The history of the reigns of Edward and Richard II with reflections, and characters of their chief ministers and favourites : as also, a comparison between those Princes Edward and Richard the Second, with Edward the First, and Edward the Third : written in the year 1685 / by the Honourable Sr. Robert Howard.

REFLECTIONS UPON THE REIGNS OF Edward and Richard II.

SINCE living in an Age, in which the Minds of Men are so passionately divided, that they are apt of all sides, not only to condemn whatever is not suitable to the Noise they make, but wrest out forc'd Constructions, far perhaps from the meaning of him that either writ or said the Words: And, where 'tis pos∣sible, to turn Censure into Accusati∣on. I thought it not improper, there∣fore, to prevent the Business of State-Criticks, by giving a short Account, by way of Introduction, why I chose

History as the most useful Study; and something of our own most pro∣per for our selves; where the prospect of Things, past under the same Laws and Government that we now enjoy, must also probably be the most useful part of History to us. For if the Re∣volution and Event of Things are the best Instructions, the Impressions may probably be most effectual, where the Actions of former Ages are made Pre∣sidents to our present Times.

I have also often consider'd, since riper Years have admitted a full Con∣sideration, what hazard any Man un∣dergoes, that exposes publickly the Endeavours of an improv'd Know∣ledge; thô with a Design to present to others those Advantages that he believes he has acquir'd to himself by the most industrious and impartial Searches. And indeed, 'tis not onely the Intention of Doing well, that will procure an Excuse for Errors com∣mitted, but join'd to a fair Perform∣ance, will hardly find a just Accept∣ance; and every Man, by reason of Self-Inclination, is as much unfit to

be a Judge of his own Productions, as generally Men, by their averseness to the Reputation of others, are unproper to bring in their Verdicts.

The same Inclination and Reason, that guide what any Man writes, will probably make him approve what he has written; so that indeed a Man has pass'd his Judgment at first, and can hardly have a separate Opinion left at last: For when he has endea∣vour'd to apply his best Correction, he must be disentangled from his own Nature, to have another Judgment. Fathers that beget Children may fan∣cy that to be Wit and Diversion in them, which perhaps disinteressed Per∣sons wou'd judge troublesome Imper∣tinencies.

On the other-side, those that are not biass'd by any particular Con∣cerns, and shou'd be most capable to judge, are yet as much bent with the Apprehension of the Reputation of o∣thers, as they are by the fondness of gaining it: As if any were robb'd of what was due to their own Merits, by

others receiving the Reward of theirs. One Candle may illuminate a Thou∣sand, without the loss of light; and in Esteem no Man loses by what a∣nother shares. But Jealousie, that disturbs the Peace of Life, raises the Disquiet in Mens minds; and Distur∣bance is the product of Ill Nature: So that Men are prepar'd rather to Cen∣sure, than Judge. Besides, in giving Judgment for the Party, there seems a tacit Submission to his; but Cen∣sure seems a preference to their own: So that, by searching out Faults in o∣thers, they give Evidence (as they think) of their own Correctness. Whereas, if those that indeavour to be Censorious were to attempt the same Thing, they might perhaps shew as many Failings; and the o∣thers, who shou'd enter upon their envious Province, might perhaps suc∣cessfully exceed them in searching for Defects.

This is the cause why the best Per∣formances have not that Kindness or Justice bestow'd upon them while the Author lives, which after his Death

they receive. Many excellent Pain∣ters, who during Life did not gain a∣ny extraordinary Wealth or Fame, after Death their Works increas'd a∣like into an Extreme of Price and Re∣putation: For they cou'd then be no Rivals; and those, that were jealous they might darken their Reputations while living, now believ'd it might be a safe Testimony of their own skill, to admire the Art of those that were Dead.

'Twere too long and needless to name the Writings of many, that were little regarded at the Time they were written; nay some censured, some absolutely condemn'd: which in future Times grew into Credit; and, by laborious Commentaries, great Ex∣cellencies and heights of Imagination have been indeavour'd to be discover∣ed, which perhaps were never de∣sign'd, or thought of, by the Authors. But when they were not capable to receive any Benefit of a Reputation, 'twas then search'd out for them, to make their Writings useful to the Fame and Interest of others. For

when, by distance of time, there seems a Traditional Authority descending with the Writings; many have curi∣ously labour'd how to bring this to the Use of their Arguments and De∣signs: And, to gain the more Reve∣rence, fix'd the Name of Antiquity to that which was perform'd rather in the Infancy of Learning.

From this general, and no very pleasant, Consideration, I enter'd into the particular Parts of Learning. And in the first place seriously weigh'd those Searches that I had made in Di∣vinity; and I perceiv'd nothing so ea∣sie, nor so useful, as the Gospel Part of it, which shou'd have been the whole: For I thought all Things ne∣cessary were so fully and clearly laid down there, that it did not need Disputes; nor cou'd reasonably cause Men to differ, but onely requir'd a General Consent of perswading for the other part of it, which is drawn out in Disputes. I found little Incourage∣ment to hope any Advantage or Im∣provement by labouring in such an in∣teressed Labyrinth. For when, with

as much Power of impartial Reason as I was furnish'd with, I had steadily weighed the Particulars that were so warmly disputed among Christians, I cou'd not convince my self (thô I had a charitable inclination to the contra∣ry) but that all the Particulars, from whence such passionate Differences had sprung, were caus'd more by the Zeal for this World than the other.

For in the first Place, there was ne∣ver any Point, now in Controversie, that had a Name pretended when Tra∣dition began. If they had a Birth it was unknown; they lay asleep in their Cradles, till the Future Noise of the Church rouz'd them; but had no Growth at all, and after many Years Infants, giving a Testimony at least of an unlawful Birth, being then dis∣own'd by many of the Fathers they were laid to: So that the Disputes seem'd of what Men invented, not what they found: And, in Civil Matters, 'twou'd be thought a ri∣diculous Contention about a Title of an invented Thing, that never was heard of in Five or Six Hun∣dred

Years, and then not to be found.

Whoever will take the Pains to sum up the Differences disputed a∣mong Christians, may easily find the Dates and Commencements of every one, long after the Time from whence they wou'd derive the Causes of them. And since the Particulars disputed are (for the most part) affirmed to be of such Consequence, it seems strange that none of them shou'd have such a plain Name, as not capable to be call'd otherways; and, after a Deluge of so many Hundred Years, when ad∣mir'd Tradition, nor the least Ecclesi∣astical Gazett, had given any Notice of such a Thing, to see strange Births and new Names contended for.

But that it may be justly thought too prolix and improper for my in∣tended Subject, I cou'd set down most of the Particulars, their Times of Birth, and the confident Fathers that first own'd them; who, while they were thus passionate for their own

unquiet Off-springs, did, for ought they knew, indeavour to Illegitimate the Truth. For large Disputes and Divisions of Mens Minds shew there is a doubt, which is the right deter∣mination; but one side finds a Pro∣tection for themselves against all Er∣ror and Mistakes: For those, who call themselves an Infallible Church, must consequently make their deter∣mination so; and not only secure what is past, but what is to be, by declaring, from the same assum'd Power, a Right of making new Arti∣cles of Faith. So that none need ex∣amine, why they believe at present, nor be solicitous, for what they are to believe hereafter.

To add to this, I confess I cou'd not upon my best Examination find, that any of the Particulars, controver∣ted among Christians, purely and ab∣stractedly consider'd in themselves, and the validity of their own Natures, cou'd have any effectual Vertue or Use, by the Opinions of them, in point of Salvation; no more than if they had never receiv'd their injurious

Beings by the Designs of Disputing Parties. For some of them are so un∣necessary, that the most earnest Con∣tender for them cannot want Modesty so much as to desire, that since we must indeavour to live as well as we ought, that the certain Knowledge of those things must need be useless to that end: For nothing, that is not in its self material, can be useful to the means. And if Faith, Charity, and Justice, must be the effectual means, I cannot see how it is necessary to con∣sider of believing, or not believing, a∣ny thing that is not, in its self, pure∣ly necessary to be believ'd for its own intrinsic Vertue.

These being my thoughts of the Polemic Part of Divinity, I cou'd not perceive any use, for my self or o∣thers, to be extracted out of those in∣teressed Quarrels; and therefore resol∣ved not to wander farther in a Wil∣derness, where all disputed the way, and most pretended to be unerring Guides. But, were the Apostles now living, they wou'd see a greater Im∣provement, by these Disputes, than

wou'd have been purchas'd by their plainer Methods and Doctrines: Of which they wou'd be sufficiently e∣vinc'd by the (then unthought of) Titles and large Possessions of their Successors. But Things of extraordi∣nary Natures are apt to get Respect, visible Impossibilities are made the most worthy Objects of Faith; and the Church the less Visible the more Veneration to be given to it: And submitting Imagination must make that greatest, that is not to be made less by being possible to find out where it is.

The next Thing I consider'd was Philosophy, wherein I found also Di∣sputes warmly maintain'd; Men be∣ing apt to ingage for the Pride of Vi∣ctory, or Lust of Interest. And it appears plainly, that not the desire of Truth onely has ingag'd many in the search of Philosophy; since the uncer∣tain Fate of it shews, That the Opini∣ons receiv'd Credit, as the Interests and Humors of Men were guided by Design, or Opposition. For in Things that admit no demonstration, there is

more room for Disputes than common Benefit.

The beginning of Philosophy is rec∣kon'd from Thales and Pythagoras, who made first the Publick Profession of it. But the Account is given but faintly by Laertius; and what we read of them, and others, down to the Time of Socrates, are but dark Ac∣counts, either to raise use, or dispute from. Under him Plato began his Studies, and Aristotle in his Time ap∣pear'd in Athens. The Differences between the Stoicks and Epicureans were Famous, and by their Disputes made way for the Doctrine of Plato to flourish; which Cicero, in his time, follow'd close, finding it perhaps use∣ful to Eloquence, which he so much labour'd in.

The Doctrine of Aristotle lay silent, while Plato's spread in Italy and Greece; which were then the onely Countries of Learning. 'Tis said that the Writings of Aristotle lay hid a∣bout 160 Years, and almost spoil'd by the moisture of the Cave where

they were buried: after sold for a great Price to a wealthy Citizen of Athens, who had a fancy for making a great Collection of Books hard to be gotten. Afterwards when Sylla took the City, he took these Writings with a design to bring them to Rome; but he dying they fell into the hands of one Tyrannion. After him Andro∣nicus got them into his Possession, who seem'd the first Restorer of them, and made them known in Rome about the time of Cicero's growing Reputa∣tion.

But Plato was yet famous in all Places, and the Romans, who found Advantage and Preferments depended more upon Eloquence than Natural Philosophy, apply'd themselves most to the Moral Part of it, and from thence form'd Religion.

This establish'd the Reputation of Plato's Doctrine in Rome, till the same Cause gave Reputation to Ari∣stotle's. In Domitian's time the Di∣sputes of the Philosophers began to be so troublesome to the Government,

that they were banish'd Rome. Mar∣cus Aurelius brought it again in high Reputation, and in his time the Do∣ctrine of Plato was in such Esteem that it grew a Fashion among the Ladies, and so continu'd to the time of Severus.

In this first Age the Church seem'd to have a Birth. The beginning of the Christian Religion was thought to have the most obstruction from Phi∣losophers; whose Disputes among themselves, and the Division of their Sects, gave Lucian one of the best Occasions to turn it into Ridicule.

Some of the Sages among the Chri∣stians, finding the Pagans so averse to any that disown'd Philosophy, they clos'd with them in becoming Plato∣nists, whose Philosophy was then so highly preferr'd; and then this Philo∣sophy was by them judged most a∣greeable to Christian Religion; and contributed to turn Justin, who was afterwards martyr'd; who avowed that the Philosophy of Plato dispos'd him to Christianity. Many Bishops

were also Admirers of that Philoso∣phy; Origen and St. Augustin, were great Assertors of Plato's Doctrine, and the Usefulness of it for Christia∣nity: And the two first Ages absolute Opposers of that of Aristotle.

Tertullian was one of the first that appear'd against the Doctrine of Pla∣to; calling him the first Author of all Heresies: And both he and Arnobius, follow'd by St. Chrysostome, who most sharply of any handled that Doctrine. And then the stream quite turn'd; and as in the first and second Age it was believ'd Christianity was asserted by it, so now in the third and fourth Ages 'twas found out that Heresie sprung from it.

The Latin Fathers were not so clear-sighted to find out that the Sub∣tleties of Aristotle were useful to the Christian Religion; but the Greeks, that flourish'd in the Eleventh Age, found it otherwise by better Studying it: And the Commentaries of Avi∣cen and Averrhoes, on the Philosophy of Aristotle, assisted the Reputation, and help'd it to spread.

In the Thirteenth Age, as the French write, the Works of Aristotle were brought into France, and for some time taught in the University; but after a little time his Writings were burnt, and Excommunication threatned against any that taught out of them. His Metaphysicks were condemn'd by an Assembly of Bishops at Paris; and Six Years after the Cardinal of St. Estienne, sent by Pope Innocent, forbid the Professors of the University of Paris to teach his Phy∣sicks: Which afterwards was also condemn'd by a Bull of Gregory the Ninth's; and one Simon a Professor, and Dinant a Master of Arts, were often accus'd of Heresie, for being E∣steemers of Aristotle's Opinions and Writings. Mezeray says, That in the Year 1209, one Almeric a Priest, be∣ginning to Preach some Novelties, had been forc'd to recant; for which he dy'd of Grief. Several after his Death follow'd his Opinion, and were condemn'd to be burnt; and he being Excommunicated by the Council of Paris, his Body was taken up, and

his Ashes thrown upon a Dunghil. And because they believ'd the Books of Aristotle, lately brought from Con∣stantinople, had fill'd their Heads with these Heretical Subtleties, the same Council forbids the Reading or Keep∣ing them under the Pain of Excom∣munication.

But during this Disgrace there a∣rose in his Defence three famous Di∣vines, to whom Damascen had open'd the way, having abridg'd many of his Works; which had assisted him to put in Order his great Work of Divi∣nity: And Afterwards others im∣prov'd this, and took, as it were, a Plan of Divinity from Aristotle's Phi∣losophy.

In the Year 1366, two Cardinals, Commissioners from Ʋrban the Fifth, came to establish the Doctrine of Ari∣stotle in France; where it was order'd that none shou'd proceed Master of Arts, that were not examin'd upon Logick, Physicks, Metaphysicks, and his Books of the Soul. And after∣wards were enjoin'd to study Aristotle

carefully to restore the Reputation of the University.

Pope Nicholas the Fifth, a great Advancer of Learning, commanded a new Translation of Aristotle into La∣tin, for the Use of the Divines of the Romish Church.

Pope John, that Canoniz'd St. Tho∣mas Aquinas, and his Doctrine, in∣creas'd the Reputation of Aristotle, from whom that great Doctor had drawn his Principles; that now his Writings became the Fundamental Laws of Philosophy.

In the Fourteenth Age grew the hot Contention between the Thomists and the Scotists, the Disciples of St. Tho∣mas and Scotus, about Subtil Nothings, or (as Mezeray calls them) brangling-cobweb-Controversies; which yet was pursu'd with Passion, according to In∣terest or Inclination, or by Ingage∣ment of Parties. And so multiply'd were Disputes, that a Venetian Wri∣ter pretended to reckon up Twelve Thousand Volumes, publish'd in

that Age, about the Philosophy of A∣ristotle.

This pursuit of Differences and Ni∣ceties, never to be made decidable, grew to raise a new Philosophy, that the other became scarcely intelligible; Interest, and the excessive Love of Dispute, caus'd so many vain Subtil∣ties, that Philosophy began to lose its former Credit and Reputation. And, if it were not from my purpose, the naming onely of those useless and un∣intelligible Subtleties, wou'd convince any, that by the sharp Disputes it appear'd, it was not for Truth, or the Hopes evidently to discover it, that ingag'd the Quarrelling Parties.

Yet after this the Reputation of A∣ristotle so far increas'd, and was so e∣stablish'd in the University of Paris, that Ramus (who had found out some new Subtilties in Logick, and pub∣lish'd some Observations upon Aristo∣tle to diminish his Credit) was by the other Professors in the University condemn'd, in the Year 1543, for rash, ignorant, and impudent, to dare

to write any thing against Aristotle; and an Order made that none shou'd teach any other Philosophy. Such a Religious Veneration they had for A∣ristotle, that dissenting from it grew a Heresie, and, in the Massacre at Pa∣ris, Ramus was murther'd with as much Fury as the Calvinists them∣selves.

The Credit of Aristotle was also not a little increas'd in the Church of Rome, from the Opposition of Bucer, Calvin, Melancthon, and others; and it was then more and more found out that it was a Support to the dark Opinions of that Church. This was the Cause that it was so supported by the Do∣ctors of Paris in the Year 1611, by making a new Rule, that all Professors shou'd teach the Philosophy of Aristo∣tle. And in the Year 1624, a Re∣quest was deny'd, for some particular Theses to be propos'd against the Do∣ctrine of Aristotle; and the same Par∣liament, in the Year 1629, made an Arrest against some Chymists, upon the Information of the Sorbonists, That the Principles of Aristotle could not

be written against or lessen'd without prejudicing the School-Divinity re∣ceiv'd. And this perhaps rais'd and confirm'd his Reputation in all Uni∣versities; which were first encoura∣ged by the Popes, as proper Soils to sow the Seeds for Disputes to grow up, to defend and support all new and dark Opinions. Thus his Name grew almost Sacred in Universities; and Queen's Colledge in Oxford, yet shews a kind of Testimony of Vene∣ration, by Reading Aristotle upon their Knees; and those that take De∣grees are Sworn to defend his Philoso∣phy.

Whoever will impartially consider the dark Subtleties, contain'd in A∣ristotle's Philosophy, will find reason enough for the Use of it in as dark, but more dull Writings of School-Di∣vinity; whose End seems onely to confound all Things with obscure and dark Distinctions. For when an Implicit Obedience is to be perswa∣ded, the most sublime and unin∣telligible Means are most proper to be us'd.

And 'tis no Wonder if the Fathers and Sages of the Three First Ages were not quick enough to understand a sort of dulness, of which they had then no use; the Thing being not then found out that they were to be apply'd to. But when the Occasion was ready for it, the puzling Parts of Aristotle's Philosophy were found use∣ful; and among all his dark Subtle∣ties none more convenient than that of separate Essences, which were Be∣ings where no Being was; and the onely proper Notion to find out a Place for Purgatory: And seem'd al∣so very useful to support the hard Point of Transubstantiation; where there appears a Substance that must not be believ'd to be there, and ano∣ther to be believ'd there, that is not at all to be perceiv'd. Yet tho' the Church ingag'd in the Quarrel, the Credit of the New Philosophy has in∣creas'd chiefly by the Writings of Mi∣randula, L. Vives, Galiloeus, Gassen∣dus, and Des Cartes; and by many Excellent Philosophers of our own Nation.

I have not given this Account with the least design or endeavour to lessen the Esteem of Knowledge in this par∣ticular of Philosophy; for certainly the Natural Reason of Things is wor∣thy of such a Search as may inform. But to labour in the endless and useless Searches of Subtleties and nice Distin∣ctions, can be for no other Use but Disputes, caus'd by the Vanity of sup∣pos'd Victory, or the Application to Interest. At least I cou'd not find a clear Advantage to myself, or could have hop'd to have offer'd any to o∣thers, by endeavouring to obtain the Perfection of an imperfect Study; wherein nothing appear'd to me pro∣mising any Thing of Publick Use, or private Demonstration.

For the Mathematicks, setting a∣side that vain Part of it Astrology, I onely knew enough of it, to deplore I had not made my entire Study there; where a Demonstration made it more proper for the true Use of Men, than for their Designs. For in Things that admit the least Dispute Men must be

least divided: And yet evident Truth begets the least Interest, and the few∣est Admirers. But where Things, not onely above Reason but contrary to Sense, are impos'd upon Men's Be∣lief, that Implicit Faith, and conse∣quently Obedience, must be the sure Foundation of Interest; and those, who have parted with their Wits, may probably part with their For∣tunes. For certainly had not such extraordinary Designs prosper'd on easie Men, the Ecclesiasticks had not crept into such great Titles, and large Possessions, that the Apostles cou'd hardly find any Image of themselves in their Successors, and as little in some of their Opinions; who never were taught, or did teach, to deny Sense, and to make visible Truth, or sensible Demonstration, a Sin.

The Mathematicks have therefore caus'd less Disputes, and ingag'd few∣er in the Study of it, where Truth can onely be the Search and the Re∣ward; and the Disputes must be con∣founded by Demonstration. But the other Studies are most suitable to the

bent Nature of Mankind; where Things not to be clearly decided nou∣rish Contention and Design: For easie People, being ready for extraordinary Notions, excuse the folly of not Exa∣mining, by the Prudence of Believing it safer to submit implicitly to others, than to use their own Sense. And at last by such entire Submissions, Im∣possibilities become as easie to them as Truths, and Falseness as Demon∣stration; like those that use them∣selves perpetually to hot Waters. Spi∣rit of Wine itself at last is swallow'd, without being perceiv'd to have any violent strength.

The next Study to this that seem'd nearest Truth, and of most Use, was History, in which the best Measures of Men are to be found; and the Comparison of Calms and Storms in Empires, the Quiet and Revolutions under several Princes and Governors, will best teach by what Methods Kingdoms have been preserv'd and shaken: Which is not onely useful for those that Govern, but those that Obey, teaching the first how to pre∣serve,

and the last how to afford the Means.

Nor did any thing appear more a∣greeable to me than the Use that Ma∣chiavel makes of History, in his De∣cads on Livy; where his Discourses grounded upon Reason, have yet Matter of Fact to support them, and brings it the nearest to a Demonstra∣tion. For Notions in Politicks, un∣supported with Fact, seem only bare Opinions; but from those Accidents and Events that we have seen follow closely the Wisdom and Vertue of Princes, or the Folly and Vices of them, or their Favourites or Ministers (sharing so much their Power) may be reasonably deduc'd that Judgment of Things, which must be useful to Practise, or Avoid, by the Ruling and Obeying Part.

'Tis true that the Instructions of never so many, and so great Exam∣ples are lost and useless to such as are easily dejected with Misfortunes, or hurry'd too giddily with Power. Some, whose Minds and Ambitions can ne∣ver

be confin'd, will hardly submit to the Limits of a temperate Reason and Condition; and who have so much Consideration for themselves, that they cannot have it for others. But as it is most difficult for tempe∣rate Vertue to get a full Possession in Man's intemperate Composition, so it is more easie for Distempers and unquiet Diseases, than a calm and peaceable Health to reign in any Con∣stitution.

There are no Prescriptions (in my Opinion at least) so useful against this Sickness, as the Precedents in History: To see what Glory and Safety Wise and Vertuous Princes have obtain'd, and what Ruin the Cruelty and Folly of Others have brought upon Themselves and Sub∣jects. In every Country their own Precedents are most proper for them∣selves; since living under the same Constitutions, they may justly expect the same Effects, from those Happy or Unfortunate Causes.

In all our Stories I look'd upon none so Instructing as the Part I have chosen; where the power of firm Ver∣tue, and unsteady Errors so evident∣ly appear'd in their close Operati∣ons.

I do not look upon a calm and quiet Reign so much the Proof of steady Vertue, where Peace has de∣scended with the Empire, nor the Troubles of an unquiet Time, so clear an Evidence of unsteady Errors, where the Storms and Troubles descended with the Crown: But when, in an immediate and repeated Succession, the Extremes alternately have pre∣serv'd and destroy'd, I look upon those as the clear Testimonies of the diffe∣rent powers of Vice and Vertue, Steadiness, and Indirectness, Justice and Tyranny.

These Examples are no where to be found more close than in the Reigns of Edward the Second, and Richard the Second. The first succeeded his Father Edward, who came to the

Crown after many Troubles that his Father Henry the Third had long la∣bour'd under; but his steady Vertue overcame all Troubles at home, and conquer'd his Enemies abroad: And was the first that made England look ••ike a Powerful and Establish'd Mo∣narchy. His unfortunate Son Ed∣ward unravel'd what he had wound up; and by unsteady Errors shook that Power that descended so unsha∣ken to him from his Mighty Father. His Son Edward the Third, by the Vertues and Methods of his Grandfa∣ther, restor'd what his Father lost. Richard the Second, the Son of the Black Prince, succeeded his Grandfa∣ther in his Throne, but his Great-Grandfather Edward the Second in the same fatal and unsteady Measures; and lost more than the other had gain'd: For tho' he lost his Life like Edward the Second, yet he lost more than he; for with him the Succession ended, and fell into another Line.

No Subject appear'd to me so wor∣thy of Remarques as this; which e∣vidently shews that there is a general

Temper in Mankind, fatal to their own Peace, which even and firm Minds wou'd preserve. Fortune and Occasion adds to, or diminishes the Temper of most, who sink either too low, or swell too high: Success makes them false to themselves and others. All modest and profess'd Principles are lost in such a Tempta∣tion; and both Kings and Subjects have harass'd one another by such Al∣terations, and shook the Government they both seem'd tender of.

Sometimes when Kings have been in such a Condition, that is capable to ground sufficient Flattery upon, there never want those, either indigent in Fortune or Vertue, to perswade Kings that Limited Power, (for so they call Laws observ'd) is but the Fetters of a Prince; and they need be worn no longer than he submits to Public No∣tions: And if a King does not assume all Power, the Subjects will grow in∣to the greater share, and will necessi∣tate him to try for all, or have as good as none.

On the other-side a Prince attem∣pting this, and failing, he sinks per∣haps to grant as much as he design'd to get; and believes to find a stop in their Desires, who knew none in his own. Subjects are at first modest, and their Desires are grounded upon Common Interest, but usually when they believe their Credit and Conditi∣on large enough for a Foundation, they increase as fast in Desires as Fortune gives them occasion; and, when they gain more than they expected, they will ask more to secure what they had obtain'd: And at last make themselves incapable to trust, or be trusted. It is the nature of Extremities to allow no Retreat; and the Mischiefs of ei∣ther side are hurtful to the Common Peace: And where-ever a ravish'd Power rests, the Tyranny is alike.

Nothing more Illustrates this than the unfortunate Reigns of those two unhappy Princes, Edward the Second, and Richard the Second; both Prin∣ces of resembling Tempers; not affe∣cted with extraordinary Cruelty in

their own Natures; of competent Sense and Courage, but ill Users of both. In Prosperity they seem'd to shew more Courage than they had, and in Adversity less; by which it naturally appear'd they were more in∣fluenced by others than themselves, who flatter'd them in a good Conditi∣on, and forsook them in a bad. They were both apt to be fond of Favou∣rites, and the Nobility as apt to hate them: Yet some of them, that con∣demn'd those Kings for fixing too much their Favours on particular Per∣sons, wou'd perhaps have been as pleas'd to enjoy the same good For∣tune. But the Publick was made complain for their private Displea∣sures; and the usual immoderate Use of Power in those Favourites caus'd such a distance in the Hearts of King and People, that the attempting the Cure of the Diseases, that sprung from the Infection of ambitious Mini∣sters, procur'd Calamities in the Re∣dress; as Physicians prescribe one Di∣sease as a Remedy for another, and, to cure a Lethargy, the Patient must be driven into a Feaver.

King Edward gave this Offence by his unlimited Favours to Gaveston, and after him to the Spencers: King Richard to the Duke of Ireland, and Earl of Suffolk. Gaveston's Person was very charming, and his Mind and Frame equally fitted for Luxuries: Which was discern'd by that great Prince Edward the First, who banish'd him, and on his Death-bed enjoin'd his Son never to bring him back. He was a Man of Courage, but, when rais'd to Power, he grew from all E∣venness of Temper, and was as Inso∣lent as his Fortune was Great.

The Spencers succeeded him in Fa∣vour: In whom no particular Marks of good Qualities cou'd be trac'd; never satisfied with Wealth, nor ever satiated with Revenge. The Riches of the Nation seem'd but enough to satisfie their Ambitions, and the De∣struction of it to secure their Safeties: They first justly made many their E∣nemies, and then destroy'd them for being so. By this it may seem strange that Princes shou'd have that Excess of

Value for such worthless Objects, which more ordinary Persons wou'd hardly bestow upon them. But those of the loosest and most debauch'd Prin∣ciples are aptest to feed the humor of Men, who love to be nourish'd by soft Flatteries; and common People are not Objects for such endeavours. Princes tempt the Tempters, who creep into Power by perpetual Whi∣spers how to enlarge theirs: And, twisting themselves into their Prince's Favour and Opinion, involve his Inte∣rest with theirs; and render any Di∣spleasure against them, the Want of Duty to him.

Richard the Second was as unhap∣py in his Choice of Favourites. The first was the Duke of Ireland, better than the rest, but hardly better than any others: He was not a great Stu∣dier of Mischief, but a ready Adviser to pursue any Advantage to enlarge Power. He seem'd to want Courage to attempt, and few want Courage to embrace; so that it was possible he might have rested in a limited share of Fortune, and been contented with a

moderate Quietness, had he not been join'd with the turbulent Earl of Suf∣folk; who in all Conditions merited the worst Character: In War fearful, in Peace insupportable; all Vertue unthought of by him, and Mischief his Study, and his diseas'd Mind the common Place of Corruption.

Tresilian the Chief Justice, was an useful Minister to serve such a Favou∣rite; who was ready to subject Law to Occasion, and make the Occasion suitable to Law. And 'tis probable he got his Place by such Measures; for his Reason was Violence, and his Justice Cruelty; there was nothing right or wrong, but what he was di∣rected to determine so; and gave a full Testimony of himself in the deci∣ding the Ten Queries, propos'd by the Earl of Suffolk, all which were re∣solv'd into Treason, or to merit Death: By which Resolves the Nati∣on was made the Traitor, and the Treason fitted certainly to find out Traitors.

Thus commonly Men attain to Princes Favours, by being more Coun∣sellors to their Humours, than their Interest: and with unconfin'd Flatte∣ry, betray them to the Temptation of unlimited Power. And this violent Driving all Things into Extreams was the Fall of those two unhappy Princes; who when they had Power shew'd no Moderation, and when they wanted it betraid as much Dejection.

This shook that Trust, which is the Foundation of Peace, and that once shaken, either side, as Occasion offer'd, acted the same Immoderation which they before condemn'd. Both these Princes in the Change of For∣tune, deny'd and granted too much; and most commonly deny'd what they had granted, and granted what they had deny'd before; by which they disoblig'd in denying, and their Favours seem'd no Obligation when bestow'd: The first was lookt upon as a Design to injure their Subjects, and the last as a fear of them.

These things will be best Illustra∣ted, by giving an impartial Account of some resembling particulars, in the Actions of those unfortunate Prin∣ces.

Edward the Second began his Reign with two particular Actions, which shew'd how much he had forgotten his Father's Virtues and Commands; and pursu'd the more pleasing Remem∣brance of his own Will and Loose∣ness. Walter de Langton, Bishop of Chester, and Treasurer of England, had, like a just Servant, in his Fa∣ther's Life-time, reprov'd him of those leud Errors that he practis'd in excess; and complain'd of Gaveston as the Au∣thor, at least Encourager of Vices, so unbecoming a Prince: whose Con∣finement happening after this, he re∣membred, when he came to be King, in the first place, to punish a Man that was so full of troublesome Virtue; and Arrested him by Sir John Felton, Con∣stable of the Tower.

This was contrary to the Proceed∣ing of that Great Prince, Henry the Fifth: Who instead of punishing the Chief Justice, William Gascoigne, that boldly Imprison'd him, for attem∣pting to violate Justice; he continu'd him in his Place, and in that Esteem that was due to so upright and just a Man. These contrary Actions, upon the same Occasions, shew the diffe∣rence between Abject and Mighty Minds. The first seek ways to de∣press Virtue, the other to encourage it.

The next ill chosen Action was, the receiving the banisht Gaveston in∣to Favour, before his Father's Fune∣rals were perform'd. So hasty to disobey his Father's Commands, as if he design'd to disturb the Peace of Others, before he was laid to rest. He presently made him Earl of Corn∣wall, and gave him the Lordship of Man. The King's Favours were his Markets, and wore the very Jewels of the Crown, which the King declar'd shou'd have descended to him, were

his Power equal to the Affection he had for him.

The Queen very early complain'd to her Father, the King of France, that the King's Affection to Gaveston was so great, that it had both alienated his Love from Her, and Himself from Her Bed. Which made some Writers affirm, that the King was as loose in a personal Affection to him, as he was in his Public Favours.

This so inrag'd the Nobility, that they press for Gaveston's Banishment, or threaten (if deny'd) to hinder his Coronation. The King (pursu'd al∣ways with a fatal unsteadiness) yields to their Demands; and promises, in the next Parliament, all they had de∣sir'd: Yet, after he had promis'd the Banishing of Gaveston, permits him notwithstanding to carry St. Edward's Crown. This aggravates so much, that the next Parliament proceeded much higher: Thus the Ballances began to be tost up and down, as any weight on either-side help'd to hoist up the other.

In the Parliament they pursu'd their advantage, and the King not only grants them Power to draw Articles, but takes his Oath to Confirm what∣ever they concluded. And he that before seem'd jealous of trusting his Subjects, now gave them an Oppor∣tunity of Revenging that Mistrust. The Want of Confidence before seem'd to betray an ill Intention, and this un∣limited Confidence confirm'd the Opi∣nion of it: Both betray'd what he de∣sign'd both shou'd conceal; and by the Extreams taught the Fatal Lessons of Jealousie. And those perhaps that advis'd the ill Designs, wanting Pow∣er to bring them forth, from their own Fears, gave Councels contrary to their former Advices in a better Condition: For Men without Princi∣ples are guided by those Opinions that unequal Fears, or unsteady Ambition gives them; and receive no Counsel from even Principles, or unshaken Vertue.

These Mistakes provok'd the Ba∣nishment of Gaveston, and the King became liable to Perjury when-ever they pleas'd. But after he had com∣mitted this Error, he pursues it with a greater; and thô he banisht Gave∣ston to keep his Oath, he violates a∣gain his Faith by recalling him.

Gaveston had not been long in Ba∣nishment, but the King began to ap∣pear a sharer in his Sufferings, as he us'd to do. All things with him, he seem'd banisht from himself, as much as the other was from his Kingdom, and not being able to Live without him, in a few Months restor'd him, and receiv'd him with such an Excess of inconsiderate Joy and Kindness, that it seem'd, as if Gaveston brought al∣ways Charms more Powerful, than any Divine or Humane Obligation.

The Return of Gaveston, and, if possible, to an increase of Favour, re∣kindled such a Fury in the Barons, that they plainly told the King, That unless Gaveston were immediately ba∣nisht,

they would proceed against him as a perjur'd Prince. They seem'd to find out that the King was most inclin'd to grant, when most a∣fraid to deny: A Nature very dange∣rous to a Prince, and very dangerous to a Favourite, to depend on such a weak and uncertain Temper; this his frequent Banishments, and at last his Ruine clearly justify'd. Thô 'tis hard for any Prince more firm than he, to secure the Condition of an envied Favourite, against the weight of a displeas'd and injur'd Nation.

This sharp Proceeding of the Ba∣rons, obtain'd his last Banishment; but Ireland was no more to be his Refuge: France, and indeed all Pla∣ces abroad, seem'd unsafe, by the Power and Interest of the King of France, who probably wou'd not ne∣glect, by any means, to Revenge his Daughter's Injuries, receiv'd from this powerful Favourite.

Gaveston seem'd to contemplate this in his Banishment; and determin'd with himself, that no Place cou'd yet

be so safe, as to fly back to his King's Arms, placing also some hopes in the Marriage of his Niece.

Upon this he adventures into Eng∣land, and according to his expectati∣on, was receiv'd again by the King, with his usual Excess of inconsiderate Joy: the Satisfaction of having Gave∣ston again, appearing of more weight to him, than the Dissatisfaction it would certainly give to the whole Na∣tion, and make them as careless of their Duty and Affections, as he had been of his Oaths and Promises.

The King kept his Christmas at York, where all Rejoycings seem'd to proceed from his enjoying Gaveston a∣gain. Which so inflam'd the Lords, who now lookt upon themselves as despis'd and injur'd to the last degree, that they resolv'd to take Arms, and chose for their Leader, Thomas Earl of Lancaster, Leicester, and Ferrers, and afterwards by Marriage Earl of Lin∣coln and Salisbury.

The Barons assembled at Bedford, where they made the Earl of Glouce∣ster Custos Angliae, and took care to Guard the Seas, least Strangers shou'd come in, to Aid the King. By this it may be observ'd, that it was presum'd, when a King violates his Oath and Contracts with his People, that they had a Right to endeavour to Relieve themselves: and to take Care of the Administration of that Power, that he had so much abused and forfeited.

The Barons with their United Pow∣ers marcht to York, where Gaveston was left, who fled from thence to Scarborow, where they closely besie∣ged him: Who seeing now no means of safety, but the hopes of once more getting into the King's Presence, deli∣vered himself up, upon those Terms; and was committed to the Custody of Aymer de Valence Earl of Pembrook, who undertook to see the Condition perform'd: And brought him to a Mannor of his, between Warwick and Oxford. But the next Day in the Morning, the Earl of Warwick came

with Forces, and took him away, and carried him to Warwick-Castle: Where, after some Consultations among the Lords, he was brought to a Place, then called Blacklow, and there, in their Presence Beheaded; the King u∣sing many Solicitations, thô to no purpose, to prevent the Fatal Blow.

Thus a King seem'd to Petition, which nothing but the Total Destru∣ction of all Trust and Confidence could have render'd ineffectual.

The Lords swell'd with this Success (the usual effects of ravish'd Power) march with an Army towards London, where the King then was; where Ne∣cessity, and not Choice, seem'd to be the Means that a Parliament was call'd. Where the King complain'd of the Ba∣rons; who justify'd their violent A∣ctions, by the Errors of their Prince. And plead Merit for having purchas'd the banishing of Strangers to quiet the People. Thus unsteady Actions be∣get wild Arguments, and false Preten∣sions are too much supported by Power.

However a Composure for the pre∣sent was made by the Queen, the Bi∣shops, and the Earl of Gloucester, who calm'd the Barons into a Temper of Asking the King's Pardon; and seve∣ral Articles were agreed on for pre∣sent Satisfaction: Which seem'd as if the Lords had more Inclinations to O∣bedience than Rebellion; and wanted but the prudent Justice of a Prince to be apply'd to cure those Wounds that jealous Discontents had made.

But the Mischief of former ill Hu∣mors and Counsels remain'd; and be∣gan to shew themselves by the delay of performing what was agreed of: Which was the Cause that the Earls of Lancaster, Arundel, Warwick, and Warren, refus'd to go with the King against the Scots.

It seems strange that Unsteadiness and Injustice, two of the weakest Er∣rors of Mankind, shou'd become Rules for Princes to act by: Which cou'd hardly be possible, were they not re∣sign'd to the Counsels of others,

and consequently to their Interests, who cannot by National Methods pursue their ambitious Designs, and protect what they obtain. The Pur∣suits of Honour and Riches are seldom limited, and putting a Distance be∣tween King and People, is the only means to keep them remote from Exa∣mination and Justice; and at last in∣volve their Interest so with his, that to question them, is to attacque his Dignity.

To foment Differences between the King and others was now acted by lit∣tle Artifices; one instance of which was the taking away the Earl of Lan∣caster's Wife by one Richard St. Mar∣tin, claiming her as his, and that he had formerly lay'n with her: And he claim'd by her the two Earldoms of Lincoln and Salisbury. This was an Action that seem'd to shew the Encou∣ragement and Assistance of great Pow∣er; nor did they that contriv'd it, omit their chief Aim of having the King thought a Party: At once to in∣gage him in their Designs and Animo∣sities, and to revenge himself and them

by particular Injuries. For 'tis not to be presum'd that such a Man, as the Earl of Lancaster, cou'd have such a Violence committed in his House by an inconsiderable Fellow, without great Assistance of Force and Power. And the two Earldoms (that, it seems, rested in her) were Arguments, that the Design was to affront the Earl of Lancaster in the Diminution of his Honour, and to make an irreconcila∣ble Difference between the King and him; who being related to the King, and a Man of great Quality and Inte∣rest, might perhaps be an Obstacle to those Designs, which were contriving by the new Favourites. And 'twas an improper Consideration for such, to consider whether the King's Interest and Honour were best serv'd by this, but onely whether their own Designs were not best pursu'd.

And now the same Fatal Humor be∣gan to shew itself, and Hugh Spencer the younger (who, Mezeray says, had been bred in an unbecoming Fami∣liarity, and had an absolute Empire o∣ver him) succeeded Gaveston in an

almost unlimited Favour and Power. The first Difference that this caus'd, appear'd at the Siege of Berwick, which being near taken from the Scots, the King declar'd his Design to make the younger Spencer Governour of it. Upon which the Earl of Lancaster withdrew his Forces, with whom the Lords presently took Arms, and de∣clar'd the Cause to be, for the remo∣ving the Spencers: The Father being now got into joint Commission of Fa∣vour with his Son, who govern'd with as much Insolence and Absolute∣ness as ever Gaveston had done.

With their Forces they advance to∣wards the King, and boldly demand the Banishment of the Spencers. The King, being not strong enough at present to oppose them, gives a tem∣perate Answer; onely seeming averse to punish any, but by Form of Law, and therefore wou'd not banish them unheard: but promises they shou'd answer to any Charge, and swore he wou'd never pardon Offences prov'd. This Answer did not yet satisfie the

Lords, who continu'd their March to London, where the King grants all things deny'd before.

The King, that had yielded to what was demanded by Force, out of the Apprehension of that Power, re∣tain'd yet his former Inclinations; and was so us'd to act by Indirectness, that he rather proceeded by a Fami∣liar Method, than any new Necessity, and practis'd as much from Nature, as Occasion.

The Spencers by an Edict, pub∣lish'd in Westminster-Hall by the Earl of Hereford, were banish'd the Realm: But in a very little time (when the Lords were return'd Home) the Edict was revok'd in a Council held at Lon∣don, where the Archbishop of Canter∣bury declar'd the Banishment of the Spencers to have been erroneous.

As soon as the Lords were retir'd to their promised Quiet, having ob∣tain'd what they desir'd, the King be∣gan to design to revenge on them the

Displeasure, for what himself had granted; as if all his Favours were his Errors, and his Severity his pru∣dent Justice. Thus while they thought themselves restor'd to Peace, the King prepares for War; and suddenly rai∣sing Forces pursues the Barons, many of whom revolt to him. The rest made such Preparations as was possi∣ble in so short a time, and stay'd with their Forces at Burton upon Trent. When the King's Army advanc'd to them they perceiv'd they very much exceeded in Numbers: So that the Earl of Lancaster thought it wisest to retreat, especially considering that he had sent Sir Robert Holland to raise more Forces among his Tenants; which Supplies he thought it was Prudence to wait for. But the Indea∣vour to Retreat gave the King's For∣ces an addition of Courage from that Testimony of their Fear; which was made use of by Valence Earl of Pem∣brook, who then commanded the King's Army: And after some Re∣sistance put them to flight. After which the Earl of Lancaster, and

many Noblemen and Gentlemen were taken Prisoners: The News, or his own Falseness, brought Sir Robert Holland, with his new-rais'd Forces, to join with the King.

As soon as these mighty Enemies were in the King's Power, the Spen∣cers (full of Revenge) urg'd on for the Execution of all. 'Tis said that Valence the Earl of Pembrook, who obtain'd the Victory, interceded for Mercy; but this rather hastens their Fate: For Spencer was so apprehen∣sive that the King's Mercy to any wou'd be a Cruelty to him, that he successfully urg'd a quick Execution. The King with other Lords (among whom was Hugh Spencer, now Earl of Winchester) sat and gave Judgment up∣on the Earl of Lancaster, who was pre∣sently beheaded, and many other Lords in their several Countreys, to disperse Terror in every place. Above twen∣ty Men of Quality were put to Death at this time: The first Blood of this nature that ever was shed since the Conquest.

Besides the Earl of Lancaster there dyed fourteen Lords and Barons; their Estates and Inheritances were seized, and were us'd to advance a new sort of Men who must needs ap∣plaud and flatter such Counsels and Successes, that had been so favourable to them. And questionless the streams of Flattery flow'd to the King for his choice of such a Favourite as Spencer; who had now enthron'd him once a∣gain, and by so much Blood procur'd him the surest Coronation. Nor was Spencer less blind in the judgment of his own Condition; who was now Master of his King, and of all those Spoils that this bloody Success had thrown into his ambitious Arms. But his Condition was too prosperous temperately to consider the Uncer∣tainty of a violent Prosperity, watch'd by the unwearied searches of Envy and Revenge.

Counsels and Actions now appear'd, as commonly after such Success; Law lay contemn'd under Power, and the

Interest of the Nation under Conquest; all temperate and composing Actions formerly us'd were now reflected on as a Prince's shame, and any thing less than Arbitrary Power his Disho∣nour: An ill-chosen ground of safety in its own nature, but most improper to ingage a Prince in, who by the weakness of an unsteady Judgment, and the ill use of Power, had suffici∣ently by Mistrust prepar'd Mens Minds not to be cozen'd into Slavery. It must be the concurrence of many strange Accidents, and the close re∣serve of a Prince's Nature, that must steal him into Absolute Power: O∣therwise we had heard of many more successful Tyrants in the World. For I doubt not, but generally the Nature of Men hath been more ready to em∣brace such Power, than their Abilities or Accidents have comply'd to assist them in: And we seldom read of such as become Slaves, but such as have been well-cozen'd Subjects.

The King's Power now seemingly grown to a great heigth, by the Numbers that his Success increas'd, flatter'd him as well as their Tongues, that nothing was able to resist him: And (perhaps to find use for those Forces that now must be kept toge∣ther) resolves to march from York into Scotland, rather with a mighty Number than a powerful Army; ne∣ver considering that such Numbers, without suitable Discipline and Provi∣sions, were a weakness to themselves. The Scots, it seems, consider'd this, for they kept close, and hinder'd them of all Provisions, leaving them to o∣vercome themselves. For Want in∣creasing, they were beaten without Blows; and return'd, pursu'd by Want and Dishonour, as well as by the Scots: Who enter'd far into England, and return'd with great Spoils into Scot∣land.

This unhappy King, not made for Counsels, was as well not born for Triumphs; and was now perhaps at

a calmer leisure to consider what he had done. It seem'd something like regretting thoughts, when, being earnestly sollicited to Pardon one of the Earl of Lancaster's Followers (a Man of a mean Condition) he ex∣claim'd with passion against such Counsellors that press'd him to spare the Life of such a Fellow, and spoke not one word to save the Life of the Earl, thô his near Kinsman, whose Blood had so near a relation to his own: Making this true reflection, That his Life might have been useful to him, the other's cou'd not.

Misfortune seem'd, at this instant, to give the King a more temperate Consideration, which in the streams of Success he wou'd hardly have had leisure to entertain. But this was rather an unsteady than a firm Return to better and more prudent Thoughts and Counsels: His Nature was still the same, which made his Favours or Displeasure equally dangerous.

Sir Andrew de Herkley, who was raised to the Earldom of Carlisle, for taking the Earl of Lancaster, shew'd the truth of this: For growing great enough to give Apprehension to the Spencers, or as some write, for com∣bining with the Scots, he lost his new-enjoy'd Honours together with his Life; being first Degraded of them, and then Executed: So that the King seem'd at one time ready to Destroy, and to revenge Destruction; just as the Displeasure and Spleen of his ambitious Favourites guided him.

It is no wonder if so easie a Con∣quest over a King shou'd swell the Conquerour enough to burst him; nor that so much Wealth and Glory shou'd so much dazzle the Eyes of Spencer as to make him lose his way: But all seem'd calm, nor any little Speck so like a Cloud that seem'd to threaten any Storm; and the Instabi∣lity of this World in general is seldom the Contemplation of the Fortunate and Ambitious.

This made him attempt that which was the highest Testimony of his be∣liev'd Security, in lessening the Queen's Attendance and Maintenance. The Spencers were not satiated with all the late Spoils of the King's Enemies, nor with the Sale of his Favours to his Friends: Places and Honours were purchas'd as in a common Market, and every Thing inclos'd, or expos'd as they pleas'd. Yet, it seem'd, all this was not enough, or certainly they wou'd not have indeavour'd to supply the Want by the Queen's Prejudice, and raise the most probable Storm to disturb their prosperous Course. For the Queen had been hitherto a Sup∣port, an Instrument of composing Differences; but being denied to be entertain'd at Leeds Castle, which then belonged to the Lord Baltemore, she alter'd from that more happy in∣clination; and grew rather the Stu∣dier of Revenge for the Injury recei∣ved.

It might seem strange that Favou∣rites cou'd find ways to wast as much as wou'd support and supply the Pub∣lick; and then seek ways as extrava∣gant to get it: And yet more strange that a King shou'd be a Party in the dangerous ways that led to his own Ruin, and careful to preserve them by the hazard of himself. When Gave∣ston, and the Spencers, seem'd forsaken by God and Man, they were never by their unfortunate Prince: But by him the Whole was judg'd more Guilty, and less Wise, than his Fa∣vourites.

In the fatal stream of Fortune the Prosperous and Ambitious think of nothing but Enjoyments, detest a So∣ber (much more a Melancholy) Con∣sideration of those strange and sudden Alterations and Changes that this World is subject to. But think that their Greatness and Prosperity has chain'd up Accidents; and that For∣tune (which had flatter'd them as much as they had done their Prince)

wou'd always be as obedient, as she had been seemingly fond of them: Affliction gives Thoughts admittance, but the swell'd Minds of the success∣fully Ambitious seldom endure to think.

The first Accident that shew'd this truth, was the Troubles that arose in France; which grew so high, that all the King's Territories were adjudg'd to be forefeited, and many Places of Importance seized. The Storm was so violent, that there was no hopes of becalming this roughness, but by the King's going in Person to pay his Homage, or at least the Queen to mediate with her Brother. But the Spencers thought it unsafe to be sepa∣rated from the King; who yet was the only Fence against the Sea of Dis∣content, whose Tide every day ap∣pear'd to swell: And they that had destroy'd all Trust, had Reason e∣nough to be Jealous.

Such Men, so constantly guided by pleasing Weaknesses, might not per∣haps discern the Queen might be a dangerous Instrument to employ, that had been so disoblig'd. But common∣ly those that do Injuries, are the least apprehensive that they will be re∣membred: Or commonly, having no Fear of those they Oppress, they never consider the future possibility of Revenge. But if they had appre∣hended Damage to themselves in the Queen's going; yet they chose the least Evil nothing appearing so terri∣ble as parting with the King.

Thus the Queen was sent away with an indifferent Train, and acted seemingly so well, that she brought Things to a fair Accommodation; but upon such Terms as did necessitate the Prince her Son to be sent over to her. With him she had what she de∣sir'd, a Foundation to build her Re∣venge upon, that had long been rak'd up in warm Embers: which now she began to discover. And the begin∣ning

of this Fire breaking out, was made known to the King by the Bi∣shop of Exeter, who secretly with∣drew into England. The Queen and Prince were presently Summon'd into England; but she was stay'd by the most powerful Causes, Love and Re∣venge. For she, that now seem'd free from all Tyes to her King and Hu∣sband, plac'd her loose Affections upon Roger Mortimer; who had late∣ly escap'd out of the Tower, and from the Oppression of the Spencers. She knew England cou'd neither be safe to her nor Mortimer, whom she lo∣ved as herself: And therefore resolv'd to trust to any thing rather than her Husband, or the Spencers.

The Queen thus delaying her O∣bedience to the King in returning to England, she and the Prince were de∣clar'd Enemies to the Kingdom; and they, and their Adherents banish'd. And at the same time the Queen re∣ceiv'd Intelligence, that there were great Sums offer'd to have the Prince murder'd: Upon which she withdrew

to the Earl of Haynault, where she contracted her Son to Philippa Daugh∣ter to the Earl: And there procures some Forces and Money.

Thô her Forces were inconsidera∣ble; yet she reasonably depended up∣on what she shou'd find in England, not what she brought: For she knew that any Thing wou'd be welcom, that brought a shew of Redeeming them from the Oppressions they suf∣fer'd under. With these therefore she ventur'd to Sea, and after some varie∣ty of Accidents, she landed with her Forces near Harwich; where imme∣diately she found all her Conjectures true. For many Lords, and Bishops repair'd to her; among them the two Bishops of Hereford and Lincoln: The first not forgetting the particular Wrong, and both zealously remem∣bring the Injury the Clergy had re∣ceiv'd.

The King had now the clamorous Effects of ill Counsels calling too loud upon him; yet saw no way left to

recover or repair the Misfortune those Errors had brought him into. Where∣ever he went he found no Subjects, those, with their Hearts, were lost before: But, led by as uncertain Counsels as his Life was Govern'd, he knew not whither to fly, but one∣ly fled. He saw London was unsafe, who were all turn'd from Duty to him, in Affection to the Queen: Nor cou'd he propose any Place for him∣self, where he had not reason to ex∣pect certain Enemies, or worse, un∣certain Friends. After many Moti∣ons, as various as his former Humor, he design'd for the Isle of Lundy; and takes with him the Earl of Gloucester, the Spencers, and Robert Baldock that was Chancellor; and with some few others takes shipping: Shewing how Man's Nature waits upon Fortune, and changes with it. They that be∣fore cou'd not be content with so much Plenty and Dominion, shew'd now no more Ambition than what a small naked Island cou'd satisfie, where Safety was their onely hope, and a chosen Prison their Liberty.

The King had left the Government of the City of London to Walter Sta∣pleton, Bishop of Exeter, and Lord Treasurer. But the City, to shew their good Will to the Queen, among the many Testimonies she receiv'd, gave a bloody one of their Devo∣tion to her increasing Success; and struck off the Bishop's Head, and seiz'd the Tower of London: Killing many in their Fury, and acting those lawless Cruelties that they before con∣demn'd.

These strange Revolutions evident∣ly shewed the various Powers of Ad∣versity and Prosperity, how it depres∣ses some below themselves, and lifts up others beyond their Reasons and Consciences. The Queen, that had been before the Repairer of her Hu∣sband's Errors, now makes use of them to his Ruin; she, that us'd to bring Peace to heal those Wounds ill Counsel made, brought War to make them wider: And while she con∣demn'd those Diseases that made the

Nation sick, she made Rebellion the Cure. But Success (as it uses to do) made her not onely act worse than herself, but worse than those she had condemn'd. At first she onely de∣clar'd against the Favourites; and perhaps then onely design'd their Ru∣ins: But she ought not, with the loss of her own Vertue, to try to Cure what the want of it in others had caus'd. But had not the Rapidness of her good Fortune hurry'd her so fast from herself, she might have discern'd she was expos'd upon so violent a Stream, as wou'd hurry her by its own Force, and not by her direction; and others at last wou'd use that Pow∣er, which (in such Cases as these are) is seldom retain'd long by the Raisers of it: Mighty Causes, that bring Dis∣orders, like Tempests raise up Things first, and toss up unthought-of Ruins upon them, and a Succession of Mis∣chief lasts till the Storm ceases. No Age but has afforded these Examples; and yet we see it not powerful enough to teach those, that wou'd be safe in Vertue, not to hazard being corrupted by Power violently obtain'd.

The Queen now, with still-in∣creasing Forces, pursues her flying King and Husband; and from Oxford marches to Gloucester: And from thence to Bristol, where the King had put the Earl of Arundel, and Spencer the Father, to defend the Place; which was fortified as well as the time wou'd give them leave. But this place quickly yielded to that Suc∣cess, which seem'd to deny all Hopes to the King's declining Condition. Spencer was there taken, and execu∣ted with all the Rigour that Revenge and Conquest cou'd invent; and with as much Contempt of Law, as he and his Son had formerly shew'd: They condemn'd him without any Tryal; and prevented his Natural Determination, which cou'd not have been long, be∣ing then above Fourscore Years old.

Proclamation was about this time made, that if the King wou'd come in, and conform himself to the Laws and Government, he shou'd be re∣stor'd by the general Consent of the

People. But the King either durst not, or his Favourite Spencer durst not let him trust this Declaration: Such Ministers, made desperate, hold their King the faster the more sinking their Condition is; and rather choose that the Hazard of their Prince may save them, than their Ruin save their Prince; thô perhaps in his prospe∣rous Condition they flatter'd him, That their Lives and Fortunes shou'd always be Sacrifices for Him. But tis equally strange, that Princes in great Power and Prosperity shou'd with Pleasure believe Flatterers, and that those interessed Flatterers, and hope to be believ'd: It shews a Fatal Weakness in the one, and loose De∣signs in the others.

Those also that put forth this Pro∣clamation, to call the King to his own Government, did perhaps as lit∣tle desire he shou'd embrace it. For this was but once done, and seem'd rather a thing us'd to cover what was intended, than a clear intention in its self. For the eager pursuit of

the King was still continu'd; who (as some say) seeking to Land in Lundy was driven by Tempest into Wales; and in the Abbey of Nethe, or as some write, near the Castle of Lantrussan, in Glamorgan-shire, lay sometime conceal'd. From Hereford the Queen divided part of her Army, under the Command of Henry Earl of Lancaster, into Wales, in pursuit of the King: Who, by the means of one Ryce ap Powel (who was well ac∣quainted in the Country) took the King in the Monastery. This Earl of Lancaster was Brother to him that was Beheaded at Pomfret: And seem'd to shew a powerful pursuit of Blood, to bring the King into the Mercy of a Family where he had shew'd so little.

Others say, that the King, and the younger Spencer, were in the Ca∣stle of Bristol when it was Besieged; from whence (fearing the Event) he, with the younger Spencer, stole away by Night; and endeavouring to 'scape by Sea, his Boat was beaten back:

And trying to put out again, it was discover'd by the Lord Beaumont, who chas'd them with a small Vessel, and took the King and Spencer in it. However, they all agree that Spencer was taken with him, as if the King must always appear inseparable from the Cause of his Misfortunes.

The Earl of Arundel, that was ta∣ken at Bristol, was Beheaded; at the Instance of Mortimer, who now Go∣vern'd the Queen's Affections and Affairs. Perhaps the Execution of this Earl of Arundel might the sooner be caus'd, by his Relation to the younger Spencer, who marry'd his Daughter; but the same thing that creates a prosperous Interest in one Condition, brings Ruin in ano∣ther.

The younger Spencer was carry'd along, onely to Grace the Queen's marching Triumph; and, as the chief Cause of her Taking Arms, he was render'd as contemptible a Spectacle as was possible: And expos'd in a

fitting posture, to increase the Scorns and Reproaches, that use to attend such miserable Objects. And perhaps some were mingl'd in the Crowd, that had formerly in his prosperous Greatness, saluted him with fawning Acclamations. At last he was eas'd of all his Sufferings, thô by a Death as full of Torments as cou'd easily be imagin'd; which yet he indur'd with much seeming Calmness: Perhaps wearied with so much Shame and Misery, he might be willing by any way to find an undisturb'd Quiet∣ness.

Presently after this, the Queen came to London, with her Son Edward, and her Favourite Mortimer; where she was receiv'd, with as many Te∣stimonies of Joy and Satisfaction, as cou'd spring from Two such Great Causes; as the Misfortune of her un∣happy Husband, and her own Success. A Parliament or Convention was then Summon'd, which was held the next day after the Epiphany; where it was adjudg'd, That Edward the Second

was no longer fit to wear the Crown; and for his Male-Administration of the Royal Authority, was therefore Deposed, and his Son to be Elected King.

To this the Bishops consented, and the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Preacht upon the Occasion, chusing a pro∣per Text: Vox Populi, Vox Dei.

The Queen, when she heard of this heavy Sentence of Deposing her Husband, seem'd to sink under the Weight that He was to bear; and to act the Part of a good Wife, in sha∣ring the Misfortune of her Husband: But she that by Force had helpt to reduce him to that Condition, cou'd hardly with counterfeited Tears, and feigned Lamentations perswade any to believe that she really deplor'd it. Besides that unjustifiable Passion for Mortimer, which had so long, and so violently govern'd her, might be a suf∣ficient assurance that there cou'd not be kindness enough left for her unhap∣py Husband, to cause a real Grief for his Calamity.

The Prince her Son, either mov'd by that specious shew of Sorrow, which might easily deceive so tender an Innocence; or, which is more probable, urg'd by his own natural and generous Temper; Vow'd, He would never accept the Crown, but by his Father's Consent. Upon which, Commissioners from the Assembly, or Convention were sent to the King: which consisted of Three Bishops, Winchester, Hereford, and Lincoln; The Earls of Leicester and Warren; Two Justices, Two Barons, Four Members for the City of London, and Three Knights for every Shire to re∣present the Counties; the Bishops of Lincoln and Hereford went before to prepare and perswade the King to Resign the Crown. And as Promises for what is desired, usually exceed the Performances when obtain'd, they as∣sur'd him, he should live more happy than before: And that in a manner, he should only resign his Cares, and enjoy an undisturb'd Quiet and Plen∣ty. On the other-side, they threa∣ten'd,

That if he were vainly obsti∣nate, not to grant what the People wou'd take, and which was desired of him to satisfie his Son, the Prince, he wou'd not prevent his own Fate, but bring a Misfortune on his Posterity; for in that Case the People wou'd chuse a King that had no Relation to his Blood.

A little after, the Commissioners being arrived, that were to receive his Resignation, the King came forth in Mourning, and, at the sight of a form'd Power, ready to take away his, sunk down; but being reviv'd, Adam d' Orleton, Bishop of Hereford, deliver'd the subject matter of their Commission, which was, That the Common-Wealth had found his Go∣vernment to be grievous and oppres∣sive, which had been prov'd by many Particulars in the General Assembly at London, for which they had resolv'd he shou'd no longer be King over them; but yet they were willing to Elect his Son to wear the Crown; which if he shou'd refuse to Resign to

him; they were resolv'd not only to reject him, but wou'd chuse a Man, that might be proper for the Support of the Government, and Defence of the Kingdom: without any Consi∣deration of being Related to his Blood.

The King receiv'd this heavy Sen∣tence with a Sorrow proportion'd to it. And considering perhaps, that by denying to Resign his Crown, he might involve his Son, and his Poste∣rity in his own hard Fate, told them: That he submitted to all things with the more Patience, since his Offences caus'd the Misery that was fallen upon him; yet, it cou'd not but aggravate his Calamity, that his People were possest with such a hatred to him, that they wou'd no longer endure him for their Soveraign: Yet if his Condition could admit of any Conso∣lation, it must proceed from the Kindness they had yet retained for his Son: And thank't them for the Testimony of it in Electing him their King.

After this Resignation, and the delivery of the Royal Ensigns, the Commissioners caus'd a Formal Re∣nunciation to be pronounc'd, which was done by William Trussel in these words:

UNto Thee, O King, I William Trussel, in the Name of all Men of this Land of England, and Prolocutor of this Parliament, Resign to Thee Edward, the Homage that was made to Thee sometime, and from this time forth, Deprive Thee of all Kingly Power: And I shall never be Attendant on Thee as King after this time.

Which being pronounc'd, Sir Tho∣mas Blount, Steward of the King's House, by breaking his Staff, Re∣sign'd his Office, and Dissolv'd the Houshold.

The Ceremonies being perform'd, the Commissioners with the Royal Ensigns return'd to London; and re∣ported to the Assembly the King's Resignation. Who presently Elected his Son Edward the Third, for their King.

The Queen, now with her beloved Mortimer, with the Advice of her great Counsellor the Bishop of Here∣ford, assum'd the Exercise of all Pow∣er, and quickly shew'd, what a coun∣terfeited Sorrow for her unfortunate Husband, she tryed to Disguise herself in; for she now allow'd him but an Hundred Marks by the Year, while she procur'd a third part of the Re∣venue to be setled on herself; and Mortimer, the worst of Men, by her guilty Passion, seem'd onely to Reign. But, in a little time, his Actions met with that just Punishment, that was due to them.

Philip de Comines, in his third Book, takes Notice, that the Great Earl of Warwick subdued England in Eleven days; and King Edward the Fourth recovered it in One and Twenty. Thô these were sudden Revolutions, yet the Fortune of them was dispos'd by many Battels; but this was as sudden, yet without a Blow: which shews no Force to be greater than the Power of Injuries and Oppressions. And upon all such Oc∣casions, the weight of this Nation has ever been heavy enough to hoist up any Power built upon Oppression. For thô in Prosperity, and the full Gust of Power, this mighty Force, lying (as it were in Ambush) in the vexed Minds of injur'd Subjects, is undiscern'd and slighted; and the fatal Precedents, made by the Errors of others, are seldom made use of to ourselves: Yet when it begins to shew itself, it seems no wonder that the united Minds of all, conclude for themselves. But Men are so much their own Flatterers, that they be∣lieve

every thing permanent they wish to be so: And Favourites that cannot submit to share a Common Benefit, venture at uncertain Advan∣tages, and make it a principle to de∣pend more upon Mens Fears than Love. By the Mighty and Ambiti∣ous Mischiefs and Disturbances are wrought, but the Weak and Moderate desire Peace and Quietness.

The unhappy King was now kept in Confinement, with a small Allow∣ance, that he might be deprived of all things that resembled a Prince's Condition: And suffer'd now, for his unsteady Errors; as much per∣haps by the wounding reflection of their Memory, as by what he indu∣red for them. But too late he was taught Truth by Misery; and saw the difference to lose those Friends that cou'd preserve him, and keep none but such as cou'd onely help to destroy him. Princes sometimes be∣lieve, that the Right of Power shou'd preserve them, notwithstanding the want of Conscience in the using of

it: But when their Errors have con∣tracted Enemies, and the same Errors rais'd Accidents enough, to give Power and Opportunity to those Enemies; misguided Princes (like this unhappy King) will find, that injur'd People with as much want of Tenderness will Revenge their Wrongs, as they shew'd in the Oppression.

It will now, in this particular be made good, that the Graves of Prin∣ces are near their Prisons. This un∣fortunate King deplor'd that his Wife whom he had so much lov'd, cou'd not be prevail'd with now to see him. But she had been so much possest by a fond Passion for Mortimer, that all Duty and Virtue was long before sa∣crificed to that Idol; and her Hu∣sband was as much her Apprehension as Aversion. Mortimer also as wic∣kedly Jealous, thought himself never safe while the King liv'd, nor cou'd they be ignorant of the Murmurs a∣gainst their scandalous course of Life; and that the hard usage of the King proceeded from thence, which urg'd

them to the cruel Opinion, that his Death was their onely Security.

In the mean time, the unfortunate Prince remain'd in the Custody of his Kinsman the Earl of Leicester, who shew'd some Compassion for his deplo∣rable Condition, and us'd him with great Humanity; but such was the Misfortune that attended his Condi∣tion, the least kindness shew'd to him, did but provoke his Destructi∣on. For the cruel Queen grew not on∣ly enrag'd that he liv'd well, but that he liv'd at all; and urg'd by an In∣formation, that there was a Design laid to take the King by Force out of the Castle of Killingworth, she took Advice of her mischievous Counsellor, the Bishop of Hereford, and removed him from thence into the Custody of Sir Thomas Gurny, and Sir John Ma∣travers, with a Commission to carry him where they wou'd, and probably to destroy him how they pleas'd; for they had such a large Authori∣ty, that all Governours of Castles where-ever they came, were for

the time to resign their Powers to them.

In all their Travels from place to place, no despightful Usage was o∣mitted to him; the insulting upon Adversity being the property of base and cruel Natures; they carried him from Bristol, upon an Alarm of some design'd Attempt to release him, and by the way to keep him from being known, they made the wretched King sit upon the ground, and caus'd a Barber to shave him with Water fetcht from a Ditch; at which he said, He would supply them with warm Water: meaning his Tears which he shed plentifully.

At last they brought him to Berk∣ley, where he was wickedly Murthe∣red with a Hot Iron thrust thrô a Pipe behind up into his Bowels, by which way they thought the least discovery might be made, by what manner of Death he died; thô his loud Groans and Cries sufficiently declared the Vio∣lence of it.

Some write, that the Bishop of Hereford, by a dark Sentence insti∣gated the Murderers to hasten the Ex∣ecution, by this Line:

Edoardum Occidere Nolito timere bonum est:

At once giving them Encouragement, and concealing an Excuse for himself. But Ecclesiastical Riddles are dange∣rous, and sometimes their Expositions of Texts are no other.

After this horrid Execution, the Murtherers, Gourney and Matravers expected Rewards, but found the Queen and Bishop readier rather to Threaten and Accuse them, than to own the Service, and were forc'd to fly beyond Sea, to seek a safety for their loath'd Lives. But Gourney, after three Years, was taken and sent to England, and by the way had his Head struck off. Matravers fled in∣to Germany, where in Repentance he had time to wast a miserable Life.

This King Reign'd something above Eighteen Years, and was Murther'd in the Forty-third Year of his Life; His Body was carry'd to Gloucester, and there buried without any Cere∣mony. His Character I will reserve, till I joyn it with Richard the Second's, since the same Methods and Errors in Government work'd the same Effects: And both Princes equally Unfortu∣nate.

THE Reigns of Edward the Se∣cond, and Richard the Second, (to which I am now proceeding) may be justly said to be, as Mezeray calls the Reign of Henry the Third of France [the Reign of Favourites] who did enervate all his Vertues, and di∣spos'd him to Looseness and Careles∣ness; deafned and confounded him with Flatteries; prompted him to observe no Law but his Will; while they were the Disposers of all things: At which many Great Men and o∣thers retir'd discontented, and left the Favourite-Ministers at large to pursue their Ambition; and with new Inven∣tions to wast and pillage the King's Revenue.

This Description suits with the be∣ginning of this unfortunate King, Richard the Second; who after the Death of his Grandfather, that Great Prince Edward the Third, succeeded

him in the Throne: His Father, the Famous Black Prince, dying in his Father's time. Who, by contrary Methods to what they us'd, met as contrary Fortunes: The Comliness and Beauty of his Person (exceeding all his Predecessors) onely seem'd to entitle him to a Generous Father, and as Beautiful a Mother. But that promising Person, which might have become Great Actions, was turn'd to Looseness and Pleasures: And Flatte∣rers broke in to incourage that disso∣lute Carelesness, which they found wou'd be suitable to his Nature, and their ambitious Designs.

The three chief Favourites and Mi∣nisters were Robert Vere Earl of Ox∣ford, afterwards Marquess of Dublin, and Duke of Ireland, Michael de la Pool Earl of Suffolk, and Robert Tre∣silian Lord Chief Justice. The Duke of Ireland seem'd the best, as hardly he cou'd do otherwise, being set with two such Foils: Michael de la Pool was a Model of compleated Vices; in Peace the most odiously insolent,

in War the most dejectedly contem∣ptible: He despis'd all Methods of Quietness, and yet was frighted with the least disturbance. Tresilian the Chief-Justice that never shew'd his Place or Title by any Practice, but was ready to prostrate all Law to Oc∣casion, and Justice to Designs; his Knowledge was Leudness, and his Vertue Violence; what others de∣sign'd he was ready to execute: And being kept up in this Darkness, he grew fierce on all things that were cast to him.

This King was called, Richard of Burdeaux, because born there, the onely Son of Edward the Black Prince. By his Grandfather Edward the Third he was, in his Life-time, declar'd his Successor: And after his Death was Crown'd at Westminster, in the Year 1377, by Simon Sudbury Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, with great Solemnity. The King being then but Eleven Years old, the Duke of Lancaster, and Edmund Earl of Cambridge, the King's Uncles, with other Lords and

Bishops, were join'd in Commission to manage the State.

The Minority of the King gave Forreign Princes an Opinion, that it was a proper time to attempt upon England. The French first laid hold on the Occasion, and landed Forces, and did some Mischief; and burnt some Places near the Sea, as about Rye, Portsmouth, Dartmouth, and Plimouth, as also Hastings and Win∣chelsea. The Scots also assaulted the Castle of Berwick, and won it; but it was taken again by the Earls of Nor∣thumberland and Nottingham: And all put to the Sword, but Ramsey, who took it by a bold and desperate Attempt with a few Men.

These Troubles occasion'd a Parlia∣ment to be call'd at Westminster: Where Alice Pearce, the Concubine to the late King Edward the Third, was Banish'd, and all her Goods con∣fiscated. A Tax was then given of two Tenths of the Clergy, and two Fifteens of the Temporality: Others

write, the Tax was a Pole of 4 d. upon every Head. But which soever 'twas, either the Levying it, or the Tax itself, caus'd a sudden and strange Insurrection; begun by the Infusion of one call'd Mr. John Ball, a Factious Priest: Using those common Notions against Great Men, who had Power to oppress others, and ruin the mea∣ner sort to support their Greatness and Luxuries. This spread to the City, who gave Intelligence, that they were ready to join with the Rabble, that appear'd gather'd from many adjacent Countries. This con∣fus'd Body chose one Wat Tyler for their Captain: Whose Assistants, or Privy Counsellors, were John Ball, Jack Straw, Thomas Baker, Jack Car∣ter, Jack Shephard, and others. Black-Heath, as they march'd to London, was there Rendezvouz; where they appeard to be above Sixty Thousand. From thence they march to London, declaring themselves for the King and People.

When they came to London, they were received, either for fear or love, with all freedom, and treated as if they strove who shou'd express them∣selves best to the flatter'd Rebels: Who like such a Mass of Giddiness, got together, committed nothing but Murder and Violence. They burnt the Savoy, the Duke of Lan∣caster's House; they rifled the Tem∣ple, and destroy'd the Law-Books, expressing a Spleen against any thing of that Nature. Nor were Churches, or Religious Houses spar'd; the Good they punish'd, the Bad they cherish'd: Setting all Prisoners at Liberty. Their chief Leader, Tyler, remembring some Punishment that his old Master Ri∣chard Lyon had inflicted on him for some Crime he committed; without any more Trial or Judgment than what his Revenge allow'd, caus'd his Head to be stricken off, and carry'd before him on a Spear. Their Num∣bers were now so great, that the King durst not resist their Entrance into the Tower; where they abus'd

his Mother: And took the Arch-Bi∣shop of Canterbury, the Chancellor, the Lord Treasurer, and dragging them to Tower-Hill, there Beheaded them.

In the midst of all these Outrages, the King proclaim'd a Pardon to all that wou'd go quietly home: Which the Essex-Men, and some others, ac∣cepted; but the Kentish, and others, stay'd with their Captain Tyler. So that it seem'd as if part of this Rabble were not in the Secret of the Inten∣tion, to subvert the Government, and throw down all above themselves from Oppression. Above Twenty Thousand continu'd with their Ca∣ptain. The King, looking upon this as a good beginning, presented him∣self in Person before the Rebels; and spoke to them with all sweetness, pro∣mising them Pardon and Favour: But had so rude a Return from Tyler, that instead of Submission, he demanded the King's Sword. At which the Mayor of London drew his, and struck him to the Ground; where

he was presently kill'd. The Rab∣ble seem'd to threaten Revenge: But the City hearing this, and think∣ing it high time to free their King and themselves from Ruin and Destructi∣on, came to his Relief with a Body of Men. At which sight the affrighted Rebels yielded: And some fled, and deliver'd up their Ring-Leaders; a Sacrifice that seldom fails to be made of such Tumults. Jack Straw, at his Execution, confess'd their Design of destroying all that were above them, in Name or Fortune.

The King's chief Favourites now appear'd to be Michael de la Pool, (made Chancellor of England, and after Earl) Robert de Vere, (Mar∣quess of Dublin, and after Duke of Ireland) Alexander Arch-Bishop of York; and Tresilian the Chief-Justice. The first Testimony that these shew'd of their Animosities against the Me∣thods of a just Minister, was the Displacing Sir Richard Scroop, Lord Chancellor, who in all things us'd an impartial Uprightness, which was

an Offence to their loose and partial Designs.

But they did not only sharpen the King's Nature against Men in point of Offices and Employments, but against their Lives. The first appearance of this was by the Duke of Lancaster; whose Offences were likewise from his Vertues: And his Ruin therefore resolv'd by them, and contriv'd by Tresilian to be done by Form of Law (the worst sort of Destroying when violated, but, when truly obser∣ved, the best Defence against Destru∣ction).

There are seldom any extream Proceedings in a Government, but there are deprav'd Persons enough in all Conditions, ready to swim with the Stream, and take the benefit of any Tyde of Fortune. For when Mischief is to be practis'd, Corru∣ption is the consequence; and there are always those ready, whom no Consideration ballances in their Na∣tures, with the Weight of Honours

and Benefit. Tresilian was one of those thus prepar'd, and cou'd hard∣ly want as well-condition'd Informers and Juries. The Occasion of doing ill preserv'd from Men, is the surest Cause of their Vertue; but offer'd from those that ought to depress it, is the Temptation of Villany to some, that of themselves perhaps never de∣sign'd it. Crimes were prepar'd for the Duke, he never committed; a Jury of Lords were fixt: And it was not onely design'd he should be Arre∣sted, but his Condemnation and Exe∣cution were as confidently resolv'd and concluded.

These things were not so secretly contriv'd, but the Duke of Lancaster had Notice of them; and privately retir'd, or rather fled to Pomfret Ca∣stle, where he prepar'd to defend him∣self. And already Discontents grew so high, that he wanted not Assistance for it; and grew so considerable, that the Queen-Mother thought it worthy her Pains in all Respects to endeavour a composure. Which she effected,

assisted by the Apprehension of her Son, and the Duty which the Duke of Lancaster seem'd yet to retain. So that, for this time, every thing was compos'd, unless their Minds; which once shaken by Indirectness and Mi∣strust, are seldom so purely clear'd, but that some Seeds of Jealousie lie ready to spring upon the heat of any Difference. Without Trust the Traf∣fick among Dealers in petty things can never be carry'd on; and much less the Commerce between Prince and Subjects without Credit.

The King now enter'd upon the Assuming the Government into his own hands; and from this time grew liable to his own Errors. Appearing wholly regardless of all his great Re∣lations and Nobility: And onely seem'd kind to a Fondness of his Chan∣cellor the Earl of Suffolk, and the Duke of Ireland; and their two sub∣servient Friends, the Arch-Bishop of York, and Tresilian the Chief-Justice. They that had now gain'd the posses∣sion of the King's Power and Inclina∣tion,

shew'd a great Testimony of ther ill use of it, by disposing the King against his brave Uncle, the Duke of Gloucester, and the Earls of Warwick and Arundel.

The King was now wholly pos∣sest by these Favourites, and in a particular Manner by the Chancellor de la Pool; whose mean Birth was suitable to his Qualities, his Vices so many that he was himself a Grie∣vance: And it seem'd a fatal Unhap∣piness that the King's Conscience shou'd be intrusted with so corrupt a Keeper. But the King was as violent in his Affections, as others cou'd be in their Displeasures; he seldom re∣garded what others thought, till ne∣cessity inforc'd the Consideration.

These Men that both fear'd and ha∣ted any Men of Honour and Quality, that might have Interest to cross their Designs, laid hold of an Occasion to be rid of one of the greatest, the Duke of Lancaster, by assisting him with Forces to conquer Spain: Which

he claim'd in Right of his Wife Con∣stance, Daughter and Co-heir of Pe∣ter (who was Sir-nam'd, the Cruel) King of Castile and Leon. With ve∣ry considerable Forces he sail'd for Spain, with the Title of King of it. He landed at the Groyn, and at Com∣postella met the King of Portugal. And after some Incursions made into the Country of Castile, a Peace and Marriage was also effected, between the King of Spain's eldest Son, and Catharine of Lancaster: And so he resign'd his Title to Spain for a Com∣position, by a Sum of Money and a Pension.

This look'd like the feeble Policy of violent and Self-interessed Counsel∣lors, which was apply'd to Men, and not to Things. As if the Removal of Two or Three, that oppos'd their Designs, took away the Danger that attended them: As long as there were injur'd Men they must have Enemies, and their Safety was no way probable but by better Principles and Practices. Besides there were

other Lords left behind, made Popu∣lar by the same Errors; but they de∣sign'd to ruin (if they cou'd) all that were in their way: And after grew very busie in designing to Murther the Duke of Gloucester, every day contriving some ill, and by their hea∣vy Wickedness loading the King.

A little after the Rebellion of Jack Straw, the King Married with Ann, the Daughter of the Emperor Charles the Fourth, whom he loved passio∣nately: For whose sake he refus'd the Daughter of the Duke of Milain, who was offer'd him, and with her a Dowry much more considerable. She lived with him twelve Years, but without Issue, and died at Sheen by Richmond; which great loss made the Place ever after hated by the King: Who in all things shew'd he was a Man of great Affections, which are unfortunate Vertues, when wrong plac'd.

About this time the King declar'd Roger Mortimer his Heir and Succes∣sor: Who was the Son of Lionel Duke of Clarence, Third Son of King Edward the Third, who was after∣wards kill'd in Ireland. He also Cre∣ated at several times his Uncles Ed∣mund of Langley, Duke of York; and Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of Glouce∣ster; and his Cozen Henry of Bulling∣brook (Son and Heir to his Second Uncle, John of Gaunt, Duke of Lan∣caster) Earl of Derby; his Cozen Edward Plantagenet (Son and Heir to his Uncle Edmund of Langley) he created Earl of Rutland; Sir John Holland Earl of Huntingdon; and Thomas Mowbray Earl of Notting∣ham.

In the Parliament, in which these Creations were made, was exhibited a Charge of many Particulars, and of very great Natures, against Chan∣cellor de la Pool: In which one Par∣ticular was the Abusing and Cozen∣ing the King; but this had onely an

Audience, but no Examination. Which gave so much Offence, that an Aid de∣manded was deny'd; and Reasons gi∣ven, That it was to no purpose to give Money, when the ill use of it was countenanc'd. This seem'd a wrong Measure, to ask, and be de∣ny'd; and at the same time neither to have Power enough to enforce, nor Obligations to obtain. But 'twas not proper for his Favourites to tell him, they doubted Success with his Parliament: Since that were to own, such Apprehensions sprung from their own ambitious Errors. But Princes are rightly said to be us'd like fro∣ward Children, flatter'd, and con∣demn'd never to hear the Truth.

But the Parliament still press'd the Examination of the Charge; and the necessity of the King's Affairs concur∣ring with their importunity, procur'd what they so warmly desir'd. The Cause was put to selected Noble-men to Examine; and a Subsidy seem'd the Purchase of it: Which was after∣wards granted.

The Cause then being heard by his Peers, the Duke of Gloucester, and Earl of Arundel being Two of his Judges, he was convicted and de∣priv'd of his Office and Chattels, and condemn'd to a Fine and Imprison∣ment.

He had purchased while he was Chancellor, One Thousand Pounds a Year, which by Judgment of Par∣liament was confiscated to the King, in satisfaction of Twelve Thousand Pounds, which Stow very properly expresses that he had gain'd by lin∣gring the King's Affairs: It seem'd to me a very natural expression, for the Corruption and Oppression of that Court has been managed by Delays; and Justice hard to be obtain'd, is one of the chiefest means to Revenge and Enslave.

But all this seem'd rather Argu∣ments of Merit, than Causes of Pu∣nishment: For the King presently after restor'd him into all former

Favour, as if he had suffer'd for his sake. Thus as Edward the Second received Gaveston from Banishment, and his Subjects Hate, to his Arms and Love, so this unfortunate and resem∣bling King receiv'd this Earl of Suffolk, from the Prosecution of his Parliament, to increas'd Affection and Trust: As if Crimes, found out and prosecuted by a Parliament, had been the Testi∣monies of Merit, and Arguments for the Prince's Favour. These unsteady Counsels increas'd Mistrust in the Subjects: Who now began to see, they were too light to make a Poi∣zure with the Favourites. And, to confirm their worst Apprehensions, the Duke of Ireland, who had been driven away by the Displeasure that was contracted against him, now re∣turn'd; with equal Credit and Prin∣ciples with the Earl of Suffolk: To whom also join'd the Arch-Bishop of York, to strengthen their Power, and weaken their King's. For they that had Influence enough to make a Prince believe their Cause to be his, might easily carry him on to Revenge

those Affronts he now assum'd to be his own. To this belongs the same Fate that attends indirect and unstea∣dy Counsels: They must be main∣tain'd by the Oppression or Ruin of those that suffer'd by them, and no Method taken for the Preservation of any, but theirs that merited the Pu∣nishment. The Argument that was, and must be us'd to deceive Princes, was then enforc'd by these Favourite-Ministers, That the Arrows shot at them were intended against the Prince; and 'twas but a Method of Rebellion, to confine a King on whom to confer his Favour. And therefore to avoid the Dishonour of a Limited Monarchy, he must now use Power, and declare his Trust in that onely. With this Flattery they raise their King to a Fatal Confidence in that which must in time deceive misgui∣ded Princes. For perhaps, for some time, Apprehension and Conscience may preserve a shew of Peace; yet at last Error and Oppression will di∣sturb such a weak-setled Calm.

The King thus rais'd by Flattery above his Power, and sharpned by false Arguments beyond his Nature, they proceed seemingly to act his Cause, but really to Revenge them∣selves; and (like the other Favourites in King Edward's time) wrap their their Prince's Fall and Hazard with their own: While they are onely the King's Loyal Subjects; and the King∣dom his, and their own guilty Ene∣mies.

The Memory of Suffolk's Trial and Condemnation was the first Cause that excited them against those that were his Judges, the Duke of Gloucester, and others: On whose Destruction they first resolv'd, as being the most considerable; nor fear'd his near Re∣lation to the King, for they knew their Power was gotten above his Nature, or Consideration. The first Design was to invite Gloucester, and others, to a Supper in London, and there Murther them: Which some write, was discover'd to the Duke by Exton,

the then Mayor of London, and the Mischief for that time prevented.

About this time the Earls of Arun∣del and Nottingham, who were in∣gag'd with the Duke of Gloucester in the Trial and Censure of the Chancel∣lor Suffolk, commanded the Navy, and perform'd so many brave Actions, that all Mouths were fill'd with just Praises; the King onely excepted, to whom Satisfaction did most belong. For at their Return they found so cold a Reception from the King, that it seem'd they were rather Forgiven for Misdemeanors, than Receiv'd for Me∣rits. The strangeness of his words told too plainly, that public Merit lost its Nature, when the Desert was in the Enemies of his Favourites.

How much more Limited is a King, by such as confine him to their nar∣row Interest! He must neither re∣ward Vertue, nor punish Vice; his best and bravest Subjects must not be esteem'd, nor his worst question'd or punish'd.

The Duke of Ireland, with as much Arbitrary Power as he perswa∣ded the King to assume, put away his Wife, the King's Cousin, and Grand∣child to King Edward; and Marry'd a Vintner's, some say, a Joyner's Daughter. The injur'd Lady peti∣tion'd the King often, but without Success: Her Injury was done by a Favourite, where his Nature was more ty'd than to his own Blood. Upon no less Nourishment can grow∣ing Favourites prosper, than by their Prince's loss of Interest and Ho∣nour.

The Duke of Gloucester bore it not so calmly, but told the Duke of Ire∣land plainly, he wou'd Revenge the Injury done to his Kinswoman: Who from that time grew more assiduous to contrive the Destruction of the Duke of Gloucester. But at the pre∣sent, his pretended Journey to Ire∣land kept all silent: Which after ma∣ny Delays he seemingly began, and was accompany'd in great State by the

King himself, and Earl of Suffolk, and the ready Chief-Justice Tresi∣lian.

But this prov'd onely a Progress through Wales, and so about to Nottingham; where they entred in∣to private and black Consultations.

The first was to destroy the Lords: And for that end Summon'd the She∣riffs of every County, and plainly ask'd them, What Aid they cou'd Promise against the Lords, if the King requir'd it? Their Answers were for the most part, That the People were very much satisfied in their Opinions, That the Lords were Lovers of their King and Countrey: And therefore durst promise nothing in that Matter.

The Trial was then made, to pack a Parliament, by contriving Elections as the King shou'd appoint: But this receiv'd as cold a Return.

To what a loose Hazard they had now reduc'd their King, to attempt unsuccessfully to destroy by force, or in a Legal way to make the Nation destroy itself! The last was without doubt the most dangerous Design: Force may enslave for a little time, but Slavery by Law is likely to be more durable; but the People were not then cozen'd enough. And in∣deed it must be the concurrence of strange Accidents, the fairness of an undiscover'd Dissimulation, and the Opportunity embrac'd in the same Moment, that must so infatuate the People, as to make their Ruin their Choice.

The last Attempt was design'd by surer Means, the Judges; who kept, and seem'd to deserve their Places for their compliance. Of these were Summon'd the Two Chief-Justices, Tresilian and Belknap, with others; and to them were put Queries, which might comprehend the Safety of the Ministers, and the Danger of all they pleas'd beside.

The Questions were to compre∣hend so large a Treason, that it cou'd not miss to find Traitors: For, by them resolv'd, the very Constitution of the Nation was Treason.

The first Four Queries concern'd the Duke of Suffolk most particularly, and with him all Favourites. For the Case was put, Whether the Law it self, and the Commission for his Try∣al, did not derogate from the King's Authority? And then how they were to be proceeded with that pro∣cur'd such a Law? And how they were to be dealt with that provok'd the King to assent to it?

The fifth questioned, What they merited that opposed the King's remit∣ting or releasing Penalties, or Debts due to him?

The Sixth, Seventh, Eighth, and Ninth, consisted of Questions, Whe∣ther Parliaments cou'd proceed upon any Business, but such as the King

shou'd propose, and Limit by Arti∣cles? And whether the Lords and Commons in Parliament, might Ac∣cuse any of the King's Officers without his leave?

The Tenth was singly for the Duke of Suffolk, Whether the Judgment, given in the last Parliament against him, were Erroneous, and Revocable?

The last Article they resolv'd with as much clearness, viz. That the Pro∣ceedings and Judgment against the Earl of Suffolk, were Erronious and Revocable, and accordingly delivered these bold Opinions under their Hands and Seals.

The Judges were very clear in these Points, for they determin'd all to be Treason, and the Offenders worthy the Death of Traitors: Thô, by this bold Opinion, the Parliament the Traitors, and the Statute-Law the Treason. It seems they believ'd their Obedience in unjust Directions, was a sufficient Excuse for their guilty

Actions. Otherways they wou'd hardly have made such a Plea at their Tryals for the desperate Judg∣ments they had given: As that they were threaten'd by the Duke of Ire∣land, the Arch-Bishop of York, and the Earl of Suffolk: But thô they pleaded this Terror for their Excuse, yet, probably the Bribes of Power and Riches were the true Causes of their Corruption; but since that cou'd not appear a proper Excuse, they us'd the other as unjust and fri∣volous; since fear from any Cause in the Exercise of Justice is an equal Crime.

There was one thing also very re∣markable, that the Lawyers, who, in former Parliaments, gave their Advice and Opinions for their Pro∣ceedings, being afterwards, when the Power turn'd to the King, askt, Whe∣ther by Law the King cou'd not dis∣annul the Proceedings of that Parlia∣ment? readily Recanting their former Opinions, answer'd, That he might, the King being above the Law: A

Maxime very much us'd in the late Times, and must be always, when Arbitrary Power is design'd.

These things perhaps were highly applauded by the Ministers, and the King flatter'd to believe what excellent Servants he had of such Judges; by whose Briskness, not onely the Law, but the troublesome Constitution it self of the Nation, might be render'd as useless as Arbitrary Power could de∣sire. For if such Laws, that seem'd to Limit a King, shou'd in themselves become void for that very Cause, there cou'd no Law be valid, but such as pleas'd the Soveraign; who was the Judge of his own Infringement: And then all past Laws, and Laws to be made, wou'd become but prostitu∣ted Writings, to the Will of Prin∣ces.

Perhaps at that time, these Judges had the Character of being most Loyal, for appearing most Desperate; giving that great Testimony of their Devotion, that their Zeal for the Fa∣vourites

was far warmer than their Countrey: And involv'd themselves in their Fortunes by Principles as leud as their Designs.

The King lookt upon the Opinions of these Judges as Authentic, and of Validity enough, to throw Legally into his Power the Estates and For∣tunes of those Lords that appear'd most eminent against his Ministers. And accordingly he began to dispose of their Estates among those he fa∣vour'd; presuming them, without farther Trial, convicted Persons: And, to maintain this Absurdity by a worse, rais'd Souldiers privately, and sent to surprize the Earl of Arun∣del.

The Duke of Gloucester having In∣telligence of all these Proceedings, got the Bishop of London to perswade the King from such Violences; and to assure him, that he never had an un∣dutiful Thought against him. And intimated how much more Safe and Honourable it wou'd be for the King,

not to be led by false Suggestions to such a fatal Difference and Seve∣rity with his best and greatest Sub∣jects.

The Bishop perform'd this with his best skill and zeal, and wrought so upon the King, that he seem'd inclin'd to a more happy Temper. But the Earl of Suffolk (that hated all Peace and Justice, by which, he knew, he was to have little benefit, nor could be probably safe longer than while he kept his King in Danger) quickly nip'd the King's budding gentleness: And, like an untimely Frost, blasted the springing hopes of Peace, falling upon the Bishop with harsh and inso∣lent Reproofs. But the Bishop, not daunted with his Power and Great∣ness, boldly told him, That 'twas not the Service of his Prince that guided him, but his own violent Ambition; and that, rather than the Lords shou'd not be destroy'd, he wou'd involve the Nation in Ruin. Adding, That it was easie for such abject Spirits as his to raise Tumults, which must be

ended by the Ruin of the bravest: Nor was he fit to give Advice, that was the chief Incendiary, and made a Party by his Condemnation. The King was so angry, to see his Favou∣rite so roughly and boldly attacqu'd, that he commanded the Bishop out of his sight.

In this particular, as in most of this King's unhappy Actions, he appear'd against himself, and his own Reason; being guided by the Earl of Suffolk that was of a contrary Interest, turn'd from his own Nature and Reason, by one that wanted Sence and Bowels: And by this Unsteadiness kindled new Mistrusts, the fruitful Nourishers of Civil Mischief.

At this the Duke of Gloucester, the Earls of Arundel, Warwick, Notting∣ham, and Derby, take Arms. The Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and Bishop of Ely (then Lord Chancellor) were sent to the Lords: Who compos'd Matters so well, that the Lords agreed to appear before the King at Westmin∣ster,

under the Promise of Protection. But retaining their usual Jealousies, they receiv'd the Bishop of Ely's As∣surance, that if there were any Dan∣ger design'd them, he wou'd give them Notice. According he kept his Word; and a little before the Lords were to come, he gave them Intelli∣gence of an Ambush, laid for them at the Mews, to seize them as they came in. Upon this the Lords fail'd come∣ing: Which the King wondring at, ask'd the Bishop of Ely, What might be the Reason of it? Who boldly told him, That the Lords durst not trust him, and had discover'd the Trap laid for them. Of which the King seem'd to be wholly ignorant, and commanded the Sheriffs to search the Mews, and to kill, or carry to Prison, all they found concealed there. But the thing was true, thô the Place mistaken; for the Armed Men were secretly assembled at Westminster, by Sir Richard Bramber, and Sir Thomas Trivet: Who perceiving, or being in∣form'd of the Discovery, secretly con∣vey'd away their Men.

It seem'd as if the King was really ignorant of this, that was acted by the desperate Ministers: Who shew'd a full Confidence in their Power with the King. And tho' perhaps they ap∣prehended the Action too vile to trust the King with it, yet they did not doubt to bring him to approve it, thô never so base, if successful enough. Nor has this been an unusual Method of powerful Ministers and Favourites, to contrive Mischiefs for their Prince to approve: Knowing that it is easier from the necessity of a Thing done, to gain an Approbation, than a Con∣sent to the Attempt of it. For a Prince that is wholly led by them, and wrap'd up in their desperate Counsels and Interest, may scruple at a thing to be done, that cannot, when 'tis effected: One is but a Difference in Opinion, the other is a Desertion of his Party, he may be free in the first, but too much involv'd to be at liberty in the latter.

A Prince in this Condition has not onely his own Errors, but the weight of theirs, to struggle under: And 'tis impossible he shou'd make any Calculation of his own Fortune, unless he were free to Examine the Effects of those mischievous Planets, that he himself had rais'd to such Pow'rful In∣fluences.

At last, upon new Faith and Secu∣rity, the Lords came to the King at Westminster; but so strongly guard∣ed, that they did not appear like Men that came to Submit, or to Pe∣tition. Accordingly they challeng'd for Traytors, the Duke of Ireland, the Earl of Suffolk, the Arch-Bishop of York, the Chief-Justice Tresilian, and others. The King at that time, when Favourites cou'd not speak, spoke like himself, a King; and with equal Temper and Reason, shew'd the Lords, That, if all were true they al∣ledg'd, they had not taken the pro∣per way, to seek for Justice by a shew of Rebellion, and give that Op∣portunity

to the Licentious Multitude, which perhaps might prove difficult to take again from them. And after having gently laid before them the more proper way for what they desi∣red, he rais'd them from their Knees, and retir'd with them. All this while the Adverse Party kept out of the way, apprehending, as justly they might the Danger of such powerful and enrag'd Enemies.

This Action of the King's is que∣stion'd by some Historians, whether done out of Apprehension, or a better Temper. But yet all this while that Things bore this calm Face, the Duke of Ireland gather'd Forces; and was met, and overthrown, by the Earl of Derby, near Burford. But he that was so bold in Counsel, shew'd want of Courage (when 'twas most needful) in Action, and fled himself, before the Fight scarce began. Among many Things taken of the Duke's, in one of his Trunks were found Letters from the King, to hasten his coming to London, with what Power he cou'd

make; where the King wou'd be rea∣dy to share Fortunes with him.

Upon the News of the Duke of Ireland's Defeat, the Earl of Suffolk fled in a Disguise to Calice, and ne∣ver more return'd.

It is a wonder that such a Man shou'd ever get the Ascendant over a Prince: A Man that was profuse of what he cou'd get, and got it as wil∣lingly by the Spoils of others, as by more justifiable ways. He was unfit for Peace by his Turbulent Nature, and wanted Courage to be trouble∣some in Warr. In Peace he was furi∣ous, in War calm; never quiet but when afraid, at all other times intem∣perate; when he was not designing Mischief his Courage fail'd him; he never seem'd good, but when neces∣sity hinder'd him from appearing bad; he had no Fits of a Disease, but liv'd in a continu'd Leprosie.

But we have read of other Prece∣dents, how worthless Men have scru'd

themselves into Prince's Favours, by such Flatteries that Generous Tempers cou'd not creep to. For ill Men stu∣dy the Nature of Princes, good Men their Interest: And that which is most pleasant sooner prevails, than that which is most useful.

The Chief-Justice Tresilian, with others of that Faction, fled from this Storm, and the King retir'd to the Tower. While the Lords, with a great Army, march towards London, and shew'd themselves in a form of Battel to the King, who lay with his Forces in the Suburbs. The King at first seem'd to slight them, but at last yielded to a Treaty. The Tower was the Place appointed; but the Lords first made what search they pleas'd, and came with such Guards as they thought fit; at once shewing the severe effects of Mistrust and Pow∣er: The first seldom to be cur'd, the last as seldome us'd with Modesty. For when they came to the King, they plainly charg'd him, by way of Accu∣sation, with the Contrivances at Not∣tingham

against them; his Letters to the Duke of Ireland (contrary to his Word) to raise Forces; the Agree∣ment with the French to deliver up Calice; and other Grievances: which the ill Conduct of the King's Ministers had plentifully furnish'd them with. At these Truths, told by those that had Power enough to Revenge, the King, instead of a Defence, sunk into a Confession of his Errors: which seem'd at that time to make a great impression on the Lords, and produc'd the Agreement of a Meeting at West∣minster the next day.

But they were no sooner gone, but the King's Mind chang'd, by Argu∣ments of the common frame, That by the Meeting he wou'd expose his Person to danger, and his Authority to diminution Which presently chang'd the King, and shew'd as if a Fatal Mu∣tability was to pursue him to his End. To such dangerous Methods he must probably be led, by the Councels of those, whose desperate Ambitions cou'd permit no directness to be us'd

towards their Enemy, the Publick. Such Ministers are the Consulters of Moments; shifting only for a present Preservation, and dare not look to∣wards the future; but refer things to come, to the same Chance that rais'd them. They live to no Rules, but with an unlimited readiness, wait up∣on Occasion.

This Alteration in the King, rais'd the Lords to such a Rage, that they sent him word, That, if he us'd such Indirectness, they wou'd chuse a New King. At this, being again shaken, he not onely went, but submitted to those he had so inrag'd before; and delivers up that Power, which he was counsell'd before not to diminish: So that his ill-timed Counsels made that Misfortune sure, which they seem'd careful to prevent.

A Parliament was presently call'd, which began at Westminster the Third of February; and continu'd to the Thirteenth of June; a long Session, and yet seem'd to have Employment enough, for in a less space of time, so

much cou'd hardly have been done, as to give it the Character of a Par∣liament that wrought Wonders.

The first day of their Meeting, many of the Judges were Arrested, as they sate in their Places, and sent to the Tower; as if no business were fit to be proceeded on, till Justice were done on the Violaters of Justice.

In the beginning also of this Parlia∣ment were Summon'd Robert Vere, Duke of Ireland, Alexander Nevil Arch-Bishop of York, Michael de la Pool Earl of Suffolk, Sir Robert Tresi∣lian Lord Chief Justice of England, and Nicholas Brember Lord Mayor of London. This Brember was often made Mayor by the King, against the Rights and Priviledges of the City: Being found a fit and proper Instru∣ment, to act in all Illegal and Arbi∣trary ways; sacrificing the Lives and Estates of many considerable Men to the King's inclination and designs, and omitted no severity that cou'd be pra∣ctis'd against the Freedom and Privi∣ledges of the City. One of the Re∣wards

he aim'd at for his Villanies was, to be Duke of Troy, the ancient Name, as some write, of that City. Not unjustly supposing, that the most horrid and guilty Practices, were the best Pleaders in such a Government, for the obtaining Honour and Interest.

These were all Summoned to an∣swer to Articles of Treason, exhibited against them by the Duke of Glouce∣ster, and the Earls of Arundel, Derby, and Nottingham. But not appearing, the Parliament condemn'd them to perpetual Imprisonment, and all their Estates to be forfeited.

But Tresilian the Chief-Justice staid, and rather trusted to the Disguise of a poor Habit, and a long Beard, and conceal'd himself in an Apothecary's House in Westminster, but being be∣tray'd by a Servant of his own, he was taken upon the Seventeenth day of February, and brought before the Parliament about Eleven of the Clock, and the same Day in the Afternoon, was drawn from the Tower of London to Tyburn, and there, as Stow says,

his Throat was cut; an Execution that seems very strange, unless it was so order'd that he shou'd die the resem∣bling Death of a Beast.

The next Day Brember was execu∣ted, and receiv'd a more just Reward than he design'd himself, for all his Villanies; and yet neither his, nor Tresilian's miserable end, could deter others, in our late Times, from being wretched Copies of such miserable Originals.

After this Success of the Lords, every thing was, as it were, to take a new Birth; and accordingly the King renewed his Coronation-Oath, and the Lords swore Homage and Fealty to him, as if he then began to be a King, and they to be Subjects. Their former Conditions being rather Tyrant and Slave, than King and Peo∣ple; such Disturbances in a Nation resemble Storms at Sea, where Par∣ties, like Waves, pursue and dash out one another, and are equally violent deaf to Mercy.

Within little more than a Year af∣ter this, the King grew to be One and Twenty; and upon that took an occasion, when all things seem'd a little compos'd, to assume a full Pow∣er. I cannot but here remember the Character the Impartial and Judicious Mezeray gives Lewis the Eleventh, up∣on his Entrance on the Throne, That he was the greatest Enemy to his own and Kingdom's Quiet: One that lov'd his own irregular Fancies more than the wise Laws, and thought the greatest Grandeur in the greatest Op∣pression, pulling down Great Ones to raise up the Meanest from nothing. This, he says, another calls putting their Kings Hors de Page; that is, out of their Minority: He shou'd have said, putting them out of their Sense and Reason.

No question the Ministers were rea∣dy to welcome him to that which they call'd, the Exercise of his Power, when it was rather to the Execution of theirs. The first Practice of it was taking the Great Seal from the

Bishop of Ely (as if remembring his former Carriage) and gave it to Wick∣ham Bishop of Winchester. And dis∣plac'd many others; as if by that he seem'd to take Seizin of his new Pow∣er: Suspending also Gloucester and Warwick from the Privy Council.

The Tyde was now turn'd to the King, who began to return to follow those Advices, that had brought him so much hazard before: And that In∣terest and Opinion, which the French had wrought themselves into, appear'd in all things to increase. The Duke of Gloucester, and the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, had formerly temper'd the King with their calm and sure Reasons: When, being enrag'd against the Lords, he swore, He wou'd more willingly submit and rely on the Protection of France, than thus to be made servile to those he ought to Com∣mand.

'Tis not unworthy of an Observa∣tion, how frequently the French have been prevalent in England: And al∣ways in such Prince's Times as have

given so much Power to Ministers and Favourites, as made them considera∣ble enough to be corrupted.

Philip de Comines says, That in his time the King's of England's Ministers, and great Persons, had Pensions from France, and gave their Acquittances upon every Receipt; which were to be seen in the Chamber of Paris. Ha∣stings, the Lord Chamberlain, was the onely great Person, that was hardly perswaded to become a Pensioner of France, and that refus'd to give an Acquittance for what he receiv'd. The same Historian says, That he was the onely Man that perswaded him to it, and had first perswaded him to be so to Charles Duke of Burgundy. And when Cleret was sent by King Lewis, with a Present of 2000 Crowns, and desir'd his Acquittance for his Discharge, as he had receiv'd it from the Chancel∣lor, and the Admiral. He answer'd, The Gift proceeded from his Master's Liberality, not his Request; if he de∣sir'd he shou'd receive it, he might put it in his Sleeve, other Testimonial he shou'd get none of him: For he

wou'd not that any shou'd say, That the Lord Chamberlain was Pensioner to the French; nor that his Acquit∣tance shou'd be found in the Chamber of Accounts. The King of France was angry with Cleret for bringing no Ac∣quittance; but ever after preferr'd the Lord Chamberlain in his Esteem, be∣fore all the King of England's other Servants.

I cannot discern much Reason for it: There seems little Difference to me between one that is carelesly, and another that is cautiously dishonest; and those Ministers equally forgot the Interest of England for their own, to let them share in our Affairs and Coun∣cels. The People always judg'd right in this, and Parliaments (as Comines observes) were never corrupted in themselves or Judgments, and always perceiv'd the Dissimulation of the French. And in another place he says, They were always willing to grant Aids against France: For they cou'd not be deceiv'd by Demonstration: Which shew'd the difference in our Methods and Constitution from theirs.

Our Laws are suitable to our Interest, and our Interest secur'd by our Laws: Our Fashions, and Manner of Ex∣pences, shou'd be applicable to the Consumption of our own Productions. The French differ from the first, and their Fancies are the onely Measures of the last: They are not capable to live after the Methods of our Interest, but we may quit ours to assist theirs. France can be but of little use to us, but we may be too much to them: They may receive, but can bring no Advantage. They have reason then to be always active, to keep an Inte∣rest here by private means, since 'twere vain to hope it by public ones: And Cardinal Richelieu well understood these Truths, when he call'd England their Indies.

About this time Guido Earl of St. Paul was sent, by Charles the French King, to Visit and Complement King Richard, and his Queen. The Earl, according to the ready confidence of the French, presently became a Coun∣sellor. For once the King discoursing with him, he complain'd of the Duke

of Gloucester; and in particular, that he did passionately endeavour to di∣sturb the Peace between England and France. The Earl presently gave Sen∣tence against the Duke, and told the King plainly, He was not fit to live: For when a Subject was grown so great, a Prince was no longer safe; and if he meant to secure himself a∣gainst Danger, the surest way was to destroy those from whence it might so easily come.

This Advice blew the King's Anger into a Flame, and he began to express to some of his Great Men his Displea∣sure against the Duke of Gloucester. But he found in them all a high Opi∣nion of the Duke's Honour and Ver∣tue: So that the King began to calm again; and shew'd as if Cruelty had not its full Spring from his Nature, but swell'd as it was nourish'd by the Streams of other Counsels.

For after this he was again rais'd, by the Advices of the Earls Hunting∣don and Nottingham, to contrive the Destruction of the Duke of Gloucester:

And commonly as the Advice of ill Men tend to the worst things, so ge∣nerally they suggest the worst way of doing them.

The Duke of Gloucester was then at his House at Plashy in Essex, whether the K. upon a sudden arriv'd; and as the Duke waited upon the King to bring him going, he was seiz'd by a Company of Arm'd Men, laid secretly for him; and so hurry'd blindfold to the Thames, and in a Vessel ready prepar'd, car∣ry'd to Calice, and there shortly after strangled: Either thought too Great and Popular, or not Guilty enough to be brought to a Public Trial. And as the wicked Advisers perswaded his Taking by the breach of Hospitality, the basest way of Treachery, so they continu'd in the peculiar Methods of Mischief, to contrive his Death by the most hated way of private Murder.

Within a day or two after, the King invited the Earl of Warwick to Dinner, and in the midst of all shews of kindness, sent him to Prison; and also the Earl of Arundel, and his Son:

But, to prevent all Discontents and Commotions in the People, he pub∣lickly declared, That they were not Apprehended upon any former Displea∣sure; but for new Crimes which shou'd be charg'd upon them.

The King then call'd a Parliament at Westminster, which began about the middle of September; the Sessions was open'd, as also the Design of it, by Ed∣ward Stafford Bishop of Exeter, and Lord Chancellor; who, in a mingled Speech and Sermon, plainly declar'd, That the Power of the King was Abso∣lute and Perfect, and those that by any ways endeavoured to lessen, or deny it, were worthy to suffer by that Law, that was solely in his Power: And to make good these Opinions, by the onely Arguments that were proper to support them, the King had Assem∣bled a Guard of Cheshire-Men, that were most eminent for the loosest Lives; and also drew up about the Parliament 4000 Archers, with Bows ready bent, to Confirm the Chancel∣lor's Declaration, that he designed his Power shou'd appear above the Law.

And, that every thing might be sui∣table to carry on the work, there ap∣pear'd new Ministers to manage in the House of Commons, of Reputations as black as their Designs, Sir John Bushy, Sir John Bagot, and Sir Henry Green. Sir John Bushy was made Speaker. These Men were equally infamous, and assiduous in corrupting, some by fears, others by benefits; so that the Char∣ters of Pardons, formerly granted, after the great Parliament, were re∣vok'd, and made void: And, to make good the Chancellor's Declaration, they Voted, That any One that shou'd be Convicted of opposing the King's Power and Regality, shou'd suffer as a Traitor.

Thus the Power of Guards and Ar∣chers so prevail'd upon the terrified House of Commons, that they undid all that the Great Parliament had done, made those the best Subjects that were then condemn'd for Traitors: and condemn'd those that appear'd chiefly in it. And, thô the Earl of Notting∣ham, to whose Custody the Duke of

Gloucester was committed, gave an Account that he was dead, (that is, was murder'd) yet the fawning Zeal was so great, that he must notwith∣standing, have the same Sentence pronounc'd against him, as the Earl of Arundel receiv'd upon his Tryal, who was Beheaded after it. As if by their servile Flattery, they seem'd to express a Trouble, that the Duke's Murther, prevented their designed Satisfaction to murder him.

The Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, who, among others, was Impeacht for Treason by Sir John Bushy their Spea∣ker, in the Name of the House of Com∣mons, was Banisht. And it was at last ordain'd, That the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, shou'd take their Oaths, That they wou'd strictly observe all things, that had been Enacted by this Parliament: And the Prelates were to Thunder out their Sentences against any that dissented from them.

The Earl of Warwick was then Ar∣raign'd, but he shew'd not the Noble and clear Spirit of the Earl of Arundel,

who in the midst of his Tryal, gave the Earl of Derby the Lye, (when he charg'd him with Words spoken to him) and despis'd to try any way to save his Life, but his own Innocency. But, on the contrary, the Earl of Warwick us'd nothing but a trembling and fearful Submission; throwing himself upon the King's Mercy; and by that meaner way, obtain'd to save his Life, but with it also, the more cruel Sentence of perpetual Imprisonment.

The Designs of Arbitrary Power seem'd now to have a prosperous effect; And might probably raise a Confidence in the King, that he was in the full Possession of Mens Lives and Fortunes; seeing what hast they made to meet their own Slavery; and, no question the Experiment, that Terror cou'd so far prevail on the Minds of Men, and the cruel success of Force and Vio∣lence, furnisht those new upstart Mi∣nisters, with Arguments sufficient, to confirm in the King's easie mind, the Treacherous Opinion, that he was more safe by Cruelty than gentle means; and far better secur'd by fear,

than love. Nor are other Councels to be expected from such Men, equally low and mean in their Minds and Ex∣tractions; made greedy from Pover∣ty, and ambitious from Pride. Nei∣ther by their Minds or Fortunes indu∣ed with Principles. Power was their Justice, Violence their Prudence, and Opportunity their Providence.

The King was now fully possest with the Opinion, That he was in a Condition to dispose, as he pleas'd, of those that durst dislike his Actions, and that his Will might now become the Law. But the present prospect of Things commonly deceives those that are willing only to believe the Whis∣pers of their own inclinations: And because they see nothing at the pre∣sent springing up, they forget that the Roots grow undiscern'd. And, no question, the King in that conjuncture of Time, thought every Cloud di∣spers'd: And pursu'd all those Fatal ways, that mistaken Flattery cou'd guide him in.

But a particular Accident made

way for a General Revolution; some write, that the Duke of Hereford ac∣cus'd the Duke of Norfolk of words spoken to the Dishonour of the King; but I am rather inclined to believe with others, considering also the circumstan∣stances of those great Men, in relation to the Court, that it was the Duke of Hereford, who one day discoursing with the Duke of Norfolk, complain'd how much the King was misguided by mean and base Counsellers; such as sought their own private Interest, and not the public Good; and fear'd that the King following such Counsels, wou'd so lose the Hearts of his People, that it might prove dangerous to him: Assuring him that no private Displea∣sure urg'd him to say this, but meer∣ly his Love to his King and Country; and therefore desired the Duke, being one of the King's Cabinet-Council, to lay these Things before him, which might prove of ill consequence if con∣tinu'd. The Duke of Norfolk seem'd not to dislike what had been said; but so represented it to the King, that he turn'd it rather to an Accusation, than a Counsel. The King, that cou'd not

endure to hear unpleasant Truths, and at that Instant looking upon himself as above the mean Consideration of Pub∣lic Notions, so resented the Boldness of the Duke of Hereford, that he sum∣mon'd him to answer this (that now became his Charge) before the Coun∣cil, Where the Duke of Norfolk con∣firm'd his Information, which was de∣ny'd by the Duke of Hereford, own∣ing all that he had said. But the Duke of Norfolk maintaining the Accusation, the Combat was demanded, and con∣sented to, and the Day appointed by the King: At which time both the Dukes appear'd arm'd, and being just ready to ingage, they were stop'd by the King, and Banishment pronounc'd against them both. The Duke of Norfolk dy'd suddenly after at Venice; having enjoy'd no great benefit by those Violences he so precipitately en∣gag'd in.

A little after dyed John of Gaunt, Father to the Duke of Hereford, and fourth Son of Edward the Third: After whose Death the Dutchy of Lan∣caster fell to this Duke, being his eldest

Son. But the King, in his deceiv'd Opinion of Power and Security, acted by the most probable means to shake both; seizing all the Duke's new-de∣scended Estate into his own hands, and indeavour'd to make his Banishment perpetual: Revoking all his Letters Patents, to prevent the suing out the Livery for those Lands, during his Banishment.

If this be well consider'd, 'tis im∣probable a King shou'd do it purely from his own Advice. First, he en∣rag'd a Person, that cou'd onely be a considerable Enemy: His Popularity gave him an Interest in Power, and his Descent from a King the Pretence to use it. This cou'd be no motive from right Reason, to urge the King to do such an imprudent Injustice; he was above the Temptation of a private Estate, but his Ministers were tempted by it, following the usual Methods of their Counsels by no Considerations, but Revenge and Interest: As if their Safeties were grounded upon nothing so much as their Prince's Hazard, and their Advantages upon his Prejudice.

As the Testimony of the prevalen∣cy of these Counsellers, the King left all Business to them; and gave him∣self up wholly to Sloath and Pleasure. The Imitation spread into Effeminacy and Luxury; and the King thought it was the Testimony of Arbitrary Pow∣er, to live uncontroul'd in such a loose Condition. All Power, but this sha∣dow of it, was exercis'd by his Mini∣sters, who now depress'd all Persons of either Courage or Honour. A valiant Man was counted dangerous, and a wise Man mutinous: And every one was made perceive, that 'twas easier to prosper by following their Prince's Humor, than to pursue his Interest and Honour.

The Ministers being grown into Absolute Power, thought of nothing but how to satisfie their greedy Ambi∣tions, they pretended to get all for the King, the sure way to convey it to themselves. And indeed his Gifts were so large to them, that they brought him into more Wants, than ever the Wars of his brave Ancestors cou'd reduce them to, and us'd more unjust Inventi∣ons

to supply his private use, than they needed Public Assistances, to sup∣port the Interest and Honour of it. But Edward the First, and Edward the Third, had a less Burthen and Charge to support, they had a King∣dom and no Favourites: The First was not capable to satisfie the later. For at this time, without any Public Oc∣casion, strange ways were us'd to levy Money: Commissioners were sent to all the Sheriffs and Corporations, de∣claring the King's high Displeasure for the kindness they testify'd to the Duke of Gloucester, the Earls of Arun∣del and Warwick: And for this Affe∣ction shew'd to the King's Enemies, his Pardon was to be obtain'd by hea∣vy Fines, or rather Taxes laid upon them. The Commons were bound by new-invented Oaths, to perform what they ingag'd to, and blank Char∣ters seal'd and deliver'd to the King's Use, whereby their Liberty might be as well taken away, as their Properties had been.

By such Counsels as these, the Sub∣jects were turn'd to Slaves, and made

Waiters upon any Opportunities to shake off their Fetters; the King made believe he Govern'd most, when he had none to Govern. For Slaves are not in the Business of Mankind; their Thoughts are only fix'd upon Revenge and Freedom, and, like distempered Men, seldom return to their former Composures.

The first occasion that prov'd this true, was a Rebellion that broke out in Ireland; the Opportunity of which Diversion favour'd the Earl of Northum∣berland to gather Forces in the North. And others of the Nobility and Peo∣ple, weary of their Oppressions, re∣solv'd in the King's Absence to attempt some Relief: And fix'd upon the Duke of Hereford, as the proper Instrument to act by. His Banishment, that the King design'd to make perpetual, was the Cause of that Mischief, which he believ'd he shou'd prevent by it. He now became the Center to which all other Discontents tended; to whom now resorted many of his former Friends, and others whom Oppression now made so.

Among these the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury was the Chief: Who, in a Speech to the Duke of Hereford, laid open their Grievances and Desires: Summing up all the Mischiefs and Misfortunes of an unsteady Govern∣ment, the Contempt it spread abroad, and Oppression at home; not Slaves to their Prince, but to his Favourites; and that Peace under their Extortions was more chargable than War; the Expence of their Riots and Ambiti∣ons needed more Projects and Taxes to maintain them, than the Defence and Support of the Government it self required; by their Cruelties most of the Nobility were destroy'd, and the Commonalty wasted: Conclu∣ding with imploring the Duke to pitty the Oppression of his Country, and to animate those, that were rea∣dy to redeem themselves from Sla∣very, by his Valour and Conduct.

The Duke of Lancaster needed not the force of Eloquence to perswade him. The loss of his Uncle, his Banishment, the Imprisonment of his

Children, and the loss of his Estate, were powerful Exciters enough, to lay hold on any opportunity to Re∣venge all his Wrongs. To all which was added the perswasive Temptati∣on of a Crown: And sure there cou'd be no more powerful Mo∣tives, than by one way at once to satisfie both his Ambition and Re∣venge.

These Considerations, and the de∣pendency on the Peoples Affections to a Change (being wearied with Oppression) made him venture to Land with a very small Force in York∣shire. At first he gave out, That he came only to recover his Inheritance, and quickly found his utmost expecta∣tion answer'd: Many of the Nobility came in to him, and his small Troop presently increas'd to an Army; and the Multitudes that in all Places ap∣pear'd in his Cause, shew'd what Foun∣dations a Tyrant laid for his own Ruin; by depending on little Acci∣dents, that gave him opportunity to use an unjust and short-liv'd Power.

The Duke finding every thing more successful than almost he cou'd hope, pursu'd that Fortune which so prosperously invited him, and hasted with his still-increasing Forces to Lon∣don: Where he found a Reception suitable to the usual Joy that discon∣tented People shew in Alterations. He was receiv'd in Triumph without Vi∣ctory; and with all the Testimonies of Zeal and Duty, which flattring Crouds. cou'd pay their Lawful Sove∣raign. Pageants and rich Presents entertain'd him, and all the extrava∣gant Praises that cou'd be invented; and as many contumelious Reproa∣ches on their late King. All Testimo∣nies of Allegiance seem'd lost, the modest Mask was taken off; and War proclaim'd against King Richard, and his Adherents.

The Duke of York, in the mean time, tried to raise Forces, but found a general Resolution in all People, not to be Enemies to the Duke of Lan∣caster. The Favourites that were a∣ctive and bold in Prosperity, shew'd

that neither their Skill nor their Duty was to struggle with Difficul∣ties. Nor had they either Interest or Reputation, if they had attempted it; they were always a dead Weight upon their Prince, and, like the Na∣ture of it, hung heaviest upon weak Conditions. Bushy and Green were pursu'd to Bristol, and there taken, a Fatal Place to hasty Favourites, they were eagerly pursu'd by the flat∣tering Fury of the People: And per∣haps there were some among them, that before, in the Prosperity of these Favourites, had made as passionate Pro∣fessions of a contrary Devotion. Ba∣got escap'd into Ireland, and sav'd himself from the present Execution, the Lord Scroop (Lord Treasurer) with Bushy and Green, that were taken, lost their Heads.

King Richard was at this time in Ireland; where the News came to him of the Duke's Landing in Eng∣land, and his successful Proceedings. The News increas'd by coming, and every Circumstance grew inlarg'd: So that it appear'd the blackest, and most

portentous Storm that ever gather'd in the full Sun-shine of a Prince; which his Favourites assur'd him cou'd be sub∣ject to no Eclipse.

The contrary appear'd to this un∣fortunate King; who was then in∣gag'd in Troubles in Ireland. After some time he prepar'd for England; having first Imprison'd the Sons of the Dukes of Lancaster and Gloucester in Trim-Castle, and took with him the Dukes of Surrey, Aumarl, and Exe∣ter, and the Bishops of London, Lin∣coln, and Carlisle.

The Earl of Salisbury was sent be∣fore to raise an Army, which he did in Cornwall: But the King failing to come within the time he promis'd, they all discourag'd, went home. This Delay was attributed to the Counsel of the Duke of Aumarl; who perhaps had more mind to see things determin'd by the Fortune of others, than by hazar∣ding his own.

After this the King Lands in Wales; where he found the Stream turning from him, and every Place of Strength submitting to the Duke of Lancaster. He knew not what course to steer, but wander'd to Conway-Castle; where the Earl of Worcester, Steward of the Kings Houshold (as if finding a fitting time to remember the Proclaiming his Brother, the Earl of Northumberland, Traitor) broke his Staff of Office openly in the Hall, before the King's Servants: And with Advice to them to be as base as himself, went avow∣edly to the Duke. The rest follow'd his Example; and those, that once seem'd to be the most eagerly Loyal, became now the most violently Rebel∣lious. And 'tis improbable that those who with unlimited Flattery, for their own Interest and Ambition, had perswaded their Prince into the dange∣rous Attempt of Absolute Power, shou'd in any Turn of Fortune, or Shock of Danger, retain any limited Principles. The true Interest of a Prince includes the Interest of others, but the Interest of private Men ex∣cludes

a Prince's. We have heard, 'tis true, of some that have been success∣ful in such unjust and dangerous At∣tempts: But the Examples have been very few, that have not been Fatal at last. And there are so many of the contrary, that the Comparison wou'd convince any, that the just Limits within a Nation's Constitution, are much more Safe, as well as Glo∣rious.

King Richard had now Cause to make such sad Reflections, and by the Want of Power instructed to la∣ment the attempting too much. He saw himself forsaken by those, whom he shou'd have forsook before: He now felt severely the want of that Trust and Confidence that he had de∣stroy'd, and seem'd not forsaken of his People, but to have forsook them before. He had forc'd them all to be in the nature of Traitors, and compell'd them to purchase, as it were, the Name of Subjects: While there were none that seem'd so to him, but those that needed Pardon the most: Such as had counsell'd

him to the Ruin that now fell upon him.

He had been so long accustom'd to follow the Counsel of others, that he knew not the way to use his own; and had too long pursu'd the mean aad easie ways of Indirectness: Ver∣tuous and steady Actions in the undi∣sturb'd part of Life, give Power in Extremity; and the Memory of what was Great and Good, gives Boldness to such a Mind to claim Success in the worst Condition: But the Memory of Injuries and Injustice done to o∣thers, shake Hopes and Expectations in a dangerous Estate. This he shew∣ed, by discharging his Army, rather than bravely using them: As if he believ'd it impossible to recover Power now, since he had us'd it so ill before.

The next thing that seem'd best, was, to have retir'd till a better Occa∣sion was offer'd. For nothing is more various or violent than the Stream of Mens Minds; with greediness affect∣ing Change, and hurried by Expecta∣tions

(that are seldom answer'd) to be eas'd from all former Grievances and Oppression: And every one that assisted in the Alteration, looks upon himself as a particular Object for Re∣ward. Never considering that new∣gotten Power needs more to secure it, than the Ease of the People will allow: And, when deceiv'd in that, they begin to stagger; and, at last, grow to repent the Blood and Money the expenceful Change had cost, and are ready upon any Occasion to Re∣venge their mistaken Errors. And perhaps K. Richard might have hop'd as much in some time, as the Duke of Lancaster then found.

But there were some, who proba∣bly had before appear'd most violently Loyal, who now advis'd their still-abus'd King to the last and worst way, and sacrific'd him for their own Peace: Telling him perhaps, That unfortu∣nate Prince's seldom found Protection abroad, but were kept only as a Com∣position with their successful Enemies: And thô he had so near a Relation to the King of France, yet Tyes by Mar∣riage

were no Obstacle to their Use of Interest, but rather a Shelter for the most unsuspected Designs. And he wou'd accordingly find that he wou'd be the Sacrifice of new Alli∣ances; and then 'twou'd be too late to expect such Conditions from the Duke of Lancaster, which probably he might now hope for.

These false Reasons were perhaps us'd to him, by such, as cou'd not at a less Rate reconcile themselves to the Duke of Lancaster, than by their be∣traying their Master into his hands. For nothing cou'd be more improbable than that he, who had the Power, shou'd by Conditions preserve him who had the Right to it, while neither was capable to trust the other's Mercy. Yet this vain Counsel was follow'd; and, as if to improve it by Intelligence with the Duke of Lancaster, the Earl of Northumberland was sent to the King, to assure him, That the Duke wou'd pay him all humble Obedience: And onely desir'd a Parliament shou'd be call'd at Westminster, to settle the sha∣ken Affairs of the Nation.

The King must then perceive how he was forsaken, by those who before had so much flatter'd him with their excessive Love and Loyalty. And it seem'd a just Instruction, to suspect the violent Professions of any that have no Restraint by Principles in a fortunate Condition. They that want Vertue, and profess Love, shou'd ra∣ther cause suspition than belief, espe∣cially when 'tis address'd where Power and Interest may invite it. But the love of Absolute Greatness in Opinion, more then real and true Greatness in itself, has hindred Princes from seeing the Defects and Designs of mean and interessed Flatterers: Such as believe their Prince has never Power enough, unless it appears by the Oppression of others, and (like those in this unhap∣py King's time) fall from their Pro∣fessions as he declin'd in Power. But I have read of some (thô but a few) who governed themselves by Princi∣ples in their Prince's Prosperity, and (guided by the same Vertue) have not forsaken him in his Adversity.

The King in some measure, yet made a right Reflection on his Con∣dition: For he thought 'twas in vain to hope that the Conquerour wou'd restore him the Power he had gotten, and therefore onely, to the Earl of Northumberland, propos'd for himself a retir'd and quiet Condition. But he was as much mistaken to hope that, as he guess'd right not to expect the other. But when the Duke met the King at Flint-Castle, he seem'd to pay him all Reverence due to a King; and told him that he onely acted what he had done, for the Reformation of the Government, and for the Recovery of his Estate and Possessions. But this was only a modest Formality, that ambitious Men use in obtaining, and seldom perform when they have ob∣tain'd: For such Modesty is laid aside by Success, and Justice grows useless when Power is fully possess'd, For after that the King was secur'd, and, in the Condition of a Prisoner, carry'd to London: Yet in his Name a Parlia∣men was presently call'd.

The King now found the unhappy Truth, that usually Mens Professions are but the product of their present Conditions, not of their Intentions: And perhaps in a low Estate they may wish and desire within modest Limits, but the Violence of overwhelming Power, breaking over the former Bounds, overthrow all mean and level Thoughts. Perhaps the King might now make such severe Reflection on his past Actions, seldom regarding his Professions, when he had power or opportunity to violate them. He cou'd not but be press'd with the Me∣mory of his unhospitable Treachery to the Duke of Gloucester, and the Earl of Warwick: And must, with dete∣station, remember those Counsellers of Falseness and Indirectness, which once destroy'd his Happiness, and now ag∣gravated his Misery. He saw their Violent and Loyal Flatteries were meant for their own Interest, not for his; and that such mean Things, like other Insects, live with a little warmth, but shrink at any change of Weather.

The Duke of York, that was entrust∣ed with the Government during King Richard's Absence in Ireland, was be∣come the Duke of Lancaster's chief Adviser of the Methods he was now to take, which were as violent as his forgotten Duty requir'd, to make his new Loyalty acceptable. In the first place he advis'd that King Richard shou'd be press'd to a voluntary Re∣signation, and also to be solemnly De∣pos'd. This Advice was pursu'd, and the King seem'd as ready to yield to it, as the Duke ambitiously desir'd it. The Form of the Resignation was then contriv'd to be perform'd the Day be∣fore the Parliament was to meet: And yet that Parliament was to sit, thô the King was to be no longer a King, in whose Name it was call'd. And certainly if there cou'd be Ver∣tue in the Resignation, the Dissoluti∣on of the Parliament must have been the Consequence, for that which was call'd by a Power cou'd not continue when there was a Demise of that Pow∣er. But no Blot was to be seen or hit, the hasty and flattering Zeal, that was

to be shewn to the Duke of Lancaster, pursu'd its violent Course thrô all the Obstacles of Law and Justice.

Among those that were Commis∣sion'd to receive his Resignation, there were Lords, Clergy-men, and Law∣yers: The two Chief-Justices Thir∣ninge and Markham were in the Num∣ber. And in the Reigns of these two unfortunate Princes, there wanted not Spiritual and Temporal Gown-men, that contributed to all their Errors in their Fortunate Conditions, and in their Adversities transplanted their Zeal into the new Sun-shine.

These Commissioners being formal∣ly assembled in the Tower, King Ri∣chard was brought out in all the King∣ly Ornaments, that he might have some Ensigns of Glory to resign for∣mally. In this Condition he was plac'd in a Chair of State: And in this last Moment of his Royalty ap∣pear'd most like a King. All that was now done, was certainly from himself, and shew'd in this Extremity Vertue enough to make it evident,

he might have been an excellent Prince, had his Ministers not Reign'd more than he. For he shew'd no Disorder in this great and almost unpresidented Action of his Life: And Stow relates, that when the Rabble drew up to re∣venge the Death of Wat Tyler, the King shew'd both Wisdom and Cou∣rage; he now neither seem'd to force a Resolution to endure, nor affect a Temper to submit, but as if both had naturally sprung from the Choice of a retir'd Condition. With this calm∣ness in all this Storm of Fortune he spoke to the Commissioners: Begin∣ning with the acknowledging those Errours that his Youth made ill Coun∣sellors capable to imprint in him, and seem'd only troubled that he had not Time allow'd to repair those Injuries he had done the Nation; knowing now, from a clear sight that he was both willing and capable to have per∣form'd so happy an Action; he now perceiv'd his own Vertues, when the Vices of others cou'd no longer hide them; and he that once cou'd have been so easily perswaded that he was shot at thrô his wounded Ministers,

now saw that 'twas from them he re∣ceiv'd his Wounds. He concluded with the Choice of losing a Kingdom, rather then engage it in Blood and Confusion: Desiring onely to enjoy that Peace, which he merited in pre∣serving it for others; and was as wil∣ling to resign his Crown to the Duke of Lancaster, as he perceiv'd they were willing to receive it from him.

After this he read the Instrument that was prepar'd, and made two Bi∣shops his Atturneys, to declare that his Resignation in Parliament. Which was done the Munday after, and acce∣pted of by the Lords and Commons. But yet this was not thought enough, but a heavy Charge, in many Articles, was exhibited against him.

The Articles are from my purpose, and too long to set down: But who∣ever reads them in the Rolls, will find them of much weight, and as shrewdly compos'd, as the nature of the thing cou'd either bear or require; there was not an Injustice or Error omitted. The chiefest thing contain'd were those

Actions, by which his Favourites thought to secure themselves, by sub∣jecting all Judges and Sheriffs to his Will, thereby to bring within his Power Parliaments and Law, and make way to Levy Taxes as he pleas'd. And it was a particular Article that he should say and declare, That all Law lay in his Head and Breast.

These are the Extremities that pro∣ceed from the Counsels of such Men, who have made themselves incapable to share or trust in common Good. Who, knowing how little they cou'd expect from the uninterrupted Me∣thods of Law and Justice, seek to pre∣serve themselves by the Destruction of that which threatned them. And 'twere impossible that Princes shou'd involve their own, in the desperate Interest of others, were they not first blinded from discerning the Ambition of those that hide it under the fierce Zeal for their Absolute Power.

The Articles (which were Twen∣ty-nine) were own'd by the Lords and Commons to be so notorious, that

they needed no farther Examination or Proof; and join'd with the Consent of the King, on whom they were charged, it was judg'd sufficient for the Deposing King Richard, and the Duke of Lancaster then claiming the Crown, by a false and far-fetch'd Title from Henry the Third, to patch up the seeming Justice of such an Action.

This Title was drawn from Edmund Sir-nam'd Crook-Back, eldest Son of Henry the Third; and that, for his Deformity, he was put by the Succes∣sion, and the Crown given to Edward the First: And the Duke of Lancaster was next of Blood, by the Mother's-side, to this Edmund. but this Ed∣mund was third Son of Henry, and not deform'd at all, but a brave Man in Person and Mind. But the next Heir then to the Crown was Edmund Earl of March, Son to Roger, who was formerly slain in Ireland: Who, seeing the Stream so violent against King Richard, wisely retired, and li∣ved with all imaginable Care and Pru∣dence.

But the Parliament did not seem to proceed upon this pretended Title, to set the Crown upon the Duke of Lan∣caster's Head; but by way of Election: For after the Arch-Bishop had finisht his Sermon, he mov'd them to pro∣ceed to the Election of a new King; and perceiving they were prepar'd for it, he demanded of them whom they wou'd chuse for their King. First he propos'd the Duke of York; but they answered, No. Then the eldest Son of the Duke of Aumarl; to which al∣so they answer'd, No. Then he pro∣pos'd his youngest Son; to which they made the same Answer, and also divers others, which they refus'd. Then pausing a little, askt if they wou'd have the Duke of Lancaster for their King; to which, they gave an unani∣mous Consent. The Question was thrice put, and every time consented to. Then the Arch-Bishop went to the Duke, and fell upon his Knees, declaring to him, That he was chosen King: The Duke also kneel'd down, and declar'd his Consent to accept the Crown.

This Ceremony seems to shew that Right which can never be separated from the People (of which I have dis∣courst in the Preface). And the weight of this Nation, when ever thoroughly opprest, will weigh down the Design∣ers of it; which has been in many un∣expected Revolutions, when they are reduc'd to such an Extremity, that the naming a Right to Liberty and Pro∣perty, is charg'd as an Intention of Rebellion. The Prince's Will must then be the Law, and his Religion the Devotion of all Loyal Subjects. Then those that have the least Principle de∣clare for the greatest Loyalty, and by a seeming Zeal and Duty, pursue In∣terest and Ambition. And thô the search for Absolute Power is made by secret Reserves, publick and false Pro∣fessions, corrupting some, and terrify∣ing others; and upon specious Preten∣ces, displacing such as appear either suspecting the Designs, or not as pas∣sionate as the restin promoting them: Yet when the Power is obtain'd, and secur'd, as the King was told his was, when all Subjects lost their Names, and, like guilty Slaves, sign'd Blanks,

as the Testimony of it; then appears what Machiavel describes in those Times among the Romans, when Ab∣solute Power was exercis'd. Riches and Honour, especially Vertue, grew to be Capital Offences; Informers and Calumniators rewarded; Servants in∣stigated against their Masters, Chil∣dren against their Parents; guilty Men the Accusers; and those few that were so unhappy to have no Ene∣mies, destroy'd by their Friends: And all dissembled Cruelties and Op∣pressions break forth into publick and barefac'd Practice. That which be∣fore was declared to be the prejudice of the Government, must then be call'd the support of it. Ill Designs grew by degrees, but when their cherish'd Roots have took a deep and firm hold, they are then declar'd by the mischievous Fruit they put forth. Modesty seldom stays with full-grown Power, and the former Reputation of Men is useless to them: In such a Change they must purchase new Cha∣racters from new Violences, to merit Trust or Safety.

King Richard, having now, (as far as he cou'd) resign'd his Soveraign Power, began to find how much he was mistaken with the Hopes of en∣joying that retir'd Peace, which he seem'd willing to exchange his Crown for. Fortune commonly makes hast in the Prosperity or Adversity of Princes: And there is a reasonable Cause, why neither shou'd be slow, for the Minds of Men hurry them to assist the successful, and help to destroy the unfortunate: Led more by Fear and Interest, than Resolution and Vertue.

This Truth appear'd in the Condi∣tion of this unhappy King: Whose Little that was left him was first shar'd by his Enemies, and he then convey'd from the Tower of London, to Leeds-Castle in Kent, and from thence to Pomfret-Castle in York-shire. Where, for some little time, there seem'd to be paid him some Respect in the Manner of his Attendance; but that was but the counterfeit treating of the shadow of a King. Which probably yet made

him uneasie, who enjoy'd the substan∣tial Power: For it is reported by some, that King Henry shou'd one Day, with a deep sigh, lament, That neither He, nor the Nation, had a Friend that wou'd pull up that Root, from whence Disquiets and Rebellion cou'd onely spring.

'Tis probable that the Bishop of Carlisle's Oration (arguing at that time against the Right of King Ri∣chard's being Depos'd, and the Right of Henry to succeed to the Crown) and some Plots and Risings that after∣wards happen'd, might perhaps hasten the taking away this unfortunate Prince from all his Miseries. But whether the King gave particular Orders and En∣couragement, by such words, is un∣certain. But there never wanted Men barbarous enough, to offer cruel Sa∣crifices to Power; and for the hopes of Favour and Reward, rather guess what Mischief wou'd be acceptable, than stay to be instructed, that their Merit might seem inlarg'd by their Readiness in Villany.

There are Accounts given of King Richard's Death; some write, That upon News of the Defeat of those that rose against the new King, Henry the Fourth, he grew so disconsolate, that he pin'd away and starv'd himself; o∣thers, that for fifteen Days and Nights he was kept from all Sustenance, and with the assistance of Cold, (for it was in February) starv'd to death. Others write, that he had Feasts set before him, but denied to touch any thing; as if design'd to imitate the Fable of Tantalus, and aggravate the Cruelty of Starving. After his Death his Bo∣dy was brought to the Tower of Lon∣don, where he stood three days for all Beholders, and had Service where his Soul was pray'd for, at which King Henry was present.

It appears to me improbable, that King Henry shou'd give such unheard of cruel Directions, as by lingring Torments to take away the Life of a Prince, when there was a Declaration of the Parliament, That the Life of King Richard shou'd not be touch'd,

which also King Henry agreed to; and presently to give such public and notorious Directions to have his Life taken away by such unheard-of Cruel∣ties, as for fifteen days to wast in the Torments of Hunger and Cold, and afterwards to expose him bare-fac'd; which must have betray'd the Death he dy'd; and then to assist in Prayers for his Soul, seems to me very impro∣bable, and full of Contradictions.

I am rather inclin'd to their Opi∣nions who follow an Author, who seem'd to have good Intelligence of this particular business, and who in other things I find much quoted by Historians; who says, That some Words which fell from King Henry, gave a hint to Sir Pierce Exton, to undertake the Death of King Richard; who, with Eight other Villains ha∣sten'd to Pomfret, as if he fear'd he shou'd be depriv'd of the Honour of the Action. When he arriv'd, the Preface to the intended Cruelty, was, the forbearance of that Ceremony of Tasting, that was usually paid Ri∣chard as he sat at Dinner. Who de∣manding

the reason of it, he that us'd to perform it, answer'd, That Sir Pierce Exton had brought such Order from Henry: At which the King seem'd so much transported, that he struck at him, and, cursing the King, call'd him onely Harry of Lancaster. At which time Sir Pierce, with his bloody Followers, entred, and shut the Door after him. Which being perceiv'd by the King, he easily guess'd their Fatal Intentions, and (seeming less surpriz'd, in this great and threatning Danger, than in all the former, thô lesser Ha∣zards) he readily and boldly snatch'd a Halbert, and with a Resolution dif∣fering from his former Actions, slew Four of the Assassinates. And with continu'd Bravery fought with the rest; till the chief Villain Exton got upon a Chair behind him, and with a Pole-Axe struck him down: Where the un∣fortunate King ended all his Calami∣ties, and left the Murderer to endure future Torments. For when he re∣turn'd again, expecting great Prefer∣ments and Rewards, he found himself deceiv'd not onely in the hopes of an addition of Favour, but in the loss of

what he had: Not considering, that thô a Man might be ill enough to wish a Mischief, he hardly cou'd be so con∣fidently bad, as publickly to reward the Doer of it. That counterfeit Piece of Vertue was probably shew'd by the King, to seem (at least) to hate what yet he wish'd, by discoun∣tenancing the Actor of the ill. Who now began by discontent to make way for a punishing Conscience, which continu'd him in Torments during his short and miserable Life, and left an Infamy to out-live him.

It is observable, that in the Two greatest Exigencies of this Prince's Life, he appear'd differing from him∣self; one in the Resignation of his Crown, the other in the loss of his Life: The first he did with a steady Calmness, almost above the Temper of a Man, the last with a Courage e∣qual to the bravest. In smaller Con∣cerns he seem'd unsteady and amaz'd, in these great ones firm and uncon∣cern'd. But in these Extremites he was not clogg'd with those Favourites and Ministers, that influenc'd him with

their Weakness, and shook his Mind with their Indirectness, making not onely their Cause to be his, but his Nature theirs.

This seem'd justified by his beha∣viour in these last and greatest Extre∣mities: When, acting wholly for him∣self, he entitled himself, at last, to his Grand-father's, and Father's (the Black Prince's) Courage and Vertue, and shew'd himself dying, what they never gave him leave to appear when living.

THE COMPARISON.

HAving now finish'd, with some Reflections, the chief Accidents in the Reigns of Edward and Richard the Second; and believing it too tedi∣ous to take the same Methods with Ed∣ward the First, and Edward the Third, I thought it not improper to extract their Characters, that by the Compa∣rison of them all, the reasonable Cau∣ses may farther appear, of the unhap∣py Condition of the two first, and the prosperous Fortunes of the two others. Which will shew the mighty and fatal Difference in a Prince's using himself, and being wholly us'd by others; be∣tween the Steadiness of a strong Mind, and the Indirectness of a weak one. Edward the First, and Edward the Third, resembled one another; Ed∣ward and Richard the Second, were

also alike: So that their Comparisons may be made as if between two Per∣sons, which will shew the Causes of the mighty Differences that succeeded with them.

Edward I. and Edward III. Came both to the Crown, after it had been shaken by the Errors of both their Fathers, Henry the Third, and Edward the Second.

Edward and Richard II. Came both to the Crown, after it had been setled by the Vertues and Valour of the Father and Grandfather, Ed∣ward the First, and Edward the Third.

Edward I. and Edward III. Were both Men earlier than others; and Victorious before others us'd to attempt Victory: So that before they were Kings, they shew'd how fit they were to be so.

Edward and Richard II. Never appear'd Men, till they were to be so no more: They never attem∣pted true Glory, and before they were Kings, gave little Testimony of their fitness to be so.

Edward I. and Edward III. Were able to judge, yet never unwil∣ling to hear the Judgment of others; they were deliberate in their Resolving, but firm in their Resolutions; unsha∣ken in Dangers, steady and equal in Safety; their Promises were Man∣kind's Security; and Truth their Wis∣dom. Their great Vertues and Cou∣rage made the Nation expect Success from all their Actions.

Edward and Richard II. Never appear'd able to judge, but wholly submitted to the interessed O∣pinion of others; they were incon∣stant in all Conditions, in Prosperity bold and violent, in Danger fearful

and temperate; their Promises were no Security, and Dissimulation was their Policy: So that from such Me∣thods of Government the Nation cou'd expect no Success or Happiness.

Edward I. and Edward III. Grew fierce by Opposition, and gen∣tle by Submission; they seldom de∣ny'd Pardon to those that implor'd it, nor suffer'd an abus'd Mercy unre∣venged; they were mighty enough to conquer Enemies, and powerful e∣nough to forgive those they conquer'd: They were equally Victorious both of themselves and others, and those that submitted, prov'd always more Fortu∣nate, than those that resisted.

Edward and Richard II. Were submissive when oppos'd, and fierce when submitted to; they al∣ways abus'd the Tenderness of others, and seldom shew'd any of their own: Never forgiving, where they had Op∣portunity to punish. They neither had Power, nor Design, to conquer

Enemies, but us'd both to overcome their Friends: Others were Masters of them, and not they of themselves; and those that resisted prov'd more Fortunate than those that submitted.

Edward I. and Edward III. In the greatest Hazards requir'd none to attempt more than they did in their own Persons, and in the greatest Pro∣sperity and Safety; they prescrib'd no more Vertue and Temperance than they gave Examples for.

Edward and Richard II. In Danger depended on others to at∣tempt for them, and in Prosperity they gave no Rules of Vertue, but suffer'd the Vices of others to be their Examples.

Edward I. and Edward III. Knew how to gain Power, and how to use it; they made the best Laws, that might have attempted the easiest to break them.

Edward and Richard II. Knew little how to get Power, and less how to use it, Chance sometimes brought, and their giddy Favourites lost. They never seem'd inclin'd to make good Laws, and were always contriving to Violate those that were made.

Edward I. and Edward III. Knew how to gain, and how to pre∣serve, by the Love and Confidence they rais'd in their Subjects Hearts: The first they requited, and never a∣bus'd the last.

Edward and Richard II. Shew'd little skill how to gain, and as little how to preserve, they were ad∣vis'd to the mistaken Policy of neg∣lecting Love, and to the Folly of a∣busing Trust.

Edward I. and Edward III. Had great Taxes and Supplies, which in themselves might appear very large, but wou'd not seem so vast, when compar'd with their Victories. The Conquest of Wales, Scotland, and France, will not seem such light Vi∣ctories to be obtain'd with smal Assist∣ance. But what the Nation gave was justly bestow'd for what it was given, and faithfully laid out for their Honour and Interest.

Edward and Richard II. Had great Supplies, but made no Pur∣chases with them of Honour or Inte∣rest: What the others bestow'd for the Public Good, they gave away to their private Favourites, and wanted more to supply their Avarice and Am∣bitions, than the others did to enlarge the Nation's Glory. The private Con∣quests the Favourites made over these Princes, were more chargable than the Victories the others obtain'd over Na∣tions.

Edward I. and Edward III. Not only return'd Security and Bene∣fit for their Subjects Gifts, by Con∣quest abroad, but by excellent Laws at home: What Edward the First be∣gan well, Edward the Third gave Perfection to. Nor were these brave Princes more just in making good Laws, than severe in the due Executi∣on of them: And neither ever shew'd so much Severity as against those that abus'd the Trust of Justice; as if they were more offended at the Enemies of Mankind, than at their own.

Edward and Richard II. Return'd nothing to their Subjects for what they gave; neither by the Brave∣ry of Arms, to crush the Greatness of their Enemies, nor by Vertue of good Laws, to increase the Prosperity of the People: They seem'd not fitted in themselves to attempt the first, and too much influenc'd by Favourites to incline to the last. They fear'd the Greatness of their Subjects more than

their Enemies, and shew'd they wou'd rather have conquer'd at home than abroad, as if they wou'd choose to make their own People Slaves rather then others. They apprehen∣ded the effect of good Laws, and were most pleas'd with those that de∣bauch'd the Trust of Justice; and the Judges esteem'd most Loyal that were most readily wicked: Those were the greatest Favourites that the People most hated; and the greatest Enemies to Men, were reputed the best Friends to them.

Edward I. and Edward III. Mingled their Interest with their Sub∣jects, and never refus'd to hear the Wrongs of those that assisted them, to Revenge their Injures on o∣thers. They were equally Valiant, and equally Successful, and both dy'd uncheckt by Fortune: Onely Edward the First died himself, and Edward the Third out-liv'd himself; but the Death of his Glorious Son, the BLACK PRINCE, join'd with the Weight of Old Age, might justly make that Sun-set clouded.

Edward and Richard II. Divided their Interest from their Sub∣jects, whose Complaint of Grie∣vances rather procur'd Punishment than Redress: They thought their People's Good was inconsistent with their Power, and that to be sensible of Oppression, was Rebellious. They were alike in their Tempers, and e∣qually unsuccessful: And in the midst of the greatest Smiles of Fortune, both alike forsaken by Her. But Richard the Second, in the last wretched Scene of his Life, had the opportunity of shewing some Testimonies that he sprung from the Black Prince; and had not liv'd more unhappily, than he dy'd bravely: The first he ow'd to his Favourites, the last to Himself.

FINIS.