within amongst themselves, which constrained the Syracusians to send, and beg aid of Corinth their Metropolis. Hicetas with the Messengers sent some of his own, as desiring the same thing; but held secret intelligence with the Carthaginians. The Corinthians resolving to

send aid to their Colony, pitched upon Timoleon for their Captain. He was the son of Timodemus or Timenaetus, of a quiet and loving disposition, but a great Enemy to such as mastered their neighbours, which he shewed effectu∣ally against his own brother, whom, having made himself Lord of Corinth by the help of some Mercenaries, he gave way to have killed, being in the room, and bursting out into tears, whilst his two companions did it. Some accounting this act as unnatural and impious, though others commended it, he thereupon abstained from all imployment for twenty years, till this charge was laid upon him. Whilst he was preparing for the Expedition, Icetas dealt underhand with the Carthaginians, that he might be advanced into the place of Dionysius, wrote to Corinth to stop their proceedings, and procured the Carthaginians to send to forbid Timoleon from setting foot in Sicilie. He besieged Dionysius, but rising up upon other thoughts and returning home∣wards, the besieged followed him, and falling on his rea••, forced him to fight. Having the better in this ingagement, he killed 3000 of Dionysius his men; then pursuing the rest to Syracuse, got it all into his hands, except the Island. Timoleon being more earnestly pressed forwards by his fellow Ci∣tizens, upon discovery of Icetas his treachery, though he fell into the hands of the Carthaginians sent from him to intercept him, yet escaped, and arri∣ved in Sicilie with ten ships, and 1200 men. The several Cities in the Island being accustomed to be deceived and ill used by others, suspected him also; but finding the Inhabitants of Adran••m to be part for him and part for the Carthaginians, he using admirable expedition, fell sodainly upon the Ene∣mies Camp, which taking, he was admitted into the Town. After this diverse other places joyned with him, and with speed marching to Syracuse, he un∣expectedly also broke into the City.

51. Syracuse was now held by three several parties, Timoleon's, and that of Dionysius, and Icetas, in so many several quarters; moreover the Cartha∣ginians were in the Haven with 150 Gallies, which carried 50000 men. It troubled Timoleon to see himself overmatched, but presently things turned very well for him. Ten ships came loaden with men and money from Co∣rinth to his aid, and Mamercus Tyrant of Catana, and divers forts joyned themselves to him, which so discouraged the Carthaginians, as they weyed anchor and departed into their own dominions: Icetas being destitute of their assistance was quite discouraged, and Messana now also declared for Timo∣leon. Dionysius too being terrified at this his successe, sent to him, and yielded up himself with all he had into his hands, whom he suffered upon his delivery of the Castle, and laying down his Principality, to depart Corinth, some four years after the recovery of his former estate. Thenceforth, having lost all by his sluggishnesse, he lived in great contempt and penurie, so as he would walk up and down in poor ragged cloathes, frequent the Stewes and drinking houses, gaze upon that meat in the shambles which he had no money in his purse to buy, and at last took upon him the office of a Paedagogue, in which he might best imitate his former cariage towards his Subjects, in tyran∣nizing over his boyes. Aelian reporteth; that Philip of Macedon meeting meeting him on a time, asked him the reason why he kept not that great and strong Principality left him by his father; to which he answered, That his father left him that inheritance, but not his fortune, whereby he defended both himself and it. This was the end of the Tyranny of Dionysius father and son, 64 years after the first beginning of it, in the second year of the 109 Olympiad, A. M. 3661.

52. Icetas very unwilling to lose his hopes of preferment, procured the Carthaginians to return to Syracuse. Mago filled the Haven with his ships, and landing 60000 men, pitched his Camp in the City; Icetas then laid siege to the Castle, which the Corinthians now held from the resignment of Dionysius. Timoleon relieved them by provisions sent from Catana in little Vessels through the Carthaginian Fleet; whereupon Icetas and Mago drew out a strong party and besieged Catana; after whose departure, Leon Captain of the Corinthians sallied out of the Castle, and falling upon the be∣siegers

lying in a secure and carelesse posture, killed some, and, the other flying, took Achradina the strongest quarter of the City. This the two Ge∣nerals understanding, quicky faced about and returned; but missed of both places, out of desire to possesse both. Timoleon having secured Messana, re∣turned with 4000 men towards Syracuse, whereupon Mago for fear hoised up sails and departed for Africk, having by his lazinesse and cowardize lost a fair opportunity of reducing all Sicilie into the power of his Superiours. Af∣terwards Timoleon dividing his men, set upon such places of the City as Hicetas yet retained, and by force got them all into his power, without any bloodshed of his own party: then threw he down all the fortifications and monuments of the Tyrants, except Gelon's Statue, calling the People to the work by a publick Crier. Then he applied himself to the making of Laws agreeable to a Popular Government, which yet he endeavoured but to little purpose so to restrain, as to prevent the inconveniencies which formerly had their rise from too much popularity. In explaining and illustrating Diocles his Laws, he used the help of Cephalus, and Dionysius, both Corinthians. He ordained a new annual and chief Magistrate, whom he would have called the Servant of Jupiter Olympius, in memory of their recovered liberty, com∣manding that by his name the year should be signed, as by the Archons at Athens, and the Consuls at Rome. The first that bore this Office was Calli∣med••s, a man of prime note, being chosen by the Suffrages of the People. Now whereas by reason of Wars, Seditions, and Banishments, the City was even exhausted, he recalled the Exiles out of Sicilie, Greece, and Asia, which being in number 10000, he increased by a far greater, consisting of Sicilians and Italians of Greekish Original, to whom being made free of the City, he distributed Lands and possessions.

53. Icetas having retired to Leontium, Timoleon laid siege to that City; but finding it strongly manned, rose up from before it, and went about to o∣ther places, to which he restored liberty, expelling their Tyranni. In this meanwhile Icetas went against Syracuse; but was forced to retreat with great losse. Timoleon's renown was by this time so spread abroad, that many towns of the Sicanians, and others subject to the Carthaginians, sent to him, to desire they might be admitted into the social League. The Carthaginians herein were so concernd, as to prepare amain for the renewing of the War, procuring Soldiers out of Gall, Liguria, Spain, and Africk. Mago had killed himself after his shameful return, and his dead body was nailed to a crosse for the mal-administration of his Office; therefore in the third year after they sent over Asdrubal and Amilcar, with 200 long-ships, and above 1000 of burthen, wherein were so many men transported as made up those already in Sicilie 70000 Foot, and 1000 Horse, which with warlike Cha∣riots marched against Timoleon. He having composed the difference with Hicetas mustered all his forces, and judging it wisdom to transfer the War in∣to the Enemies Country, for this purpose he chose out of all 12000 men, with which he marched away in haste; but in his journy a great mutiny hap∣pened amongst his Soldiers. For one Thrasius a rash impudent fellow, who with the Phocians had rifled the Temple at Delphos, cried out, that Timoleon being mad, led them into most certain death, for that the Carthaginians in number so far exceeded them: and he advised the Mercenaries to return to Sy∣racuse, and demand the pay already due to them. Timoleon had much adoe to take up the matter, and 1000 utterly refused to follow him. But he re∣joyced that the mutineers had already fallen off, before they came to any in∣gagement, and with the rest hasted toward the Enemy.

54. By the convenience of a mist he got near to the Enemy undiscried, then lying upon the River Crimesus. Ten thousand of the Carthaginians passing the River, he fell down upon them from the hills, and made great slaughter, and their friends coming in to their relief, the fight was sharply re∣newed, and the Carthaginians by their great numbers began to incompasse the other round, when fell such a storm, as, together with the valour of the Greeks, forced them to their heels. Flying into the River by heaps, the

Foot amongst the Horse, and Chariots, multitudes perished, being either pressed, wounded to death by the swords of their Companions, drowned through the swiftnesse of the stream then increased by rain, or else killed by the Enemy on their backs: the Sacred band so called, consisting of 2500 of the choicest Soldiers, fig••ting most valiantly, all died in the place. Near upon 13000 were slain, and 15000 taken, with 200 Chariots (the greatest part whereof was broken in pieces) and 1000 brigandines with 10000 shields; though most of the Arms were swallowed up in the water: Those Cartha∣ginians that remained, in great consternation escaped to Lil••baeum. Their friends at Carthage hearing of their defeat, were in no little fear, out of con∣ceit that Timoleon would now come over thither. Wherefore they recalled Gisco the brother of Hanno out of banishment, and made him General over the Army, which they raised with money out of other Nations, not thinking it meet to thrust themselves into such danger for the time to come. But Ti∣moleon returning to Syracuse, found it a convenient time to punish the mu∣tiniers, whom he banished Sicilie, commanding them to depart the City be∣fore Sun set. Passing over into Sicilie they seised on a Town amongst the Brutii, who rising and besieging them, took the place, and therein put them all to the sword.

55. Hicetas often mentioned before, and Mamercus Tyrannus of Catana, joyned with the Carthaginians against Timoleon, perswading them, for fear of losing their share in Sicilie, to send over some forces. They sent away Gisco, who hired some Greeks, the first which served that Nation. They cut off some hundreds of Timoleon's Mercenaries, and Hicetas invaded the Sy∣racusian Territories, whence getting much booty he marched into Calauria, in contempt of Timoleon, who lay there now with inconsiderable forces in comparison of his. Hicetas being pursued by Timoleon, got over the River Damyria, and then endeavoured to hinder his passage; but he pressing upon him, slew 1000 of his men, and putting him to flight, pursued him into the Territories of Leontium, where he took him alive, with his son Eupolemus, and put them both to death as Traitors to their Country, together with Eu∣thymus his General of the Horse; for that in a speech to the Leontines he had scoffed at the Corinthians, saying, they needed not to be afraid, though the Corinthian women were come from home, terming Timoleon and his men no other than women. After this Timoleon overthrew in battel Mamercus, killing 2000 of his men, whereof the greater number were Carthaginians, who thereupon earnestly begged peace, and had it granted on these conditi∣ons: That they still retaining all in their hands within the River Lycus, it should be yet lawful for any one to remove thence to Syracuse with his goods and family, and to renounce alliance with them, and with all the Tyranni in Sicilie, which at this time had enslaved many Cities of the Island. Mamer∣cus fled over into Italy, and Catana was delivered up to Timoleon, who be∣took himself to Messana, where he besieged Hippo by Land and Sea, and ta∣king him in his flight, delivered him up to the Citizens, who put him to death. Mamercus yielded himself to Timoleon, who having promised him he would not be his accuser, he cast himself upon the People of Syracuse; but per∣ceiving them as he began to speak inraged against him, he attempted to dash out his own brains, and that not dispatching him, he was taken up and exe∣cuted as a robber.

56. Timoleon, after this, drove away Nicodemus, who ruled over the Centorippini, and forced Apolloniades to lay down his power, which he exer∣cised over the Agynnaeans, whom having restored thus to liberty he made free of Syracuse. Then did he restore all the other Cities to their desired li∣berty, one after another, and received them into confederacy with Syracuse: and it was proclaimed by the voice of a publick Crier throughout Greece, that The People of Syracuse offered houses and land, to all that would joyn themselves as members to their Commonwealth. Hereby it came to passe that multitudes flocked thither as to a new inheritance. Timoleon setting him∣self to the care of the State, corrected and explained the Laws of Diocles,

and acted other things necessary, as he thought, to the well being thereof, till growing old he lost his sight, which calamity as he bore very moderatly, so by reason of it he intermitted not publick businesse. Not long after, he died, and was buried by the confluence of all Sicilie, the affaires whereof he had setled; games being celebrated yearly in memory of him, as for an Hero. This hapned in the 58 year of his government, the last of the 110 Olympiad, and the last also of the reign of Philip of Macedon father to Alexander the Great; about the year of the World 3668, the second of Arses King of Persia, and seven before the beginning of the Macedonian Empire, to the time whereof, what we have further to say concerning the affairs of Sicilie, is to be referred; which affaires will shew, that the infirmity of Popular Go∣vernment is greater than that Timoleon by his constitutions could heal the dis∣tempers thereof, and further evince the worth of Monarchy.

Notes

• The old In∣habitants of Sicilie.
• SECT. 1.
• A.M. 2821.
• Lib. 6. ad ini∣tium.
• A.M. 3271. V. C. 20. Achazi 10.
• Greek Colo∣nies.
• Gyants in Si∣cilie.
• The Sicani came not out of Spain.
• Neither the Siculi out of Italie.
• Lib. 4.
• Cocalus.
• A.M. 2773.
• Daedalus.
• Ut supra.
• A. M. 2723.
• A. M. 3441. Olymp. 54. an. 1. V. C. 190. Evilmeroda∣chi, 2.
• Phalaris the Tyrant.
• Perillus and his brazen Bull.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• Phalaris his disposition.
• (a)

  Lib. 9.
• (b)

  Lib. 2. c. 4.
• SECT. 2.
• Chariton and Melanippus.
• (c)

  Val. Max. l. 6. c. 1. Plut. in Mar∣cello.
• (d)

  Aelian l. 3. c. 12.
• (e)

  Offic. l. 2.
• (f)

  Cap. 32.
• A. M. 3525. Ol. 75. an. 1. V.C. 274. Xerxis 6.
• Thero Tyrannus of Agrigentum.
• (a)

  Olymp. Herod. l. 7. c. 153, &c. Pausan. l. 6. Sive Eliac. l. posteriore.
• Gelon of Syra∣cuse.
• The Origi∣nal of Syra∣cuse.
• The acts and power of Ge∣lon.
• His successe against the Carthaginians.
• The Original of Carthage.
• (a)

  Antiquit. l. 8. c. 2.
• (b)

  Stephanus Byzantius. Pollux. lib. 1.
• (c)

  Scylax in descriptione Phoenices vide Bocharti Ca∣naan lib. 2. cap. 17.
• (d)

  Antiquit. lib. 8. cap. 2. & Contra Apio∣nem lib. 1.
• The several opinions con∣cerning the building of Carthage.
• Lib. 1. p. 48.
• It consisted of three parts.
• Utica.
• The story of Dido.
• Menander E∣phesius apud Josephum ut priùs. Justin lib. 18. Appian. lib. de bellis Punicis. Servius in Aeneiad. lib. 1.
• Vide Bocharti Canaan. lib. 1. c. 14. & Simson. ad A.M. 3132.
• The form of Government at Carthage.
• (a)

  Polit. lib. 2. cap. 9.
• (b)

  Lib. 16.
• (c)

  In Nycocle pag. 61. tolius operis editi Genevae 1636.
• (d)

  Lib. 10.
• The Suffetes.
• Livius ibid. Lege Ubbonem Emmium in Descr. Re••p. Carthaginiensi∣um.
• Senate.
• Lib. 19.
• Concio or As∣sembly.
• quo supra.
• Consule Poly∣bium.
• Council of 104.
• Censors.
• Pretorship.
• Faults in the Common∣wealth.
• Lib. 30. cap. 5.
• Good Laws.
• The dispositi∣on of the peo∣ple agreeable with their government.
• (a)

  Decad. 1. lib. 4.
• (b)

  Lib. 18.
• Mazaeus.
• Mago.
• Justin lib. 19
• Darius his message to the Carthaginians.
• Margine ad l. 19. excus. Londini, pro Felice, Kingsto∣nio. 1651.
• Vide infra paragr. 53.
• The great de∣feat of Amil∣car.
• Herold. l. 7. c. 153. Aelian var. hist. lib. 13. c. 37. A. M. 3527. Ol. 75. an. 3. V. C. 276. Xerxis 8.
• Hieron of Syra∣cuse.
• Thrasybulus.
• A. M. 3538. Ol. 78. an. 2. V. C. 287.
• The Syracusi∣ans recover their liberty.
• Arist. Polit. l. 5. c. 3.
• The form of the Syracusian Common∣wealth.
• The Petalism.
• Quom lege ad Olymp. 81. ann. 2.
• Quickly abro∣gated for weighty rea∣sons.
• The Wars of the Syracu∣sians.
• Lib. 2. cap. 4. Diod.
• A.M. 359••. Olymp. 92. ann. 1. V.C. 342. Darii Noth•• 12.
• The State new modelled by Diocles.
• Diod. ad Olymp. 91. ann. 4.
• Dionysius in∣slaveth Syra∣cuse.
• How this was effected by degrees.
• Justin. lib. 19.
• Ad Olymp. 92. ann. 3.
• A.M. 3595. Olymp. 92. ann. 3. V.C. 344. Darii Nothi 14.
• Ad ann. 4.
• Selinuns taken by the Cartha∣ginians.
• And Himera.
• Diodorus ad Olymp. 93. an. 1.
• A. M. 3598. Ol. 93. an. 3. V.C. 347. Idem ad an. 2.
• Ad an. 3.
• And Agrigen∣tum.
• Dionysius his tricks for ma∣king himself absolute.
• The misery of People desti∣tute of right∣ful and here∣ditary Prin∣ces.
• A. M. 3599. Ol. 93. an. 3. V.C. 348. Darii Nothi 18.
• Idem ad an. 4.
• A conspiracy against him
• Disappointed.
• He maketh peace with the Carthagi∣nians.
• Another de∣sign against him
• Frustrated.
• His Wars.
• Diod. ad Olymp. 95. an. 3, 4.
• Idem ad Olymp. 96. ann. 1.
• A. M. 3609. Olymp. 96. an. 1. V.C. 358. Artax. Mne∣monis, 9.
• Syracuse be∣sieged.
• Another at∣tempt against him.
• Frustrated.
• A grievous plague seizeth on the Cartha∣ginians.
• Diod. ad Olymp. 96. ann. 3.
• Dionysius set∣teth upon Rhe∣gium.
• Idem ad ann. 4.
• Mago
• Idem ad Olymp. 97. ann. 1.
• Forced to re∣turn.
• Dionysius his second expe∣dition against Rhegium.
• Ad an. 3.
• A. M. 3615. Olymp. 97. ann. 3. V.C. 364. Artax. Mnem. 15.
• Rhegium.
• His third ex∣pedition.
• Idem ad ann. 4. & Olymp. 98. ann. 1, 2.
• He taketh it.
• A.M. 3618. Ol. 98. ann. 2. V. C. 367. Artax. Mnem. 18.
• His studies.
• Idem ad ann. 3.
• Idem ad Olymp. 99. an. 1.
• Ad an. 2.
• He over∣throweth the Carthaginians.
• And receiveth an overthrow from them.
• Diodor. ad Olymp. 103. an. 1.
• He dieth.
• His wives & issue.
• Vide Aelian var. Hist. lib. 13. c. 10.
• Plutarch. & Corn. Nepos in Dione.
• Dionysius his son succeed∣eth him.
• His disposi∣tion.
• Plutarch & Nepos ibid.
• A. M. 3637. Ol. 103. an. 1. V. C. 386. Artax. Mnem. 37.
• Omnis Aristip∣pum decuit co∣lor & status & res. Horat. Vide Diog. Laertium in vita.
• Aelian var. hist. l. 12. c. 47.
• Diodor. ad Ol. 95. an. 2, &c.
• Plutarch in Dione.
• Dion invadeth Sicilie.
• A. M. 3649. Ol. 106. an. 1. V.C. 398. Ochi 6. Philip. 5.
• He expelleth Dionysius.
• Is disobliged.
• Redeemeth Syracuse.
• Envied
• Corn. Nepos in Dione.
• Plunged into great difficul∣ties.
• Circumven∣ted by Calli∣crates, and slain.
• Callicrates ex∣pelled by Hip∣parinus, and slain.
• Nasaeus.
• Justin l. 21.
• Dionysius re∣covereth Sy∣racuse.
• Aelian l. 9. c. 8.
• A.M. 3658. Ol. 108. ann 2. V.C. 407. Ochi 15. Phil. 14.
• Zaleucus mo∣delleth the Locrian Com∣monwealth.
• Lege Ubbonem Emmium de Repub. Locre••∣sium.
• Lib. 12. 7.
• The form thereof.
• Quo prius.
• Var. Hist. l. 2. c. 37.
• Lib. 13. c. 24.
• (a)

  Contra Timara.
• (b)

  Excerpt. 7. lib. 12.
• (c)

  Politic. lib. 2. cap. 5.
• (d)

  In Positiis.
• (e)

  Lege Poly∣bium lib. 12. Excerpt. 3.
• The Syracu∣sians beg aid of the Corin∣thians.
• Plutarch. in Timoleon.
• Timolcon
• Sent to their aid.
• He expelleth Dionysius,
• A. M. 3661. Ol. 109. an. 2. V. C. 411. Ochi 19. Philippi 18. Justin ut supra.
• Who liveth in great want at Corinth.
• Var. hist. l. 12. c. 60.
• Plutarch.
• Timoleon reco∣vereth Syracu∣se, and setleth the State thereof.
• The Carthagi∣nians receive a great over∣throw.
• Timoleon ta∣keth and put∣teth to death Hicetas.
• Overthrow∣eth Mamercus.
• Hippo and Mamercus put to death.
• Nicodemus & Apolloniades put out of their power.
• A. M. 3666. Ol. 110. an. 2. V. C. 415. Ochi 23. Phil. 22.
• SECT. 1.
• Timoleon's death.
• A. M. 3668. Ol. 110. an. 4. V. C. 417. Arsis 2. Phil. 24.