The history of that most victorius monarch, Edward IIId, King of England and France, and Lord of Ireland, and first founder of the most noble Order of the Garter being a full and exact account of the life and death of the said king : together with that of his most renowned son, Edward, Prince of Wales and of Aquitain, sirnamed the Black-Prince : faithfully and carefully collected from the best and most antient authors, domestick and foreign, printed books, manuscripts and records / by Joshua Barnes ...

CHAPTER the SEVENTH.

The CONTENTS.

I. The Glory and Prosperity of King Edward and his People hurtfull to the Nation. II. King Edward holds a Parliament at Westminster. III. And Justs and Tournea∣ments in divers Places. IV. How Avignon in Provence came first to belong to the Church of Rome. V. King Philip of Valois, and King Edward of England could cure the Kings Evil: An Order concerning the Kings Purveyors. VI. The Truce between England and France prorogued for another Year. VII. King Edward solemnizes the Translation of St. Thomas Bishop of Hereford; with some Account of his Life, &c. VIII. The Earl of Flanders doth Homage to King Edward, but afterward entring Flanders in Hostile Manner, is beaten by the Flemings and English. IX. King Ed∣ward inform'd of a Design to betray Calais, pardons the Lombard Captain, and gives him Instructions how to behave himself. X. King Edward goes privately over Sea to Calais, and discomfits the Frenchmen. XI. King Edward at Supper presents a Rich Chaplet of Pearls to the Lord Eustace de Ribemont a French Prisoner, and in con∣templation of his Valour acquits him his Ransome. XII. The Lombard Captain put to Death by the Frenchmen; King Edward rewards his Friends, and having settled Calais under a New Captain returns for England. XIII. The Death of the Queen of France and of the Dutchess of Normandy: The French King, and the Duke his Son marry again.

I. NOW doth King Edward the Third seem to stand in the full Zenith both of his Age and Glories: He had but just past the 35 Year of his Life, and yet was crown'd at Home in his Family with a Lovely Row of Hope∣full Children, and a Vertuous and Beautifull Consort; in his Kingdoms with Peace and full Prosperity: And abroad he was renowned above all the Kings of the Earth for his Notable Victories by Sea and by Land, in Scotland, France and Bre∣tagne; for set Battles, or Taking of Towns; for Kings slain, Kings routed, and Kings taken Captive: Nor was his Moderation less admired and commended, which he shew'd in Refusing the Title and Dignity of an Emperour. This in my Opinion is the Brightest part of all his Reign; thô yet another King remains to be Captive by his Arms, and another King is destin'd to recover an Usurped Crown by the Aid of his Sword and Fortune.

For now a by means of so honourable a Peace, founded on so many remarkable Vi∣ctories, it seem'd as if the Golden Age was reduced to England; and a New Sun began to shine in our Horizon: So great Riches and Plenty, the usual Attendants of Con∣quest, being generally diffused over the face of the whole Land. For there was scarce a Lady, or Gentlewoman of any Account, which had not in her possession some preci∣ous Houshold-stuff, as rich Gowns, Beds, Counterpains, Hangings, Linnen, Silks, Furs, Cups of Gold and Silver, Porcelain and Chrystal, Bracelets, Chains and Necklaces, brought from Caen, Calais, or other Cities beyond Sea. And yet as the Roman Hi∣storians complain, that they were overcome by the Luxury and Fashions of the Nati∣ons they had conquer'd: So from this time the Native Candour and simplicity of the English Nation did visibly empair; and Pride, Superfluity and Vanity began to lift up their hatefull Heads; till they provok'd the Author of the World to visit this Land also with his awakening Judgments. Some whereof were not wanting even in the Days of this Great Monarch; but did especially take rise in the Reign of his Successour from a Cruel and Unnatural civil War, which was not wholly extinct till it had prey'd upon the Lives of Five Kings, very many Princes, Dukes and Earls, and Hundreds of the Prime Nobility of England, besides those many Thousands of the Common People who perished in the Quarrel, even thrô the Reigns of Seven Kings; till in a more mer∣cifull Providence, King Henry the VII happily united the two Roses; and Peace, and Humanity, and Arts began again to revive and flourish among us.

II. But that the Blessings of Peace and Plenty might be preserved unto England,

as much as lay in King Edwards Power, as well for the Support of his own Honour, as for the Security of his People's Advantages, and the Conservation of the good Laws of the Realm, he begins this Year with a Parliament: Which he b summons to meet him at Westminster on the Monday in Midlent. From which time, because several of the Peers were not then come, the Parliament was continued from day to day, untill Wednesday: When Sr. William Thorp, then Lord Chief Justice, by the Kings Command, declared in presence of the King and Lords, for what Reasons the Parliament at that time was called. As that the King had, according to the Truce taken at Calais, sent Commissioners to the Pope, from whom he had long since expected some Satisfactory Answer, but as yet had received none: Also that sundry Articles of the Truce, touching both the Kings and their Allies, were not duely performed; and further, that the French were prepa∣ring a Puissant Army, wherewith to invade the Realm. From all which it appeared, that the Truce was but very fickle; and that it was neither safe nor prudent, to rely upon it, but rather betimes to be armed against the worst that might happen. Besides he added, that the Conservation of the Publique Peace at home was a main Point for their Consideration to employ it self about, and that this must be done by wholsom Laws, duely and impartially put in Execution. Upon these Matters the Lords and Commons debated earnestly for several Days, and at last answered the Kings Wants, and prepared their own Petitions in manner following.

They c first shew the great Charges laid upon the Commons, as the Reasonable Aid being pardon'd in the 14 Edw. 3. Whereof every Fine was forty shillings, whereas by Statute the same should be but twenty shillings; also the setting forth of Men; the ta∣king up of Victuals without Ready Money; and the Charge for keeping the Sea: The very Subsidy of Wooll amounting to 60000 l. per annum, and yet without Law; the Lending of 20000 Sacks of Wooll, and the Restraint of Exporting Wooll. Not∣withstanding they grant to the King Three Fifteens in three Years; so as the Subsidy of Wooll might cease, and on Condition that David Bruce, William Douglas, and other Chief Captains of Scotland be not deliver'd for Ransom, or on their Faith: Yet so that if the Wars do cease within three Years, then their Grant might cease also; this Condition being likewise understood, that their following Petitions be granted, and these their Con∣ditions enrolled and exemplified.

Petitions of the Commons with their Answers.

Pet.

That the Falseness of those, who were appointed to gather the 20000 Sacks of Wooll lent to the King, may be determin'd by some of the Parliament, and that all Acquittances made to any such may be repealed.

Ans.

This Petition was answer'd in the last Parliament, and therefore Command was given anew to execute the same.

Pet.

That the King would command the Nobles in no wise to take any common Thief or Robber into their Protection: And that in every Shire-Town two Knights, and two Learned in the Law be appointed to determin all Offences, and to enquire of False Money; they to have some Fee to encourage them in their Duty, and to prevent Re∣ceiving of Bribes: But this also was said to have been answer'd in the last Parliament.

Pet.

Whereupon the Commons required, that all Petitions in this present Parliament may be presently answer'd.

Ans.

After Easter they shall be so.

Pet.

That all Woolls and other Merchandise may freely pass without any Loans, or other Subsidies, besides the due and usual Customs.

Ans.

The Passage shall be free, saving to the King his Due.

Pet.

That no Eires of the Forest, or other Inquiries, except those of the Peace, be kept during the Wars.

Ans.

The King may use his Pleasure therein.

Pet.

That none of the Nobles or other Captains of Scotland, being the Kings Prisoners, be deliver'd upon any account.d

Ans.

The same was answer'd the last Parliament.

Pet.

That all that Aid which is leavied beyond the Trent, may be employed in the Scotch Wars.

Ans.

The King will allow more for that Purpose, if need shall be.

Pet.

That no Appeals be received of any Felonies, done in any other Counties than where the Appeals were taken.

Ans.

The King is not advised to make such New Laws.

Pet.

That Redress may be had, for that the Men of Bruges in Flanders have forbid all Merchants-Strangers to buy any Staple-Ware here.

Ans.

The King will talk with the Flemish Ambassadour.

Pet.

That all Enquiries of the Ninths may cease.

Ans.

The King will be advised.

Pet.

That the Order made, that all Merchants for every Sack of Wooll should bring in two Marks of Bullion, may be repealed: For that the Exportation of Bullion is for∣bidden in Flanders.

Ans.

The King will learn the Truth of the Ambassadour here.

It is agreed, that the Customs at Easter next stay the receipt of 2 s. of every Sack of Wooll.

Pet.

That remedy may be found, that no Accomptant in the Exchequer do run in Issues, before he be warned.

Ans.

The Process shall be first a Venire facias, then a Distringas, and after a Writ out of the Chancery to the Treasurer and Barons.

Pet.

That the Common Law may stand, as to the Bill of the Navy exhibited in the last Parliament.

Ans.

The King will be advised.

Pet.

Then they resum'd with some Alteration the former Petition, that no Eires of the Forest or other Enquiries, except those of the Peace, may be kept for the space of three Years.

Ans.

It seems good for the Ease of the Subject, if great necessity doth not require otherwise.

Pet.

That the Marshal letting to Bail, or at large, any Person committed to him for the Peace, do answer the Dammages himself.

Ans.

The King will be advised.

Pet.

That no Man be barred by Non-claim.

Ans.

A Law must not be made suddenly.

Pet.

That the Jurors in every Inquest and Grand Assize may say the Verity of the Fact, as in Assize of Novel Disseizin.

Ans.

The Law shall be kept as heretofore.

Pet.

That the Purveyors for all Victuals do take by Indenture with two honest Men, where they shall purvey.

Ans.

The Laws made heretofore in that Case shall suffice.

Pet.

That none who come to the Parliament by Summons, be appointed a Sessor, or a Receiver of the Fifteens Triennial.

Ans.

The King will appoint such as he shall like.

Pet.

That the Erroneous Judgments in the Exchequer be reversed in the King's Bench.

Ans.

This was answer'd the last Parliament.

Pet.

e Then was read a long Complaint against Foresters, for Afforesting of Mens Pur∣lieus, for undue Trial and for Extortion: To which was added a Request, that Magna Charta may be observed; and that all Men may enjoy their Purlieus, according to the Perambulation made in the time of King Edward the First.

Ans.

The King wills, that Magna Charta be kept inviolable; and those that will complain in the Right of their Purlieus, may have writs out of Chancery: Whereup∣on Surry and several other Counties by their Representatives shew'd, that upon Sute they could not obtain such Writs: To which the King answer'd, that the Order made the last Parliament should be kept, and General or Special Writs should be granted to all such as shall sue for them: So as equal Right be distributed both to the King and his Subjects.

Pet.

That the Petitions declared by them in the last Parliament, to which the King and the Lords agreed, may be kept without Alteration, under any Colour or Pretence whatsoever.

Ans.

The King with the Assent of his Lords answered, that Laws and Process here∣tofore used, could not be alter'd, without making New Statutes, which at this time they could not tend to do, but shortly would at more leisure.

The f Worsted Weavers of Norwich, and the Merchants there, pray, that the Let∣ters Patents, which the King had granted to Robert Pooley, One of his Valets of Es∣say, and One of the Alnage of Worsted in Norwich, and elsewhere in Norfolk, during the Life of the said Robert, might be revoked, and that they might have the same. To which Petition this Answer was given; That it seemed good to the Kings Council, that their Request should be granted for the Common Benefit. But of this Parliament We shall say no more, because it was broken up without any great Effect, and g dis∣continued

for three Years together, by reason of a general Mortality, that soon after came into England, of which we shall speak in its proper Place.

III. In the Easter-Holy-days King Edward h held Publique Justs and Tourneaments at Westminster; where the Lord William Douglas Earl of Douglas, and Sr. William Douglas of Liddesdale, who were both taken Prisoners at the Battle of Durham, by their Knightly Deportment and Valour, gain'd such Favour in the Opinion of the King, that having given their Faith and Homage, and also an Oath to live peaceably at home, they had both leave to depart: And Sr. William, as well as the other, might have liv'd a long and happy Life in his own Country; but that his Hands having been stained with Civil Blood, could not be washed clean, but by his own. For, as the Scotch i Writers say, he had formerly upon Envy caused the Worthy Sr. Alexander Ramsey to be miserably starved to Death: And besides that, having lately heard, that Sr. David Barklay, a Knight of Scotland, had slain his Brother Sr. John Douglas, who was Father to Sr. James Douglas of Dalkeith, he was so furiously bent on Re∣venge, that even during his Imprisonment in England, because he could not do it him∣self, by Letters he procured Sr. John St. Michael to Murther the said Sr. David Bark∣lay, which accordingly one Night was performed at Aberdeen. But not long after he himself, being then deliver'd out of Prison, one day, as he was hunting in Ethrick Fo∣rest, was in like manner suddenly slain by his own Cousin, and Godson, William Dou∣glas, the Son of Archimbald Douglas, in Revenge of the Death of Sr. Alexander Ramsey.

While thus Scotland, and especially the Family of the Douglasses, was miserably di∣vided in it self; England, and the Court of King Edward flourished with Honour, Peace, and Unity; and the Lords of England laudably contended to outvie one another in Mar∣tial Worth and Bravery. At Canterbury, and Eltham in Kent, at London, Westmin∣ster, Winchester, Lincoln, Windsor, and other Places, were held several Great and Magnificent Justs and Tourneaments. Henry k Earl of Lancaster, held a little after Easter a solemn Hastilude at Lincoln, where were present with Isabel de Beaumont, his Countess, many Great Ladies; and also certain Ambassadors from Spain, who then came to Negotiate a Marriage l between the young Infant of Castille and Leon, na∣med Don Pedro, Eldest Son and Heir Apparent to Alphonso XI King of Spain, and the Lady Jane of the Tower, one of the Daughters of King Edward, who was then in the 13 Year of her Age. But this Poor Lady, being espoused by Proxy, and con∣veyed into that Country, deceased presently of a great Mortality, that then reign'd, of which we shall speak hereafter. At the Tourneament at m Canterbury, among others, Robert Hufford Earl of Suffolk, and Sr. John Beauchamp, Brother to the Earl of War∣wick, had their Harness and other Accoutrements allowed them from the King, the lat∣ter n being furnish'd out of the Kings Wardrobe, with a Surcoat of fine Indian Silk, embroider'd with the Arms of Sr. Stephen Cosington, Knight: Of whom, thô he was not of Noble Blood, we must needs Remark, that he was a Gentleman of High Merit; as will not only appear from the sequel of this our History, but also may be rationally collected from this, that his Arms were beaten on all the Eight Harnesses given by the King at this time, and worn o by Eight Renowned Combatants, being the Challen∣gers, as the Prince of Wales, the Earls of Lancaster and Suffolk, Sr. John Grey, Sr. John Beauchamp, Sr. Robert Mauley, Sr. John Chandos, and Sr. Roger Beauchamp. And at the Tourneament at Eltham, we find, among others, that the Valiant and Noble Earl of p Lancaster, and Hugh q Courtney Earl of Devonshire, besides their Harness, and other Accoutrements, both for themselves and Horses, had each of them an hood of fine White Cloth, embroider'd with Dancing Men, in Blew Habits, and button'd before with large Pearls, which were allowed them out of the Kings Wardrobe.

We must here against our usual Method insert a matter or two, not of any great af∣finity to our Affairs, even before we come to the end of this Year; because there will not then appear any such convenient Room, the beginning of the next Year being conti∣nuedly joyn'd to the end of this.

IV. On the 9 of June this Year, Joan Queen of Naples, and Countess of Provence in France, sold all the County of Venaisin, together with the City of Avignon, to Pope Clement VI, for the Sum of 80000 Florens of Gold of Florence: Which said Places (thô r some say, the Money was never paid) belong to the See of Rome to this day. How Charles II King of Naples, had first a Right to Venaisin, from King Philip the Fair, who gave it unto him An ^o 1290, upon the Marriage of Charles de Valois his Brother, with Margaret the Daughter of that King; this is all well known: But the First occasion of this sale (I do not speak of Queen Joan's Necessities, of which the Pope made his Advantage) not being so vulgarly understood, we shall briefly from

the Authority of a very s Judicious and Learned Gentleman, declare it in this place. In the Year 1209 Raymund the Third, Earl of Tholouse, being a Fautor of the Alb••∣genses (who were accounted Hereticks) and as was thought chiefly concern'd in the Murther of the Pope's Legate, was now a second time Excommunicated by Pope In∣nocent III; from which time he began to be despoiled of his Territories, till little or nothing was left entire. So that 19 Years after it was thus agreed at Paris, that to Al∣phonso the Son of Raymund, should fall only the City it self of Tholouse, with a few appur∣tenanees; that the other Places beyond the Rhosne, should belong to the King of France; but whatever was by him or his Ancestors possessed on this side the said River, should be the Pope's Patrimony. But because the Men of these Parts did unwillingly submit to the latter Part of this Agreement, being thereby upon occasion obliged to have their Appeals to Rome, and therefore clave to Alphonso and his Heirs, about fourscore Years after Pope Boniface VIII, wholly acquitted them of all such Appeals, and after him Pope Clement V, to win their Hearts the more, removed his Seat to Avignon in the First Year of his Pontificate, or the t Year of our Lord 1305. So that now after all, when upon the Death of Benedict XII, u who succeeded John XXII, Clement the VI became Pope, Queen Joan flying unto Avignon from Lewis King of Hungary, who came to Revenge the Death of his Brother Andrew, her Husband, whom she had murdred, made now unto the said Clement a Deed of sale of all those Rights, which the Earls of Provence had from the very time of the Partition, made between Raymund Berengarius Earl of Provence, and Alphonso Earl of Tholouse, An ^o. Dom. 1125, and let this suffice for that Matter.

V. A certain x Author, that flourished in these days, and (as himself witnesses) lived at Avignon in the Service of the said Pope Clement VI, doth more than intimate, that the French King, Philip of Valois, had the Gift of healing the Disease, called the Kings Evil, with the Touch of his Hand only: Thô if so, we may well presume, that our King Edward had the same Vertue, not only, as having more Right to the Crown of France, but as descended of King Edward the Confessors Blood, who was eminently signal in this Miraculous Grace: and from y whom, as it were by Right of Inheri∣tance, the following Kings of England have derived the same Power, as Polydore Vir∣gil, and many others have observed. But to return to Affairs at home.

After Easter King Edward made an Order in Council, that none of his Servants should presume to take up any Victuals of any Man against his Will, nor then, without paying ready Money, on pain of Punishment proportionable to his Offence and being banish'd the Kings Court for ever. To the Execution of which Decree Sr. Ri∣chard Talbot, Lord High-Steward of the Kings Houshold, was appointed to have an Eye.

VI. The Truce taken between the two Kings at Calais last Year, drawing now to∣ward an end, upon z the Pope's Letters to King Edward, he was prevail'd with to de∣pute Thomas Falstaff Arch-Deacon of Welles, John Carleton Canon of Welles, both Doctors of Law, and Frier John de Reppes of the Order of Mount Carmel, who had Commission to prorogue the Truce, and to Treat of a Final Peace. The Truce they accordingly prorogued for six Weeks, to Commence on the 13 of September follow∣ing, and to be observed throughout all Picardy, Normandy, Artois, Boulogne, and Flanders. But the King well perceiving the delay and backwardness of the French to close with him sincerely, either for a Truce, or Peace, in a October next drew down his Forces to Sandwich, intending to pass the Seas. Whereupon the French were quicken'd to a speedy agreement, as to the Prorogation of the foregoing Truce b from the 18 of November 1348, unto the 1 of September 1349, on News whereof the King return'd to London.

VII. On the c 25 of October, King Edward solemnized the Translation of St. The∣mas the Confessor, once Bishop of Hereford, to the great Expence and Charge of his Kinsman the Lord Nicolas Cantilupe. This St. Thomas had been also of the sirname of Cantilupe, being in his Life time a Gentleman of a very Noble and Ancient House (as appears by the Antiquity of their Baronage in our Records) but, as Bishop God∣win d says, of a much more Noble and Excellent Mind: For he was not only of a wonderfull Ingenuity and exquisite Judgement; but even from a Child, of great Diligence and Industry in his studies, of Marvellous Exactness of Life, and of incomparable Can∣dour and Vertue. His Father was William Lord Cantilupe, e High-Steward to King Henry III of England, a Man of great Power and Loyalty: His Mother was the La∣dy Millicent Countess of Eureux in Normandy. He first studied at Oxford, and after∣wards at Paris, where having proceeded Master, he return'd to Oxford, and there ap∣ply'd

himself to the Canon Law, till he went out Doctor in that Faculty. After this he entirely gave his Mind to the study of Divinity; whereof he was to proceed Doctor in the Year 1273: Robert Kilwardby, with whom he was very familiarly acquainted, was then Provincial of the Friers-Preachers, and Doctor of the Chair in Oxford, when he was presented: But before the time came, that he should keep tho Act, or rather the Act being by some Accident delayed till then, the said Doctor Kilwardby was become Archbishop of Canterbury. But this notwithstanding, he vouchsafed this his old Friend, the Honour to come down to Oxford to his Act on purpose; and there gave him the Ceremonies of his Creation. And it is observable, that this Archbi∣shop and P••ofessor, in his speech after the Disputation, among many other great Praises, which he bestowed on him, affirmed, that he the said Archbishop, having of many Years been Confessor to the said Candidate Dr. Thomas Cantilupe,

had never perceived him guilty of any sin, which he could judge to be Mortal.

Certainly, either the Con∣fessee did a little mince Matters, or the Confessor was blinded with the prejudice of Friendship, or some other Infirmity, or the Relator did take a little too much liberty in Honour of the Man. Who notwithstanding, was no doubt of great Merit every way, as may appear by these manifold Honours; which as so many loud Testimonials of his Vertue were heaped upon him, both Living and Dead. For first he was made Arch-Deacon of Stafford, then Chancellour of the University of Oxford, then Lord f Chancellour of England, and afterwards Bishop of Hereford; lastly, a few Years after his Death, Canonised a Saint. For, whereas in his Travels to, or, as some say, from Rome, he departed this Life at Civita Vecchia, a Town of Tuscany, in the Year of our Lord 1282, and was Honourably buried in the Church of St. Severus there, from whence afterward his Bones were brought into England, and solemnly interred in his own Church of Hereford, near the East-Wall of the North-Cross-Isle, where we see an High-Tomb of Marble: Within a few Years after his Death, there being no less than g 163 Miracles said to be wrought by him, his Fame was so great, that we find h King Edward the Second, in the Twelfth Year of his Reign, and the Year of our Lord 1318, sent an Embassy to Pope John XXII, about his Canonization. And two Years after, namely, in the Year of our Lord 1320, i being the 13 of King Edward the Second, on the XV of the Calends of May, he was by the said Pope John Canonized with great Solemnity at Avignon, and the VI of the Nones of October was set apart for his Festival, as appears by the said Pope's Bull, bearing Date at Avignon XII Cal. Maii, Pontificatús nostri Anno IV. But now King Edward designing to Honour the Memory of this Holy Man, took up his Bones this Year, being k Sixty five Years since he died, and had them Honourably reposed in a Rich and Glorious Shrine of great Value.

This small Digression I ow'd to the Memory of this Worthy Prelate, as well that the Reader might understand, what kind of Man he had been, whose Translation King Ed∣ward did now so devoutly solemnize; as also, because I believed that such a Person, to whom so many of several Nations and Interests, never envied the Title of a glori∣fied Saint, would much less by any Man of Modesty, be envied an Honourable Mention in History.

VIII. While King Edward was thus, with as much Devotion as Splendour, keeping a Feast in Memory of this Great Prelate, Henry the Noble Earl of Lancaster was by him l sent to Denemere, to receive in his behalf Fealty and Homage of Lewis, Earl of Flanders; which the said Earl, thô he had now Married the Duke of Brabant's Daugh∣ter, was at last forced to comply with, and performed it accordingly. But for all that being wholly enchanted with a love for the French Nation, m not long after, that he might be Reveng'd of those, who thus forced his Inclination, he enter'd Flanders with a great Power of Frenchmen, burning, killing and ravaging, as if he had been in the Country of his Deadly Enemies. However he was at last oppos'd by a considerable Bo∣dy of Flemings, reinforced with some English Men of Arms, and Archers, who gave him a shrew'd encounter: Wherein many Frenchmen being slain, he himself with the rest was forced to quit the Field by flight. In which Action, many, both Flemings and English behav'd themselves so gallantly, that they obtained thereby the Honour of Knighthood, among whom was the young Lord John St. Philibert, Son an Heir of him, of whom we spake in the n V Year of this King.

IX. While yet the foresaid Festival of the Translation of St. Thomas lasted, it was also very privately signified unto King Edward by one of the Secretaries, of Emeric of Pavia Captain of Calais, that on such a certain Day, the Lord Geoffry Charny with a great Number of Armed Frenchmen was to be received into Calais, to the utter ruine of

his Interest in that Place. Froisard is of the Opinion, that this Secretarie betrayed his Masters Secrets thus to the King without his knowledge, as we shall see by and by: But the other French Writers agree, that he discover'd them himself, thô he had not only agreed to take their Money, but also had bound himself by taking the Sacrament to the Bargain; and therefore Mezeray says, that being taken some while after by the French, he was by them flea'd alive; and indeed we shall find him immediately laid aside by King Edward after this Business was over. But let us first see how Froisard telates the Matter

It should have been observed before, how the Frenchmen in all their Negotiations, either relating to a Peace or Truce, were ever urging of this Point, that Calais might be re∣stored: But to this King Edward would never yield by any means, not only because the Town had cost him so dear before he had it, but also because, while in the English Hands, it was both a signal Trophy of his Honour, and a sure Footing for him to enter France, upon any Rupture between the two Nations. However, as we shew'd before, the French had now agreed to a Truce, the Necessity of their Affairs so requiring it, thô it inwardly grieved them to the Heart, that Calais was still left under the Dominion of England.

Now there o was at this time in the Town of St. Omers a right Politick and Valiant Lord of France, called Sr. Geoffry de Chargny, or Charny, who had full and absolute Authority, as Lieutenant under the King of France, to keep the Frontiers in those Parts; in like manner, as p Henry Earl of Lancaster had under the King of England in the Parts of Flanders, Calais, and all other Places subject to King Edward in France. This Lord Geoffry Charny, who resolved by any Means to serve the King his Masters Inte∣rest, among many Considerations, which he entertain'd in his thoughts concerning the Regaining of Calais, remembred that the Captain of the Castle of Calais was a Lon∣bard, and that your Lombards of all People are naturally Covetous: And so with this thought he resolves upon a Design, nothing at all agreeable to Faith or Honour, but likely to prove of great Advantage to the King and Realm of France. Now by reason of the Truce, there was free Communication allowed between the Calisians and them of St. Omers; so that dayly they resorted for Traffick to one another, and had mutual Cor∣respondence in matters of Life and Society. Hereupon the Lord Geoffry Charny built his Design, and secretly fell in Treaty with Sr. Emeric of Pavia Captain of the Ca∣stle; so that at last he agreed, and thereupon q took the Sacrament, for the Summ of 20000 Crowns of Gold, to deliver up to the Frenchmens Hands the Castle of Calais, whereby the Town was commanded, as on the last Day of December at Midnight.

There is some Variation in the Account that Authors give of this Matter: Some a∣verring, that this Lombard had been bred up of a Child in King Edwards Court; O∣thers, that he was at first a Pensioner of the French Kings in the Town of Calais, untill the Taking thereof, at what time for Reasons best known to himself he retain'd him in his Pay: But this latter Opinion seems the weaker of the two; for how should so Wise a Prince commit so important a Charge to any Man upon so small Acquaintance? Again, some say that the Discovery of the Treason was not made by him; but then how should the King be so secure, as to keep him still in that Office? Thô I confess this is not abso∣lutely improbable, because the King being certainly informed of the Time and other Circumstances, might well enough be supposed able to prevent the Treason's taking ef∣fect, by setting a good Watch over him, secretly to observe all his Motions. On the other hand 'tis said, as we intimated before, that he himself of his own accord gave the King secret and timely Notice of the Design; and that thereby he would have an Opportunity, not only to catch his Enemies in the very Act of breaking the Truce, but to make a considerable Advantage to Himself, and at the same time turn the Mis∣chief they intended to Him, on their own Heads. But if this latter be true, the Man had more Loyalty to King Edward than Religion to God, who could so readily take the Sacrament, as a Pledge for the Performance of what he never intended. A thing scarce credible among Christians; but that we have seen even in our Days a Man, who had the impudence to own himself guilty of the same horrid Prevarication, under pretence of Designing well.

And having given this Hint, lest the different Accounts, which Authors give of the Matter, may prejudice an unwary Reader against any thing we shall say; we now pro∣ceed according to Froisard, not absolutely rejecting those of the other side, because nei∣ther are they without their Probabilities.

When King Edward therefore heard, either one or the other way, of this intended Treachery of the French, he immediately sent for Emeric the Lombard to come over

unto him: And he accordingly went, for he thought it impossible, that his private Conveyance should have taken any Vent already. When the King saw him, he took him into his Closet and said,

You know well Sir, that I have entrusted to your Charge that Thing, which in this World I love best, next my Wife and Children, that is to say, the Castle of Calais, whereby the Town also is commanded. And yet this Ca∣stle have you traiterously sold to the French: Wherefore what can you say now, why you should not suffer a shamefull Death? Then the Lombard fell down upon his knees and said, Ah! my Gracious Master, I humbly crave your Mercy. What you say, I acknowledge is all true; but Sir, the Bargain may easily be broken, for as yet I have not received one Penny of the Mony.

Now the King, who had long had a great Favour for this Lombard, began to take pity of him, and said,

Emeric, I give you your Life, and continue you in your Office in trust of your Amendment: And I would also have you go on with your Bargain, and get as much Mony of my Enemies as you can: But let me have true Information of the Day and Hour ap∣pointed for the Delivery of the Castle; and let no Soul living know of this our Com∣munication, and on this Condition I forgive you your trespass.

According to this A∣greement things were settled, and the Lombard return'd back to Calais, and kept all very close, resolving to be true to so indulgent a Master, and to put a Trick on those, who had thus attempted to debauch his Loyalty.

The mean while Sr. Geoffry Charny, not doubting but to succeed in his intended En∣terprise upon Calais, near the time appointed had furnish'd himself with r a thousand choice Men of Arms, and a proportionable Number of Others, thô few or none of all his Company had the least knowledge of what he design'd. 'Tis thought that he never acquainted the King his Master with his Purpose, for fear that in Honour he should not give his Consent, because of the Truce; but he doubted not, when once the Matter was happily effected, not only to gain a Pardon, but Thanks for such a piece of Service. The Time on which the Castle of Calais was to be deliver'd, was fixt on the last Night of December, or the first Morning of the New Year: Of which Bargain the Lombard sent secretly by a Brother of his a distinct Notice to King Edward, who was then at s Havering at the Bower in Essex, where he kept his Christmas.

X. The King being thus acquainted with all the Minutes, chose privately unto him t 800 Men of Arms, and 1000 Archers, and taking Ship at Dover, arrived safely that Evening at Calais so secretly, that none but his Friends had the least inkling thereof: And so immediately he began to dispose of his Men in Ambush in the Dungeon and o∣ther Places of the Castle: And having done thus, he said to the Lord Walter Manny,

Sir Walter, I have a mind to grace you with the Honour of this Enterprise: For both I and the Prince my Son, intend to fight under your Banner.

Now this mean while the Lord Geoffry Charny, on the last Day of December, after Noon, began to march from Arras toward Calais, and came thither about 8 of the Clock at Night, and then made an Halt, waiting for those that were not yet come up, and set his Men in order for Battle: Which being done, and all his Men he expected being come, about twelve of the Clock he sent two Esquires to the Postern Gate of the Castle, who finding Sr. Emeric of Pavia ready there to receive them, demanded of him if it was time, that the Lord Geoffry might come, and he said, "Yes high time. With this Answer they return'd to their Master, who thereupon made his Men pass New-land Bridge in good Order of Battle: Before whom he sent twelve Knights with an 100 Men of Arms, to go and take possession of the Castle; for he judg'd rightly, that when once he had secur'd that to himself he should presently get the Town: Since he had such a Num∣ber of Men with him (no less than 20000) and might have more from the Country about at his Pleasure. When he sent these Men, he also deliver'd into the hands of Sr. Edward of Renty their Chief Captain, 20000 Crowns of Gold in a Bag, to give unto the Lombard according to their Agreement; and while those went to take the Castle, he himself hover'd near the Town in great silence with his Banner before him: For it was his Resolution to enter the Town by the Gate, or else not at all. Now the Lombard Captain had let down the Bridge of the Postern, and permitted the 100 Men of Arms to enter peaceably, Sr. Edward Renty having at the Postern deliver'd into his Hands the 20000 Crowns in a Bag, which he took saying,

I hope here is the full Summ, thô I am not at leisure to count it now, for anon it will be Morning: And we have not done all our Work yet.

And thereupon he cast the Bag, and Crowns and all into a Chest, and said to the Frenchmen,

Come on Messieurs, you shall first seise on the Dungeon, and then you are sure to be Masters of the Castle.

And there∣withall upon their Approach thither, he drew aside the Barrs, and open'd the Gate wide

for them to enter. Within this part of the Tower was the King of England with 200 Men of Arms, who at that instant sallied out upon the Frenchmen with their naked Swords and Battle-axes in their hands, crying out,

A Manny, a Manny, to the Rescue! What do the Frenchmen imagin with so few Men to take the Castle of Calais?

The French were both suddenly surprised and far outnumbred; wherefore seeing 'twas in v••in to resist, they strait yielded themselves Prisoners; so that few or none were hurt or slain, and immediately they were all disarmed, and clapt up together in the same Tower of the Dungeon. Then the Englishmen with the King issued out of the Castle into the Town, all mounted on Horseback, for the Frenchmens Horses were all now in their Hands, and an hundred English Archers leapt thereon, and accompanied the King and his two hundred Men of Arms, and others on Foot to the Gate that looks towares Boulogne: Where the Lord Geoffry Charny stood with his Banner before him, which was Gules, Three Escutcheons Argent. He was very desirous to be the first that should enter the Town; and said thrô impatience to the Captains that were about him:

Ex∣cept this Lombard open the Gate quickly, we are like to starve here with Cold. Oh! Sir, said Sr. Pepin de la Gueret, these Lombards are covetous and subtle Fellows; I'll warrant he is looking over our Crowns now, to see whether they be all Current or no, and to find whether it be the full Summ.

And with that Word King Edward and his Son the Black-Prince were ready at the Gate, being Both incognito under the Banner of the Lord Walter Manny, which was u born in this Adventure by a Noble and Valiant Young Baron of England, called Sr. Guy Brian: Besides which Lord M••••∣ny, there were present divers other English Lords, who had their Banners in the Fold, as Robert Hufford Earl of Suffolk, Ralph Lord Stafford, the Lord John Montagu, Bro∣ther to William Earl of Salisbury, the Lord John Beauchamp, Brother to Thomas Earl of Warwick, the young Lord Roger de la Ware, the Lord Thomas Berkley, the Lord William x Rous the Younger; and there were no more Lords that bore Banners in this Exploit. All these being come on Horseback in great silence to the Gate that respects Boulogne, the Gates were presently set open, and they all issued forth in good Order of Battle. When the Frenchmen saw them come forth against them, and heard them cry "a Manny, a Manny to the Rescue; they saw well the Lombard had betray'd them, and began to be in some Confusion. But then the Lord Geoffry Charny, like a wise and hardy Captain, said aloud,

Messieurs, if we turn our Backs we are all lost without Remedy: 'Tis more safe to expect our Enemies with a good Courage, and then we shall obtain the Day.

The Front of the English hearing these Words said,

By Saint George You say well!

A shame on them that turn their Backs first. And then the Frenchmen began to light off their Horses, and order'd themselves for a standing Fight: Whereupon King Edward spake to the Lord Manny,

Let us also get on Foot, for the Enemy I see will expect us:

And at the same time he order'd a Detachment to go to Newland Bridge: For he had heard, that a good Body of Frenchmon were just sent thither to make good the Retreat; besides a Considerable Party left there at first by St. Geoffry Charny. Accordingly there went thither six Banners of England, and 300 Ar∣chers on Horseback, and there they found the Lord Moreaux de Frennes and the Lord of Crequy, and others ready to keep the Bridge; and before them between the Bidge and Calais stood ready ranged a Brigade of Arbalisters and Cross-bows. Here began a terrible Medley, the Archers of England piercing and breaking their Ranks thro and thro with their thick Flights of deadly Arrows; so that presently there were more than six hundred Frenchmen slain, or drown'd and stisted, for they were easily beaten away by the Archers, slain, discomfited, and chaced into the Water on each hand. This was early in the Morning before Day-break, when all things being rendred-under∣tain, those who are set upon are usually the most fearfull. However the French Men of Arms kept their Ground, and for a while fought gallantly enough, and did many proper Feats of Arms, but the Englishmen from Calais perpetually flow'd in up∣on them, and the French decreased as fast; wherefore the rest seeing they could no longer maintain the Bridge, such as had Horses by, mounted and shew'd their Backs, the English following after them on the Spurr, while others were gleaning the Reliques of the Field at the Bridge, and slaying and taking those Frenchmen, who could not re∣cover their Horses. There the Lord of Fiennes, the Lord of Crequy, the Lord D••∣deauville and Others, that were well horsed saved themselves: But far more were bea∣ten and overthrown, and many were taken thrô their own indiscreet Hardiness, that might else have saved themselves not dishonourably. But when at last it was Day light, and the Frenchmen could plainly see all about them, they began to look back, and beheld that the Pursuers was far inferiour to them in Number, wherefore they boldly faced a∣bout,

and began to order themselves for Battle, and to call upon their fellows to come back and joyn them. And here, as some y will have it, was the King of England in this Party among the Pursuers, eager of Honour, thô to the great hazard of his Per∣son, and that being at first, because unknown, follow'd but by a Few, namely, 16 Men of Arms, and about an 100 Archers on Horseback, when he saw the Resolution of his Enemies, who perceiving his small Numbers, turned back upon him, he as resolutely dismounted, and put away his Horse from him, cast away the scabbard of his Sword, and set his Men in the best Order he might, placing the Archers on the dry hills, en∣compassed with Quagmires and Marshes, to preserve them from the fury of the Ene∣mies Horse; at which instant lifting up the Visor of his Helmet a little, to shew himself unto his Men, he exhorted them aloud to play the Game of Honour lustily, telling them that he was Edward of Windsor, and would bear a part with them in this adventure: So that the Hearts of the English were wonderfully exalted beyond their usual height of Courage, being as well animated by the Example and Presence of their King, as also by Honour and Necessity it self. The Archers especially stripping up their sleeves to the shoulder, to have the more liberty for Action, stood ready to bestow their home∣drawn Arrows, with such judgement and concernedness, that not one of them might fail of due Execution. Then the Armed Men on both sides met furiously, and the King in the Head of his Men did Marvels, taging, as z One says, like a Wild Boar, and crying out for Indignation, as his usual Manner was, Ha! St. Edward, Ha! St. George; the Archers all this while doing great Execution on the Enemies flank: till at last, the English being well-nigh opprest by the too unequal Numbers of the Enemy; the Young Prince of Wales came opportunely to the Rescue.

But let who will be of this Opinion, I cannot cordially embrace it my self, not only because it makes so Great a Captain, against decorum, too inconsiderate and rash for that Character; but also because it seems utterly improbable, that the Prince of Wales, the Lord Manny, and those other Lords, who knew of the Kings being there, should suffer him to be so lightly attended in so hazardous a juncture, or that thô disguised to the rest, he was not yet remarkable enough to them. Not to say, that it is scarce cre∣dible, the King, who had such a zeal for the safety of Calais, should leave the Head of the Enemy fighting at the Gates, and run forth after Matters of far less Moment, leaving the Place in danger of being taken. From all which we are enclin'd to believe, that when the Causey and Bridge was clear'd by that Detachment, which the King had sent thither, one Moiety might remain there still to clear the field of the French, who could not recover their Horses, or who sled not so fast, and the other in the mean time follow'd the Chace upon the Spur: And perhaps here and there did meet with some re∣sistance, till their Partners having clear'd their hands by this time, came up to their Re∣inforcement: But that the King himself, his Son, and the Lord Manny, fought all the while in the Field by Boulogne-Gate, where the main stress of the whole business lay. In this part the a Frenchmen fought bravely indeed, under the Conduct of the Lord Geoffry Charny, and the Lord Charles of Monmorency, and gave the Englishmen their hand full, thô the King himself, and his Son the Prince, with the strength of the Gar∣rison, and the Flower of those he brought with him from England, was engag'd against them. The King sought on foot among his Enemies, unknown both to them, and most of his own Men, under the Banner of the Lord Walter Manny, which was b Or, Three Chevrons Sable. The French at their first approach stood ready to receive them with their Spears cut five foot long before them. It was the Fortune of King Edward to encountre hand to hand, with a strong and hardy Knight of France, named Eustace de Ribemont, Lord of Ribemont in Tierasche, a tract in Picardy; between these two there began a fierce and gallant Combat, that it was a great pleasure to behold them; but at last they were put asunder against their both Wills, by others, who on each side came between, and still the Battle waxed hotter and hotter. King Edward began to be chafed with this opposition, and especially desired to meet singly with that Lord again, who had put him so hard to it: For he had twice by pure strength and weight of his stroaks upon the Kings Helmet, made him bend his knee almost to the Earth. At last they met together again, and then the King had such apparent Advantage of him, that Sr. Eustace was forced to save his Life by delivering his Sword unto him; when neither knowing, who, nor what he was, he said, "Sr. Knight, I yield my self your Prisoner. Whereupon the King, who himself alone had taken him, gave him to a Lord, his Ser∣vant there by, with a strict Charge to see him forth coming, upon demand. About the same time there were taken by others, the Lord Geoffry Charny, and his Son; Sr. Geoffry himself being grievously wounded, for he had all the while been among the

foremost. There was slain Sr. Pepin de la Gueret, Sr. Henry du Bois, Sr. Walter de c Valence, and Sr. Robert de Beauvais, with many more. The Lord Monmorency ve∣ry narrowly escaped away, with the Lord of Landas, and others: Besides those m••n∣tion'd before, who escaped away at Newland-Bridge: So that almost all Sr. Geoffry's Party were cut off, or taken, together with the Lord Edward Renty, and those other twelve Knights, who with an 100 Men of Arms had been surprised before, and clap'd up in the Dungeon.

After this Victory, which was happily compleated on the First day of January, by Ten in the Morning, the Lord Geoffry Charny, d being grievously wounded, was laid forth upon a Dresser, and so exposed to the Kings View; who, notwithstanding he knew him the Author of this Treason, began to relent, to behold so great a Spirit, in solow a Condition, and took pity of him: Insomuch that he forthwith Commanded his own Chirurgeons, to take the best Care they could of his Life, and to look faithfully and di∣ligently to his Wounds, giving him such Restoratives, as might soonest supply the De∣fects of Nature: And they so well observ'd this Charge, that having not receiv'd any Mortal hurt, the Lord Geoffry was at Night able to walk, and sat at Supper with therest of the Prisoners, as we shall now declare.

XI. The Battle being thus happily ended to the Advantage of the English, King Edward return'd to the Castle of Calais, and Commanded all the Prisoners to be brought thither, and bestow'd in safe Custody: e And then, first the Frenchmen knew and saw, that the King of England had been Personally in this Exploit, tho disguised in Common Armour, without any Rich Surcoat, or other Honourable Cognisance, under the Banner of one of his own Knights; a Greater Honour, than which, did never any Sovereign Confer on a Well-deserving Subject. The King most Courteously visited the Prisoners, and told them, He would that Night give them all an Entertainment in his Castle of Calais; and accordingly at the time of Supper, the Tables were spread in the Great Hall, and a Magnificent and Royal Feast provided. The King and his Lords were all there fresh and Richly cloathed, and the Frenchmen also were, as the King had order'd, in the same Room, making merry, at least to outward appearance, thô they were Prisoners. The King sat down at a Table by himself, at the Upper end of the Hall, the Prince his Son, and the Lords and Knights of England serving in the First Course: But at the Second Course, they also sat down on each side of the King; the French Lords and Captains, being all at one long Table in the midst of the Hall. There was a most Splendid Feast, and it continued long; and after Supper the King tar∣ried still in the Hall among his Nobles, and the Frenchmen had Wine brought to them at the Table.

Presently after Supper, the King, being bare-headed, except a Rich Circlet of Gold about his Head, beset with Precious Pearl, rose up with some of his Chief Lords, and went to look and discourse with the Frenchmen. When he came to Sr. Gustry Charny, he changed countenance a little, and beheld him with some Signs of Displea∣sure, and said,

Sr. Geoffry, of Right I should owe you but small Thanks, since you design'd to steal from me in the Dark, that which I so fairly won by day, and which cost me so dearly. I am very well satisfied, that I took you in the Fact: For sure∣ly you thought to make a better Market, than I had; when you attempted to pur∣chase Calais for 20000 Crowns. But God Almighty hath in Mercy assisted Me, and you have mist your aim.

He for his part had never a word to return, both shame and an evil Conscience forbidding him, and his Wounds also rendring him not well dispos'd to speak. So the King left him, and went to the Lord Eustace de Ribe∣mont, where he made a stand, and with a joyfull and friendly countenance said unto him:

Sr. Eustace, of all Men living, You are the Knight, whom I have found most Valiant and Couragious, as well in offending your Enemies, as in defending your self, and I never in my life met with that Man, that gave me so much adoe, Body to Body, as you have done this day. Wherefore I adjudge the Prize of Knighthood unto you by Right Sentence above all the Knights of my Court.

And with that the King took off the Chaplet of Pearls, which he wore upon his Head, being very Fair, Goodly and Rich, and presenting him therewith said,

Sr. Eustace, I give you this Chaplet for the best Doer in Arms at this last Battle of either Party, whether French or English, and I desire you to wear it this Year at Festivals for my sake. I know well, you are a Per∣sonable Gentleman, Young and Amorous, and well accepted of among the Ladies; wherefore if you will wear it in all Publique Balls, and declare unto them, that the King of England gave you this, as a Testimony of your Valour; I will also now re∣lease you from Prison, quitting you wholly of your Ransom, and you shall depart to

morrow, if you please.

The Knight, who by this time had been fully informed of all things, was so abundantly satisfied, that it had been his Fortune to fight hand to hand with so great a King, and to receive such an Honourable Acknowledgement from him, that he not only wore the said Chaplet accordingly, while he lived; but in Memory of so Gracious a Gift from so Mighty a Prince, did f bear ever after in his Arms Three Chaplets garnished with Pearls.

XII. Thus was this Treason of the French, attempted in the time of Truce, by an∣other Treason of the Lombard Captain justly thrown upon their own Heads: Thô the perfidious Knight escaped not long himself: For g being the next Year taken by some Frenchmen about St. Omers, he was first degraded of the Order of Knighthood, by having his Spurs hew'd from his Heels, then branded with a burning hot Iron for a Rogue, and then his Tongue being cut out in token of his Perjury, he was Hanged by the Neck, and lastly Beheaded, Quarter'd and Dismembred as a Traytor. And surely, however cunningly he had carried himself in this matter, either there remain'd still so much Suspicion on him, or however the Action appeared so detestable, that King Ed∣ward never after had any Kindness for him, or Confidence in his Loyalty: For we find, h how on that very Day, whereon the Rescue of Calais had been made, namely on the First of January, the King appointed the Noble, Valiant and Loyal Baron Sr. John Beauchamp for Captain of Calais.

Nor was the King unmindfull of those his Gallant Subjects, who had accompanied him in the Rescue of this important Place: Among whom the Lord Walter Manny, under whose Banner he had fought, i obtain'd of him a Pardon for all such Escapes, as any Felons or Fugitives had made out of the Prison of the Marshalsey, he being this Year Marshall thereof; and the next k Year had a Grant of those Houses and Wharfs in the Town of Libourne within the Dutchy of Aquitain, which Edmund Marcell (a Pattaker with the Kings Enemies) had formerly possessed; as also a l Grant of the Mannor of Ospettling∣ton in the County of Barwick, which Thomas Byset, a Scot in Arms against the King, had formerly held. And as for the Lord Guy Bryan, who was Standard-Bearer to the King in this Action, m he behav'd himself with such great Courage and Valour at that time, that in Recompence thereof he obtained of the King a Grant of 200 Marks per annum out of the Exchequer, during Life, which was afterwards augmented n with 200 l. more per annum, ut priùs; besides several other Charters, Grants and Emoluments at sun∣dry times confer'd upon him, and the great Honour of being made first a Banneret, and afterwards upon a Vacancy Knight of the most Noble Order of the Garter: He o bore for his Arms Or Three Piles Azure.

And thus the Noble King of England having happily atchieved his Enterprize, and lest the Castle of Calais under the Command of the Lord Beauchamp aforesaid, and the Town as it was before under the Lord John Mongomery, returned Triumphant home∣ward with the Chief of the French Prisoners, and arrived safe in England. But the Lord Mongomery and his Lady presently after died at Calais of a Plague, which by and by will furnish us with much matter of Discourse.

Not long before this, p Charles Eldest Son of John Duke of Normandy, King Phi∣lips Eldest Son, took Possession of the Dauphinate of Vienna, which the Old Dauphin Prince Humbert, having lost the Lord James, his onely Son and Heir in the Battle of Cressy, had sold a good Penniworth to the French King: He himself retiring from the World into a Convent of Jacobins, where he took their Habit. From that Prince the Kings of France's Eldest Sons have been called Dauphins of Vienna, as the Kings of England's Eldest Sons are stiled Princes of Wales.

XIII. In the q Month of August of this last Year died the Mother of the said Dau∣phin, commonly called the Good Dutchess of Normandy, who was Daughter to John the Old King of Bohemia, that was slain also in the Battle of Cressy: And r yet the same King of Bohemia's Son, Charles the Emperour, was married to the Lady Blanch, Sister of King Philip of Valois, Father to the said John Duke of Normandy. And in December following died Jane Queen of France, Daughter to Robert once Duke of Burgundy, and Sister to Eudes then Duke of Burgundy; so that the French King and his eldest Son John were both Widowers at one time. But as for King Philip he had lately sent for a fresh Young Lady, designing to give her unto his Son John, but now being a Wi∣dower himself, he thought good to serve his own Turn first; and so on the Ninth of January took her for his Second Queen: Her Name was Blanch, Daughter to Philip late King of Navarre, by his Queen, who was Sister to the Earl of Foix; but the E∣spousals were kept secretly at the Mannor of Robert Earl of Braye, she being then scarce 18 Years of Age, and the Bridegroom already a Grandfather; but he enjoy'd her little

more than a Year and an half, as we shall see hereafter. On the Ninth of February, his Son John also married his Second Wife, which was the Lady Joan Countess of Bou∣logne, Relict of the young Lord Philip of Burgundy, Son of Eudes Duke of Burgundr, who died at the Siege of Aiguillon about three Years before, as we have s shewn. She was Daughter to William Earl of Boulogne, by his Lady the Daughter of Lewis Earl of Eureux, and so held in her Hands at that time the Counties of Artois, Boulogne, Auvergne, and divers other Lands, and after the Death of Eudo Duke of Burgundy (which happen'd this Year) that t Dutchy also, during the Minority of her Son Philip, who was Heir thereof. And thus King Philip remained a Widower not quite a Month, and his Son John scarce out Half a Year.

Notes

• AN. DOM. 1348. An. Regni Angliae XXII. Franciae IX.
• a

  Walsingh. Hy∣pod. 121. & hist. 159. & Holinsh. Engl. Chron. p. 943. & Stow p. 245.
• b

  14 Febr. Teste Rege apud West∣minest. M.S. Re∣cord. p. 66. & Sr. Rob. Gott. n's Abridg••n. p. 68.
• c

  M.S. Record p. 68. & Sr. Rob. Cottens Abidg∣ment p. 69.
• d

  This Line out, and the two following misplaced in the Print of Sr. Rob. C••ttens A∣bridgment the M.S. right.
• e

  Pur lieu & Af∣forest, de his Ve∣cab. vid. Skinne∣ri Etymeleg. Ling. Angl.
• f

  22 Ed. 3. n. in dorso.
• g

  M.S. Record p. 71. §. 4. & S^r Rob. Cotton p. 73. §. 4.
• h

  St•••• p. 245. Hecter l. 15. fol. 325 Euchan. l. 9. p. 303. & Heli••∣shead Scot. Hist. p. 242.
• i

  Hecter & Ba∣chan. ibid.
• k

  Stow p. 245.
• l

  Stew ibid. & Ashrnole p. 669. &c.
• m

  Dagd. 2 Vol. p. 48.
• n

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 231.
• o

  Ashn••••le p. 185.
• p

  Dudg. 1 Vol. p. 786.
• q

  Ash••n••le p. 696.
• r

  Mezerdy ad hunc ann. in M••rgine••
• s

  Peireskias a∣pud Petrum Gassendum in Vitá illiu••. p. 143. &c.
• t

  Victerell. p. 833. celiat. cum Labbe Chren. Tech. ad hunc an.
• u

  H••••••c••rige si∣ve Peires••iam, sive Gasen∣dum; q••••a ab cirum alterutro Clemens VI pest Johannem ••da••••tur; cùm illum exceperit Benedicius, & b••ne Clemens; ut ex emmlus Pentif. Histeriis censtat.
• x

  Guido Tract. 2. Dect. 2. c. 3. in Chirurgiâ Ma∣gnà Vid. Guliel. Tookeri DD. Char••sina sina∣tions p. 83.
• y

  Polyder. Virg. Hist. l. 8. p. 143. n. 10. Vid. Tooker's Cha∣risma sanitatis p. 83, 84, 85.
• Stow p. 245.
• z

  Ashm••le p. 656. ex Rot. Franc. 15. Ma••i 22 Ed. 3 m. 13.
• a

  Claus. 22. Ed. 3 p. 2. m. 8. in Derse.
• b

  18 Novemb. R••t. Franc. 22. Ed. 3 an. 10:
• c

  Knighton p. 26••0. & Stow p. 248. & Wal∣sirgh. hist. p. 160 n. 20. & Odor. Rainald. quan∣qua•• h••c 2 post annis pen. t.
• Vid. Dagd. 1 Vol. p. 731.
• d

  Ged••. Catal. Bps p. 457.
• e

  M••tth. Paris l. 17. p. 815. & Dagd ibid.
• f

  Philipor's Ca∣tal. Chancellors p. 24.
• g

  N••c. Harpsfeld Hist. Feel. Angl. secul. 13. c. 21. ex Floril. ad an. 1287.
• h

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 92. ex Rot. Rom. 12. Ed. 2. m. 9.
• i

  Oder. Rai∣nald. ad an. 1320. à § 43. ad §. 47.
• k

  Nic. Harpsfield Hist. Fecl. Angl. secul. 13. c. 21.
• l

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 786. ex Claus. 22. Ed. 3. m. 3. & Stow p. 245.
• m

  Stow p. 246. b.
• n

  Vid. l. 1 c. 4. §. 6. p. 63.
• o

  Frois. c. 150.
• p

  Dugd. 1 Vol. p. 786. 25 Sep∣te••••b. Rot. Fron. 22. Ed. 3. m. 1.
• q

  Stow p. 248. b.
• r

  Mezeray p. 32
• s

  M.S. vet. Ang. in Bibl. C.C.C. c. 228. & Holin∣stead Eng. Chr. p. 944.
• t

  Mezeray p. 31 Frois. c. 151.
• u

  Dugd. 2 Vol. Bar. p. 151. ex Cl••••s. 23. Ed. 3. p. 2. m. ••.
• x

  Dugd. Bar. 1 Vol. p. 550. ex Bet. Franc. 23 Ed. 3. m 4.
• y

  Walsing. hist. p. 159. & Stow p. 249.
• z

  Walsing, ibid. & M. S. Vet. Angl. in ••••bl. C.C.C. c. 228.
• a

  Pres. c. 151. fol. 74.
• b

  Vid. As••••rcle•• Gater in Plate 46. ad p. 709.
• c

  Fabian p. 226.
• d

  Fabian p. 226.
• AN. DOM. 1349. An. Regni Angliae XXIII. Franciae X.
• e

  Frois. c. 152.
• f

  Ferne's Bla∣zon of Gentry. l. 1. p. 211.
• g

  Mezercy ad an. 1350. &c. & Stow p. 249.
• h

  Ashmele p. 657. ex Ret. Franc. 22. Ed. 3. m. 1.
• i

  Dugd. 2 Vol. p. 149. ex Pat. 23. Ed. 3. p. 2. m. 26.
• k

  Dugd. ibid. ex Ret. Vasc. 24 Ed. 3. m. 6.
• l

  Id. ibid. ex Rot. Vasc. 24 Ed. 3. m. 3.
• m

  Dugd. Bar. 2 Vol. p. 151. ex Pat. 23 Ed. 3. p. 2. m. 3.
• n

  Id. ibid. ex Autegr. penes Clera. pell.
• o

  Ashmtle's Garter p. 709. Plate 57.
• p

  Fabian p. 278. & Mezeray ad an. 1349. Odor. Rainal. ad. an. 1350. n. 40.
• q

  Frois. c. 152. Fabian p. 278. Mezerdy ad han•• annum.
• r

  Ex Vitâ Ca∣roli Imperatoris per se scriptâ ab initio.
• s

  L. 2. c. 4. §. 6. p. 369.
• t

  Favine l. 4. c. 3. p. 6.