An institution of general history from the beginning of the vvorld to the monarchy of Constantine the Great : composed in such method and manner as never yet was extant / by William Howel ...

SECT. II. From the building of the Citie to the destruction of the Kingdom, the space of 245 years.

1. ROmulus being 18 years old, laid the foundation of the Walls on the(a) eleventh day before the Calends of May, (which answereth to the fourth of October, after the Julian account) betwixt the hours of two and three, The Sun being in Libra, and the Moon in Taurus; Jupiter in Pisces; Saturn, Venus, Mars, and Mercury in Scorpio, according to the Computa∣tion of Tarrutius the most noble of Mathematicians.(b) Varro,(c) Ovid, and several others write that Rome was founded on the Parilia, or Palilia. Festus telleth us that Parilia were so called a Pariendo, from bringing forth; those Stars in the head of Taurus, (or which make up the head of themselves as Gellius criticizeth against Tiro) named Hyades, and under which Rome was founded, being also called Parilicium, and Palilicium Sydus. Servius noteth that Pales was the Roman Goddesse of fodder, to whom a solemnity being observed on the eleventh of the Calends of May, it had the name of Palilia. Cappellus thinketh that according to the mind of Tarrutius, the first year of the Citie commenced from the first of January, and Capricorn, in the new Moon, three moneths after the foundation was laid.

2. The number of the Colony amounted scarce to 300 horsmen, and 3000 foot, wherewith Romulus (which some make but the diminutive of Romus his true name) planted this new Citie, called Rome after himself. To increase the number of his Citizens, he opened a Sanctuary to all malefactors, and dis∣contented persons, which then resorted to him in great numbers from the Countreys adjoyning. Setting about the frame of the Commonwealth by his Grandfathers advice, he remitted it to the choice of the people what kind of Government they would have, whereby obtaining the Kingdom in way of gift his power became the more plausible. He divided the people into three Tribes, every Tribe into ten Curiae, and every Curia into ten parts or Decuriae, over all which he appointed Officers. According to the number of the Curiae he divided the grounds into thirty parts, onely excepting one por∣tion for publick use, and another for superstitious Ceremonies. He made a distinction of his people according to honour and dignity, giving to the better sort the name of Patres, either for that they were elder, had Children, for the Nobility of their stock, or if detractors may be heard, he therefore named these Patricii, because they alone could shew their fathers, the other multi∣tude being a rable of fugitives that had no free and ingenuous parentage; wherefore when an Assembly of the people was called by the King, the Pa∣tricians were by a Cryer cited by their own, and fathers name, but the infe∣riour sort, or Plebeians, were gathered together by the sound of Ox horns. Having distinguished his subjects into these two ranks he ordered what each should do. The Patritii were to take care of superstition, bear Offices of Magistracy, administer Justice, and Govern the Commonwealth together with the King: The Plebeians till the fields, feed Cattel, and exercise trades; lest by their medling in the Government, and by mutual contention of the poorer and richer sort, such seditions might arise as were too visible in other Commonwealths.

3. To bind each to the other, he commended to the Patricians certain of

the Plebeians, whom they should protect and countenance; liberty being given to the common sort to make choice of whom they would for their Pa∣trons. This custome of Patron and Client was very ancient in Greece, espe∣cially amongst the Thessalians and Athenians, where yet the Clients were very imperiously used, their Patrons imposing on them services ill beseeming free∣men, and beating them like slaves, if they disobeyed their commands: The Athenians called them Thetae for their service, and the Thessalians Penestae, upbraiding them with their fortune. But Romulus refined the use of Patro∣nage, rendring it profitable unto both. Patrons by him were ordered to ad∣vise their Clients concerning Law, of which they were ignorant, and take care of them as well absent as present, as their own children, in what con∣cerned mony and contracts, undertaking sutes for them when oppressed, and procuring them quiet both as to publick and private businesse. On the other hand it was the duty of Clients, to help their Patrons with money in the mar∣riage of their daughters, if need should be, and redeem them, or their sons if taken captive: to bear the charges of private sutes, or publick fines, and that at their own cost in way of gratitude; to assist them with their purses in defraying the charge of Magistracy, or honourable employments. This was common to both: that neither ought to accuse the other, to give any te∣stimony or suffrage, or to be reckoned amongst his Enemies: which if any one did, he was held guilty of treason by Romulus his Law, and it was law∣ful for any one to kill him. Hereby, for many Ages, this Patronage continu∣ed in force, and was as effectual for love and mutual help as consanguinity or alliance: it was the glory of the Nobility to have many Clients devolved upon them from their Ancestors, and obtained by their own virtue. But not onely the Plebeians in the City found themselves secured by this Patronage, but in processe of time all Colonies, associate Cities, and such as were sub∣dued by war, had their Patrons, to whom many times the Senate would remit such controversies as were brought before it from the said Cities, or Common∣wealths, and ratifie their judgement. Lastly, such firm concord followed this constitution of Romulus, that, for 730 years, as Dionysius reckoneth, though many and great contests arose betwixt the Nobility and Commons about the Commonwealth (as is usual in all both great and little States) yet it never came to blood or slaughter, but, mutually yielding and granting, all contro∣versies were composed by civil expostulations; till Caius Grachus, Tribune of the people, overthrew the peace of the City; after which, they neither spared to kill and banish one another, nor to commit any other wickednesse, whereby they might compasse Victory and their own devices.

4. After this, Romulus resolved to chuse a Senate, which should assist him in the Government, and from amongst the Patricians selected 100 after this manner. Out of them all he first made choice of one particular man, to whom, when he was constrained to be absent in the wars, he committed the Go∣vernment of the City: Then he commanded every Tribe to chuse three men, such as were eminent for birth and wisdom; and every Curia to elect three out of the Patricians. This number he called a Senate, either for their age, or virtue; or because, as Festus will have it, nothing was done without their permission, the Senate being named a Sinendo. Perceiving after this, that he stood in need of a Guard for his own person, he caused the Curiae by their suffrages, to chuse him out 300 young men, (ten out of each) whom he cal∣led Celeres from their readinesse to execute his commands, as most have writ∣ten, or according to Valerius Antias, from their Captain, whose name was Celer. Under him were three Centurions, and other inferiour Officers: this Company with their Spears defended the King in the City, and received his orders: in battels were the first leaders and the keepers of his body, begin∣ning the fight first, and retreating last of all; which custom Dionysius thinketh Romulus to have taken from the Lacedaemonians. Things being thus ap∣pointed, he limited unto all their work and honours. The King's duty was to take care of their superstition; to look to the preservation of the Laws and Customs, either natural or written; to decide the most weighty causes betwixt

man and man, and refer those of lesser consequence to the Senate, into which he was also to have an inspection. He was to call together the Senate, assem∣ble the people, first to speak his opinion, and ratifie what was approved by the major part. This was the King's work at home, who in the Wars had abso∣lute authority. To the Senate this honour and power was given, to debate and resolve about such things as the King propounded, which were decreed by the greater number of voices, as agreeable to the constitution of Lacedaemon, as our Author observeth. To the People he committed three things: to cre∣ate Magistrates, make Laws, and resolve about War what was propounded by the King; yet so, as that the authority of the Senate interposed. All the whole multitude together gave not their votes, but the Curiae apart, and whatsoever seemed good to most, was referred to the Senate, which custom was afterwards changed, when the Senate did not confirm the Decrees of the People, but the People the resolves of the Senate.

5. For the increase of the City, besides the opening of a Sanctuary (which Dionysius ranketh after this setlement of the civil policy) he forbad, when any Town was taken, that prisoners of ripe age should be slain or sold, or their grounds left untilled; but commanded a Colony to be sent from Rome, to which part of them should be assigned, and some of the strangers to be admitted to the freedom of the City; which device our Author esteem∣eth of great weight and consequence. He made many good and profitable Laws, whereof most were unwritten. He ordained in reference to marriage, that the wife should be partaker of all that was her husband's, when chast and modest. If he died intestate, she was his absolute Heir, and if he left chil∣dren, equally with them. When she offended, she was left to his disposal for punishment, who admitted his kindred to judge with him concerning the fault, if she either violated chastity, or drank wine, which Romulus utter∣ly condemned as an incentive to wantonnesse. So effectual became this con∣stitution to the preservation of the conjugal knot, that for 520 years there hap∣ned not any divorce in Rome, till in the 137^th Olympiad, when Marcus Pomponius and Caius Papirius were Consuls, Sp. Caruilius an eminent man, put away his wife; and then, though he sware to the Censors, that he did it onely to provide for posterity, yet was he ever hated by the people. He gave to Fathers absolute power over their Sons, and that for all their lives, either to imprison, beat, carry away bound to rustick labours, or kill; although the son bore the greatest Office in the Commonwealth, or publickly commended and honoured. By virtue of this Law, some eminent Persons making Ora∣tions to the People in opposition to the Senate, in the midst of popular ap∣plause, have by their Parents been pulled down from their seats, and led away to be punished according to their pleasure; and as they passed along the Forum, none could deliver or rescue them; not the Consul, Tribune, nor multitude it self, which they had flattered. And because of this absolute paternal dominion, several valiant men have been put to death for their va∣lour shewed in some way against the Enemy, contrary to the direction or Command of their Fathers.

6. He compelled parents to educate all their male children and their eldest daughters: he permitted a child younger than three years to be made away, if it was born defective in some member or monstrous; and yet then was it not to be exposed without approbation of the five next neighbours. If any one broke this Law, he, besides other punishment, forfeited half of his goods. The Father was permitted by the Law-giver to sell his Son, and that three times over, if it hapned that he recovered his liberty: a greater power than was had over slaves, who if once made free, thenceforth so continued. All sordid Arts, and such as were subservient to luxury he forbad, which being left to slaves and strangers, for a long time the Romans scorned to meddle with. Two courses of life onely he enjoined them, Warfare and Husban∣drie, allowing a Market once in nine dayes. He divided equally to them the grounds, slaves, and money, taken from the Enemy. Concerning inju∣ries, be presently decided all controversies, or referred them unto others, in∣flicting

punishment acording to the crime; and seeing the people to be by fear best retained in order, he set up his Judgment-seat in the most conspi∣cuous place of the Forum, where his guard of 300 Celeres, and twelve Ser∣geants, or Lictors, carrying rods and axes, and in the view of all men, either beating or putting to death Malefactors, made a terrible shew. This is the form of the Commonwealth, as Romulus first established it, much admired by Dionysius above all the constitutions of his own Country-men the Graeci∣ans, whose Religion also (as giving occasion to the vulgar sort to contemn their gods involved in such misfortunes, or to abstain from no iniquity and fil∣thinesse to which they heard that their deities were also abnoxious) he esteem∣eth vain, frivolous, and dangerous, in comparison of that which was institu∣ted by the Roman Law-giver.

7. Romulus, considering that there were several powerful Nations round about him, which with evil eyes beheld the growth of his City, bethought with himself how he might contract amity with them. Concluding, that affi∣nity was the onely means; by the advice and consent of the Senate, he re∣solved upon a course to provide wives for his Subjects. He caused at the sug∣gestion of his Grand-father Numitor, a Solemn Feast, and exercises in ho∣nour of Neptune, to be proclaimed throughout the Country, to which many flocking with their wives and children, upon sign given, his men laid hold on such Virgins as were come to see, and violently carried them to their houses. The number of them amounted to 683, for which Romulus chose out so many husbands, and married them after their own Country Rites, ma∣king them covenant a Society or Communion of fire and water, which custom continued for many Ages. Some write that this happened in the first year of Romulus, but others assign the fourth of his reign for it, which scarce could be done till matters were something setled. Some delivered, that scar∣city of women was the cause of this rape: others thought, that by it an oc∣casion was onely sought for War; but a third party will have, that by this vio∣lent act an affinity with the neighbouring Cities was endeavoured.

8. Some were grievously moved, and others put a good construction upon the businesse: but at length the matter brake out into a manyfold War, of which that with the Sabines was most grievous. The Cities Caenina, Antem∣na and Crustumium first began, after they could not perswade the Sabines to joyn with them. The two former, inhabited by the Aborigines, Romulus presently subdued, and afterwards the later also, which was a Colony of Alba; the grounds were divided betwixt some Romans, sent thither to plant, and the old Inhabitants, of which such, as would, were made free of the City, and without losse of their former estates, reckoned amongst the Tribes and Curiae, to the number of 3000; so that now, the Roman footmen were in∣creased to 6000 men. Upon the Victory over Caenina and Antemna, he first triumphed, and designed a plot for a Temple to Jupiter Feretrius (so called from Romulus his bringing home in triumph the spoils of Acron the King of Caenina, whom he slew; The spoiles were named by the Romans Opima Spolia) The plot of ground was about 15 foot long, and this was the original of the Capitol. Having obtained a great name for his valour and clemency, many eminent men went over to him with their families, amongst whom was Caelius, who gave name to an hill in the City: and some whole people com∣mitted themselves to his protection (having taken example from the Me∣dullini) and received Colonies from Rome. This successe the Sabines sore repined at, laying now the blame one upon another, that they had not with∣stood the beginnings of the Roman greatnesse: wherefore they resolved to correct their former carelessnesse by double diligence, and assembling toge∣ther at Cures, their Metropolis, decreed War against Rome for the spring fol∣lowing, and made choise of T. Tatius their King to be General. Romulus made all possible provision for resistance, fortifying the Capitoline, and Aven∣tine hills. Lucumo from Solonium, a City of Hetruria, brought Auxiliary forces, and Numitor was not wanting to the assistance of his Grand-son.

9. The Sabines having demanded restitution of their Virgins, and to have

the authors of the injury delivered up (that they might have a more specious pretence for their actions) received no satisfactory answer, and therefore both parties drew out into the field. The Sabines brought 25000 foot, and almost 1000 horse, and the Roman Army contained 2000 foot, and 800 horse, a very great number for a new builded City. Tatius pitched his Tents betwixt the Quirinal and Capitolian hill, where seeing all places strong∣ly fortified, and small hopes for him to attempt any great matter; as he des∣paired of doing any good, one Tarpeia, the daughter of Tarpeius who kept the Capitol, called to his men from above, and covenanted with them to be∣tray the place into their hands. Concerning the wages she was to receive, several stories, or fables, are related. It is said, that she required to have what they wore on their left arms, meaning their bracelets, but when she let them in, they threw their Targets which they carried on their left arms upon her, and therewith pressed her to death. Being Masters of the Capitol, they had thereby great advantage to continue the War at their pleasure, and first some light Skirmishes insued; but at length they resolved to do their utmost on both sides, and for several dayes continued the fight, so long as till night severed them, for the most part with equal successe. This made the Sabines seriously bethink themselves, whether they had best carry on the War or re∣treat; and the Romans were rather more to seek how to hold out; yet nei∣ther party would stoop to desire a Treaty. Whilst they remained in this anxi∣ous condition, those Sabine women that were married to the Romans, and the cause of the War, through the perswasion of Hersilia, one of the principal amongst them, became mediators, and made peace betwixt these Fathers and Sons in Law, after the War had lasted six years. The conditions were, that Romulus and Tatius should reign at Rome, with equal prerogative: that the City from Romulus should be called Rome, but the Citizens Qui∣rites from Cures the native place of Tatius. Such of the Sabines as would, were made free of Rome, and a respect was had of those Matrons that procu∣red the peace, that they which would live with their husbands, should bee exempted from all work and service, besides spinning and making of Cloath.

10. Some write, that from thirty of these women which undertook this reconciliation, to perpetuate their memories, the Tribes were named; but Te∣rentius Varro denied it, alleging that they had names before, and that by this honour given to thirty the rest of the women were not passed by and dis∣couraged. For five years the two Kings reigned peaceably together, and joyntly subdued the Camerini, a Colony of the Albans; but in the sixth, it hapned that some of Tatius his friends plundring the Lavinians, and by him being protected, notwithstanding Romulus and the Senate judged they were to be given up: moreover killing the Ambassadors sent to demand them, wherein they were also born out by him; when he went to Lavinium to sa∣crifize, or perswade the injured persons to be quiet, the friends of the Am∣bassadors fell upon and knocked him in the head. Romulus to his great con∣tentment thus freed from his partner, made satisfaction to the injured, and burying Tatius at Rome very honourably, subdued Fidenae, a Town five miles off, which had seized on provisions coming to Rome in a time of famine. Thi∣ther he sent some of his own to inhabit, according to his custom, and then punished the Crustumini, who had killed those Planters which hee sent a∣mongst them; and over them he obtained his second triumph. The Veii, a most powerful people of Hetruria inhabiting a City no lesse than Athens, situated upon a craggy Rock, at some twelve miles distance from Rome, found themselves concerned in what the Fidenates suffered, and by an Embassie re∣quired the Romans thence to remove their Garrison, and restore the Inhabi∣tants to their whole demesens. This being denied, they met at Fidenae, and there fought two bloody battels, wherein Romulus had the better, and tri∣umphed the third time. Plutarch writeth, that the Veientes ridiculously chal∣lenged Fidenae to belong to them, and receiving a scornful answer from Ro∣mulus, divided themselves into two parts, whereof with one they fought

the Fidenatae, and with the other went to meet Romulus, who slew of them above 8000, with the losse of 2000 of his own men. In the next battel he is fabulously reported to have killed 7000 with his own hand, being half the number that was slain. The Veientes now betook themselves to intreaties, and entred into a League with the Romans for an hundred years, on these condi∣tions: to quit a great part of their grounds, with the Salt-pits near the Ri∣ver, and give up fifty Hostages of their most considerable families. Romu∣lus triumphed over them on the Ides of October, leading with him their Cap∣tain an aged man, who had badly performed his office, for which he was af∣terwards personated by an old man in all Triumphs,

11. This was the last War managed by Romulus, who being grown ex∣ceeding high and tyrannical upon his successe, inlarged his prerogative beyond those bounds he had formerly set to it, and made use onely of the Senate to ratifie his commands. Hereby hee contracted the hatred of that Order, (though the Soldiers loved him) which brought him to an untimely death. Some think he was torn in pieces in the Senate house, and the Senators by peece-meal carried out his body under their gowns, so that it was never seen. Others wrote, that having drawn out the people to the place called Caprae Palus, and there making an Oration to them, a sodain darknesse and Tem∣pest hapned, wherein he vanished and departed from amongst mortals. The Senators took occasion from the secrecy of their fact, and concealment of his body, to perswade the multitude that he was taken up amongst the gods; and Julius Proculus, a man of prime Nobility and credit amongst the Patri∣cians, put all out of doubt, by swearing most religiously, that he appeared to him in the high-way, and told him, that it pleased the gods, from whom he came, so long to let him continue amongst men, till he had founded a City, whose Empire and glory should excel, and then again that he should return to heaven. He bade him fa••ewel, and tell the Romans, that if they did but use tempe∣rance and valour, they should in power excel all mortals. And he would be a propitious god unto them, under the name of Quirinus, He lived 55 years, and reigned 37, in which space he much advanced the Sate of the City, which who first planted with him, were not much above 2000 foot, and scarce 300 horse, but when he died, he left of the one kind 46000, and almost 1000 of the other sort. After his Grand-fathers death, he succeeded in the King∣dom of Alba, which he governed by Deputies, continuing his residence at Rome. The day on which he died, was the Nones of Quintilis (afterwards called July) which answereth to the 26^th of May, as the Callendar was re∣formed by Julius Caesar. It was named Nonae Caprotinae, from the place where he vanished, and F••ga Populi, because the people astonished at the King's death took them to their heels. Tarrutius the Mathematician, obser∣ved, that the life of this Prince was signalized by three Eclypses of the Sun: one at his conception, which is also the first that is observed by Authors; ano∣ther the same day de founded Rome, and the third on the day of his death; concerning which, for that the calculation of the former is rather founded upon Astrological than Astronomical Principles, Jacobus Cappellus is to be consulted.

12. Romulus dying childlesse, the Senate for a years space retained the power in their own hands, which is called an Inter-regnum. They governed by their courses, each man five dayes; but the People murmuring, and gi∣ving out, that for one tyrant they had got an hundred, at length they resolved that a King should be chosen. The Sabines thought it reasonable he should be of their Nation, not having had any since Tatius, and the other were averse to a stranger, being desirous he should be some one of the Patricians; but at length the Fathers fixed upon Numa Pompilius a Sabine, a man of al∣most forty years of age, and the most considerable for knowledg and ability of that time, who by consent of the People was advanced to the Government. At first he excused himself; but sollicited by his Father, and Marcius his kindsman, not to let slip so fair an oportunity of his own and Countrie's preferment, he accepted of it. He thought it policy to raise that City by

Laws, and religious customs which had been founded by force and Arms, and to soften the Genius of it by diversion from warfare, it being as necessary to employ a people well at home as exercise them abroad. He built a Temple to Janus, which was to stand open in time of War, and be shut in peace, as it continued all his reign. But it onely hapned so to be twice from his time to that of Tiberius Caesar. The first occasion was in the Consulship of Titus Man∣lius, and Marcus Attilius, after the ending of the first Punick War; and the second in Augustus his reign, after he had subdued Antonius and Cleopatra, at what time there was an Universal peace. Numa disbanded the Royal Guard of the 300 Celeres, as standing in no need of them. To the two Fla∣mens of Jupiter and Mars he added the third of Romulus. To him is also ascribed the bringing in of the Pontifies, whereof he himself was one, and the Original of which name is so much controverted. He also ordained the Ve∣stal Nuns, and the Feciales a sort of Priests which judged concerning the equity of War, and denounced it. His religion much suited, in the manner and strictnesse thereof, with that of the Pythagoreans, which caused the re∣port of his being Contemporary, and conversing with Pythagoras; although this Philosopher was born 100 years after his death. The reason of this mi∣stake, besides the ignorance of the times, was his familiarity with Pythagoras a Lacedaemonian, who gave him advice concerning the ordering of his King∣dom, travelling in Italy in the sixteenth Olympiad, the third year of which was the beginning of Numa's reign, according to Plutarch.

13. As Pythagoras taught that the principle of all things is not to be perceived by sense, or lyable to motion, but invisible, immortal, and to be apprehended by the understanding alone, so Numa forbad the Romans to use the Image of any God whicn represented him after the form of a man, or any other living Creature. Neither in these antient times was there any painted, carved, or molten image amongst them: but for the first 170 years, though they built Temples and Sacred places, yet had they no image at all, because they thought it wickednesse to liken more excellent things to those below them, and thought God no otherwise to be perceived than by the mind. Numa divided those grounds amongst the poorer sort which Romulus had gained in his Wars, causing his subjects to apply themselves to husban∣dry, to cultivate their minds as well as the earth; and that he might take away the distinction of Roman, and Sabine, which threatned the State with endlesse emulation and prejudice, he distinguished them all according to their trades and occupations, making every Art a particular Company and Fellowship. He abated the rigour of that Law made by Romulus, concerning the power of Fathers over their Children, ordaining it should not be lawfull for them to sell such sons as by their leave had married, because it was unjust that a wo∣man which had married a free-man should be constrained to live with a slave. He reformed the year which in the time of Romulus was quite out of all order: some moneths had fewer then 20 dayes, some had 35. and some above; the variety of the several courses of Sun and Moon was not un∣derstood; but onely this aimed at, that the year should consist of 360 dayes.

14. Numa considering that a Solar year exceeded the Lunar by eleven dayes (the one consisting of 354. and the other of 365) doubled these ele∣ven dayes, and every other year, inserted a moneth after February, consist∣ing of 22 dayes, and by the Romans called Mercedonius, because at that time wages were wont to be paid. He changed the order of the moneths, assign∣ing to March (formerly the first) the third place; to January the first, and February the second; whereof this was the last, and the other the 11^th in the dayes of Romulus. Many have been of opinion, that Numa added Ja∣nuary and February to the rest of the moneths, and that formerly the Ro∣mans had but 10. which appeareth by the name of December, the last moneth, and because the fifth and sixth moneths from March were called Quintilis and Sextilis. Thus March must have been the beginning of the year, which Romulus so named from Mars his supposed father. The second was April,

so called from Venus, as some thought (because her superstitious worship was performed in it, when the women were Crowned with Myrtle as they washed) or, as others gathered, from the opening of Plants at that time of the year. The third was May, named from Maia, and sacred to Mercury; the fourth was June from Juno as some thought, others deriving the names of these two from Majores and Juniores, the Elder and younger. The rest had their names from their order, as Quintilis, Sextilis, September, October, No∣vember, December. Afterwards Quintilis was from Julius Caesar called July, Sextilis August from Augustus. September and October, the Empe∣rour Domitian changed into his own names, but presently after he was kil∣led they recovered their former. Onely the two last ever retained their first appellations. Of those moneths which Numa either added, or ranked, Fe∣bruary was so called from the expiations which used to be in it, signified by the word Februa: then they were wont to make parentations to the dead, and celebrate the Lupercalia, certain Sacrifices and Games in honour of Pan, much like to the Sacrifice of Expiations. January was named of Janus, which Numa seemeth to have set before March, because he would shew that Civil vertue is ever to be preferred before what is exercised in War: For Janus was accounted one of the most antient Gods, or Kings, (from whom reigning in Italy, some make the Romans descended) very studious for civil society and humane converse, and who changed the course of mans life from brutish and savage to an humane and gentle kind. He is therefore feigned to be double faced, because he brought in another fashion of life than what formerly had been, and had a Temple built by Numa with two doors, that were shut in peace, and open in vvar as was before said. These things Plu∣tarch relateth in the life of Numa.

15. But Livie, and other considerable Authors,(a) Solinus,(b) Macro∣bius, and(c) Censorinus, write that the first Roman year consisted but of ten moneths and 304 dayes; six of the moneths having 30 dayes, and the other four 31 apiece. But this account differing from the course of the Sun, Numa, to make them agree, added 51 dayes to the year. That he might make up the twelve moneths; from the six, consisting of thirty dayes, he took one day apiece, and therewith made up 57. which were divided into two moneths, whereof the one contained 29. and the other 28 dayes, and so the year be∣gan to have 355. Of this opinion, besides Junius Grauhanus and Fulvius, both Varro and Suetonius were, as appeareth out of Censorinus. Yet Licinius Macer and Lucius Fenestella, by the same testimony, (two antient Writers of Annals) delivered that the first Roman year consisted of 12 moneths, a∣greeable to the former opinion related by Plutarch. This a noble pair of modern Criticks prove to have been the truer opinion, affirming that Ja∣nuary and February were not added by Numa, but transferred from the end to the beginning of the year, and endeavouring to shew that they who would have the year but to consist of 10 moneths make it no shorter than they that are for 12. distinguishing it not so much in number as placing of dayes; for the Romans in Romulus his time filled up the year, either by assigning more dayes than thirty to the moneths, or adding so many in the end thereof as seemed to be wanting. But it sufficeth to have touched these things for the direction of beginners.

16. Numa, to gain credit and obedience to his constitutions, feigned that he had converse with the Goddesse Egeria. He married Tatia, daughter to Tatius the King, by which he had a daughter named Pompilia. Some said he neither had any other wife nor any more Children: but others both as to wife and children dissented from them. He lived above 80. reigned 43 years, and at his death was buried with great honour. His body was not burned (which he forbad) but buried in a stone Coffin under the Janiculum; and the Books of his Ceremonies laid by him in another, which being twelve written in Latine, and as many in the Greek tongue, were 400 years after, when Pu∣blius Cornelius, and Marcus Baebius were Consuls, by water wrought out of the earth, and for that it was thought wickednesse to have such things disco∣vered

to the multitude, (from which he also kept them, after the fashion of the Pythagoreans, not communicating discipline by writing but onely by word of mouth) burned by command of the Senate. He kept the State in con∣stant peace, and his ability herein contributed to the general quiet of Italy; so that, by the example of his reign, Plutarch judgeth that saying of Plato to be verified: that the onely means whereby men should be made happy, would be, to have a Philosophical mind, and regal power concur in a Prince, who would make vertue superiour to dishonesty. But the fortune of the succeed∣ing Kings added to the lustre of his glory: For of the five which followed, the last was cast out, and died in exile, and none of the rest obtained a natural and quiet end, according to Plutarch.

17. Numa being dead, and the Government devolved upon the Senate, after several Interreges, at length Tullus Hostilius was created King, by the Universal consent of the Citie. His Grand-father was that Hostilius, who most gallantly behaved himself against the Sabines at the Cittadel, and married of that Nation the daughter of Hersilia. After much valour shewn he was slain in battel, and left a young son, who at ripenesse of age, of a noble Ma∣trone, begat this Tullus Hostilius the third King of Rome, whose beginning, according to the account of Dionysius, was in the second year of the 27th O∣lympiad wherein Eurybates the Athenian was Victor, when Leostratus was Archon at Athens, in the 83 year of the Citie, and the 31 of Manasses King of Judah. At his first beginning he purchased the favour of the poorer sort by dividing unto them, man by man, that portion of Land which the two for∣mer Kings had kept to bear their charges, saying, that his own inheritance would suffice for his own expences. Lest these should want room he took in the Hill Caelius, where such as wanted habitation, and now had gotten grounds, built them houses, and he also dwelt himself. He was not onely of a different temper from Numa, but as Livie describeth him, more fiery than Romulus, being as well moved by his proper inclination as the glory of his Grand-father, so that he sought, and greedily imbraced all occasions for War. It was not long ere one was presented from the Albans, who made depreda∣tions in the Roman Territories, and were again robbed by the Romans. At that time Caius Cluilius Governed Alba, who envying the growth of Rome, sought to stir up division, and raise War betwixt the two Cities. Dionysius writeth, that for this end he privately procured some to prey upon the Romans, knowing they would revenge the injury, and when they did so upon such as they could take, he perswaded the Albans that they had received a great affront, and excited them to take up Arms.

18. Ambassadors were sent to Rome to demand restitution, and such as had been Authors of the injury to be given up into their hands. This Ho∣stilius being aware of, and knowing that they who first refused to make satis∣faction would bear the Odium of the War, caused some of his friends kindly to entertain the Ambassadors, pretending he was by necessary occasions hindred from giving them audience, till he first sent some of his own to Alba to demand restitution. They received a sharp repulse from Cluilius, whereof Hostilius having notice, then gave audience to the Albans, told them how those that he sent, had already received such an answer as argued the league quite broken; whereupon he denounced a just, and necessary War against the Albans, which he would carry on not onely with his domestick forces, but by the aid of his other subjects and dependents. Both parties then made all possible preparations, and drew out their forces to a place after∣wards called the Ditch of Cluilius, some five miles distant from Rome. When they expected suddenly to decide the quarrel, Cluilius was found dead in his Tent, whether by some secret practice upon himself, by grief, or any other means is uncertain. Into his place was chosen Metius Suffe∣tius, a man of a turbulent spirit, and scarce able for warlike matters, but thought fit for the place because as great an incendiary as his predecessor. Yet sensible of danger that hung over his head from the Fidenates, (who gaped after the destruction of both) he drew out the War in length, and fear∣ful

to lose all, was inclinable to a present composure. Hostilius was now also not averse to a determination of the businesse, being desirous to punish the Fidenates and Veientes, who, formerly overcome by Romulus, had sub∣mitted to the obedience of Rome, and in the dayes of Numa taken occasion of his peaceable Grovernment, to provide for the absolute shaking off of the yoak. This time they thought to present them with a fit opportunity; for gathering together at Fidenae they were ready, when the Albans and Romans should in battel have weakened each other, to fall upon both.

19. This plot discovered, wrought so upon both the Captains, that they came to a conference, wherein much being alleged for the justice and right of both parties, at length it was agreed, that three persons on each side should by combat decide the quarrel, and that City, whose Champions should have the better, obtain preheminence and command over the other. Whiles every Officer desired to be one of the three, Suffetius bethought himself of two ternions of brothers that were most fit, as he thought, to take it upon them, One Seguinius of Alba had two daughters, whereof one he married to Curi∣atius his fellow Citizen, and the other to Horatus a Roman. It hapened that both being with child at the same time, brought forth, each of them three sons at the first birth, which their Parents educated as the hope of their Families: to these it was that Suffetius thought the Combat concerning Prin∣cipality was to be committed, being of equal years, strength, and courage. The motion was imbraced by the parties, who dispensed with their private affection (no whit unsuitable to their consanguinity) now that the honour and welfare of their Country was concerned. In the Combat two of the Horatii were slain first, and the third left to deal with three adversaries, spirited afresh by the great advantage they had of him; but warily retreating, so as he might have but one upon him at a time, he slew them all, and Rome in him remained Conqueror. As he returned into the City, he was met by his Si∣ster, that fell upon him with chiding and outragious words, for imbruing his hands in the blood of his Cousin-germans, whereof one was contracted to her. Now elevated by his successe, and transported with a certain kind of Ecstatical love to his Country, he killed her in the place, as one that prefer∣ring private respect before publick good, was unworthy to live. Hereof he was accused, and Tullus neither thinking it seemly to quit or condemn him, as same say, created the Duumviri for capital Judgement, who condemed him; but, if so, there lying appeal from these Officers to the People, the multitude granted his life to the tears of his Father, who not onely took not ill his daughters death, but esteemed it an heroick act, and gave her an igno∣minious burial.

20. Hostilius dealt moderately with the Albans, but Metius Suffetius their Dictator, or King, thinking his credit much impaired by the event of the Combat, sought how he might betray the Romans, and wrest the power out of their hands. He dealt therefore underhand with the Fidenates and Veientes, who now called to account for their double-dealings, brake out in∣to open rebellion, and by promise of assistance, incouraged them in their en∣terprize. And when the Romans and the other came to ingage, he resolved to stand neuter till he saw wich party had the better, intending then to cloze with it. The Romans were discouraged to see their friends stand aloof, su∣specting the treachery, which Tullus also apprehending, gave out, that it was by his order, as meaning by some stratagem to surprize the Enemy, upon which report the Fidenates and their companions were discouraged, and at length by the Romans, who resumed their courage, put to the rout. After the Victory, he called the Albans together, and laying open the treachery of Suffetius (which savoured the more of Treason, because he had trusted him as his inward friend, and kept him three years in his place) caused him to be pulled in pieces; having beforehand sent Marcus Horatius to Alba, who rased the City, and translated the Inhabitants thereof to Rome, after it had stood about 487 years, according to the account of Dionysius, which is to be preferred before the other of Livie, or that of L. Florus, an Author

not to be relied on, either as to Chronology or order, and disposition of mat∣ters; to say no more.

21. To this end came Alba through the power of it's own Colony, ha∣ving flourished with riches, numbers of Inhabitants, and been the Mother of thirty Latin Towns. After this, Tullus, having brought fully under the Fi∣denates, moved War against the Sabines, for robbing such Romans as used to traffick into the Country, and refused to make restitution of the goods: he overthrew them at the Wood called Malitiosa Sylva, and forced them to beg peace. Now also the Latines and Romans fell out, because they refused to yield obedience to these, who challenged it as due to their City, which had conquered the Metropolis. The War was managed for five years, with great moderation; onely, besides continual depredations, Hostilius punished Medallia for an example, which in the time of Romulus had received a Ro∣man Colony. Otherwise no battel was fought, nor any Town taken and plundred, which made both inclinable to peace. But at this time Tullus Ho∣stilius died, having reigned 32 years; some say by Lightning, with his whole Family, for neglect of the Religion instituted by Numa; but most believed him taken away by the practices of his Successor, though Dionysius holdeth their opinion to be improbable.

22. After the death of Tullus, the state fell into an Inter-regnum, ac∣cording to the custom, and, by the Inter-rex and Senate, Ancus Marcius was elected King, who being confirmed by the people, began his reign in the second year of the 35^th Olympiad, wherein Sphaerus the Lacedemonian was Victor, at what time Damasias was annual Archon at Athens. He (who according to what Festus writeth, had the Sirname of Ancus from his crooked arm, which he could not strech out in length) was Grand-son to Numa, by his daughter Pompilia. She was married to Marcius, the son of that Mar∣cius, who being the kinsman of Numa, came with him to Rome, after he had earnestly perswaded him to take upon him the Kingdom, being elected into the Senate, after the King's death, stood in competition with Hostilius for his place, and missing of it laid violent hands on himself. Marcius his son marrying Pompilia the daughter of Numa (whether by Tatia or Lucretia, is uncertain) begot on her this Ancus Marcius, who was five years old at the death of both his Grand-fathers. Ancus considering that much of the su∣perstition brought in by Numa was neglected, set himself to restore the use thereof, alleging to the people, that the diseases, Pestilence, and other in∣numerable calamities, which had lately fallen upon the City, together with the disastrous end of Hostilius, proceeded from neglect of their gods. He advised them to return to Husbandry, and other peaceable imployments, ne∣glecting violence, and the profit that cometh by War. The State being thus restored, he thought as his Grand-father had lived, so to passe his time free from all War and molestation; but he found his expectation crossed, for that he was compelled to be a warriour against his will, and was never free from peril and tumult. Scarce had he began to reign, and had modelled the Com∣monwealth, when the Latines contemning him as a sluggard, and unfit for military imployment, made depredations upon the Roman Territories. Ma∣king preparation for War, Livie writeth, that he first denounced it, send∣ing to the Latins beforehand, and now constituted the Office of the Feciales, the Rules whereof he took from the Equicoli an antient people.

23. He surprized Politorium a Town of the Latines, the Inhabitants of which, he translated to Rome, where, (for that the antient Romans inbabited the Palatine, the Sabines the Capitoline, and the Coelian had been given to the new Denizons of Alba) to them was granted the Aventine hill to inhabit, other neighbours being added, when, within a while, Tilene and Sicania were taken. The Latines much concerned at this losse, conspired against him for the Spring following; but at several times he defeated their united pow∣ers, and forced them to ask peace; so did he the Fidenates, Volsci, Vei∣entes, and such Sabines as, not yet having felt the strength of Rome, sorely repined at the successe of an upstart City. He laid a wooden bridge over the

River Tiber, and fortified the Janiculum on the other side with a wall, ha∣ving by a bridge united it to the City: and in the midle of Rome he made a prison for Malefactors. Neither did he onely extend the Pomaerium or Area of the City, but inlarged it's dominion. For having taken from the Veientes the Mesian Forrest, his Territories reached to the Sea, upon which, at the mouth of Tiber, he built a Town called Ostia, to secure the profit of Na∣vigation unto his Subjects; for thither Commodities being brought by Ship, were in lesser Vessels conveyed to the City. Ancus Marcius reigned 24 years, coming behind the commendations of none of his Predecessors, either for the glory of Peace or War.

24. Ancus being dead (of a natural death, as should seem by Historians, save that Plutarch, as was said, included him in the number of those four that came to untimely ends) the Senate received power from the People to order the affairs of the Commonwealth, and created certain Inter-reges, who holding the Assemblies for election, L. Tarquinius was chosen King, and began his reign about the second year of the 41^th Olympiad, wherein Cleoni∣das the Theban was Victor, Eniochides being Archon at Athens, the 139^th of the City, and the 30^th of Josiah King of Judah. This man being of forein extraction, what his Originall was, why hee came to Rome, and how he attained to the Kingdom is to be considered. There was a Co∣rithian, Demaratus by name, of the race of the Bacchiadae, who traffick∣ing much into Hetruria, changed his Merchandise for Tuscan Commodities, and thereby growing very wealthy, when troubles arose at home by means of Cypselus his Tyranny, with all his goods sailed from Corinth, and fixed him∣self at Tarquinia a City of Hetruria, where marrying a noble Matron, of her he begat two sons called by the Hetruscan names of Aruns and Lucu∣mon. Aruns died without hope of issue. Demaratus for grief followed him not long after, so that Lucumo possessed of the whole Inheritance, be∣gan to elevate his designs, and to look after some place of Magistracy in his Country. Here he received a repulse, not being able to procure any mean Office, at which sorely disdaining, he heard that Rome received strangers with great courtesie, and gave them free admission unto honours. He then resolved to remove thither with his goods and friends, and after his arrival, was much made of by Ancus, to whom offering his Patrimony for the publick good, as exceeding that of a private man, he received freedom of the City, for himself and followers, with ground to build houses, and for their suste∣nance. Now he changed his name from Lucumon to Lucius, and his wife from Tanaquil to Gaia Caecilia, and from the place of his birth superadded that of Tarquinius. During the reign of Ancus, who chose him into the Senate, he flourished in great esteem with him, and in the favour of the peo∣ple; in War no man shewing himself more hardy, nor in Council more dextrous, prudent, or successful; and his integrity seemed such unto the King, that he left him Guardian to his two sons, whereof both were under age, and one but yet an infant.

25. He took advantage at the minority of the eldest, as yet scarce fourteen years old, whom sending out of the way, under pretence of hunting, he made a Speech to the People, saith Livie, wherein he plainly begged the Kingdom, drawing to his private interest the example of Tatius and Numa, whom be∣ing meer strangers, they had chosen to reign over them; whereas he was not absolutely such, having lived a good space in Rome, and been trained up both in civil and military affairs, under Ancus: He urged then his liberality towards them; which things not being meerly pretended, he obtained his end, and was the first that came to the Government through his own ambitious seeking. His first War was with the Latines, from whom he took several Towns, and amongst the rest Collatia, over which he placed Governour his Nephew Aruns Tarquinius, the posthume issue of his brother, and Sirnamed Egerius from his poverty (having no Patrimony) and Collatinus from this place, which Sirname continued to his Posterity. Having forced the Latines to beg peace, notwithstanding their supplies out of Hetruria, he turned his Armes

against the Sabines, who after he had also forced to submit, all Hetruria combined against him, because he retained such prisoners as he had taken of the Auxiliaries sent by them to the Sabines. It was decreed amongst them, that what Town soever refused to joyn against him should not be accounted of their body, and they presently possessed themselves of Fidenae a Roman Co∣lony. But he so ordered the matter, that overthrowing them in sundry bat∣tels and preparing for another expedition, they were humbled; to purchase peace owned him for their Prince, and as tokens of fealty, and allegiance. sent him the Ensigns of Soveraignty wherewith their Kings had wont to be adorn'd. These were a Crown of Gold, an Ivory Chair, a Scepter on the top of which was an Eagle, a Coat of purple wrought with Gold, and a purple Gown pinked; like to the Roabs of the Lydian, and Persian Kings, save that it was not four∣square, but of a semicircular figure. Some write also that they sent 12 Axes for so many Cities, it being their custom for every Magistrate in his own Town to have an Axe with Rods carried before him, and in a common expe∣dition twelve to be born before their General. Others contended that Ro∣mulus used these Axes and Rods as a Badge of his Authority to punish Offen∣ders; but Dionysius replieth, that Romulus might learn this custom of the Hetruscans, and if not, yet might Tarquinius have these sent to him, seeing the people of Rome afterwards used to send Diadems, and Scepters to such Kings as they confirmed; which these Princes received, although they had worn the same Ornaments before.

26. In nine years he finished the Hetruscan War, and then fell again up∣on the Sabines (who alone contended with the Romans for superiority) a vvarlike Nation, possessing a large and fertile Countrey not far distant from Rome. Over them he obtained his third Triumph, and providing for an∣other expedition they prevented him by their intreaties, giving up themselves fully into his power, whom he received on the same terms as formerly he had done the Hetruscans. These were his military actions. At the beginning of his reign, that he might bind the people to him, he chose out an hundred of the Plebeians, who for valour, or wisdom, were most eminent, and added them to the Senate, which now first consisted of 300. Romulus at the beginning chose an 100 out of the first planters, then added an 100 more of the most noble of the Sabines, which with these of Tarquinius were called Patres con∣scripti, and the last Patres minorum gentium. Zonaras agreeth with Diony∣sius concerning the number of Senators made by Romulus, adding, that Tatius and he at first consulted with their Senators apart, but at length they were joyned together; so that those are not to be heard, who will have but 200 in all during the time of the Kings, and 100 afterwards added by Brutus. He increased the number of the Vestal Nuns from four to seven, adorned the fo∣rum, built the Walls of the Citie (before patched up in haste) with 4 square stones, whereof each was a Cart-load. He caused the common sinks to be made for voiding the filth of the Citie into Tiber; a work so admirable, that Dionysius thinketh, from the magnificence of it, as from the Aqueducts, and the high cawsied wayes, the amplitude of the Roman Empire appeared: and this is manifested from what C. Aquilius wrote, that those sinks being once stopped, the Censors spent 1000 Talents in cleansing of them. In the Circus Maximus (a place dedicated to the beholding of Games, and exercises, be∣twixt the Palatine and Aventine Hills) he caused seats to be raised for specta∣tors, whereas before, all stood; and he distinguished their places according to their dignity.

27. Tarquinius intended to add three Centuries of horsmen, named after himself, and his friends, to the former three instituted by Romulus. That King first chose 200 out of the three Tribes, or Legions, and, after the taking in of the Sabines, increased the Legions, so that each contained 4000. (whence it was called Quadrata, as Festus observeth) yet afterwards a Legion com∣prised full so many men as were found convenient for the service of the Commonwealth. But he was forbidden by Actius Naevius to change the con∣stitution of Romulus, and therefore, without increase of the Centuries, doubled

the number of the men. This Naevius was the most famous Augur that Rome ever knew, and so well versed in his Art, as he never missed in his pre∣dictions. Tarquinius on a time, to try him, asked if that was possible to be done which he had in his thoughts, who answering yea, he laughed him to scorn, saying that he had thought of cutting a Whetstone with a Razor which he held in his hand; but Naevius still replying he should do it, and bidding him to strike hard, he cut thorow it. This much inhanced the reputation of his skill, and he flourished thenceforth with great honour, till at length he was suddenly missing, and his body never could be found, which turned to the dis∣quiet of Tarquinius. For the sons of Ancus Marcius, now grown men, grudged him their fathers Kingdom, and often thought of thrusting him out, expecting much from martial men, who generally bore love to their fathers memory. Now they accused him to the people of having made away the Au∣gur (because he had contradicted his devices) and created him some trouble, till Tullius his son-in-law answered the objections, and cleared him of the Calumny. Missing of their design this way, they counterfeited repentance; and being easily reconciled to the old man, out of respect to their father, cloaked their malice for three years. Then they cloathed two of their com∣panions like Shepherds, who going to the Court, and pretending to be faln out, did beat each other, and called loud upon the King for Justice, having at their backs other Conspirators apparelled also in rustick vveeds, who offered to give Testimony on both sides. Being called in to the King they wounded him to death, and betaking themselves to their heels were caught, confessed who were authors of the plot, and received their just reward. To this end came Tarquinius (sirnamed Priscus, after his Grand-son of the same name had ob∣tained the Kingdom) about 80 years old, when he had reigned 38 years, and done many and great good Offices for the Commonwealth.

28. Tarquinius Priscus being dead, Servius Tullius his son-in-law suc∣ceeded him in the fourth year of the 50^th Olympiad, wherein Epitelides the Laconian was Victor, when Archestratides was Archon at Athens: concern∣ing whose Original, and private life, something is first to be spoken. A certain man of Corniculum, a Town in Latium, of Royal bloud, was slain when Tar∣quinius took the place, and left his wife Ocrisia big with Child, which wo∣man Tarquinius gave to his Queen Tanaquil. Ocrisia then was delivered of a son in the Kings house, named Tullius, and sirnamed Servius by her in remembrance of her bondage. When being an Infant he lay in the Cradle a flame of fire is said to have appeared, and incompassed his head, which raised great expectation of him in Tanaquil a woman skilfull in the mysteries of her Countrey. She brought her husband into a great opinion of him, so that he was educated by them, and answering what had been conceived of him at length was made their son-in-law: then abroad he had Command in the Ar∣my, and at home managed publick Affairs for the King when grown old, in all things behaving himself with such integrity, valour, and prudence, as purchased him the love of all the people. Now whereas Tarquinius had at his death no sons (as Dionysius maketh most manifest) but left two Grand-sons both In∣fants, Tanaquil having a desire that Tullius should succeed him, kept his death private for some time, till he had procured the people to banish the Marcii, giving out that the King, dangerously wounded though not dead, had referred all businesse to him according to his custom. Being secure of the faction of the Marcii, he then carried out Tarquinius to be buried, as newly dead, and as Tutor to the young Children, executed the Office of King, which Tanaquil out of the window had told the people, was her husband's will, when yet she feigned him to be living. But the Patricians grudging Tullius this honour, conspired how, the next time he assembled the Senate, they might constrain him to leave off all the royal ensigns, and then go to an Election ac∣cording to the usual manner.

29. He coming to the knowledge hereof Assembled the people, and pro∣ducing the two boyes, pleaded their case and his own: he promised them to pay all their debts, and divide to those that wanted the publick grounds.

Hereby retaining the power under the notion Guardian; The Patritians were sore agrieved thereat, but the wisest sort thought it not good to stir, though they plainly saw the Authority of the Senate much infringed. For they considered, that if they should make a King of their own body, the people would not approve the choice, and if it were referred to the multitude, Tul∣lius would assuredly be the man: wherefore they thought it more wisdom to suffer him to reign in an unlawfull manner, that so they might ever have some just pretence against him, than by stirring in the matter to procure him a le∣gal Title. But he prevented this their design, going with his mother, mother-in-law, and all his kindred in mourning habits unto the Forum, where he shewed the people how lamentable his condition was through the plots of the Patritians against him, which he deserved no otherwayes than by his good deeds towards the commonality: he laid to their charge that they would call in the Marcii that had murdred Tarquinius, and expose his posterity, who had so well deserved of the State together with himself, to the same cruelty, and in conclusion, offering to lay down all, if such was the pleasure of the people, and undergo any hardship rather than be troublesom, he offered to descend from the Tribunal. A great clamour then arose mixed with prayers and tears of those that besought him to retain the Government, and presently some that were provided beforehand began to cry out that he was to be chosen King, and the Curiae were to be called to the Vote, which thing was instantly resolved by the multitude. He gladly took hold of the oppor∣tunity, thanked them that they were mindfull of the benefits received from him, promised larger if he were elected King, and appointed a day for the Comitia, or Assembly, whereof he intended to have present those also that were abroad in the Countrey. At the day appointed for the Assembly of the Curiae (called Curiata Comitia) he was chosen King by the suffrages of them all, and so in despight of the Conscript Fathers, who refused to confirm the choice, as the manner was, obtained the principality.

30. Presently after his setlement he accomplished his promise concerning the division of the publick Land to such as were forced to preserve themselves by dayly labour in other mens grounds; and in the Curiata Comitia prefer∣red fifty Laws concerning contracts and injuries. He added two Hills to the former five: viz. the Viminal and Esquiline, in the later whereof he lived himself, and was the last man that inlarged the Pomaeria of the Citie, the Wall whereof was never any further stretched out, though very large Suburbs were afterwards added. After he had compassed all the seven Hills within one Wall, he distinguished the Citie into four parts, and instead of three, made four Tribes. And as Romulus distinguished the people accord∣ing to their Seats and Communion in Sacrifices into Tribes and Curiae, so Servius making every one give an account how much he was worth, accord∣ing to their riches divided them into six Ranks, or Classes. Of these, the first and highest consisted of such as were worth, 110000 Asses (each of which answereth to ob. 9. of our money) the next four decreased in value a fourth part, and in the last were contained all such whose Estates were of little, or no value.

31. The Classes he did also so subdivide into Centuries, as 192 were made in all; his design herein being to know certainly how many were fit to bear Arms, and what Treasure might be supplied for Wars, or other occasions. He also first ordained the Lustrum (so named a Luendo, (from paying) saith Varro, as Flustrum a Fluendo) to be celebrated after this Census, or value of each according to their substance. On a certain day after the valuation he enacted that all the Citizens should meet in their Armour in the Campus Martius, every one in his several Classis and Century; where by sacrifice the Citie was expiated, or Lustrated. This solemnity was termed Solitaurilia, (or rather Suovetaurilia), because an Hog, Sheep, and Oxe were sacrificed, as we read in Quintilian. These things being performed, the Lustrum was finished, which, because of continual change of mens Estates, he ordained should be reiterated every five years, so that he (who begun it according to

Lipsius in his twelfth year) celebrated it himself four times, according to Valerius Maximus. Every fifth year the Tribute or Taxe (called Census) was paid and thence Lustrum seemeth to have had it's name. After the banishment of the Kings, the Consuls managed this businesse, till the Cen∣sors (Magistrates proper to the work) were brought in. Lastly, Joseph Sca∣liger telleth us, we must distinguish the old Roman Lustrum from the later, or Julian, which is onely a Systeme of four Julian years, whereof the last consisteth of 366 dayes absolutely without any overplus of hours. For the Old and Proper Lustrum contained five years compleat, which that cited by Cicero, concerning the Censors, out of the Laws of the twelve tables, Let them be two, Let them obtain the Magistracy for five years, maketh mani∣fest; so that this Lustrum cannot answer to an Olympiad, properly so called; of which beginners are to take notice.

32. Of the six Classes, which contained 193 Centuries, the first and rich∣est was divided into 98; the Equites or Horsmen being counted in: the second into 22, taking in Artificers; the third into 20: the fourth 22: the fifth 30, and the sixth and last of the poorer sort, made up but one Century. Men and moneys being levied, according to these Centuries, and not by poll (each Century such a quantity) it came to passe, that the richest being fewer, yet divided into more Centuries (here the word is not to be taken for 100 persons precisely, being made use of onely to expresse such a division) were never free from warfare, and contributed also more money than the rest: they that were but moderately or meanly provided of wealth, being exceeded by the other in twenty Centuries, went to the War by turns, and paid but little Tribute: and they that had not any estate to speak on, underwent no burthens. This seemed very just and equal to him, that they who were most concernd, should take most pains, and bear the greatest cost; the Romans at that time maintaining themselves in the Wars without any pay from the pub∣lick. But the richer sort something grieved to undergo all charge and danger, for the preservation of others as well as themselves, Servius sufficiently satis∣fied and requited, by giving them in a maner the whole prerogative in mat∣ters of State, the porer being almost wholly removed from any power in the Commonwealth, though at first they did not perceive it.

33. This secret lay in the Comitia or Assemblies, where the people resol∣ved about the most important affairs; these three things being in their power, viz. Creation of Magistrates as well Military as Civil, making or abrogat∣ing Law, and decreeing Peace or War; concerning which things the suf∣frages of the several Curiae were wont to be gathered, and the vote of the porest availed as much as that of the richest person: whence the poorer sort being much more numerous than the rich, ever prevailed by their Multitudes. Tullius understanding this, instead of those of the Curiae, called the Comitia of the Centuries upon such occasions. First of all were called the Centuries of the first or richest Classis, viz. the 18 of Knights or Horsmen, and the 80 of Footmen, which being three more in number than all the rest besides, if they all agreed they overcame in number, and there was no need of calling any of the others to the vote. If they disagreed, the 22 Centuries of the second Classis were called, and if need were, the third Classis, and the fourth, till 97 Centuries agreed in their suffrages. If this hapned not after the calling of the fifth; (192 Centuries being divided equally in number, and of several opinions) then was the sixth Classis called conteining the last Centurie, free from Tributes and War; and to which side it joyned, that overcame.

34. This rarely hapned, and was almost impossible, the Comitia being ended most commonly by the first call; but, however, seldom came it to the fourth Classis, so that the two last were supervacaneous. By this constitution the poorer sort were deceived, thinking it enough that every m••n, as well one as another, gave his suffrage, and not considering that the suffrage of the whole Centurie was but one, whether it contained more or fewer persons in it. But at length, seeing themselves freed from danger and charge, they were con∣tent, and the richer injoying such priviledges for their pains and cost, were

well satisfied; and this order was kept for many Ages, till afterwards, by the violent actings of some, the common sort got more power, as Dionysius himself observed the innovation to have broken in, in his time. At the first Lustrum were found 84700 Citizens; but to increase their number, hee brought in the custom of making Slaves free of the Commonwealth, whom being before manumitted or set free, he distributed into the four Tribes of the City.

35. These Slaves were either made or born such, as Justinian the Emperor distingisheth them. The former sort were either taken in War (then pro∣perly called Mancipia), or bought of the publick, or of some private man. The later, were those that were born either of both Parents being such, or of the Mother onely. At first they obtained their liberty gratis, by well de∣serving some way of their Masters, or some by payment of money earned by their honest labours, they having a certain Peculium, though all was said to belong to their Masters. But in processe of time, when the Romans dege∣nerated from their former worth and honour, some by Roberies, others by breaking of houses and other villanies, got money, whereby they purchased their freedom. Some by helping their Masters in these things obtained liber∣ty as a reward; others on condition to let them enjoy the monthly allowance of Corn out of the publick purse, or other Largesses conferred by Princes upon poor Citizens. Sometimes they were manumitted through the levity and vain-glory of their Lords; some having by their Testaments set at liberty all their Slaves, to obtain a fame of clemency after their death, and that their Funerals might be celebrated by a great train of such as wore caps upon that occasion; in which pomp a thousand Rogues have been seen, who much bet∣ter deserved hanging. This was laid to the charge of the Mistresse of the World, that challenging the Empire over all, she should defile her self with such impure Citizens, which custom might have been reformed, as Dionysius observeth, by the care of the Censors, who inquiring into the lives of Senators and Knights, never considered what persons were unfit to be ad∣mitted Free-men.

36. Tullus not onely clipped the power of the Patritians and Senate, but took away half of the King's Prerogative also Whereas the former Prin∣ces called before themselves all controversies, and took cognisance of crimes as well committed against particular persons as the publick, he separated these causes, making himself Judge of such as respected the Commonwealth, and referring the quarrels of private persons unto others, to whom he prescri∣bed Laws and Rules for to go by. After he had thus ordered the Common∣wealth, he caused the Latines to build a Temple at Rome to Diana, upon the Aventine hill, whereat they should meet and feast every year, and so preserve themselves as one body politick in unity and concord. If any con∣troversie arose betwixt particular Towns, it was to be decided by the judgement of others, in such a manner as the Amphyctiones in Greece were wont to proceed, the Council of the Ionians at the Temple of Ephesus, and that of the Dorienses in the Temple of Apolla, built by common consent at Epitropium. These things were done by Tullius at home, according to Dionysius, Livie, and others; to which we may add from Pliny, that he first stamped money with the image of Cattel, whence it was called Pecu∣nia, whereas the Romans before his time used it in a rude lump or Masse. As for his actions abroad; he warred with the Hetruscans 20 years, who re∣fused to obey him, as an obscure man, and renounced the league formerly made. In all battels both with the united Nation and particular Cities, he ever had the better, triumphed over them thrice, and at length forced them to submit to the yoak, on the same terms as formerly Tarquinius had imposed it, except that from three Towns that had been principal in the revolt, hee took part of their grounds, which he divided to those that had newly been made free of the City. Having done these things at home and abroad, when he was grown old and not far from the natural period of his life, he perished by the devices of Tarquinius his son in law, and of his own daughter.

37. Tullius had two daughters by his wife Tarquinia, which he married to their two Cousin-germans, the grand-sons of Tarquinius, joyning them in wedlock according to their age, as he thought it most equal and convenient. But it hapned that they were matched together with those of dispositions clean contrary to one another. Lucius the elder, a man of a bold, arrogant, and tyrannical nature, had an honest modest wife, and one most dutiful to∣wards her Father: on the contrary, Aruns Tarquinius the younger, being of a mild and sweet disposition, light on a wicked woman, one of a bitter spirit against her Father, ready for to attempt any thing. Lucius breaking out into passion against his Father in Law, for keeping the Kingdom from him, was still appeased by his wife, but Aruns being content to stay his time, and averse to any thing that might favour of disrespect to Tullius, was importuned ever and disquieted by his wive's earnest and tedious sollicitations, to attempt the utmost, though with the destruction of her Father, for the obtaining of the Soveraignty. This woman being impatient of her husband's backwardnesse, and bewitched by the fury of ambition, resolved to change husbands if it might be, and match her self to the other Tarquin, who suited well with her own humor: she brake her mind to Lucius, telling him of what a sordid spi∣rit they were, to suffer an Usurper so long to possess their Patrimony, railing against her own husband, as a man of a poor and degenerate disposition, and at length made a profer for them two to dispatch out of the way their present unequal yoak-fellows, and then unite themselves in that relation, thereby to bring about their noble and gallant design. He was not backward to a com∣pliance, and the device was accordingly brought about, after which, they re∣solved by force to expel Tullius from the Kingdom, if hee would not give place on his own accord, raising a faction of the Patritians, that were dis∣contented with the King's new modelling of the State, and the poorest Plebei∣ans, whose assistance they purchased openly, without any respect to right or modesty. Tullius was not ignorant what they intended, and feared also to be destroyed ere hee could provide for his defence; yet thinking it an un∣seemly thing to make War upon his son in Law, and his own daughter, and punish them as Enemies, he indeavourd by fair means to take them off, before their Friends, blaming, admonishing, and dehorting Tarquinius from the intended injury.

38. Effecting nothing hereby, but the other saying, he would plead his cause in the Senate, he called together the Fathers, and gave him liberty to speak. Tarquin laid his claim to the Kingdom, as his Grand-fathers Heir, and alleged, that Tullius kept it from him unjustly, having got all his prefer∣ment from their family, and obtained the place illegally, without the con∣sent of the Senate. Tullius replied, that the Kingdom was in the power of the People, to dispose of it to whomsoever they would, which he proved from the example of Tarquinius Priscus, who being a stranger, was preferred before the Marcii. He mentioned how well he had deserved of him, by protecting and taking care of him in his minority; and as for his coming to the Government without the ordinary assent of the Senate, that concerned the Fathers and not him. He then appealed to the Senate, whether ever he had wronged or carried himself arrogantly towards any of them, that they should conspire with his son in Law against him, and in conclusion told them, that if they thought Tarquinius the fitter man, he should not be against the profit of the Commonwealth, but retire to a private life, and let the World see, he could as readily obey as be obeyed, after he had restored the honour to those from whom he had received it. Having struck a great reverence of him into the Senate, he assembled the People, to whom, after a great com∣plaint against Tarquin, and a recital of what good things he had performed for the Publick, he offered to resign his place; but was confirmed therein, and after he refused to give ear to such as would have Tarquin dispatched, with great acclamations brought home to his house by the multitude.

30. Tarquin thus prevented of what he expected from the Patritians, counterfeited repentance, and a desire to be reconciled to the King, which

was easily obtained. Covered with this Cloak he laid his designs anew, and being continually sollicited by his wife to attempt something worthy of a Kingdom, took his opportunity on a day when most of the people were out of the Citie, with the Roabs of Estate, and all Royal Ensigns as King, to go to the Senate house. There he presumed to call together the Fathers, and, such being Assembled as were appointed beforehand, took possession of the Kings Seat. Tullius having notice hereof, unadvisedly with a few followers, hasted thither, admiring the young mans impudence, whom seeing in his Chair, he fell of rating, and received as bad language; then going about to thrust him out, Tarquin took him up by the middle, and haling him to the door, threw him down the stairs into the Comitium. The old man hardly recovering his spirits was led homewards, when his daughter, and Tarquins wife, being come in her Chariot to see the event, saluted her husband as King, but told him his principality would be but uncertain, except, perfect∣ing what he had begun, he would send some who should overtake and dis∣patch Tullius. He took her advice, and the feat being done, she presently returned home the same way. In her passage when she came to the place where the body lay as yet almost gasping, her Chariot driver stood still, con∣founded at the sight, and not having room to passe besides it. Hereat she reviled him, and caused him to drive her over it, after she had first thrown her footstool at his head. The place formerly called Cyprius Vicus, was after∣wards named Sceleratus from that occasion. To this end came Servius Tul∣lius, after he had reigned 44 years, a man just and moderate, who abolished the envy contracted in his illegal assumption, by his after acts, and was thought, if he had not been prevented, to have intended to lay down his Office, and restore absolute liberty with the care of the Commonwealth to the peo∣ple, which some of the Patritians perceiving, took in the interest of Tarqui∣nius, that they might preserve their own power.

40. Lucius Tarquinius obtained the Kingdom by violence, in the fourth year of the 61th Olympiad, wherein Agatharchus was Victor, when He∣raclius (or rather Heraclides) was Archon at Athens. By his Tyrannical, and imperious carriage he soon got the sirname of Superbus, as that of Pris∣cus, for distinction, was given to his Grand-father. He would not suffer his Father-in-law's body to be buried publickly for fear it should give occasion to the people to rise against him, saying, that Romulus died without burial. He murdered such as he suspected to favour the cause of Tullius, and fearing what end his wickednesse might bring upon him, got to him a strong Guard which continually attended his person. He reigned onely by his own arbi∣trary will, neither standing upon the consent of the Senate nor people. As for the former, he much dimished it by the murder of the richer sort, whose wealth he seized on for his own use, and resolved to chuse no more in, that it might wear out, and grow contemptible. All controversies he decided himself, assisted by his intimate friends, and took cognizance of all offences, so as he might kill, banish, or fine at his pleasure. He sought to establish himself, and confirm his Tyranny by great alliance, marrying his daughter to Octavius Mamilius, the greatest man amongst the Latines, (being descend∣ed from Telegonus the son of Ulysses by Circe) and by false accusation, and a cunning device caused them to stone Turnus Herdonius, who had discove∣red to them his basenesse and vilanies. He began a War with the Volsci, which ended not with him, but lasted above 200 years; and subdued the Sa∣bines who refused to obey him. From the Volsci he took Suessa Pometia, (where getting much plunder he first cast in his head the design of building a Temple to Jupiter, which his Grand-father had formerly vowed) and after∣wards the Citie Gaebii by treachery, making Sextus his eldest son to counter∣feit flight from him for hard usage, whereby he was made their General, and having according to the secret advice of his father (who in imitation of Thrasybylus the Milesian carried the messenger into the field, and cut down the tallest Poppies, dismissing him without any other message) put to death the most principal Citizens, at length easily betrayed it into his

hands. After this he made peace with the Aequi, and renewed the league with the Tuscans. Then went he forward with the work of the Temple formerly designed.

41. Tarquinius Priscus, in his last War with the Sabines made a vow, that if he got the Victory, he would build Temples to Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva; and with great cost had in his life time levelled the Rock, and formed a plot for the building; but died before he could finish the work, Tarquinius his Grandson resolving to perfect what he had begun with the plunder of Suessa, set on all sorts of work-men, at which time as they were digging to lay the foundation, a mans head was found bleeding afresh, which belonging to one called Tolus, thence the building had the name of Capitol. He perfected a great part of the Temple, but could not consummate the work, being prevented by Exile, which was finished by the Citie in the third Consulship after its freedom. It was seated upon an high Cragge, eight Akers in compasse, almost two hundred foot wide on every side, and almost of the same length and breadth, as differing onely in fifteen feet. After it had stood 425 years from its Dedication, it was consumed by fire in the dayes of Sylla, when L. Scipio and Caius Norbanus were Consuls, as Tacitus writeth: Yet it rose again with greater cost and Ornament on the same foundation. Its front looking toward the South, had a Porch, or Gal∣lery with three rows of Pillars: on each side were also a double row: the three Temples were contained within the same Walls, the middle belong∣ing to Jupiter, and the other two to Juno and Minerva, under the same roof.

42. In the time of this Tarquinius, another great blessing, as it was counted, hapned to the Romans. A certain strange woman came to the King, offering to sell nine books of the Oracles of Sibyl, which when he re∣fused to buy at her rate, she went away and burning three of them, returned and demanded as much for the six, Being derided for a mad woman, she de∣parted, and burning half of them, returned with the other three, still asking as much as at the first; whereat Tarquin astonished, sent for the Augures to know her meaning, who answered that the nine ought to have been bought, and the three were to be purchased at the same Rate. The woman after the sale and delivery vanished, and never after could be seen. Tar∣quin chose two men out of the Nobility to keep them, to whom he allowed two publick servants. After his expulsion the people Elected most Noble persons, who all their lives executing this Office were freed from all other burthens, both Military and Civil, to whom onely it was lawfull to look in them. No sacred thing was so carefully kept as these Sibylline Oracles. They were consulted by decree of the Senate when the Commonwealth was disturbed by any seditions, when any great overthrow was received in War, or any prodigies hapned. They were kept by the Decemviri, or ten men appointed to this Office within a Vault under the Capitol, in a stone Chest, till they perished at the burning of the place. Those that the Romans used afterwards were Copied out of such as belonged to other Cities, and private persons, wherein were some supposititious things, which they distinguished by the difference of the Acrosticks.

43. The woman that brought those books to Tarquin, having the name of Sibylla, and there being many found to whom it hath been given besides, something is to be said of those women, for distinction. The first Sibylla, or woman Prophetesse (to which the Council of Jupiter was communicated, as the word importeth) was a Persian, according to(a) Varro, or else a Cal∣daean, or an Hebrewesse, born at Noe, a Citie near the Red-Sea; her name was Sambetha, her father called Barossus, and her mother Erymantha. The second was a Lybian. Themis of Delphos was the third. The fourth was called Cumaea, because she was born at Cimeriam, a Town of Campania in Italy, near to Cuma. The fifth of Erythrae, a Citie of Ionia in Asia, at this day called Cabo Bianco. The sixth was of the Island Samus; her name being Phyto. The seventh of Cuma, and called Cumana, her proper name being

Amalthea according to some; but Herophile and Demophila according to others. Suidas calleth her Hierophile, and saith she brought nine books to Tarquinius Priscus, and demanded for them 300 Philippines, being Gold Coyn of Philip King of Macedonia. Pliny contrary to the common account of Writers mentioneth three books, not nine, and writeth that she burnt two of them. But the eighth was called Hellespontiaca, being born in the Trojan Countrey upon the Hellespont, in a Village named Marmissus near to Gerge∣tium, which Heraclides of Pontus affirmed to have flourished in the dayes of Solon and Cyrus. The ninth was a Phrygian, and Prophecied at Ancyra. The tenth was of Tibur, by name Albanea, being worshipped for a Goddesse at that place, near the Banks of the River Aniene, wherein her image is said to have been found holding a book in one hand. These ten are reckoned by Varro. There were several others also.(b) Strabo maketh two to have lived at Erythrae, whereof the later flourished in the time of Alexander. There was another of Colophon, a Citie of Ionia. Elissa and Cassandra, the daughter of Priamus, were accounted Sibyls. There were also a Thessalian, Marto the daughter of Tiresias the Theban, and another of Epirus. More∣over, Carmentis the Arcadian, the Mother of Evander and Fauna, or Fatua, the sister and wife of Faunus, King of the Aborigenes in Italy, might be recko∣ned in the number.

44. In the work of the Capitol Tarquin employed the people, and in other baser works, wherewith he even tired them out; so that to appease them, and especially to recruit his own Coffers, he made War against the Rutuli, and besieged the rich Citie Ardea, five German miles, toward the East, distant from Rome. The quarrel he pretended to be for that they re∣ceived the Roman Exiles, and endeavoured to restore them; but the true cause was his thirst after the riches of this most flourishing place, once the Metropolis of the Rutuli. While he lay before this Town, taking great pains to gain it, and the other as eagerly resisting (yet so as he seemed to have hope to carry it) an act of his eldest son Sextus occasioned both the freedom of the one and other Citie. Dionysius writeth that he was sent to Collatia about some businesse concerning the War, and going to the house of Tarquinius Collatinus his Kinsman (Grand-son to Egerius the Nephew of Priscus) he ravished his wife Lucretia, the daughter of Lucretius a Noble Roman. Livy and Aurelius Victor relate that the Courtiers drinking toge∣ther in the Camp before Ardea, and with them Tarquinius Collatinus the son of Egerius, they fell severally on praising each one his own wife; in so much as proceeding to an earnest dispute, Collatinus said there needed not many words, for that they might see within a few hours how far his Lucretia excelled them all; and he desired them to ride to the several pla∣ces, and judge accordingly as they should find. Being well heated with wine they agreed to this motion, and away they rode. They found not Lucretia junketting, and idely spending her time as the Kings daughters in law, but late at night hard at work amongst her maids, so that by consent of all she far ex∣celled the rest, and Collatinus nobly entertaining his Guests returned with them to the siege.

45. Now was Sextus Tarquinius inflamed with a lustfull desire after Lucretia because of her beauty, and, as it hapneth towards difficult, or for∣bidden things, the more because of her eminent chastity. Within few dayes, without the knowledge of her husband, accompanied onely with one servant he returned to Collatia, where being kindly entertained by her, he was brought to his bed-chamber; but when he thought all asleep, having observed where she lay, with a naked Dagger he went to her, and laying his hand on her breast, threatned her with death if she offered to stir. He mixed threats with fair words, but yet could not prevail, till he told her he would first kill her, and then his slave, whom laying by her side he would report it was for having surprized her in Adultery with him, whereby ob∣taining his prey, in the morning he departed. When he was gone, she sent for her father from Rome, and her husband from the Camp, (or say some,

went her self to the City) desiring they would call together some friends, for that a matter of great importance had befallen her. With Lucretius came Publius Valerius, and with Collatinus, Junius Brutus, who finding her in her chamber in a sad and afflicted condition, she told them the whole matter, refused to admit any comfort, and intreating them to revenge her cause upon the Author of her sorrow, stabbed her self to the heart before them, with a knife she had kept close about her for that purpose.

46. Lucius Junitus Sirnamed Brutus, was the son of Marcus Junius, who be∣ing descended from one of the Companions of Aeneas, and, for his Virtue, very eminent amongst the Romans, married Tarquinia the daughter of Tarquinius Priscus. of which he begat this Lucius. This Lucius was nobly educated, instructed in all disciplines of the City, and of a pregnant wit. But after that Tarquin had privily murdered his Father (not for any offence, but to possesse his great estate, as he did several others) and with him his eldest brother, who seemed to bear such a mind as would revenge the injury; he being young, and destitute of any assistance from his kindred, counterfeited himself a fool, which he acted all along, and thence had the Sirname of Brutus, this being the sole remedy against the cruelty of the Tyrant, who thinking his folly not feigned but real, despised the man, and having spoiled him of his Patrimony, kept him as an Idiot in his house, and suffered him to converse with his chil∣dren, not out of respect as a kinsman, but to make them sport by his ridicu∣lous words and actions, as true Idiots are wont to do. On a time a great Pestilence having seized on the City, he sent him to Delphos with his two sons Sextus and Titus, to consult the Oracle. They were glad they had him to make them merry, laughed at him for offering to Apollo a wooden staff, wherein yet he had secretly put some gold, having made it hollow for that purpose. Having privately enquired which of them should be Prince of Rome, it was answered, he who first of all should kisse his Mother, which the young men misunderstanding, agreed betwixt themselves, that at their return they would do it, and so reign joyntly together: but Brutus as soon as they arrived in Italy, knowing the meaning of the Oracle, fell and kissed the Earth, which is mother of all. When under the Vizard of a Fool, he waited for an opportunity to revenge himself and family upon Tarquin, this disaster of Lucretia at length presented it self.

47. Being sent for beforehand, or coming in with Collatinus his kinsman after the death of Lucretia, as Dionysius writeth, while her husband and friends were lamenting over the dead body, he told them it was not time now to weep, but to study how to revenge the injury. He acquainted them with the cause of his assuming the name and behaviour of an Idiot, and manifest∣ing himself to be a most cunning man, desired they might unanimously joyn for the expulsion of Tarquinius and his friends from the City, speaking many things efficacious to perswade them to it. Finding every one very ready, he said there was no need of words and promises but real deeds, if they meant to perform any thing, and that he first would begin. Then went he to the dead body, and taking the bloody knife in his hand, sware by Mars and the rest of their gods, to cast out Tarquinius Superbus with his wicked wife and progeny, to prosecute them or their friends with fire and sword, or any other way, and never after that, to suffer the Tarquins or any other, to reign in Rome. He made them all successively take the same Oath; then, for the way how to bring the matter about, said the gates of the City should be safely kept, that the King might not hear the least word, till he, who was Prince of the Sacrificers, should, as he might by his place, assemble the people, to which the dead body being exhibited, and Lucretius with Collatinus deplor∣ing their condition, they might procure the banishent of Tarquin by a pub∣lick decree, that should be presently dispatched to the Army for it's con∣currence.

48. But before Tarquinius should be removed, they thought it wisdom to consider what Magistracy was fit to succeed his; lest they should pull down the present dwelling before another house was prepared. Some were for

Monarchy, as indeed the best of Governments, others for Aristocracy, or the rule of the Senate, and others would have the whole power put into the hands of the People; each party bringing examples of good Government in the several kinds. Brutus said the time was straight, and these matters requir∣ed mature deliberation, which neither at length could produce such a form as would be void of all inconveniences: he said, he hoped that after the expulsion of the Tyrants, they should have leisure to consider how they might best reform the Commonwealth, if any better way could be found out than what Romulus, Pompilius, and the other Kings had chalked out to them, wherein proceeding, till Tarquin forsook the path, the City had been happy and famous, both for it's acts abroad, and constitutions at home. This he could not for shame denie, yet however, he thought those incommodities, as he called them, had procured the Kingly power to degenerate into tyranny, and therefore were at present to be abolished, and to be taken heed of for the time to come. As first, because some men made a great matter of very names, he thought that of a Kingdom was to be left, and the other of Com∣monwealth to be assumed; so that for the title of King and Monarch, some more modest and popular was to be invented. Then, the regal power he iudged not safely to be intrusted with a single person; but that two were to be chosen, who should govern with equal command and authority, and so be a counter-poise each to other. Of all royal ensignes or ornaments, such as procured the envy and grudge of the People were to be laid aside: viz. Scep∣ters, golden Crowns, and Purple Robes of Cloath of gold, except upon Fe∣stival dayes, and in triumphal pompes, which rare use of them would not be at all spoken against: but as for the Ivory Chair in which they sate in Judg∣ment, with the white Robe edged with purple, called Praetexta, and the twelve Lictors, or Sargeants, bearing Rods and Axes, they were to be con∣tinued. He added, that the main thing to keep these his Magistrates in order, was to prevent their perpetual power, which would keep them from giving account of their actions; wherefore he thought fit their Magistracy, after the manner of Athens, should be but Annual, that so each one might learn as well to be subject as to govern, and this would preserve the mind from being drunk with too much liberty. Lastly, that the name of King might not utter∣ly perish (whence may be concluded, that his judgment was not against the Office though his passion was) he would have the title given to one, who should be called Rex Sacrorum, and having this honour for his life, with immunity from warfare, should medle with nothing else, but these superstitious Rites, of which the Kings had charge before.

49. Having first got a decree of the Senate for the Kings banishment, ac∣cording to the custom of publick proceeding, the Comitia were assembled by Brutus, and the body of Lucretia brought in her gore into the meeting place, where it was set for a spectacle to all. Brutus then discovered himself, told them why he had seemed what he now appeared never to have been, and then declared the occasion of their meeting to be, that the Patritians might have their assent for banishing Tarquin, who having obtained the Principality illegally, had abused it more than any Tyrant that was ever heard of. He il∣lustrated his assertion by a relation of his crimes; as of his poysoning his own brother before he was King, together with his lawful wife, and marry∣ing the other sister that was partaker with him in his wickednesse: his killing Servius Tullius, and strangling his wife, whom he ought to have respected as Parents; then his invading the Government without decree of Senate or Suffrages of the people by force of Arms. He reckoned up the injuries re∣ceived by the Patritians, most of whom he had made away, and reduced the rest to the estate of beggers; how from the Plebeians he had taken, Laws, Religious Meetings, the Comitia and Suffrages, and used them no better than Slaves bought with woney. He then demanded how long they should endure this bondage; whether no longer than till the death of Tarquin, when as he had three sons more wicked and mischievous than himself, especi∣ally the elder, which he proved by the spectacle before their eyes, telling

them then the whole storie. This advantage he improved to the utmost, shewing how the King being now absent, and the Patritians resolved, no∣thing could be wanting to them, if they had but courage for the enterprize; not Men, Mony, Arms, Captains, nor forein aid; urging, that it was a shame they should think of commanding the Volsci, Sabines, or others, and be Slaves to others at home; or maintain so many Wars for to serve the ambi∣tion of Tarquin, and undertake none for their own liberty. As for the Ar∣my now at the Siege, there was no fear, but, for their own freedom and ac∣commodation, they would readily cloze with them; and if any should be found to intend the Contrary, they had their wives and children as Hostages, in the City, whereby they might easily draw them off.

50. The multitude being variously affected with hope of liberty, and fear to misse of it, during his Speech, yet made acclamations to the particulars, and at the end, with one voice desired he would give them Arms. He said he would, if first they should confirm what was offered from the Fathers, as the beginning of their liberty; and therewithall recited the forme of this severe Decree, that the Tarquinii should be banished with all their off-spring, and be capital for any one to speak or act for their return. The several Curiae being called, confirmed it by all their Suffrages, which being done, he acquainted them how it was agreed, that unto two men the Government should be com∣mitted, whom they should elect in their Centuriate Comitia, which was also passed. Then, according to the custom, by virtue of his Office formerly mentioned, he named Sp. Lucretius to be Inter-rex for holding of the Comi∣tia or Assemblie, who adjourned the meeting to the Campus Martius, where it was the custom for the Romans in their Armour to elect Magistrates. There he named Brutus and Collatinus (as was formerly agreed on betwixt the con∣spirators) for to have the Regal power, and the Centuries confirmed them by their Suffrages. In the mean time, whilst these things were done in the City, Tarquinius having heard by such as escaped out ere the gates were shut, that Brutus called the people to their liberty, making none acquainted but his sons and some trustie friends, with them rode away post, to prevent the ge∣neral defection, but finding the gates fast shut, and the walls full of Armed men, in great grief returned to the Camp. There now he could not be re∣ceived; for Brutus foreseeing his sodain coming, sent Letters to the Army (or went himself by another way than that he knew he would come) wherein he acquainted them with the decree of the People, and desired that they would revolt from the King. The letters were read to the Soldiers by T. Hermi∣nius and M. Horatius, whom Tarquin had left to govern the Army, and they being called to give their Suffrages also by Centuries, all thought that what their friends at home had done, was to be approved, and would not admit the King at his return. Frustrated of this hope, he went Caere in Hetruria, saith Livie, to Gabii saith Dionysius, where he had made his son Sextus King, now gray-headed, having reigned 25 years. Herminius and Horatius took truce with the Enemy for 15 years, and breaking up the Siege before Ardea, returned with the Army. This happened in the 244^th year of the City, after the account of Cato, but the 245^th, according to the computation of Teren∣tius Varro, in the latter end of the 67^th Olympiad, or the beginning of the 68^th, A. M. 3496. Pliny writeth, that it was the same year wherein the Pisistratidae were banished Athens, and Clemens joyneth it with the recove∣ry of Babylon by Darius Hystaspis. This was somewhat above twenty years after the beginning of Cyrus, and the destruction of the Babylonian Empire.

Notes

• The founding of Rome.
• (a)

  Solinus cap. 2. Cicero de divin. lib. 2. Plutarch in Romulo.
• (b)

  De re Ru∣stica l. 2. c. 1.
• (c)

  Lib. 4. Fast. Vide Joseph. Scalig. de Emend. temp. l. 5. pag. 362.
• The number of the Colo∣ny.
• Dionys. lib. 2. Livius lib. 1.
• The division and distin∣ction of Citi∣zens.
• Patrons and Clients.
• Dionysius.
• Idem.
• The Senate.
• Celeres.
• The Office of King.
• Senate.
• People.
• Prisoners to be preserved.
• Laws in refe∣rence to mar∣riage.
• Consule Val. Max. l. 2. c. 1.
• Parents and their Chil∣dren, &c.
• The Rape of the Sabine Virgins.
• Romulus his defensive wars.
• The end of Sabine War.
• A. M. 2363. V. C. 12. Achazi 2.
• Tatius killed.
• The Veii overcome.
• Romulus grown tyran∣nical,
• Is made away by the Sena∣tors.
• Called Quiri∣nus.
• An Inter-reg∣num for a year.
• A. M. 3291. V. C. 40. Ezechia 17. Olymp. 16. an. 3.
• Numa.
• His religion much suiting with that of the Pythago∣reans.
• He reformeth the year.
• (a)

  C. 3.
• (b)

  Satur. lib. 1. c. 12.
• (c)

  c. 20.
• Joseph Sca∣liger de Emen∣datione Temp. lib. 2. & Li∣dyatus de va∣riis annorum formis cap. 17.
• Tullus Hosti∣lius.
• A. M. 3333. V.C. 82. Olymp. 27. an. 1.
• His War with the Al∣bans.
• Dionysius l. 3. Livius l. 1.
• The Horatii and Curiatii.
• Alba destroy∣ed.
• A. M. 3051. V.C. 100. Olymp. 31. an. 4. Manassis 48.
• Livie.
• Pliny.
• Plutarch.
• Dionys. l. 3.
• Ancus Marcius.
• A. M. 3366. V.C. 115. Olymp. 35. an. 2. Josiae 6.
• Livius l. 1.
• Plutarch in Numa.
• Livius lib. 1.
• Dionys. l. 3.
• The pedigree of Tarquinius Priscus.
• A. M. 3390. V. C. 139. Ol. 41. an. 2. Josiae 30.
• Festus in voce Gaia.
• He obtaineth the Kingdom.
• His Wars.
• He encreaseth the Senate.
• The Vestal Nuns.
• Cloacae, or Common sinks.
• Actius Naevius.
• Tarquinius murdered.
• Servius Tullius his descent and educa∣tion.
• Dionysius l. 4. Livius l. 1. Florus l. 1. c. 6.
• Obtaineth the King∣dom.
• A.M. 3427. V.C. 76. Olymp. 50. an. 3. Nebuch. 31.
• The Census.
• Lustrum.
• De Lingua La∣tina lib. 5.
• Lib. 1. cap. 5.
• Lib. ••. c. 4.
• De Legibus l. 3.
• Dionys. ut suprà.
• The Centuries and Cexturiata Comitia.
• The custom of manumit∣ing Slaves.
• Tullius clip∣eth the King's power.
• Is murdered by his son in Law and his own daughter.
• Dionys. & Fe∣stus in voce Sceleratus Vi∣cus.
• Dionys. lib. 4. Livius l. 1. Florus l. 1. c. 7.
• Lucius Tarqui∣nius, sirnamed Superbus.
• A.M. 3471. V.C. 220. Olymp. 61. an. 4. Cyri 26.
• His Wars.
• Buildeth the Capitol.
• The Capitol.
• Hist. l. 3. c. 14.
• Sibyls.
• Sibyls books.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• (a)

  Vide Lu∣dov. Vivem in Augustin. de Civitate Dei lib. 18. cap. 23.
• (b)

  Lib. 14. pag. 633.
• The siege of Ardea.
• Sextus Tarqui∣nius ravisheth Lucretia.
• Lucretia kill∣eth her self.
• Junius Brutus.
• He urgeth the banishment of Tarquin.
• Prescribeth a new model of Government.
• Dionysius.
• The people decree Tar∣quinius his banishment.
• He is driven into exile.
• A.M. 3496. V.C. 245. Olymp. 67. an. 4. Darii 13.