The history of that most victorius monarch, Edward IIId, King of England and France, and Lord of Ireland, and first founder of the most noble Order of the Garter being a full and exact account of the life and death of the said king : together with that of his most renowned son, Edward, Prince of Wales and of Aquitain, sirnamed the Black-Prince : faithfully and carefully collected from the best and most antient authors, domestick and foreign, printed books, manuscripts and records / by Joshua Barnes ...

CHAPTER the FIRST.

The CONTENTS.

I. The Circumstances of the Birth of King Edward the Third, with his Education and Character. II. He is made Prince of Wales, and Duke of Aquitain, beside the Titles of Earl of Chester, Ponthieu, and Monstroile; He goes into France, with the man∣ner of his coming to the Crown of England. III. He is excus'd from being Guilty of his Fathers Deposition, his peace is proclaim'd and a General Pardon. IV. Twelve Guardians appointed him: Mortimer's Greatness and the Queens excessive Dowry. V. The Present State of Scotland, the King whereof Robert Bruce sends a Defiance to King Edward. VI. King Edward's Expedition against the Scots. VII. The Particulars of the Murder of King Edward the Second. VIII. King Edward the Third's Return to London: the first Year of his Reign concludes with the Death of sundry great Per∣sonages, Princes and Prelates.

I. KING Edward, the Third of that Name from the Conquest, was the first Son of King Edward the Second of England (sirnamed Caernarvon) by his Queen Isabella the Daughter of Philip the Fair, King of France, a accounted in her time one of the most Beau∣tifull Ladies in the world. He was born at the Castle of Wind∣sor, whence he had his sirname (after the manner of that Age) on the b thirteenth day of November, at c fourty Minutes past Five in the Morning, being the d Monday next after the Feast of S^t Martin the Bi∣shop, and the very day e after the day of S^t Brice Bishop, and Disciple of S^t Mar∣tin, in the sixth year of his Fathers Reign, and the year of our Lord God MCCCXII. Prince f Lewis, eldest Son to the King of France, and Brother to the Queen of En∣gland, being then with many of the French Nobility at the English Court, labour'd earnestly, that this Princely Infant might be named after King Philip; but against this motion the English Nobility prevail'd, and so on the Thursday after, he was Baptised by the Name of Edward, after his Father and Grandfather, the Ceremony being per∣formed by the hands of g Arnold, h Priest-Cardinal titulo Sanctae Priscae, in the old Chappel, then of S^t Edward, in the said Castle of Windsor, his Godfathers being i Ri∣chard Bishop of Poictiers, John Bishop of Bath and Wells, William Bishop of Wor∣cester, Lewis Earl of Eureux the Queens Brother, John Duke of Bretagne and Earl of Richmond, Emery of Valence Earl of Pembroke, and Hugh le Despencer, alias Spen∣cer, a Great Man in those Days.

The News of his Birth was k an occasion of great Rejoycing over all England, and

the only thing l able to cheer up the mind of his Royal Father from that exces∣sive sorrow, which the late Death of his Favourite Piers Gaveston had flung upon it, and from that Day the King forgot by Degrees his former loss, rejoycing in his pre∣sent Happiness. For m so pleasing to his Father was the Birth of this Hopefull Prince, that on the Sixteenth of December following, he gave to John Launge, Valet to the Queen, and to Isabel his Wife, and to the longer liver of them, for bringing to him so desireable News, twenty four pounds per annum, to be paid out of the Farm of London.

Within n few days after this Prince's Birth, the King his Father granted him the County of Chester, except the Mannors of Mecklesfield and Shotwike, to hold to him and his Heirs, Kings of England, for ever: And likewise the County of Flint and Rothelan, to hold, as before; except the Mannor of Overton, the Lands of Mailor, Seysnoke, and the Castle and Mannor of Holt; after which he was thus stiled by the King, Edvardus Comes Cestriae filius noster Charissimus.

But leaving his Infancy, we will now proceed to his Youth, and the occurrences that attended his Ripening years; when we shall first have given some small taste of his Character, the fulness thereof being purposely remitted, till the end of his Life and this our Work; because then it may better be consider'd from the whole tenour of his History. From his Birth he was carefully bred up in all things, that seem'd necessary or proper for Princes to excell in; so that, thrô the Vigour of his Parts, being rendred very apt to imbibe the best Principles, he made a speedy and extraordi∣nary improvement in all Noble Qualities: For he was of a very o pierceing Judgment, Sweet-nature and Good Discretion, and considering the many weighty affairs, that employ'd his whole Life, not only kind to the Muses, but much befriended by them, as appears by those Learned Writings, of which Pitsaeus says he was the Author. When he was capable of receiving more ingenuous Education, a Man of Great Rea∣ding, Erudition and Honour, was provided from Oxford to be his Tutor, who thô com∣monly called p Richard Bury, from the place of his Birth, was indeed Son to one S^t Richard Aungervile Knight, but was afterwards by this his Royal Pupil, made Privy∣seal, and q Treasurer of England, then Dean of Wells, and lastly, Lord Chancellour of England and Bishop of Durham.

II. [ 1322] In a Parliament holden at York in the Sixteenth of the King his Father, He was by him created r Prince of Wales, as some say; thô he is no where found to have used that Title: The occasion perhaps being, because he was not long after invested with a Greater. King Edward his Father s being often summon'd to the Court of France, to do homage for the Dukedom of Aquitain, and still upon some account or other delaying, till the French King had siezed thereon, it was at length concluded that he should give unto this Prince, his Son, the said Dukedom, for which he doing Homage should enjoy the Lands: Whereupon preparation was made for his passing in∣to France. But before he went, being then at Langedon Abbey, near Dover, the King his Father, t on the second of September, in the nineteenth year of his Reign, gave unto him, his Heirs and Successours Kings of England, jure haereditario in per∣petuum, the Counties of Ponthieu and Mutterel, or Monstroile, and on the tenth of the same Moneth, he being then at Dover, granted unto him the Dukedom of Aqui∣tain, and all the Lands he had, or ought to have in the Kingdom of France, Ha∣bendum, as before: Two u days after which our new Duke took shipping at Dover, thence passed into France and performed his Homage to King Charles of France, his Uncle. In this his Journey, it was thought fit, that the Queen his Mother should bear him company, in regard her Lands in that Kingdom had also been seized on: From which S^r Roger Mortimer, Lord of Wigmore, who having been clap'd into the Tower for Treason, had made his escape into France, as he was a most Politick and Vindi∣cative Person, took occasion to insinuate himself into the Queens Favour, and by pretending to take her part against the Spencers (the great Favourites of her Hus∣band, whom she extreamly hated) involved her, before she was aware, into a Rebellion, from which she could never extricate her self, till she had ruin'd the King her Husband. It is no way pleasant to me to relate the whole progress of that execrable Treason, nor how the King of France, being warned by King Edward, durst not entertain any lon∣ger within his Dominions, the Queen his Sister, with this her Son Edward; so that she was forced to flee to strangers for succour; who, being won by her charming tears, adventur'd, thô but a Few, into this Kingdom; where quickly encreasing their Num∣bers by a rash defection of the Giddy multitude, they proceeded to the utmost Vi∣olations of Faith and Honour. In short the old King at last was violently and ille∣gally

Depos'd and imprison'd, thô with promise of security to himself, and the al∣lowance of an Honourable Pension during life: And our young Edward, his eldest Son (thô he could never be x perswaded even to a Crown, till he was made to believe his Father had desired it) being at last won by the sight of his Father's seeming-vo∣luntary Resignation (which yet was extorted by fraudulent Promises and severe mena∣ces) took upon him the Crown and Government of this Kingdom.

III. Before this, while the Realm was yet unsetled, and the old King lay as then conceal'd in Wales, y He was by an Usurped Authority in an Assembly z of Lords met at Hereford, (the Queen and S^r Roger Mortimer being present) made Custos, or Lord Warden of the Kingdom by a common Decree bearing date the 20 of October, where∣upon all the Lords made him Homage and took an Oath of Allegiance to be Loyal to him, as Lord Warden of England: And on the twenty sixth of November following, the Great Seal sent from the King his Father, was deliver'd unto him at Martley.

Whereupon a a Parliament was summon'd to meet at Westminster about the Feast of Epiphany, being called indeed in the old King's Name, [ 1326] but the Briefs of Citation were signed by the Prince, as Lord Warden of England. In this Parliament, thus cal∣led, by his own Authority, was the old King illegally depos'd; when they had extor∣ted his own consent to it, by fair and foul means, making so the young Prince believe, that his Father had freely and willingly resign'd the Government; of which matter we shall speak more largely when we come to relate the Murther of the said King Edward the Second.

But because many of our Historians lay some imputation upon the Name of King Ed∣ward the Third, as if he was not wholly innocent of these Proceedings against his Fa∣ther; we are to consider the tenderness of his Age, he being not then fourteen years old; whereby he might very easily be impos'd upon by the treacherous subtlety of Mortimer and his Complices, who were always about him; also we should cast our eyes upon the severity he shew'd this same Mortimer, when he understood the whole Treason; nor is it a small sign of his innocence, as to this point, that he himself lived long and Reign∣ed happily, being blest with many Dutifull Children, and that no other circumstance of his whole life can furnish us with any thing, from whence we may suspect, that he could be capable of so black and unnatural a Treason.

However b now the old King having resign'd the Crown, great Preparations were made for this young Prince's Coronation, he being on the 25 of January, or the Con∣version of S^t Paul, and a c Sunday, proclaimed King of England by Order and Consent of Parliament; and Proclamations d were issued out in his Name, declaring to the Peo∣ple, that his Father the late King had made a Voluntary and free Resignation of his Re∣gal Dignity to him, as being his Eldest Son. And a week after, by the direction of those who were Contrivers of this Revolution, he was advis'd to Publish his Peace to the whole Kingdom, which was done in these words.

Edward e by the grace of God, King of England, Lord of Ireland and Duke of Aquitain to N. Sheriff of S. Greeting: Whereas the Lord Edward, our Father, late King of England, by Common Council and Assent of the Prelates, Earls, Barons and other Lords, as well as that of the whole Commonalty of the Realm, did volun∣tarily resign the Government thereof; willing and granting, that We, as his Eldest Son and Heir, should take upon Us the Rule and Government of the Kingdom: And We by the consent and advice of the Prelates, Earls and Barons aforesaid, yeelding herein to our Fathers good Pleasure, have taken upon Us the Government of the said Realm, and received, as the manner is, the Fealties and Homages of the said Prelates and Ba∣rons: Desiring therefore, that our Peace should be inviolably kept, to the quiet and benefit of our Liege People, We will and command; that presently upon sight of these Presents, you cause our Peace to be Proclaim'd thrô all your Bailywick, charging all and every one in our Name, under pain and peril of Disherison and loss of life and limb, not to presume to infringe or violate our said Peace, but every one to prosecute his Actions and Causes without any outrage whatsoever, according to the laws and customs of our Kingdom. For We are ready and ever shall be to exhibit and afford to all and singular Plaintiffs, as well poor as rich, full Justice in our Courts according to due Course of Law. Witness Our Self at Westminster, l^mo Februarii, Annóque Reg∣ni nostri Primo.

On the f same day being Sunday, and the Vigil of the Purification, was the young King by the hands of his Cozen Henry Earl of Lancaster, first girded with the Sword of Knighthood, at which time the King himself Knighted many others; among whom were three g Sons of the Lord Mortimer. That day he was Crowned at Westminster by

the hands of h Walter Reginald Archbishop of Canterbury, and thereupon, as an Earnest of the many Advantages his People were to reap from his prosperous Reign, a General Pardon is Proclaim'd; which gave occasion to Succeeding Kings to grant a General Pardon at their first Coming to the Crown, after the example of so great a Precedent.

I do not think it necessary to make any exact Narration of the Coronation of this Young Monarch; because such things are so well known in general; and others, who delight in matters of less moment, have not omitted a full Description thereof: but I shall not forget to mention one Medal, which, with many other of several devices, was upon the Coronation Day flung among the People; because we may thence make a guess at the ingenuity of that Age: On the Pile was the Young Prince Crowned, laying a Scepter on a heap of Hearts, with this Motto—POPULO DAT JURA VOLENTI. And on the Reverse, an Hand held forth, as it were saving a Crown falling from on high with these words —NON RAPIT SED RECIPIT.

IV. Now because of the Kings Tender Age (for he was at that time but Fourteen Years, two Months and eighteen Days old) there were Twelve i Guardians appointed Him; to wit, Five Bishops, Two Earls, and Five Barons; the Names of them were these, Walter Reginald Archbishop of Canterbury, William Melton Archbishop of York, John Stratford Bishop of Winchester, Thomas Cobham Bishop of Worcester, and Adam Orleton Bishop of Hereford; the two Earls were Thomas of Brotherton Earl Mar∣shal, and Edmund of Woodstock Earl of Kent, both the Kings Uncles: the Barons were John Lord Warren, Thomas Lord Wake, Henry Lord Percy, Oliver Lord Ingham and John Lord Ros. But k over and above all in especial manner, by consent of the Lords in Parliament, and the Twelve Guardians themselves, the Thrice Noble Henry de Torto Collo, Earl of Lancaster, Lincoln, Leicester and Derby, the Kings own Cozen was deputed to have the chief Care of the Kings Person; upon l Whom also and his Heirs, as Earls of Leicester, was settled at the same time the Stewardship of England: Nor let it be wondred, that this Earl the Kings Cozen should be prefer'd to either of his Uncles in this matter; since, th^ocirc; of great Nobility and Honour, they were both of less experience, being young men; nor was it so agreeable to Policy to give them the Greatest Power, who were nearest of Blood, as was afterwards sufficiently experienced in the Protectorship of Richard Duke of Glocester, who made away his two Royal Ne∣phews to obtain the Crown.

All these were able Men and firm to the Kings Person and Interest, but little more than Shadows in this Station, Roger Lord Mortimer overtopping all by his great Pow∣er, derived from the influence he had with the Queen Mother. By his means it was, that the said Queen had so m excessive a Dowry now assigned her; that the King her Son had scarce one Third part of his Crown Lands remaining to Himself; of which yet Mortimer made good use to advance his Friends and establish his own Authority and Greatness: The imprison'd King this while being allow'd but one hundred Marks by the Month, nor was he long permitted to enjoy that neither: But we shall refer the prosecution of this to its proper place.

V. And now immediately there arises matter to exercise the Genius of the Young King, whose Inclinations tend all to Glory, and we shall see, how eagerly He snatches at the first opportunity to obtain it. But here, before we enter upon the Scotch War, it will not be amiss to set down a brief Account of the State of Scotland at that time. In the Year of our Lord n 1285. King Alexander the Third, dying suddenly without Issue, there arose several considerable Persons, who being some way allied to the Royal Family, claim'd a Right to the Crown of that Kingdom. But all their Pretences were swallowed up in those of the Lord John Baliol and of the Lord Robert Bruce, who had by far the Clearer Title. King Edward the First of England, Grandfather to our Edward, by right of Superiority, which he claimed, became Umpire of the Cause, and he adjudged the Realm of Scotland to the Lord John Baliol, not only because his Title was the best, he claiming in Right of his Wife Dornagill, eldest Daughter to the Lady Margaret, eldest Daughter to David Earl of Huntington, younger Brother to William King of Scots and Great Uncle to Alexander the Third; but also because he offer'd to hold the Crown of Scotland of King Edward, as Superior Lord, which Robert Bruce ab∣solutely refused to do.

But the Scots were so disgusted at Baliol for this his abjectness of mind; that they began to rebell against him and threatned to choose Robert Bruce for their King; where∣by he being terrifi'd, renounced his Allegiance to Edward the First and defi'd him: but he was too weak to make good his Defiance; both he and his son Edward Baliol, and shortly after the Lord Robert Bruce, being seized on, were put in custody, and the Kingdom of Scotland lapsed to King Edwards hands.

But not long after this, the Scots being miraculously excited by the extraordinary courage of the famous William Walla••e, and at last Robert Bruce o Earl of Carrick escaping from London, he was made King: thô he prov'd unable to do any great feat, but ra∣ther sculked about, seeking advantages till the Days of King Edward the Second, a Prince of far less Fortune and Conduct in the War, than his Father Long-shanks. Against him he obtained the Memorable Battle at Bannocksborn near Striveling, where perished no less than 50000 English (if Hector Boetius may be credited) among whom fell q 42 Lords and Barons, and 67 Knights and Banerets, besides 22 Great men, whom the Scots took prisoners. Upon which success, as the English of the Borders were without measure de∣jected, so the Scots were inflamed with pride and disdain; as may appear from this Rhyme (which among others) was sang about their streets,

Maidens of England, sore may you mourn; For your Lemans, ye have lost at Bannocksborn, With Heve a low! What ho! weneth the King of England So soon to have won all Scotland, With a Rumby low.

From this time Scotland gather'd strength and reputation, and easily obtain'd a Peace with England on very good Terms: King Robert hereby was more firmly settled in his Throne, being a Father of one Son, named David, a Prince of great hope, and of two Daughters, the Lady Margaret wife to the Lord Walter Stuart, and by him Mother to the young Lord Robert Stuart, a person of rare endowments and expectation; besides that, the other Lady, her younger Sister, had then or shortly after a Son too by her Husband, the Earl of Southerland. As for the former King, John Baliol, he liv'd at this time a retired life in France, having only two Sons, the Lord Edward and Henry, who as yet had no Issue, and therefore their Father had on certain considerations resigned and quitted and given over to King Robert his Right and Title to the Crown of Scotland; so that Robert was now quit of all fear on that part, and otherwise very strong in the affections of his People, who were then a great and flourishing Nation: And this was the state of Scotland, when King Edward the Third of England came to the Crown: wherefore encouraged with their former success, and despising King Edwards Youth, r on the very night of that day, whereon King Edward was Crowned, the Scots had intended to take the Castle of Norham, s between the Marches of England and Scotland, by surprize, and so well they managed their design, that about t sixteen of them had already mounted the Walls: but the Captain S^r Robert Manners being warned of the Mat∣ter before-hand, by one of his Garrison, who was a Scotchman, had so well provided to receive them, that of those, who had mounted, he took five or six, and put the rest to the sword; their Companions below upon this disappointment retiring. This seem'd a good Omen of King Edward's future Victories over the Scots by occasion of the Lord Edward Baliol, who was himself a Scotchman. Presently after King Robert Bruce, sup∣posing it now a very fit season to take some advantage against his old Enemies the English, during this their Kings Minority, sends about u Easter a short and brisk Defi∣ance to King Edward and all his Realm,

telling them that he would shortly with his Power invade the Realm of England with Fire and Sword, and there do, as he had done before in his Fathers Reign at the Battle of Bannocksborn near Striveling (or Ster∣ling) where the English received that mighty Overthrow we spake of, by reason of those x Pits, into which the Scots had intrapt them unawares.

I must not omit, that the Scotch Writers attribute the occasion of this Defiance to some fraud or other, wherewith the English had lately endeavour'd to ensnare them by foul Collusion of their Ambassadours; but neither can it be imagin'd, what necessity the King of En∣gland should have, either by fraud or force to attempt to injure the King of Scots, (with whom he stood on no ill Terms) before his own Affairs were in any posture of Settle∣ment; nor do any of their own Historians assign, what this fraud or injury was; nor indeed was ever the English Nation noted so much for fineness or subtlety, as for down-right Honesty and blunt valour. Nor is the consideration of King Robert's Age and sickness sufficient to conclude; that of necessity there must be some great Cause given, that could provoke so decrepit a Man to begin a War, toward the End of his Life: since, thô his Person was weak, his Mind was strong and vigorous, and Scotland was never in better case, than at that time: and the Generals he intended to employ, were Barons of great Fidelity, Conduct and Resolution; and he might reasonably hope

to have (at least) as much advantage over this Young King, as he had over his Fa∣ther, in his Full Age, when attended with a most flourishing Army. Nor is any great Captain, thô never so satiate with Lawrels, so unambitious after all, but that in his weakest condition, he would lay hold on any occasion of so probable success a∣gainst a professed Enemy. 'Tis sweet to an old Warrior to end his days among Tri∣umphs and Victories. This is certain, King Edward the Third neither did, nor could send any Ambassadors to him before his Coronation: yet even then we shew'd before, that the Scots began to break the Peace by attempting to surprize a Castle, thô no less than y Nine years were to come of the last Thirteen years Truce, struck up between this Kings Father, and King Robert of Scotland, four years before. And besid•••• we find, that there had been, since the Coronation of this Young King, an Agreement for a fur∣ther Treaty of Peace (to be held in the Marches) on the Sunday next before A∣scension Day then ensuing. But, as I said before, King Robert imagining to make an easie prey of the young Monarch, neither much valued the old Truce, not yet ended, nor the new Agreement, not yet perfected, but resolves upon War. Hereupon soon after he invades the North Borders, with an z Army of Twenty five thousand Men, a all Horse, that they might do mischief more speedily, and retire with more expedi∣tion, if by any necessity they should be so obliged.

VI. The mean while King Edward conceives an high indignation at this unprovoked Defiance, and to secure himself for the future from the like Contempt, immediately with all his Power addresses himself to defend his Reputation. And first he b sends his Uncle Thomas of Brotherton, Earl of Norfolk and Marshal of England, with a choice number of Soldiers to Newcastle upon Tine, who there made his Musters (as he was appointed) on the c Monday next before the Ascension; in like manner the Lord Ro∣bert Hufford and the Lord John Moubray, were commanded away to the Reinforce∣ment of the Lord Anthony Lucy of Cockermouth, then d Governour of the Castle and Town of Carlile. At the same time the King issued out his General summons to his own People, and moreover by kind letters invited his noble Friend, John Lord of Beaumont in Heinalt, and brother to William Earl of Heinalt, (by whose aid chiefly the Queen had deposed her Husband, and who was but newly return'd home again) to come over to his assistance about the time of the Ascension. S^r John Lord Beaumont hereupon came over to the King to the City of York (the place appointed for the ge∣neral Rendezvous, thô Newcastle also was pitch'd upon for the assembly of other Forces a week before) within three days of Whitsuntide, accompanied with more than fourty Lords and Knights of Heinalt, Flanders and Bohemia, with other Knights from Cam∣bray and Artois, to the number of Five hundred Men of Arms, all well Arm'd and gal∣lantly Mounted. Soon after Whitsuntide follow'd (for the sake of this John of Hei∣nalt) the Lord William Son to the Duke of Juliers (or Gulick) and S^r Henry Thyrry, afterwards Earl of Lewis, and with them another goodly Company, all expecting to purchase much honour under this hopefull Young King, and no less profit, as well from his Royal bounty, as from the Spoil of the Field, which they accounted their own. The whole number of the Strangers was about e two Thousand Men of Arms; besides the great Numbers of English, that came in as Voluntiers, above the appointed Mu∣sters, such hopes had they conceived of their Prince's Conduct and Fortune.

The King f assigned the Strangers convenient lodgings in the Suburbs of York, but to S^r John himself and his Servants he allotted an Abby of White Monks in the said Ci∣ty, He himself and the Queen his Mother, being lodged in the stately Building, cal∣led the Fryers, where each of them kept house apart.

This g S John of Heinalt was one of the most Gallant Knights in the World, and he had first undertaken to defend the Queen and her Son against the Persecutions of the two Spencers, even when her own Brother, the King of France, had deserted her quar∣rel: so that he was very dear to the young King and his Mother, and they resolv'd to en∣tertain him in most Royal Manner.

Wherefore the King held all along a Great Court to do these Strangers Honour, and there was every where much Plenty of Provision, Good and Cheap, for the City and Country were Rich and flourish'd with abundance. For full six weeks did the King lie there with more than 60000 men, yet all that while the price of Provision was no∣thing enhanced, but every thing was sold as reasonable, as before the Army came thi∣ther. There was plenty of Rhenish, Gascoign and Anjovan Wines, with Pullen and o∣ther Provision at very ordinary Rates, and Hay, Oats and other necessaries for Horses were daily brought to the Strangers lodgings, so that they were all extreamly satisfied with their entertainment.

But yet even this their Prosperity had like to have proved more fatal unto them then a Rout in Battel might have done: For h presuming much hereby on the King's fa∣vour, they carried themselves too Magisterially toward his Subjects, whence arose such Contention, as brought forth many sad effects, and was not at last stinted without much bloodshed on both sides.

On Trinity i Sunday, the King for the sake of these Lords Strangers held a Solemn and Magnificent Feast at the Fryers aforesaid, himself being attended with 500 of his Knights (to which he then added 15 more) and the Queen, his Mother, having more than threescore Fair Ladies, of the greatest Nobility and Beauty in England, about her Person, to pleasure the young Lord of Beaumont and his Company. There was that day a most Splendid Entertainment and a truly Royal shew of whatsoever was choice and excellent. And now the Ladies themselves, with many Noble Virgins, were medita∣ting the various Measures their skilfull Feet were to make, the pleasant Aires their sweet Voices should warble, and those soft Divisions their tender Fingers should strike on the yielding strings; when suddenly, as soon as ever the Feast was ended, a strange and hideous noise confounded the Minds of the whole Court. For the Servants and Pages of these Foreign Auxiliaries, had by their k insolence so exasperated the minds of some English Archers, who lodged among them in the Suburbs, that immediately a great Fray began among them, which continually rose higher, new abettors successively flowing in on each side; till near 3000 of the Archers being gather'd together, many of the poor Hei∣nalders were slain, and the rest betaking themselves to flight, were fain to enter their lodgings and there to fortifie them in the best manner they could, against the Fury of their enemies. Most part of the Knights their Commanders were then at Court, but on the first noise of the Fray, they hasted to their lodgings to defend themselves and their People. Some part of the City of York in the Hurlyburly was fired, many of the Heinalders slain, and more hurt, nor less on the English side, than l 80 Archers, most of them Lincolnshire men, fell that day, who were all buried in S^t Clement's Churchyard in Fosegate. But at last by the Authority of the King, with the earnest endeavours of the Queen Mother, who loved the Heinalders dearly, and by the ready assistance of the Great Men, who charitably took the Strangers parts, the Archers thirst of blood was slaked, and the quarrel ceased for that time. But that Night the Strangers who had suffer'd most, not so m much thinking of sleep, as revenge, being now headed by Commanders, rose privately, and joyning all together, set suddenly upon the Archers of Lincolnshire and Northampton (for the Men of each County were Marshall'd and lodged together by themselves) where they slew about 300 of them. Nor in the Morning had they paid cheaply for that desperate action (for more than n 6000 Archers had com∣bined together to burn or kill them every man in their lodgings, or without, by Night or by Day, when ever they should obtain an Opportunity) But that the King to se∣cure the Strangers from their Fury, had set strong Guards about them, displacing the Archers from their former Quarters, they themselves hardly ever daring to sleep with∣out good Watch, their Horses ready saddled, and their Arms always near at hand, or up∣on their Backs: so well they knew it behoved them to look to themselves after such a Provocation of the Common Soldiers of England.

Now had King o Edward lain at York with all this Great Army in and about the City, for the space of three Weeks, and when, in about three Weeks more after this sedition, no final agreement could be made between the King's Council and the Scotch Ambassadors, p who came thither after Trinity Sunday to treat of a Peace; the Mar∣shals of the Host by the King's Command Proclaimed thrô all the Army, that by the next Week every Man should be ready to March against the Enemy: and that such, to whom the Care was left, should provide Carts and Wagons for Carriages, and Tents and Pavilions to lie in the field, with all other matters, necessary for the King's journey toward Scotland. All things therefore being by the said time provided accord∣ingly, the King and all his Barons began their March from the City of York in good Order, and gallantly armed with Trumpets sounding, and Banners waving in the wind. In this Expedition (besides those at Newcastle and Carlile, already sent thither to de∣fend the Frontiers) we have made shift to recover the Names of these Worthies, q Ed∣mund of Woodstock Earl of Kent, the King's Uncle, John r Bohune Earl of Hereford and Essex, and Constable of England, Roger s Mortimer Lord of Wigmore, William t Lord Montagu, Robert u Lord Morley, John x Lord Warren Earl of Surrey, John Lord Ros, younger Brother to William Lord Ros of Hamlake in Yorkshire, with his other Brother Thomas Ros, the Lord William Clinton, afterwards Earl of Huntington, the Lord Roger le Strange and S^r Ebulo le Strange, his Kinsman, the Lord Hugh Audeley

junior, and S^r James Audeley, his younger Brother, Thomas Lord Braose, the Lord Fulk Fitz-Warine, the Lord John S^t Philibert, the Lord Peter de Malolacu, or Mau∣ley, the Lord Ralph Stafford, the Lord Ralph Basset of Drayton, the Lord Thomas Ha∣stang, the Lord Robert Pierpoint, the Lord Thomas Furnival, the Lord Robert Fitz-Walter, S^r Walter Beauchamp of Alcester in Warwickshire, with his Brother William Beauchamp, S^r Nicolas Cantilupe and many other Barons of England.

S^r y John of Heinalt and all the Lords Strangers with their troops, both in their March and when they took up their Lodgings, were always placed immediately next the King's own Guards, as well to secure them from the Archers, who still breathed after Revenge, as for their greater Honour, and to let the whole Army know, tha•• whoever sought their damage, would at the same time highly trespass upon the King himself.

The first Night the Host reached sixteen mile onward of their way, and there the King tarried two Days and three Nights, partly to expect, till the whole Army was come up, but chiefly to examine by himself and his Officers, whether any thing ne∣cessary for such an Expedition was wanting, before they should be brought to a Pinch. Early on the fourth day they began their March toward Durham, which was distant in all from York about fourty eight or fifty Miles, but from Topcliffe, whereabout they had lodged, little more than Thirty. The second Night after they reach'd the City of Durham, encamping thereabout, till further notice of the Enemy: of whom they had heard no News, as yet.

The King had before this, as we remembred, to hinder their Progress in the Borders, sent the Earl of Norfolk, Marshal of England, to Newcastle, and the Lords Hufford and Mowbray to Carlile, with considerable Forces. They for their part slack'd nothing of their Duty, for they were Persons of great Worth and Honour: But the subtle Scot, e're the King could reach Newcastle, which was but about z twelve or fourteen Miles beyond Durham, had pass'd the River of Ti•••• so privately, that they were neither per∣ciev'd by the Garrisons of New-castle, nor Carlile; and so for a while they wasted and robb'd the Country wherever they came, and yet could never be overtaken or found by those who sought to encounter them; but only a once at Darlington, where be∣ing met by a disorder'd number of the Country Militia, who came to oppose them, they soon overcame them, putting many to the sword and the rest to flight. Their King Robert himself was not there at that time, thô he was the most Valiant and most Successfull Prince, that had reign'd in Scotland of many years: For being now oppressed with age and sickness, he was forced to send in his stead two the most Famous and Ex∣pert of his Captains, the Lord Thomas Randulph, Earl of Murray, and the Lord James Douglas, the latter greatly in those days Renowned for Hardiness above all the Scotchmen, as the former was for Wisdom and Conduct. Their Forces were b twenty or twenty five thousand Men, all nimble and expedite for suddain Invasion or quick Retreat; for they were all mounted, c the Better Sort on good strong Coursers, and the Common Soldiers on little, but approved Hackneys and Geldings. They brought with them no Carts nor Wagons, because of the inequality of the Mountainous Countries, thrô which they should pass: nor had they with them much purveyance of Bread or Wine; for in those days the Scots were so abstemious and patient in time of War, that for a good while they could endure with flesh half-boiled, and drink out of the Rivers: Nor yet had they any Pans or Cauldrons to dress their meat in; for what Beasts they found (as they always did good store in those Northern parts) they would seeth them in their own skins, stretch'd out bellying on stakes, in the manner of Cauldrons: And having thus sod their meat, they would take a little Plate of Metal, which they us'd to truss somewhere in, or under their saddles, and laying it on the fire, take forth some Oatmeal (which they carried in little bags behind them for that purpose) and having kneaded and temper'd it with water, spread that thereon: This, being thus baked, they us'd for Bread, to comfort and strengthen their stomachs a little, when they eat flesh.

That such hard Farers should prove good Souldiers, is no wonder, and that sometimes they should be able to baffle a great Army, more encombred than themselves, may very lightly be granted. And now had the English been several days in those Parts, before they had any knowledge where their Enemies were, thô they dayly saw the effects of their cruelty, and met with many of the Borderers, who fled before them to avoid it. But at last they saw great smokes and fires about the Country, which plain∣ly enough declared where they were, and what was their Employment.

Immediately hereupon d the Alarum is given and a March sounded, every Man being

commanded to dislodge, and in the Order before appointed, to follow the Marshals Battail. There were three great Battalions on Foot, and to each Battail two Wings of 500 Men of Arms, Knights and Esquires; and 20000 others, well-arm'd and provided, the one half on little Hackneys, and the other ranged on Foot, who fought for Wa∣ges, to be paid by those Towns, Cities and Corporations, that sent them to the Kings Service. The Scotch Writers make the whole number of the English Forces to be more than an Hundred Thousand Men effective; and Froisard himself, besides those three Battails mention'd, speaks of 24000 Archers, (if the figures are not mistaken) and Grafton and Speed reckon up 30000 Archers in All: Thô I believe, if there were such a Number, they were distributed proportionably among the foresaid Battalions, accor∣ding to the Usual Method of the Captains of those days, and that there was no such great Battail of Archers distinct from all the rest: And this Opinion agrees better with our Historians and Froisard's own Account of the Number in another place, where he reckons the Whole, but to something more than e 60000 Men of War: Thô f others (whose Authority I shall not here examin) make them no more than 54000 Men; which were thus disposed, in the Main Battail with the King were two and twenty Thousand, that is, 10000 Foot, 4000 Men of Arms, and 8000 Archers and Dragoons on Horseback; in the other two Battails, were to each 10000 Foot, 1000 Men of Arms, (500 on each Wing) and 3000 others on Horseback, and the Marshals Battail consisting of 4000 Horse, Men of Arms and Others well mounted, rod on before the Army.

In this Order they marched after the g Scots, as the smoak directed them all that day, till almost night; when by good Advice they took up their lodging in a Wood by the side of a little River, as well to refresh themselves, as to give time for their Carri∣ages to come up, which drove after them more heavily. By this time had the Scots wasted and burnt and plundered all before them, within five Miles of the English Ar∣my, but as yet they could by no means be overtaken. The next morning they mar∣ched again with Banner displai'd, every one in his Order as before, thrô mountains and Valleys all day long without any Disorder, and yet they overtook not the Enemy, who sped on before, leaving nothing but ruine and desolation behind. The Country was so full of Marishes and wild Deserts, Mountains and Dales, that the English could by no means equal the Pace of the Scots, who were better us'd to that kind of ma∣king War, and were not so encumbred with Carriages, and had beside a great start be∣fore them. Moreover the King and his Council considering the subtlety of the Enemy, and that the Country favour'd any design of Ambuscade, commanded on pain of death, that none should ride before the Marshals Banners: For otherwise many would have follow'd upon the spur, to detain the Scots by light Skirmishes, till the Main Body of the Army might reach them. Toward the declining of the day therefore, the Men of Arms with their Horses, and all the horses of Carriage, but especially the Foot grew so weary, the Men with the weight of their Armour, and all in general with the length of their March; that they could by no means endure any further Travail the remainder of that day.

The King and his Lords well consider'd the Fatigues of the Army; for they them∣selves were almost tir'd out of all patience at this unaccustomed way of Chasing. They plainly saw their labour in pursuit was all in vain, and they assur'd themselves, that if the Enemy did stay for them, it would be in a place which should make to their own advantage. Hereupon at the Kings Command, the Marshals of the Host proclaim'd, that there they should rest for that night, where now they were, which was in a Wood also, and by a river side. The King was lodged in a little poor Abby hard by, whi∣ther the chief of his Council came to him, to advize what was best to be done in this exigence. Their Considerations were these,

That 'twas not possible, while things con∣tinued thus, to overtake the Enemy; that if they could, 'twas too hazardous to en∣gage them thereabouts, since they were by the use of their own Country rendred more expert and accustomed to such mountainous and hilly Places: That they could not go far into the Land without dangerous opposition; and that they had no way of returning, but over the river Tyne: The Result therefore was, That it was best to March directly that way, either to oblige the Scots to come after them (if they de∣sired to preserve their own Country) or at least to make full Amends by putting Scotland to the same sufferance of Fire and Sword. It was also here ordain'd, That all their less necessary Carriages should be left behind them there in the wood, with all their loose Harness, and most of their Provision, but what was absolutely necessa∣ry for a few Days: for they expected within a day or two to have Battle, whatever

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might happen, and they resolved to have it, if they might, despair and vexation making them desirous to win or loose all at once.

This Resolution was published to the Army before supper, every Man being warned to rise from sleep at the first sound of the Trumpet, at the second, to Arm without delay; and at the third, to take horse in his due place under his Colours.

About midnight they arose, and by break of day, they were all ready ranged in Bat∣tail; so vigorous in their Resolution, that with a nimble pace (thô not without a world of difficulty) they travail'd that Day twenty four, or as h One saies twenty eight Miles; many being forced to lag behind, thrô weariness, others falling among the Marishes and dangerous places, thrô which the Army was forced to go, were held there, till they could get out of themselves, or else they were like to be lost. For all that could, hasted forward with all speed, not caring for Father, Brother, or Friend, be∣cause hearing great noise of Shouting from the main Host, they imagin'd the Armies were joyning, and so clapping on their Helmets, rode forth with Spear and Shield, as fast as they might toward the First Battail, so great was their desire to fight; but when with much labour they were come, they found themselves deceived, for all the Noise was made only at the raising of Stags, Harts, and Hinds, that were first seen by those in the Front. Thus the King rode that day, till toward the evening he came to the same part of the river Tyne, where the Scots had passed upon their Invasion, and where, it was thought, they must needs repass upon their Return. And on that side the i Tyne, they found it more commodious to give or receive Battle upon occasion, as being more plain and open Ground, and so fitter for a Champaign. Wherefore to be beforehand with the Enemy, or at least by entring Scotland, to draw them back out of England, King Edward now resolv'd to pass the Tine. But here all the Troubles of the English were not ended: For that River is full of great, round and slippery Stones, which much offended the Horse in their passage over: However (thô with much ado) they had all got over by Sun set, but the Foot could not pass that Night, nor were they all there in any good time, many not appearing till the Morning, and some few never after seen. As for those that had passed with the King and the Lords, 'twas but here and there, that any of them had a Hatchet to cut down Wood; so that they could neither make Stakes to fasten their Horses too, nor Arbours to shrowd themselves withall (their Tents bring left behind among the Carriages) nor had they, or their horses any great matter to eat, either the day past, or the night now coming on; except that every Man brought a loaf or so, behind him, which yet was almost spoil'd with dust and the sweat of their Horses. Drink they had little or none, but what the River afforded them, and that not so clear as it should be, having been disturbed with the passage of so ma∣ny over it: Only some of the better Sort had their bottles of Wine, or other good li∣quors with them. Nor had they any thing to give them light, except a few Torches, which the Lords Servants had brought with them. As for their Tents and Pavilions, they, as we said before, were most of them left among the Baggage. Wherefore they were fain to lie on the bare ground in their Armour, with their Horses ready sadled in their hands. The next Morning came slowly on, to men in their Condition, but upon the appearance of Day, they put on vigorous hopes, that they should find some better means of Refreshment.

Had it rain'd in the Night, they must have endured much more misery; but however in the Morning it rain'd so plentifully, that before noon the River was risen too high to admit of any repassing. Which, thô bad to them, who were already over, proved better for the Foot, who otherwise must have had a difficult Passage among the stones in so strong a Current. It was a great terror to all, that were of either side the River, to see and hear, how the Stream, which is naturally violent, (being rendred more im∣petuous by the large accession of Rain) ran swooping down, hurrying along in its course huge Flints, and other stones, precipitantly rowling down with an hideous noise and roaring.

The valourous Young King was extreamly perplex'd at all these casual impediments; but bold and full of hope, (as he was) he assured himself, that the Scots must needs shortly return that way: Thereabout therefore he resolv'd to remain, till he might understand what further course was taken by his Enemies. They yet knew of no other Town or Place near, that might afford them shelter or comfort, and far they could not tra∣vel, both They and their Horses being in such evil case. So for one day and night more both They and their Beasts were in a manner fain to fast, but for some little bread for themselves, and a few leaves of trees for their horses; but now they had time to cut down boughs with their swords for Stakes to tie their Horses too, and to make lit∣tle

sheds for themselves. They knew not yet whereabouts they were, nor how far off from any Town, because they had left the beaten Roads, when first they began to follow the Scots, and had not since return'd into them. But about Noon the next day, they found some poor People, who told them that they were about twenty k six Miles from Newcastle, and twenty two from Carlile, and that no considerable Town was nearer, to furnish them with any thing they wanted. The King and his Council having heard this good News, sent immediately Horses and Sumpters to both Towns, and Procla∣mation therewith, that whoever would bring Bread, Wine, or other Victuals with Fodder and Litter for Horses, should receive abundant satisfaction with thanks of the King. For it had been openly declared, that for all this the King would not stir a foot, till he heard what was become of his Enemies. Some Provision was brought next day by Noon (but that not overmuch) by the Kings sutlers; many also of the Country People thereabout came with little Nags, laden with Bread in Panniers, and small Perry Wine, with other Victuals to sell in the Army; which pretty well refreshed them for a time.

Thus they continued the space of five or six days in all, expecting ever the Return of the Scots, who had fortifi'd themselves the mean while upon a Hill, waiting for them also; but neither party knew where the other was. The English were but very in∣differently purvey'd, for when the Country came in to them with Provision, l a loaf of Bread, worth but a penny, was sold for sixpence, and a gallon of Wine, which was worth but sixpence, as money then went, was sold for two shillings; and yet there was such scarcity, that they were ready to fight with one another for what they had. And besides all this, for near a week together, it hardly ever ceased raining; so that much hurt was done to their Beasts, their girts being broken, their backs sore, and their feet unshod; against which there was no remedy in that place. All these things consider'd, the King began to change his mind, and at last resolved to part thence, leaving the more barren Country of Northumberland, and repassing the River about seven Miles lower, where the passage might be more easie, to re-enter the Bishoprick of Durham. It was also proclaim'd thrô the Host, that whoever could bring the King certain know∣ledge where the Scots were encamped (for that they were not then stirring abroad, was known) should be rewarded with an hundred pounds per annum for him and his heirs for ever, and himself receive the honour of Knighthood from the Kings own hands. Upon this encouragement about fifteen or sixteen Knights and Esquires (these for the Money alone, those for the Title and the Money too) undertook the Adventure, and immediately passed the River in great danger, and rode abroad all severally to seek their Fortune. The next Morning the King and all the Horse with him dislodg'd and rode on fair and softly (the Foot on the other side the River keeping pace with them) till they came to a place more shallow and easie, and there they ventur'd to repass the Tyne, which notwithstanding gave them much trouble; for many were fain to swim (the wa∣ter was still so deep with the late fall of so much rain) and some few were drowned. Thus was this Council of the English sadly disappointed; otherwise it could not but have proved fatal to the Scots, who had then no other Forces in readiness at home, sufficient to receive so well formed an Army; and those in England, if they had been forced to a Battel, must in all probability have paid dearly for their Robberies. But God, in Mercy to the Scots, or in Judgement to the English for their late Rebellion, or with design by Adversity to form our young Edward for a perfect Captain, or lest Robert Bruce, their only Fortunate King, should just before his Death be de∣prived of that Name, order'd, that all this Council and Courage of the Kings should thus be frustrate.

Now when the Horse had all passed the River, they took up their Quarters in the Neighbouring Meadows, for there was good Pasturage and fruitfull Fields about a little Village: But the Village it self had felt the fury of the Scots, being by them burnt down to the ground, as they passed that way. The next day they marched thence over Hills and Dales, till Noon; at which time they found several Villages newly burnt to the ground by the Scots, about which there lay a good Champaigne Country with Corn fields and Meadows, which the Enemy had not destroy'd for their own sakes chiefly, lest they should lose the benefit thereof upon their Return. There there∣fore they resolv'd to stay that Night, for their Horses wanted refreshment still, they had been so harassed. But the next day and part of the day following they rode on, still ignorant where the Scots were, till at last there came up hastily an Esquire of Yorkshire, named m Thomas Rokeby, riding toward the King, who doing his Obeisance, said these Words,

May it please your Majesty, I have now brought certain tidings

of the Scots your Enemies: They are not above n three Miles from hence, lodged strongly on a great Hill in Weredale, beyond the River Were, where they have been these Eight days, expecting our coming. Dread S^r, what I say, I'll maintain for Truth, for I ventur'd so near to take the better view of them, that falling into their hands, I was carried be∣fore their Leaders; where being question'd, I declared how desirous your Majesty has been all along to find them out; but when I mention'd the Estate your Majesty had pro∣mised, beside the Honour of Knighthood, as a Reward to him that should first bring ti∣dings of them to your Majesty, the Lords that command their Army, having made me promise to discover, where they were to your Majesty, freely quitted me my Ransome, and gave me full Liberty. For they said they were every whit as desirous to fight with you, and if it please your Majesty, I shall shew you the Faces of them presently.

The King having received this exact account, immediately assign'd unto the Esquire an hundred pound sterling for him and his heirs in perpetuum, and therewith Knighted him with his own Sword before the whole Army. And this S^r Thomas Rokeby by his Valiant and Noble carriage in time following, shew'd how well he deserved this good Fortune; as will appear in the Process of this History. After this the King drew out all his Men into a fair Meadow, where, while their Beasts refreshed themselves, the o King and those that were piously dispos'd, went to a Neighbouring Abbey (which the Scots had burnt) to Confession, as expecting without fail to have Battel now. This done, they all made themselves ready, and having taken a little Rest and convenient Repast, the Trumpets sounded to Horse, and the Marshals Banners follow'd the New-made Knight S^r Thomas Rokeby; after whom came every Battail by it self in good close Order (because of the nearness of the Enemy) thrô Mountains and Valleys with some difficulty; yet they made such good speed, that about Noon they came so near the Scots, that each Host might plainly see the other. The Scots beholding their Resolute approach, as readily issued out of their Trenches, and ranged themselves in three Bat∣tails on foot p at the descent of the Mountain.

A little beneath the q foot of this Hill, there ran a great River, called Were, full of huge flints and other stones, like the Tyne, so that it was very hazardous to pass over, even had there been no Enemy oppos'd to impeach the Passage. And yet, had the Scots permitted the English to come over quietly, they had found no sufficient room to draw themselves up in, between the River and this Mountain: But they must have been fain to come in Parties, and all disorder'd upon a compleat Army, well and regularly ranged. This made the English lay by all hopes of forcing them from that advanta∣gious Station; but yet to try, whether they might not be provoked to break their pre∣sent Order, the King commanded all men to alight from their Horses, and pull off their Spurs, presenting themselves in three Great Battails before the Enemy; at which time he made some new Knights, and then to give courage to his Soldiers, rode leisurely be∣fore the r Battails, praying and exhorting them all with much sweetness, to be carefull that day of his Crown and Dignity, and of the Honour of their Country. After which it was commanded on pain of Death, that none should go before the Marshals Banners, nor by any means break their array without particular Order. And now fair and softly they all advance forward, till they came so near to the Enemy, that the Front of either Host might perfectly view each others Arms and Cognizance.

Here the English perceived that their Adversaries, as secure in their present condi∣tion, were fully resolv'd no way to alter it, either by moving forward to meet them, or by retiring back to give them space to approach, wherefore here they made an Halt to advise further. In the mean time some of the stout Barons and Knights of the Host, mounting their great Coursers, resolv'd to skirmish with the Scots, and to view well the passage of the River, as also to behold the Face of the Enemy nearer, if by any means they might find a way to join Battel. The King having this while been at Council, sent Heralds to the Scots, to assure them

That if they were willing to come and pass the River, towards obtaining a Battel, he would freely retire back, till he had left them sufficient space to range themselves in; either then, or if they pleased, the next day; or else let them allow the same to England, and the King would with∣out fail come over to them.

Upon this the Scots took Council, and there, thô the Lord James Douglas with equal Courage approved of the Proposal, and was ready to embrace the offer, yet the Prudent Lord Thomas Randulph oversway'd his Heat by good and weighty Reasons; and so they sent this s Answer by the Heralds,

The Scotch Lords are better advis'd, than to follow the Counsel of an Enemy: Your King and his Barons are not ignorant, where now we are, and what we have done in coming hither: If they are displeased, let them correct us, when they can; For here we are

resolved to maintain our Post, as long as we shall think fitting, and when we see oc∣casion, we may give them Battel to their Cost: But as for the Offers, we reject them both.

After the delivery of this Answer, it was by Order from the King pro∣claim'd, that all men should there take up their rest for that Night, without retiring to the Camp: and so there they lay all Night on the hard ground with their armour on, having neither stakes to tie their Horses to, nor much Forage to give them, nor fuel to make any fire. But the Scots on the other hand, leaving good Watch in the place where they stood ranged before, went every one else to their former encamp∣ment, where they made so many and so great Fires of English wood, as if they de∣sign'd thereby to provoke their Enemies, by wasting so prodigally that suel, of which they themselves had so little. But from Midnight, till Morning, they made such a noise, with perpetual and universal shoutings, and cries, and winding of Horns and Cla∣rions, as if they design'd not only to daunt their Enemies, but to rend Heaven it self: Thus were both the Hosts lodged that Night, which was in the beginning of August, a full Month after the English had first set out from York. The next Morning both Armies faced each other, as before, till Noon; but neither Party seem'd yet dispos'd to move forward, there was such apparent disadvantage in the attempt. However se∣veral English Youth ventur'd to pass the River on Horseback, and some also on Foot to skirmish, against whom came certain Scots issuing out of their Battails: so that di∣vers were slain, wounded and taken Prisoners on both sides. But for all this, neither Army brake their Order; till afternoon it was proclaim'd, that all men should draw back to their Camp: For now it appear'd for certain, that the Scots would by no means come to a pitch'd Battel.

Thus for three Days they faced each other, but neither would move first to pass the River, there was such hazard in the matter. The King of England was yet too young to undertake of himself so great an Enterprise, as afterwards he did many far greater with suc∣cess; and the English Lords, however gallant they were, durst not be the Authors unto him of such Counsel, which for ought they knew, by its doubtfull Event might hazard their Heads. Yet not a day passed without sundry adventures on either side, and se∣veral were interchangeably slain, wounded or taken Prisoners. And still the Scots kept their barbarous Custom every Night of Crying, shouting and winding of Horns most dis∣mally, keeping all the while rousing Fires thrô all the Host, but especially between themselves and the Enemy, that the English might not be able from far to observe their Behaviour.

King Edward's intent was to hold the Scots thus after the manner of a siege; for if they came over, they were apparently lost, and if they fled, his Horse was to pursue and entertain them till the Gross of his Army might come up, and so force them to an Engagement. One of these things they must do, or be famished: For he under∣stood by Prisoners that had been taken, that they had neither Bread, Wine, nor salt left, nor any thing else, but Flesh; of which they had enough; for those Parts abound∣ed with Cattel; but now their Oatmeal, of which they made their Cakes, being spent, Flesh alone was not good Diet. The Scots on the other side hoped, that this Car∣riage of theirs would soon weary the young King out; but they were mistaken: for as for him, his Resolution was much greater than might be expected from his Age; and for his Army, that was now well enough furnished with Victuals by the Purveyers, which he continually sent out over all the Northern Parts, as well as by others his Friends and Subjects. t Now on the fourth day, as soon u as it was light, the English directing their Eyes towards the Camp of their Enemies, beheld the Mountain where∣on they had Posted themselves, quite void and naked: For about Midnight they had retreated thence to another more strong Mountain by the same River side, which was also advantaged by a great Wood on the one side, thrô which they might pass and re∣pass secretly, when they pleased, this place also being in Weredale, x near Stanhop-Park in the Bishoprick of Durham.

This account of the Scots was brought back to the King about Noon, by certain Horsemen who had been sent to scout after them. Hereupon the Army began to dis∣lodge and march after them in Battel array: Being come over against them, they found another Mountain, where they also encamped, as the Scots had done on the other, op∣posite to them. But the way to come to handy stroaks, was still as difficult to either Part, as before: Only this advantage the Scots had; that they were something the nearer on their way homeward, and the Wood by them was very fit to lay an Ambus∣cado, or to favour a Retreat. Thus here they faced each other after the old manner, for y fifteen days together more, to the great vexation of the English, but much more

to the trouble and misery of the Scots, who knew not well what to do in this condi∣tion: The English so well watched them both by Night and by Day, ever since that Desperate attempt of Earl Douglas, one of the first Nights, after they had come to this second Mountain; which, thô the action of an Enemy, must not by any means be forgotten by Us, who resolve to write impartially and rob no man of his just Honour.

Whether by Treason of some English or no, I will not affirm, thô z that has been said, and the Lord Mortimer was afterwards question'd for such matters, but the a first night that the Scots were come to the second Mountain, Earl Douglas understanding the English kept but slender watch, either, as being over-wearied with this troublesome Journey, or as the nature of man is, b contemning their Numbers, and growing secure upon this their late Flight, understanding this, I say, the adventerous Lord passes over the River far beyond the En∣glish Camp with 200 Men of Arms well mounted, and marches with great caution and silence toward the English Host. The Scotch Writers and Froisard also affirms, that just as he came to the first Watches, he and his men with great fury and outcries dashing their spurs to their Horses, rushed into the midst of their Camp, still crying a Dou∣glas, a Douglas, Ye shall all die, ye Thieves of England! And that so he slew 300 e're he ceased, some in their beds, and others ill prepared for Resistance, by reason of the sud∣den surprize. That thus he proceeded even to the Kings Tent, always crying a Douglas; that he strake in sunder two or three Cords of the Royal Pavilion, and so got off safe; only in the Retreat some few of his Men were lost, as Froisard confesses, who lived about that time, but not one saies honest c Hector and his sworn Friend d Buchanan, the former whereof lived about two hundred, and the other almost three hundred Years after. I profess to be desirous of telling the Truth, but can by no means admit this Action to have been done in this manner; because the Undertaking is utterly improbable, and the Success much more incredible, and Authorities are not wanting to prove the Relation erroneous. For who will believe, that so well-formed an Army should be thus openly despised by a Man who knew their Strength very well, but could not be suppos'd to know the Avenues of the Camp so well? Besides the choicest Knights and Barons of the Army lay most of them about the Kings Person, not to mention his ordinary Guards, nor to insist on the Heinalders, near two Thousand in number, whose place we shew'd to be near the Kings Person, and who were all valiant Men and could not be surpris'd; because they durst not yet take their rest without very good Watch and a strong Guard, as well for doubt of the Common Enemy, as for fear of the English Archers, whom they had so incens'd as we shew'd before. Let any man of Reason consider, whether it be possible, for such a Company of Horsemen to pass even to the heart of such an Army, and repass again with little or no dam∣mage, being all the while attended with such Noise and Tumult. What? no Tren∣ches to hinder their Progress? No Troops appointed to secure the Watch, and to walk the Rounds? None ready to draw a Sword, or to let an Arrow slip from a Bow? If not one was slain, what made Douglas go off with so small an Execution; when Le∣onidas and his three hundred Spartans made shift to kill twenty thousand Persians in one night? Or why did he not come with the whole strength of his Army; then as Hector saies, he might have slain them every Mothers Son? But having made this Try∣al, which succeeded better than he could imagin, and finding the Army began to be Roused, he sav'd his own Men and went off! Why? Even the Womanlike Army of e Xerxes (to which an enemy cannot compare the English) could make a shift to stop the return of as noble a General as Douglas, thô attended with three hundred Spar∣tans and seven hundred Others (as brave Fellows, no doubt, as those Scotchmen) who yet fell silently upon the Persians without any noise or warning at all. It cannot be, that the English should then be either so effeminate, or so negligent, or so overcome with surfits at that time, that they could not with half this Noise be allarm'd, so as to rouze up and rally together, and intercept these bold Intruders. I rather therefore be∣lieve, that Earl Douglas intended a crafty and more probable, and no less honourable Undertaking of destroying the Kings own Person, whose Tent he might easily have observed by some Penon or Cognisance, and so hoped to put the English Army to the rout upon loss of their General, as the Assyrians fled upon the Death of Holofer∣nes: That he intended to secure his Retreat by these select and fleet Horses, which were sufficient to skirmish with any Troop that should suddenly pursue after him. And it is f said by a diligent Historian of those very Days, who had seen and known, and g heard King Edward discourse, that Douglas came into the Camp by stealth, aiming to find out the Kings Pavilion, and that being descried by some of the Watch, he said always

in English, as if he had been one of the Rounds,

No Ward? Ha! St. George.

And so not being question'd, he came at last to the Tent Royal, where he stew the Kings i Chamberlain, and after that a stout loyal Soul his Chaplain, who ran toward the King to wake him, but was slain in the endeavour; as he also interpos'd his own Body to prevent the blow aim'd at the King. With this rude shock the Valourous Young King awakes, and immediatly snatches his good Sword, which hung ready-naked at his Beds head, and leaps out on the other side the Bed to oppose this bold Adventurer: who seeing now his work not likely to be clearly performed, and doubting there had been too great noise already, retires; but just before, the Kings Tent was filled with his faithfull Subjects: by many of whom he is strait persu'd on all hands. But whe∣ther by some connivance of Mortimers, or that himself had well consider'd all the A∣venues of the Camp, being a most expert Commander, or that his readiness in English made him not perceived, or that Fortune loves to be propitious to them that court her gallantly; Douglas himself escapes clear off, thô very k hardly, but many of his Men were left behind. Either of these ways in my opinion makes equally for the honour of that valiant Scotch Lord; but this latter, as it wants not good and anci∣ent Attestors, so to me it seems upon many accounts much more probable than the other.

However the Action of this night, taught the English to keep more sure Watch and Ward for the future, and some certain Troops held their appointed Posts, standing in Harness all night by turns; but every day they skirmished, each Part dividing their losses and gains almost equally. For the Scots never came over to the English, other∣wise they had been surrounded with good Bands of Men, and so all taken or slain, but the English ever ventur'd over with Gallantry enough, and generally they had the bet∣ter, but when the Scots sent out more numerous Detachments from their Main Body, which because they were fewer in number than the English, they did not often, for they doubted, if too much they broke their Array, that the whole English Forces would follow the Skirmishers. This was the manner of both Armies for about twenty four l days in all, when it chanced a Scotch Knight of some quality was taken prisoner, and brought before the King and his Barons, where being roughly menaced, and strictly ex∣amin'd, he at last with much ado, confessed in what evil Condition the Scots at that time were, and being prest yet further, he told them how their Generals had ordain'd, that the same night every one should be ready arm'd and follow the Banners of the Lord Douglas, but what to doe, as it was by the Council kept secret, so the Knight ingenu∣ously protested that he was wholly ignorant. Upon this the King withdrawing to Coun∣cil, it was concluded by all, because the Lord Douglas was now the Leader of this En∣terprize, that they certainly intended to give them a general Onset as that night on each Flank of the Army, as expecting to find Success answerable to the late Underta∣king; their Dispair thrô so long a siege attended with such difficulties, making them resolve at one Blow to hazard all: For the Knight had confessed a great Famine a∣mong them. Then three great Battails were ordain'd, the One to stand before the Camp, toward the Enemy, the other Two, facing about on each side to receive them both on right and left, if occasion should be: Great Fires also were appointed to be kindled on all Parts, that they might avoid confusion or surprize the better, and the Watches were placed at several distances, and Scouts sent out to inform the Host of the Enemies mo∣tions; the Watch-word was given, and the Servants and Pages were order'd the while to keep their Masters Lodgings, with their Horses ready Sadled in their hands. And thus accordingly they stood all Night in Battle Array, till the first approach of Morning, when two Scotch Trumpeters being taken by the Scout-watch, and by them brought to the King and Council, spake freely (for they were taken voluntarily) in this manner,

Ye Lords of England, why do you stand thus to your Arms watching here to no pur∣pose? For on peril of our heads your Enemies are marched clear off: Before Midnight they began silently to leave their Camp, being not described by you, by reason of the dark Moonless night, advantaged with the Covert of a Wood. So that by this, we be∣lieve them no less than three or four Miles onward of their way; only they left us two behind to shew you what course they had taken.

Upon this it was concluded but folly to think of pursuing them any farther, since they had got such a Start, and were much more expedite for Travail, but chiefly because they understood that the Scots were in such want, that of necessity they must hasten back into their own Country, and that by reason of the approach of Winter, (for Harvest was done even in those Parts) they could not make another Expedition that year. Nor was it the least consideration, that their former Troubles had cost them more m Men,

and Horses, than some just Battels might have done; besides their late continual Watch∣ings, and other hardships had rendred them all unfit to pursue such n Vagabonds. To these Reasons all agreed, but for fear of any deceit, they still detain'd the two Trum∣peters, and held on their former Order, till near Prime. But when it plainly appeared, that the Scots were indeed escaped, then every Man had leave to retire to his Lodg∣ings, while the Lords went to counsel with the King, there to advise how to proceed further.

In the mean time many of the English out of curiosity or hopes of Prey mounted their Horses, and passing the River, came and view'd the Scotch Camp: Those who ex∣pected prey, were much deceived, but they who came out of curiosity, were well sa∣tisfied. For there they found more than o five hundred Oxen and Deer ready kill'd, because they themselves could not drive them before the Host at that rate, as their Flight required, and that they might do little good to the English. There were also ready stretch'd on stakes over fire-places three hundred Caldrons made after their way, of skins, with the hair still on them, all full of Water and Flesh, ready to be boiled, and more than a thousand Spits with meat, ready to be roasted on them; there were also found ten thousand Pair of old Shoes in this rich Camp, all made of raw Leather, with hair on them, which the Scots in their hast had left behind. Among the rest there were p five poor English Prisoners (thô Buchanan after his qualifying manner says but two) fast bound to Trees with their Legs broken, but yet alive, of whom now their Countrymen took charitable care.

John q Harding agrees with many, and says, that the Scots were held in manner of a Siege by the English; but in the way of their Escape he is more particular, and tells us, that on one Part there lay a broad and wide moorish Ground, so deep with mire, and so broad, that the English (whether by the management of some, or oversight of all) wholly neglected to guard that Place, as accounting it impassable. That the wily Scots provided secretly Planks laid upon Faggots, and joyn'd close, over which they went in the Night, still drawing them up as they passed, and those that follow'd, lay∣ing down fresh ones, and then in like manner drawing them after, that the English might not pursue them by the same means; so that according to the French Proverb, r Ils se sont sauve par les Marets, with much ado they came off thrô the Marishes. I determin not, how they should be so well provided of so much matter, or how so great a Work could be done in so small a Time, (thô no Man can tell, how long be∣fore this Design might be resolv'd on) because the Author we follow in this, under∣stood the nature of those Northern Parts as perfectly as any Man living, and so his Au∣thority herein is no way contemptible.

The s Scots, that very day after a great journey of two and twenty Miles, thrô a wild Country, without any stay or rest for fear of an Encounter, repassed the River of Tyne near Carlile, and the next day leaving Northumberland on their Right hand, they rode thrô a small part of Cumberland, into their own Country, where they pre∣sently disbanded.

Thus befell of this Expedition, with all the vast expence, and these great and for∣midable Preparations. Our Historians (as many of them following the vain opinions of the Vulgar, betray much weakness and passion) are angry with this bad success, and find some dishonour hereby to reflect on the King, wholly attributing all to the Trea∣son of Mortimer, and others. But whoever seriously reflects upon this account of it here given, which is the most exact and full that I could any ways discover, may ra∣ther see it was the Hand of God, and the subtlety of the Enemy, created all this trou∣ble. Nor can I imagine, how by any means, Mortimer could hold intelligence with the Scots, unless he trusted many of those who kept watch, which was too hazardous a matter for any man in his right senses to do; since if but one or two of many had discover'd it, notwithstanding his great Credit with the Queen Mother and the King, he must needs have been torn in pieces. But because t Walsingham and others among other Articles lay this to his Charge that he was an Impediment to the Kings Ho∣nour at Stanhop-Park, in restraining the English from falling on the Scots; I shall not omit such circumstances as I have met with, that seem to make against him as to that point. And first it is said, that he the u said Roger Mortimer, with Queen Isabel and Edmund Earl of Kent, being then in France, upon certain Conditions, made some cer∣tain Covenant with the Scotch Ministers there then residing; upon which encourage∣ment the Scots proceeded to this War; and that Earl Douglas perform'd that bold a∣ction by Night in the English Camp, by the x connivance and underhand assistance of certain in the Kings army, of whom Mortimer ought to be accounted Chief; and that

the Scots escaped away not without the Treason of certain of the English Army; and lastly, in the y Eleventh Article laid afterwards to his Charge in Parliament; 'tis said that he converted the whole sum of Money, which the Scots gave afterwards upon the E∣stablishment of a Peace, to his own use, the King not enjoying any part thereof. z O∣thers add to this, that a little before their flight, the King resolving to send two con∣siderable Detachments from his Army to intercept the passage of the Scots on each Flank, himself intending to pass over against them by that time the rest might be up with the Enemy, certain (from the Lord Mortimer be like) gave them a sign of their Danger, which might have been privately agreed on before, whereupon they escaped, as we have declared. However King Edward had such good Advice, and such Success, even in this unhappy Journey, as to be able to rid the Land of its Enemy without any considerable Loss; but what no humane Industry or Wisdom could foresee or prevent.

I confess (to use the words of M^r a Ashmole) that the first Actions of Princes are Generally look'd upon by all Eyes, and not seldom by many Critical Observators, ta∣ken as the Radix, whence to calculate their future, either Successes or Miscarriages. Now (as he goes on) if a full age entitle them to the sole management of Affairs, we are enclin'd to think, that a judicious Eye may partly discern the strength of their Fortune from such their beginnings. But while they remain under Tutorage, and their Designs are carried on by the Conduct of others, the Event of things will manifest a dependency upon the strength or weakness of the genius of those Persons, who are the Chief Managers of their Concerns. And this was fully made out in this Prince, whose Martial un∣dertakings succeeded little or nothing, while the Government of the Kigndom remain'd in other Hands, (and sometimes after also, when he was tyed up and hamper'd by his Allies in Flanders) but He no sooner arrived at full Age, and had the Dispose of publique Af∣fairs in his own Hands, but all things shew'd themselves as disposed by his own Happy Genius: And the first remarkable Experiment hereof was verified even upon the Scots themselves, from whom before He had received some affronts and indignities, as we shall see hereafter.

Thus (this Expedition ended as it was) the b next day the English Army return'd homeward, and about noon they came to a great Abby within two miles of Durham, where the King lodged with all his Host about him in the Field. Here they found good forage for their Horses, and refreshment for Themselves. Next day the King (leaving the Gross of the Army there still) went to Durham to visit the famous Church of St. Cuthbert and to offer at his Shrine. In this City were found all the Carriages, which were left by the Army about a Month ago in the Wood one Morning, when they marched towards the Tyne, to intercept the Scots, as we c shew'd before. For the May∣or and Burgesses of Durham having found them, order'd them for their better security to be brought into the City at their own costs and charges, where they were placed safe in empty Barnes and Granges, the Name, or Arms, or other Cognisance of each Own∣er, being before left on every Man's Carriage, that the several Proprietors might be known. It extreamly satisfied the Lords and Gentlemen, when thus unexpectedly they had recover'd what they lately looked on as no better than lost. Here, and about the City the whole Army refreshed themselves well for two days, all the Horses were new shod, and what was amiss corrected. The third day they marched towards the City of York, which they easily reached in three days after; and there the King found his Lady-Mother, who received him with great joy, with all her Ladies and the whole City. Here, after great thanks given to all the Barons and Knights that had atten∣ded the King, for their prompt Advice and loyal Assistance in this Expedition, he dis∣mist the greater part of the Army; but Sr. John of Heinalt with his Company was still retained, because they had not as yet their promised Wages.

After some time spent in Jollity and Feasting (for the Queen and her Ladies made them very good Cheer) the Lords and Captains of Sr. Johns Retinue drew up Bills of what was due unto them, reckoning in also the Horses and other Stuff they had lost or spoiled in this Journey, and deliver'd them in to the Kings Council. But then the noble John Lord Beaumont, out of the Trust he reposed in the Kings Promise, bound himself freely to all his Followers, undertaking to content them as to all their particu∣lars within a certain time, for all their Losses and Charges, contained in the said Bills, besides their promised Wages; For he well saw, that the King could not possibly at that time spare so much Mony: Thô with much ado he made shift to allow them for their present Charges, and what might be sufficient to carry them handsomly into their own several Countries: Yet before the Year was quite ended, they were all satisfied in full.

Then they provided little Naggs for their Lacquies and Pages to ride on, and two Ships were lent them by the King to convey their Servants and Stuff to Sluce in Flan∣ders: After which the Lord John of Heinalt and his Warlike Company took their leave of the King and the Queen his Mother, of the Earls of Norfolk, and of Kent the Kings Uncles, and of the Earl of Lancaster his Cozen, with the Lord Mortimer and the rest of the Barons, all whom he found very courteous and honourable to Him and his Fol∣lowers; especially the Queen and her Confident, Roger Lord Mortimer; for these, be∣sides their open Gratuities, privately heaped upon Sr. John and his Retinue, d such and so many rich Presents, as proved much to the detriment of the King, and the impoverish∣ing of his Kingdom. But upon their parting (for fear of the English Archers, whom they had in this War so highly incensed,) the King appointed the e Lord William Clinton and eleven other Knights with two f hundred Men of Arms, to bear them company thrô Lincolnshire. Thus at last they all came safe to Dover, where they found Vessels ready provided for them and theirs, whereby they were carried with a prosperous wind to the place they were bound for.

VII. But now 'tis time to look nearer home, and enquire what becomes of the Old King, whom we left deposed and imprison'd, with the promise of an honourable Pen∣sion during life. He was not so unhappy in the want of his Subjects affections as some imagine, and indeed almost all Writers seem to averr: For in very truth he was ra∣ther depos'd, by the deep contrivances of a few subtle Enemies; and the despair, to which their trayterous Demeanour had already reduc'd them, together with his own o∣versight, than thrô any Ill-will, that the Generality of his People had to his Person or Government. And therefore his Queen and her partakers to gain Popularity upon their first coming into England, g revok'd all Fugitives and Exuls, setting at Liberty all Prisoners and Malefactours thrô the Realm, who themselves and their Friends flocking to London, made no small addition to her Forces. Moreover the Politick Queen h gave out, that the Pope had curst all her Enemies and their Abettors, and for that end, there were then with her in her Camp two Cardinals, his Legates; thô in truth there was no such matter: But however this Report served to amuse those who were to be aw'd by Devotion; and as for others, whom terrour might dismay, her Numbers were made formidable, and her i Forces excessively enhanced by Rumour; beside, 'twas given out, that the King of France was ready to follow with innumerable Forces to his Sisters aid. And after all this, (which is the usual Method of Treason) only Re∣formation and the publique Good was pretended: For the Queen caused to be pro∣claim'd, that none should fear the least harm or injury; but only those who were known to be the Common Enemies of the King or Kingdom, to wit, the two Spencers, Fa∣ther and Son; Robert Baldock, k then Bishop of Norwich, and the King's Chan∣cellour, Walter Stapleton Bishop of Excoster, with their Favourers; who were called the Authours of these present Troubles. And to take away all fear or jealousie from those who were willing to be quiet, it was further proclaim'd, that none of all her Ar∣my should presume to touch l to the Value of three pence, without the Owners leave, on pain of loosing a Finger; nor to the Value of six pence, on pain of loosing a Hand; nor to the Value of twelve pence, on Peril of his Head. By these and the like fair Pretences, the King's Friends were either wholly lull'd asleep, or durst not shew their Heads for fear; nor indeed could any (not concern'd in the Plot) imagine at that time, that the Queen and the King's Son should ever prove so dangerous to the King's own Person. Wherefore not being able to provide for any probable Resi∣stance (after a few vain attempts to escape, and to lye conceal'd) he was taken and secur'd in Kenelworth Castle, where he remain'd that Winter, without knowing what would happen to him: But in the Parliament met at Westminster in January, he was depos'd, as we shew'd before, and his Son, as his next Heir, by the Consent of the Lords and Commons, admitted to the Crown; the Disloyal and ungratefull m Arch∣bishop of Canterbury thereupon preaching to the Assembly from these Words, Vox Populi, Vox Dei, which Text hath since in our Days been resum'd to the same un∣godly Purpose. But yet even this Assembly, which consisted mostly of such as had offended beyond hopes of Mercy, ( n the few Honest not daring to contradict them) Publiquely and Solemnly protested, that the Depos'd King should no ways be viola∣ted or injur'd in his Person; but attended as a Prince all his Days, with an Honour∣able and Sufficient allowance. And thus indeed he lived for a while with good Com∣fort, saving that he wanted the Company of his Queen, whom he intirely loved, but o all his sweet Invitations by Letter were frustrated by the Vigilance of Mortimer, who perswaded the Queen, that his intent was only to Murther her, if once he could get

her into his power. And oftentimes the Old King p would say to his Keepers,

Where∣in have I offended Isabella my Wife, or Edward my Son, whom they have now made King; that neither of them will let me speak with them, or so much as see their Fa∣ces?

And still those who waited on him, q (being then Persons of Honour and good Fashion) answered him,

Most worthy Lord, be not displeased, if we declare the Truth unto your Highness; it is because they are Both made to beleeve, that You intend to stabb or strangle, or some other way to destroy the Queen your Lady, and your Son, if you can get them into your hands.

Alas, Alas! reply'd the King, Am not I here as a Prisoner, and not in my own power, but at your disposal? God is my Witness, I never had so bad a thought; but I would to God, I might leave this World, that so I might end all my Fears and Troubles together.

This was the greatest of his Miseries, and which he laid most to heart; that he was never visited either by his Wife or any of his Children: But even this Affliction the Distressed Prince bore with Christian Courage and Equanimity; and by accustoming his Mind to Patience and Contemplation, he began now to be in love with that easie and retired Life, the Sweets whereof he ne're before had tasted.

The very Verses, which he is r said to have composed himself in this his Confine∣ment (for honour of that Princes both Learning and Piety, and to satisfie the Cu∣rious) I have hereunto annexed, faithfully Translated from his Own, which were La∣tine, and in Rhyme, after the manner of that Age.

What time rough Winters blasts the Earth did tame, Storms of ill Fortune shook my Glorious Frame! There's none so wise, so mercifull and fair, Prudent and shining with all Vertues rare; But he's by abject Wretches trampled down, If Fortune once on his Endeavours frown. That Hand, that once did Grace to all dispence, Can move no Heart to a Remorsefull Sense: That Royal Face, whose Smiles afforded Bliss, With Clouds of dark Dishonour blackned is: My Vassals-once, do spurn me now: And those, Whom I esteem'd my Friends, do prove my Foes. Oh! who, that heard how once they prais'd my Name, Would think that from those Tongues these Slanders came? But sinfull Soul, why dost thou thus repine, When justly humbled by the Hand Divine? A Father's scourge is for our profit meant: I see thy Rod, and Lord, I am content. Chide me, my Father, till thou wilt give o're; Afflict, till thou art pleased to restore: Thy Son submits and doth thy Will obey; But grieves, thus long he did this Work delay. Now then, my Father, view my wretched Case; And shine upon me with a smiling Face. Forgive what's past: For what's to come assist; Then I'le take gladly, what my Murd'rers list: I've lost my Kingdome; yet I sha'nt repine, If (after all) I gain but that of Thine. To thee, sweet Jesus, humbly here I bend: I loath my sins, do thou thy Pardon send: Fountain of Love, allow my hearty Prayers; Remember thine own Blood, thô not my Tears. When Man afflicts, then, Lord, do thou forgive: And when I die, grant, that my Soul may live.

Thus did this poor King s repent all his former Vanities most heartily, no way repining at this punishment and heavy stroak of Gods Hand; but made so good use of these Afflictions; that 'tis more than hoped, he fitted himself for a Kingdom more durable: to which his Enemies long'd to send him.

For now, when the first Heats were over, and the vizard taken off from all these fair Pretences, the embers of Loyalty, that seem'd before extinct, began to kindle a

great flame in the Hearts of his abused Subjects: the late Proceedings of Parliament were look'd upon as traiterous, and contrary to the Laws of God and the Land, and the Young King was murmur'd against, as too soon invading his Fathers Throne. And sundry t great Persons and others, particularly the whole Order of Fryars Preach∣ers, began to take pity of his Unworthy captivity, and to consult, how best they might work his Deliverance. But his watchfull Enemies having some way or other intimation of these matters, since they saw in his Recovery their own Downfall, re∣solv'd rather by destroying him to secure themselves. Especially the Queen was per∣petually alarm'd with fears of being call'd shortly to an account by her Husband, whom she had so wronged, and whose Restoration she now greatly dreaded. Morti∣mer had all along put it into her head, that if e're the King should get at liberty, he would be sure to burn her to death; and that neither she nor they could be secure, while Revenge from him was possible. And she her self being extreamly terrified with these thoughts u complain'd of dismall and frightfull Dreams to her Counsellor, the traiterous and crafty Bishop of Hereford, Adam Orleton, who cunningly took occasion thence to urge her on to that, which by this time, she her self, 'tis thought too much desired. In short, his Death is resolv'd on, but the Execution put off till this Scotch Expedition, which we have related, that the Authors might not lie so ob∣noxious to suspicion, being so far off, at York, and about the Borders.

But now Henry Earl of Lancaster, his Cozen, who was a Man of much Honour, and began also greatly to commiserate his Royal Kinsmans Condition, is therefore thought too good a Keeper for him: wherefore on x Palm-Sunday, which was then the y fifth of April, he was by Indentures deliver'd to the Custody of Sr. John Mal∣travers senior, and Sr. John Gournay (two blemishes of Knighthood) but the worse Men, the better for their Purpose. These two ungracious Villains with their Atten∣dants z had Commission to enter at any time into any Castle or Fortress within the King∣dom, and there to abide during their pleasure, commanding all within the place. By them therefore he is soon after removed from Kenelworth Castle in Warwickshire, and hurried about in the night from one Place to another, that no body might know cer∣tainly of his aboad. First they brought him with all secrecy imaginable to the Castle of Corfe in Dorsetshire; thence a while after to Bristow-Castle; where they kept him privately in hardship and fear enough: Till it being a scented by some of the chief Ci∣tizens, out of a due Commiseration of his undeserved Troubles, and a just sense of the Duty they ow'd him, putting their lives in their hands, they secretly combin'd to deliver him from these his inhumane Keepers, and so to convey him to some place of safety beyond the Seas, which was the utmost the distressed King did desire. But his hard Destiny permitted this Counsel to take wind, or however caused such a Suspition to enter the minds of these Ungracious Wretches, his Keepers; in so much, that on that very night, wherein his Deliverance was to be effected, they ve∣ry secretly remov'd him from Bristow and convey'd him to b Barkley Castle in Glo∣cestershire.

And here they shew'd the Baseness and Barbarity of their Mungrel Minds, by in∣humanly insulting over that Majesty in adversity, which lately by all Men was honour'd next to Adoration. They made him ride on an ill-favour'd Beast, thô nimble and strong enough for their purpose, very meanly clad, who of late was Lord of a great Kingdom, Bare-headed, in whose presence Princes were used to stand so; and still they c took by-ways, crossing the Country, lest he should be met by any and re∣scued.

In this passage to Barkley-Castle, as they went by some Granges, near Bristow, the Villain Gournay (for I will not disgrace Knighthood by giving him the honourable title of Sr. Thomas) clapt on the Head of his Master, the Lords Anointed, a Crown made of a wisp of Hay, adding this bitter and sarcasticall Jeer, d

Fare forth, Sr. King.

Nor did the insolent Indignities they put upon him end here; for having a mind by and by to cut off the Hair of his Head and Beard, that he might be more disguis'd from the knowledge of any they should chance to meet; they made him alight at a certain Ditch in their way, whence an insolent Barber fetch'd him cold and dirty Water in an old rusty Helmet, as he sat on a Mole-hill to be Trimm'd, saying, as o∣thers also did,

That cold Water should serve him for that time,

to which the abused Prince reply'd e meekly,

But whether you will allow it or no, I will have warm Water for my Beard;

and therewith he let fall a showre of warm Tears, that over∣flow'd his Face and Beard. This Story was attested to Sr. Thomas de la More, who liv'd in his Days, and wrote his Life and Death, by William Bishop, one of the Ac∣complices,

who was present at the doing thereof, and afterwards heartily repented that ever he had a hand in so wicked a Concern.

And thus at last they brought him to Barkley-Castle, where they would create hor∣rid noises to interrupt his Natural Repose, either make him fast, or give him meats, not such as he desired, but quite Contrary; often unsavoury; always unwholesome; and sometimes temper'd with loathsome Sauces, and even Poison it self: But the strength of his Excellent Constitution preserv'd him vigorous, healthy and entire a∣mong all these Attempts and Difficulties: For it is the Opinion of Galen, that some strong Bodies may by the course of Nature evacuate such poisons, as usually destroy those of a less firm and solid Vigour and contexture. Howbeit we had rather attri∣bute this to the Goodness of God, lest had he died thrô excess of Grief and Melan∣choly, or by these secret and lingring Poisons, their Cruel Treason had not been so apparent to humane Notice. Besides all this, that they might the sooner provoke him to despair, or impatience (for these Devils incarnate, not content to put him to a simple Death, delighted also to torment his Soul) whatever he said, they would contradict, or deride and scoff at, telling him that he was a doting Fool and f distracted; which might well have been true in these his Vexatious Sufferings, but that the Divine Grace gave him Strengeth and Patience proportionable to his Miseries.

When therefore 'twas understood at Court; that his Health was not impair'd by all these hard Usages, and that what was already done, secluded the Authors from Mercy, if by any means he should ever recover Liberty; they send very smart Let∣ters to his Keepers, blaming them for giving him too much freedom, and for allow∣ing him too costly and delicate Fare, adding some slight intimations;

that how∣ever he should be taken off, it would not be unacceptable to those, whose Lives were not safe; till his Death was certain: But, who were of Power sufficient to requite any considerable Service.

And here that subtle Bishop of Hereford, the un∣gracious Adam Orleton, made use of that Famous Sophistical Sentence,

• ...g Kill Edward never fear 'tis Good.
• Which being pointed thus— Kill Edward; never fear: 'tis Good.—Commands his Death;
• But if thus— Kill Edward never; fear: 'tis Good.—It Deterrs them from it.

For by this ambiguous, while unpointed, Phrase he hop'd, as indeed he did, to give sufficient Confidence to these Impolitick Villains to work his Death; but yet to leave Room for his own Defence, if ever he should be call'd in question. Without this Sentence to intimate what they were to do, and an Epistle from h Mortimer himself, who directed them how and in what manner they should dispatch him, together with broad Intimations from the Queen, Hereford and other Grandees (whose concern it was to hasten the imprison'd King's Death) with all their Seals annexed thereto, they durst never have undertaken violently to have rid him of his Life; since it was his Son that now Reign'd; and that very Parliament that depos'd him, had Enacted, that no Vio∣lence should be offer'd to his Person. But when his Keepers had these Authentick Abettors on their side, they imagin'd all was safe, and are presently possess'd with Diabolical Resolutions. First they command the Lord Barkley to withdraw from his own Castle with all his Servants, and whomsoever they were not well assured of. Then they remove the poor Prince (who was now well aware of his End, and 'tis reasonably presum'd by his Patience and Christianlike Deportment, as well prepared for it) into an high Turret of the said Castle: This i Room they surrounded with all sorts of Carrion and stinking Carcases, piled upon the Leads and round about his Windows, and on the Battlements, either so by corrupting the Air, (he drew in) to dispatch him, or at least, to keep their hands in by these Devilish Exercitations, till they had pitch'd on some more exquisite way to destroy him. Nor was this a poor Invention neither, but argues the wicked Ingenuity of his Murderers, who saw that nothing could be more loathsome to one of so refined and delicate a sense and Education: And accordingly several Workmen, who were labouring about the Ca∣stle, heard him often with most passionate bewailings complain of this, as the most insupportable affliction he ever yet had met with in all his Life. But when the Tor∣mentors saw, that none of these Methods had any power to impair his Health, or break his Patience, much less to take him off, they now set about the work in good Earnest. On the 11 Calends of October, that is, after our Account, the 21 of Sep∣tember, and St. Matthews day, when they had the most barbarous Design in the World

against his Life, they put on the best Countenance, that ever they had yet shew'd him before: They not only, as on a Festival, treated him well at Dinner, but al∣so k made very good cheer with him at Supper, to make him less apprehensive of their intended Treason. But at midnight they came softly into his Chamber, where they found the Innocent Prince lying half asleep in his Bed. Here no less than fifteen sturdy fellows suddenly clap an huge Table upon his upper parts, at the first apprehension whereof the affrighted King awaking, turned his body, so that then he lay groveling, being in this manner held forcibly down by these wretches. The mean while others raised the Bedcloaths from the Feetward up to his Body, when they go about such an Execrable Fact, that I am both sorry and asham'd to declare, that ever this Nation could produce such Monsters. For l first they force a certain smooth hollow Pipe or Horn into his Secret Parts, thrô which they immediately thrust a long red-hot Instrument of Iron, which they turned and rowled about to his most inexpressible torment, as his loud and bitter groanings, which were heard by many, did testifie, till they had in this manner forced his Royal Soul to seek for quiet in another World. This they did, to the intent, that no wound should ap∣pear outwardly in the Princely Body, whereby they, or those who set them on, might be lyable to any question. And indeed none, as yet appeared, thô they had the Impudence to expose the Royal Corps to publique View; many n Abbots, Pri∣ors, Knights and Burgesses of Bristow and Glocester being sent for to see the same: Such confidence had they in this their new-contrived Art of Murder. But thô the Ordinary sort, who saw the skin all over whole and unbroke, concluded his Death to be no other, than Natural; yet Wise men could not but observe by the Colour of his Face, that his Death was not without many violent struglings; and several that heard his dying Groans, did easily guess how things were Acted. But it was not then time to mutter any thing; and indeed it should seem but vain to at∣tempt to Revenge him, when Dead, whom they durst do no more than pitty, while alive.

He had done many Worthy things in his Time, and might have done more, had he not been so miserably interrupted: He founded o Oriel College in Oxford, where∣of Adam Broom his Almoner was the first Provost; together with S^t Mary-Hall in the said University, whereof Mr. p Richard Barnes, Vice-president of Magdalene Col∣lege, was first Principal; besides the House which he gave there for twenty four Carmelite Fryers, Divines, according to a Vow he had made in his Escape from the defeat at Sterling. At his Mannor also at Langley in Hertfordshire, he built a Church call∣ed the Fryers-Preachers; where he Ordain'd, that the Soul of his Friend Gaveston should be for ever pray'd for. And where since hath been laid (beside many other Princes) the Body of Edmund Plantaginet, Sirnamed of this Langley, the place also of his Birth; which Edmund, was Fifth Son to our King Edward the Third, and in his Time q Duke of York, Earl of Cambridge, Lord of Tividale; together with his Lady Isabell, Second Daughter to Don Pedro King of Castille & Leon, from whom proceeded Edward the Fourth. But this Murder'd Prince, having been exposed to publique View, was Buried r without any Funeral Pomp, by the Benedictine Monks, in their Abbey of S•• Peter in Glocester: Where s afterwards (when the manner of his Death was found out, and the Principal Actors thereof had been brought to Con∣dign Punishment) his Son King Edward the Third erected to his Memory a Fair Mo∣nument of White Stone, with his Portraiture thereon of Alabaster, in the second Arch, and on the Northside the Altar, betwixt two Pillars of the Tuscan Order: About which (near to the Capitals) are several Figures of Stags; with which they report, his Corps was drawn thither from Berkley-Castle. He lies there in his Robes, with his Crown on his Head (however in his Life it was taken from him) his Scepter in his Right Hand, and his Globe with a Cross thereon in his Left; An Angel sitting on each side at his Head, and a Lion at his Feet.

After this Manner about the end of the foremention'd Scotch Expedition was this Miserable King more than barbarously Murder'd in the Midst of his Age; for he was hardly Fourty three Years old: A Man, that surely deserv'd a better end; but that he had the Unhappiness to trust too much in Prosperity, and to fix his Love on those, who were least Worthy of it; while he too rashly quarrel'd with his near∣est Relations, before he had made any provision against them. His own Nature was very good; but Evil men made a bad Use of it: Mortimer and Adam Orleton, that Bishop of Hereford, were the Chief Causers of his Downfall; for having both been guilty of High Treason against him before, they were resolv'd now by any means to

build their own security upon his Ruine: so under the pretence of befriending the Queen, they wrought her to be as much concern'd in the Treason, as themselves. He was of a t very Elegant Composure of Body, of a goodly Stature, of a firm and healthy Constitution; of great Strength and Activity; Devout, Noble, and full of Natural good Propensions; Liberal and Magnificent, Mercifull and Generous; Wit∣ty and Learned for that Age, as the Verses he wrote, testifie; but not so soft as 'tis imagin'd; for no Man was more Stern and High-spirited to the Obstinate: Yet we must allow him to have been more weak, then wicked; for he always design'd well, but was deceived by Appearances. He was a firm and constant Friend, and a fle∣xible Enemy; a u strict Observer of his Conjugal Faith; however ill requited. In War he was not Fortunate, by reason of the Envy among his Courtiers: some evil he did, but he suffer'd much more: No King ever had fewer Taxes, yet none found his People more Ungratefull: so that as one well observes, x how far he wrong'd his Subjects, doth not appear; but how rude and unjust they were toward him, is but too Manifest. He was a Man every way Worthy to be a King, had his Counsel∣lours been Men of Integrity; but their ill Actions made him Odious; which because he would not punish in their Persons, he was fain to pay Dearly for it in his own: So little avails the Sacred Majesty of a King, when the Multitude is too much ex∣asperated. He left behind him y Four Children, Edward his Eldest Son, that then Reign'd; John sirnamed of Eltham, afterwards Earl of Cornwall; the Lady Joan of the Tower, in time Queen of Scotland; and the Lady Eleanora, who was given in Marriage to Reginald Earl of Guelders. His Death was soon greatly pittied, and at last severely Revenged: But especially the Welch z Nation (who in Regard of his Birth among them, had always held him for one of their own) as in his Life time they expressed a Wonderfull Love and Loyal Affection to him, so now they pro∣secuted his Unfortunate Death with Dolefull Elegies, which neither the fear of his Murderers, nor length of time could ever make them to forget. The Young King, his Son, first heard that he was Dead at Lincoln, being then upon his Return from York after the Scotch Expedition; but the Manner was not yet known, till his own Riper judgement discover'd the Mystery. He a mourn'd at the News with more sincerity than his Mother, who notwithstanding bore a very troubled Countenance: And she and Adam Orleton and Mortimer did so terrifie his Murderers, for all their producing the Letters of Commission, that they were fain to fly the Land. Which many were willing they should do, rather then be brought to a Tryal, where they might talk more, than some were willing to hear. S^r Thomas Gourney three years after, be∣ing taken at Marseilles in France, and deliver'd up to be brought over for England; in order to his Tryal, was beheaded on the Sea (before he came hither) by private In∣structions, as was thought, from some Grandees at Court, whose Interest it was that he should not be brought to Examination. S^t John Maltravers had the Grace to see his sin, and repent heartily of it: Howbeit, as he lived long after, he lived but Mi∣serably: The Principal Authors in due Season we shall see brought to Condign Punishment.

VIII. The young b King in his return to London was heartily welcomed by the Mayor and Aldermen, and the whole City: For he was a Prince of great hope, and had much vivacity in his Countenance, and courage in his Breast; upon which account all his Subjects lov'd him entirely. The gratefull Prince to set a Mark of his Royal favour upon that famous Metropolis, in a Parliament held at Westminster, c which be∣gan on St. Brices Day, of his own accord, confirmed unto them their former Liber∣ties, and granted new ones, which they never had before: Ordaining, that the Mayor of London for the time being, should sit in all Places within the Liberties, as the Kings Chief Justice; and that every Alderman, who had been Mayor, should, while he continued true to the King and his Laws, be always Justice of the Peace within his own Ward. He also granted unto the Citizens the Fee Farm of London for three hundred Pounds per annum: And that the lawfull Franchises of the City should not be seized into the Kings Hands, but only on Occasion d of Abuse or Misuse, e or for Treason or Rebellion countenanced, or done, by the whole City. Further he or∣dain'd, that Southwark should be under the government of the City; and that the Mayor of London as Bailiff of Southwark, should depute after his own pleasure, the Bailiff of that Burrough, under him. About the same time also he made the Company of Skinners in London, a Corporation; as they have ever since honourably continued even to this day: Himself for their greater Honour vouchsafing to be of their Brother∣hood, as afterwards other Kings did in imitation of so great a Precedent; namely Ri∣chard

the Second, Henry the Fifth, Henry the Sixth, and Edward the Fourth: Nor hath this Honourable and Ancient Company been ungratefull to the Memory of this their Glorious Founder, but take all occasions to testifie their Respect to his Name, and to preserve his Glory to Posterity. Particularly of late, they have at their own proper costs and charges erected his Statue among the Kings of this Land in the Royal Exchange in London.

To accompany the late unhappy King of England to his Grave, there died about this time many other Potentates, Princes and Prelates, thô none so unfortunately, and by such treacherous Cruelty, as our Edward of Caernarvon. And first there died Charles Earl of Valois, younger Brother to Philip the Fair, late King of France, and Uncle to Charles the Fair, then King of France, and Father to Philip of Va∣lois afterwards in Opposition to King Edward the Third, made King of France. He had been all his time a right Frenchman, that is, an inveterate Enemy to the En∣glish Nation.

Nor did his Nephew, Charles King of France, himself long survive him: But de∣parted this life without Issue, being then about 32 years of Age, on the Kalends of February, Anno Dom. MCCCXXVIII, when he had Reigned six Years and one Month, leaving his Queen big with Child; which notwithstanding died shortly after the Birth. So that the Right to the Crown devolved thereupon to our King Edward, the Eldest Son and Heir of Isabella, the said Charles his only Sister surviving, and the Daughter of Philip the Fair. But the French Nation either despising King Ed∣wards Youth, or moved by their own evil Genius (for it was afterwards the occasion of unspeakable Calamities to that Kingdom) prefer'd Philip of Valois, the Nephew of Philip the Fair, before King Edward the Son of Philip's Daughter, to the Throne of France. Accordingly on the 29 day of May following, being then Trinity-Sun∣day, he was Crowned at Rheimes, f where the Holy Oyl, (wherewith Cloüis their First Christian King was anointed) is still kept with great Veneration: But the ill consequences of this his Coronation will abundantly appear hereafter.

There died also this Year the Lord g Walter Stuart of Scotland, Son in Law to King Robert Bruce and by the Lady Margaret, Father to Robert Stuart, who was after∣wards King of Scotland, the First of that Glorious Family: From whom is descended our Present Gracious Soveraign, King James the Second, whom God grant long and happily to Reign. About the same time Elizabeth, Queen of Scotland deceased, and not h long after there departed this life the King himself, Robert Bruce, that vali∣ant Captain, very old and (as was said) infected with the Leprosie, leaving behind him David his only Son and Heir, a young Prince of about Eight Years old, of whom we shall say much in the Process of this History.

This King i Robert Bruce, was by birth an English Baron (as was also John k Baliol, his Competitor) thô by Marriages of their Houses with the Royal Line of Scotland, they Both at last had a Title to the Crown of that Kingdom. King Robert (beside his Brother l Edward, who was slain in battle by the English in Ireland) had a youn∣ger Brother, named Bernard Bruce, from whom descended the Noble Edward Bruce of Kinlosse in Scotland, a Person of great esteem and Merit in the Court of our English Solomon, King James the First. His Son m Thomas Lord Bruce was by Letters Patents dated the 21 of June in the Ninth of the said King James, created Earl of Elgin in Scotland, and on the First of August, the Seventeenth of King Charles the First, advanced to the Degree of a Baron of this Realm (as his Ancestors for many Ages before had been) by the Title of Lord Bruce of Wharlton in the County of York: Whose Son and Heir Robert Lord Bruce was a Person of such eminent merits, as well for his signall Loyalty in the late unhappy Defection, as since the Happy Restoration of Mo∣narchy, that for a further addition of Honour, King Charles the Second of Blessed Memory, by Letters Patents bearing Date the 18 of March in the Sixteenth Year of his Reign, advanced him to the Titles of Lord Bruce of Skelton in the County of York, Vicount Bruce of Ampthill in Bedfordshire, and Earl of Aylesbury in the County of Buckingham: And being also Hereditary High-Steward of the Honour of Ampthill, Lord Lieutenant of the Counties of Bedford, Huntington and Cambridge, Lord Cham∣berlain of the Kings Houshold, and One of the Lords of His Majesties most Honourable Privy Council, he lately departed this life to the infinite regret of all good and Loyal Men, and particularly of the whole Clergy of England, and all other Sons of Learning. But the Memory of him and his vertues is again revived in his Noble Heir and Succes∣sor, Thomas now Earl of Aylesbury and Elgine: Who together with the Honours his Father enjoy'd is now Lord Lieutenant of Bedford and Huntington, and Gentleman

of the Bedchamber to the most Prudent and Heroick Monarch King James the Se∣cond: His two younger Brothers, Robert and James, whom I have had the honour to know here in Queens College in Cambridge, being most towardly Branches of that An∣cient and Flourishing Family.

Nor is it altogether unworthy to mention the Great Ottomans Death, which n hap∣pen'd this year, being the 727^th of the Turkish Hegira, after he had been rearing that vast Monarchy on the ruines of Christian Princes, for about 27 Years together. This Man was the first Founder of the Glorious Family of the Ottomans, which has ever since continued a Plague and Terrour to all Christendom: Orchanes his Son succeeded him in the Turkish Empire.

Also this Year departed three famous Prelates of this Nation, the one Dr. James Barkley, descended from the Noble House of the Lord Barkley, who was consecrated Bishop of Excester on the 15^th of March 1326/7. by Walter Reginald Archbishop of Canterbury, at the Commandment of Queen Isabell, being reputed a very holy and dis∣creet Person: But he enjoyed the Title not long, for about the 24 of June following he deceased, and was succeeded by one of equal wisdom and Nobility, Dr. John Gran∣desson, of whom, as also of his Family, more hereafter.

Dr. Thomas Cobham also, Bishop of Worcester died about the 20 of August; he was a very learned Man and a great Author, o as his Works declare; and by his won∣derfull Meekness, Bounty, Sobriety and Modesty, obtain'd an universall love and re∣spect, insomuch that he was commonly called the Good-Clerk: When he was Canon and Subdean of Salisbury, he was first, upon the vacancy of that See, elected Archbi∣shop of Canterbury; but King Edward the Second in favour of Dr. Walter Reginald, vacating that Election, he was glad in the end to accept the Bishoprick of Worcester. He was now buried in the North Isle of the Body of Worcester Cathedral, which Isle he had Vaulted over at his own Expence. The Bloody Bishop of Hereford succeeded him; of whom, more in another place.

Another that went off this Year was p Dr. Walter Reginald Archbishop of Canter∣bury, of whom something must be said for the Instruction of others. He had been Chaplain to King Edward the First, by whom he was made Parson of Wimberton, and after that, Schoolmaster to his Son, Edward the Second; who in the first Year of his Reign, Anno MCCCVII, advanced him to the place q of Lord Treasurer of England, and in the year following to the Bishoprick of Worcester, and two years after he made him Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, and Chancellor of England. After this King Edward was so good a Master to him, that upon the Death of the good and learned Dr. Robert Winchelsey Archbishop of Canterbury, he vacated the Election of Dr. Cobham (as we shew'd before) and caused this Man to be prefer'd to that eminent Dignity. And accordingly he was with great Pomp and Solemnity r Installed on the 19 of April Anno MCCCXIII, the King himself with the Queen and many Nobles honouring him with their Presence. He is indeed s by some commended for his love to Learning and Ver∣tue; I am sure, he wanted these three no mean Qualities, Loyalty, Constancy and Gratitude. For upon the Return of Queen Isabell into England in such Hostile man∣ner, as was shew'd before, against her Lord and Husband; this Man at that time ma∣nifested himself to be indeed a good Politician, but (as Bishop Godwin too mildly phra∣ses it) a very t weak Man. For thô a while he seem'd outwardly to adhere to the King his Master, yet even then privately he assisted the Queen with vast Sums of Mony, as resolving to play his own Game, whatever Conscience might perswade, or Religion teach to the contrary: But when the Kings downfall was now no longer doubt∣full, then he openly play'd the Traitor, forsaking his Lawfull Prince, his good Lord and Patron, who had gradually advanced him from a mean Condition to the highest Titles of Honour. For which, thô he scap'd the publique censure of the Law, yet did he en∣joy the fruits of this double-hearted Dealing but for one Year: For on the u 16 of No∣vember following, this first Year of King Edwards Reign, he died of grief and horror of mind at Mortlack, after he had held that Seat 13 years and about seaven Months from his Instalment. But here he shall stand mark'd out to Posterity for an Exam∣ple and terror to all Traitors, whom neither the Sacred Function it self, nor any other either Dignity or Merit, ought (in my Opinion) to defend from deserved Infamy: Since Treason cannot proceed, but from the most unworthy and ignoble Minds in the World, or however it renders them so. Ingratitude of it self is the basest, most un∣just, and ungenerous thing in Nature, but Ingratitude to our Natural Prince most abomi∣nable beyond all Expression; since to his Service we are most strictly obliged by Laws Divine and Humane: How much more then when he is unto us a Good and

Gracious Lord, and heapeth upon our Heads many signall and personal Favours? He was succeeded by a very Worthy and Learned Doctor in Divinity, x Simon Mepham, an Oxford Man by Education; by Birth of Kent, and Canon at that time of Chi∣chester.

This Year were seen y two Moons in the Firmament, the one was clear, and the o∣ther dark, as at times might be seen over all the World; and now the Quarrel was high between Pope John XXII. who kept his Court at Avignon in Provence, and Lewis of Bavaria, Emperour of Germany; who in revenge of his being Excommunica∣ted by the said Pope, went to Rome, being invited thither z by the Faction of the Gibellines, where he set up an Antipope against Pope John, by whom he was crowned Emperour: But this new Pope was soon laid aside; thô the Dissention between the Emperour and the Pope was never sully made up. And because of the foresaid Pro∣digy, and others that happen'd about the same time, it was commonly said,

That the World was nigh at an End.

In those days one a Cichus Asculanus, Dr. in Physick, a Philosopher and publique Professor of Astronomy at Bologna in Italy, being accused for a Necromancer, was burnt alive at Florence, in the Seaventieth year of his Age: Whose Learning in Judicial Astrology, meeting with an ignorant Age, might pass for Conjuration, as a little af∣ter Petrarch himself was looked on for a Wizard, even by a Pope of Rome. Thô b indeed it was laid among other things to his Charge, that in a Treatise called de Sphaera, which he set forth at Bologna, he affirmed, that Spirits were generated in the Superior Orbes, which by Incantation could be compelled to wonderfull Opera∣tions; and that the Stars had Influence upon the Wills of men, and could enforce and determine them: And which seems most horrible, that our Saviour Christ be∣ing born under such a Position, was thereby necessitated to live Meanly, and to die Miserably: But that Antichrist being to be born under a quite different Position, should obtain immense Riches, Power, and Dominion. But we are not here to in∣quire, how true or untrue this Charge was; wherefore we shall end this first Year and Chapter together.

Notes

• AN. DOM. 1312.
• a

  Frois. c. 3. fol. 2.
• b

  Sandford p. 158.
• c

  Ashmole p. 644.
• d

  Claus. 6. Ed. 2. m. 22. Dorso. Lit. Dom. B.A.
• e

  H. Knighton p. 2533. n. 10.
• f

  Walsingh. hist. p. 77.
• g

  Victorellus p. 839. ad hunc annum.
• h

  Claus. 6. Ed. 2.
• i

  Ibid. & Ash∣mole p. 644.
• k

  Walsingh. ibid.
• l

  Speed p. 556.
• m

  Pat. 6. Ed 2.
• n

  Pat. ibid. Par. 2. m. 5. & Ashmole ibid.
• o

  Pitsaus de Il∣lustr. Angl. script. p. 517.
• p

  Godwin Catal. Bishops p. 661.
• q

  Philipot's Ca∣tal. Chancellers and Treasurers p. 32.
• r

  Speed p. 564. Holinshead p. 869. Catal. Ho∣nor. p. 315. by Tho. Milles.
• s

  Ashmole p. 644.
• t

  Pat. 19. Ed. 2. p. 1. m. 25. Ash∣mole ibid.
• u

  Claus. 19. Ed. 2. m. 28. Dorse.
• AN. DOM. 1325.
• x

  Walsing. h••st. p 105. H••••••ns∣head p 881.
• y

  Sandford p. 158.
• z

  Speed p. 564. Ashmole p. 644.
• a

  Walsingh. hist. p. 106. S^r The. de la Mere p. 8. l. 41.
• b

  Ashmole p. 644
• c

  Lit. Dom. D.
• d

  Dugd. Warw. p. 165. a.
• e

  Walsingh. hist. p. 105. Speed p. 565. Claus. 1. Ed. 3. p. 1. m. 28.
• f

  Sandford p. 158. H. Knigh∣ten p. 2550. Pat. 1. Ed. 3. p. 2. n. 13.
• g

  Sandford p. 109. Catal. Ho∣no. p. 575. Dagd. 1. Vol. p. 145. & 147.
• h

  Ashmole calls him William by mistake. vid. Godw. Catal. Bps. &c.
• Pe••es Thom. Goldsmith ex Graii Hospitio.
• AN. DOM. 1327. An. Regni I.
• i

  H. Knighton p. 2556. Leland Collect. 1. vol. p. 685. S^r Rich. Baker.
• k

  Walsing. hist. p. 109.
• l

  Sandford p. 109.
• m

  Walsingh. hist. p. 108. & hypod. p. 110.
• n

  Buchan. p. 240. see Hect. B••••t. f. 291. An. Dom. 1286.
• o

  Dugd. 1. V. l. p. 451.
• q

  Fabian p. 167
• r

  Rich. S••uth∣well.
• s

  Grafton p. 173.
• t

  Holinshead Hist. Sect. p. 225
• u

  Frois. c. 15. Grafton p. 218.
• x

  S^r Tho. de la More Ed. 2. p. 2. Holingshead hist. Scotl. p. 217. Hector and Bu∣chan.
• y

  H••linshead hist. Scot. p. 224. Ashmole p. 645. ex Claus. 1. Ed. 3. p. 1. m. 2. D••rs.
• z

  Hector p. 307 b. n. 60.
• a

  Bachan. p. 273
• b

  Frois. c. 17.
• c

  Ashmole p. 645.
• d

  Dugd. Baron. 1 Vol. 565. a.
• e

  H. Knighton p. 2551.
• f

  Frois. c. 16. Grafton p. 219.
• g

  Frois. ibid.
• h

  Knighton p. 2551.
• i

  Frois. c. 16. & M.S. Vet. Angl. in Bibl. C. C. C. Cantabr. c. 213.
• k

  Knighton p. 2551.
• l

  Stow p. 228. & M.S. Vet. Angl. in Bibl. C. C. C. ibid.
• m

  Knighton p. 2551.
• n

  Frois. c. 16. fol. 7, 8.
• o

  Frois. c. 16 & 17.
• p

  Caxton.
• q

  Dugd. Bar. 2 Vol. p. 93.
• r

  Id. 1 Vol. p. 184.
• s

  Id. ibid. p. 145.
• t

  Id. p. 633.
• u

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 26.
• x

  Id. 1 Vol. p. 81. quem vid. ad singula haec no∣mina.
• y

  Frois c. 17.
• z

  Ferrar. in Or∣thea.
• a

  Holinshead Hist. Scotl. p. 225
• b

  Hector & Ba∣chan.
• c

  Frois. c. 17 f. 8.
• d

  Frois. c. 18. fol. 8.
• e

  Frois. c. 16 fol 7. b.
• f

  R. Burtons Engl. M••narchs p. 104.
• g

  Frois. c. 18. fol. 8.
• h

  Buchan. p. 275
• i

  Buchan. p. 274.
• k

  Holinshead hist. Scotl. p. 225.
• l

  Frois. ibid.
• m

  Holinshead hist. Scotl. p. 225
• n

  Hector p. 308. & Frois. ibid.
• o

  Frois. c. 18. fol. 9. b.
• p

  Hector p. 308.
• q

  Frois. c. 18. &c.
• r

  Frois. ibid.
• s

  Frois. c. 18. fol. 10.
• t

  Walsingh. hist. p. 108.
• u

  Knighton p. 2551.
• x

  Tinemouth Aur. hist. fol. 229.
• y

  Knighton p. 2551. & M. S. Vet. Angl. in Bibl. C. C. C. c. 214.
• z

  Knighton p. 2552.
• a

  Frois. c. 18. fol. 10.
• b

  Hector p. 308
• c

  Hector p. 308
• d

  Buchan. p. 276
• e

  Herodot. l. 7. Justin. l. 2. Oro∣sius l. 2. c. 9.
• f

  Knighton p. 2552.
• g

  Id. p. 2627.
• i

  Tinemouth Aur. Histor. in aedilus Lambeth. f. 229.
• k

  Tinemouth i∣bid. Knighton p. 2552. n. 10.
• l

  Ashmele p. 645
• m

  Buchan. p. 277.
• n

  Praedones va∣ges Buch.
• o

  Frois. c. 18. fol. 10. b. Hecter p. 308 lin. 42. Bachan. p. 277.
• p

  Frois. ibid. & Hector ibid.
• q

  Harding c. 177. fol. 176.
• r

  Cotgrave in Marets.
• s

  Frois. c. 20. fol. 11. b.
• t

  Walsing. hist. p. 112. n. 30. & MS. C.C.C. Dug. 1. vol. p. 146. b.
• u

  Knighton p. 2551. n. 40.
• x

  Id. p. 2552. n. 10.
• y

  Id. p. 2558. n. 10. ex Rot. 4. Ed. 3. &c.
• z

  Pelyd. Virg. l. 19. p. 360. n. 10.
• a

  p. 645.
• b

  Frois. c. 18. fol. 10.
• c

  p. 9.
• d

  Knighton p. 2552. n. 40.
• e

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 530.
• f

  Frois. c. 18. fol. 11.
• g

  Speed ex M.S. p. 562. §. 60. & S^t Tho. de la More p. 7. l. 28.
• h

  S^r Th. de la More p. 6. l. 44. Speed ibid. §. 59.
• i

  S^t Tho. de la More p. 6. l. 40. Speed ibid.
• k

  Ità Philipot's Catal. Chancel. p. 34. Speed p. 562. Bp. God∣win dubitat; sed non negat. Catal. Bps. p. 425.
• l

  Walsingh. hist. p. 101. For Acts &c. p. 486.
• m

  Walsingh. hist. p. 107. n. 10. Churchill's Divi Britan. 38. Ho∣linshead Engl. Chren. p. 881.
• n

  Holinshead ibid.
• o

  S^r Tho. de la More. vid. Ar∣ticle 9. contra Mortimer. Rot. 4. Ed. 3. &c.
• p

  Grafton p. 217. & M. S. Vet. Angl. in Bibl. C. C. C. c. 215.
• q

  Id. p. 213. & M.S. id. ibid.
• r

  Daniels Hist. p. 218. & Ant. Wood Antiqu. Ox. l. 1. p. 101. & l. 2. p. 103. & Catal. Heno. p. 158. & Fa∣bian p. 185. sic incipiunt,

  Damnum mihi contulit tempore Brumali Fortuna satis aspera vehementis mali! Nullus est tam sapiens, mitis, aut formosus, Tam prudens, Virtutibúsque caeteris famosus, Quin stultus reputabitur, satis & despectus; Si Fortuna prosperos avertat effectus. &c.
• s

  Fabian ibid. & p. 194. Speed p. 566. Fox Acts &c. p. 486.
• t

  Speed p. 564. a. §. 4. & M.S. Vet. Angl. in Bibl. C. C. C. c. 213.
• u

  Sr. Th. de la More.
• x

  Dugd. Warw. p. 165. a.
• y

  D. Lit. Dom. Pascha 12. Apr. Labbe.
• z

  Sr. Th. de la More.
• a

  Sr. Tho. de la More.
• b

  Dugd. Warw. p. 165.
• c

  Sr. The. de la More.
• d

  Sr. Tho. de la More. The words are old Engl. and are as much as; Set for∣ward Sr. King.
• e

  Sr. Tho. de la More p. penult. lin. 34. &c.
• f

  S^r Tho. de la More.
• g

  S^r Tho. de la More. Edvar∣dum occidere nolite timere bonum est. Quā tamen eandem sententiam contra Johan∣nam Philippi Pulchri uxorem ante haec tem∣pora usurpatam memorat Ga∣guin. l. 7 p. 125. Reginam occi∣dere nolite ti∣mere bonam est:
• h

  M.S. Vet. Angl. in Bibl. C. C. C. c. 215.
• i

  S^r Tho. de la More. p. ult. l. 22.
• k

  Graston p. 218 & M.S. Vet. Ang. in Bibl. C. C. C. in Cantab. c. 215
• l

  M.S. ibid. c. 215. John Har∣ding c. 177. S^r Tho. de la More & emnes.
• n

  Speed p. 566. b
• o

  Antiqu. Oxon. l. 2. p. 103.
• Daniel p. 218.
• p

  Antiqu. Oxon. p. 370. Sandford Geneal. Hist. p. 153. & Antiqu. Oxon. l. 1. p. 100 & 101.
• q

  Dagd. 2 Vol. Bar. p. 155.
• r

  Speed p. 566. Polyd. Virgil. Baker, &c.
• s

  Sandford's Geneal. Hist. p. 152, &c.
• t

  Catal. Honor. p. 158. & Knigh∣ten p. 2531. & Speed p. 560.
• u

  S^r Tho. de la Mere p. 9. l. 43.
• x

  Churchill p. 239.
• y

  Speed p. 564. &c.
• z

  Speed p. 549. a. § 40.
• a

  Knighton p. 2552.
• b

  Walsing. hist. p. 109. n. 20. & Fox Acts and Monuments p. 345.
• c

  Joh. Tinemouth Aur. hist. p. 229. a. in Bibl. Lam∣beth.
• d

  Inst. par. 2. f. 20. Mirror c. 5. §. 2 Fleta l. 2. c. 48. Plowd. com. fol. 40. In∣stit. par. 4. f. 253 Rich. Grafton p. 217.
• e

  Stow's Survey London p. 248. & p. 604.
• Lit. Dom. CB. Pascha 3 April
• f

  D'Avila l. 2. ad An. 1561.
• g

  Buchan. p. 277.
• h

  Id. Junii. An. 1328.
• i

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 447.
• k

  Id. ibid. p. 523.
• l

  Speed p. 558. §. 33.
• m

  Wright's Hist. of the An∣tiq. of Rutland∣shire p. 50. &c.
• n

  Labbe•• Chro∣nologia Technica ad hunc annum.
• Bp. G••dn. Ca∣tal. ••pp. p. 406.
• o

  Pits. de illust. Angl. script. An. 1316. Bp. God∣win Catal. p. 443.
• p

  Godwin Catal. p. 129.
• q

  Philpot's Ca∣tal. Treas. and Chancel. p. 24. & p. 37.
• r

  Godwin p 129. Walsingh. hist. p. 78.
• s

  Pits. p. 419.
• t

  Godw. p. 130.
• u

  Godw. p. 130. &c. Th••rnes Chron. p. 2039. n. 30.
• x

  Thornes Chro. p. 2039. Walsin. hist. p. 109. God∣win p. 131. & Pitsae. p. 429.
• y

  M.S. vet. Ang. in Bibl. C. C. C. Cantab. c. 214. ad fin.
• z

  Labb. Chron. Techn. ad hunc ann.
• a

  Sherburn. en Manilius his Spher. in Catal. Astron. p. 35.
• b

  Odoric. Rain. Anno Chr. 1327 §. 46. & Joh. Villani l. 10. c. 41.