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Aeneas, (according to the praediction of Helenus in the third Book, and the Precept of his Father in the fifth,) having Sibylla for his Guide, descends into Hell, (both delightfully and learnedly here described;) where he is by Anchises instructed concerning his posterity, and the ensuing warres of Italy.
[§. 1] THe coherence of this Book with the precedent depends upon the two last verses thereof, where Aeneas in these words laments the death of his drowned friend Palinurus;
Heu! nimium coelo & pelago confise sereno, Nudus in ignotâ, Palinure, jacebis arenâ: Sic fatur lacrymans.—
O Palinure, trusting fair-seas and sky, Thou naked on some coast unknown mustly: This weaping said.—Which Hemistich our Poet translates out of Homer▪ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: nor must we lay any thing of disproportion to our Au∣thor, in that he makes his heroïck Aeneas to weep. Homer did the same in the person of Ʋlysses. Tears are not alwayes the excrement of a moist brain, but many times the exudati∣ons of a generous heart, springing from a commendable sensi∣bleness of anothers calamity; and may become the manly
countenance of a Caesar, or an Alexander▪ whereas (to the con∣trary) cruelty and cowardize are terms convertible, and gene∣rally the unhand some inmates of an ignoble breast.
[§ 2] The Poet here speaks pr••leptically; for Cumae was not then built,* 1.100 but a long time after, viz. in the reign of Latinus Sylvius, the fift in descent from Aeneas: It was founded and planted by the people of Chalchis, the principall City of Euboea, a noted Island in the Aegaean Sea, and not far distant from the Coast of Attica; now known (as I take it) by the name of Negroponte; whence Virgil gives it the epithetes of Euboïca, and Calchidicae, both expressing its originall: It was called Cumae either from a City of that name in Asia Minor, or (according to Servius) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because situated near the sea-side; or from a wo∣man with childe, which the Greeks call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, found there sleep∣ing by the first Adventurers; and taken (as it also proved) for a good Omen of future fecundity, though at present it survives only in the fame and memory of its past greatness, little or no remains thereof being at this day to be seen.
[§ 3] Virgil has indeed expressed that with more Poeticall pomp, which we have but barely rendred in the English.
—quaerit pars semina flammae Abstrusa in venis silicis.—Some think that he speaks here more like a Poet then a Philo∣sopher, ascribing those sparks (for that he means by those se∣mina flammae, following Homer herein, who calls them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) to the collision of two solid bodies, as the flint and the steel; and this is Alex. Aphrodisaeus his opinion, denying that there is any latent or secret fire in either of them. But since * 1.101 all mixt bodies are compounded of the 4. elements, and by consequence have a proportion of fire in them, why may we not more rationably conclude that these semina flammae are po∣tentially in all solid bodies, and brought into act by a violent and often-repeated collision. Hence Mills and Chariot-wheels of∣ten fire: nor must we conclude to the contrary, because they are outwardly cold: So is wine, which hath a virtuall heat
and spirit in it; which appears when awaken'd by the naturall heat of the stomach. Again, should fire (which is a substance) owe its birth to the collision of two solid bodies only, then an Accident (for such is that collision) would produce a sub∣stance; but that is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, against the principles of Philoso∣phie: we shall therefore conclude, that Virgil spake as well like a Philosopher as a Poet, when he said,
—quaerit pars semina flammae Abstrusa in venis silicis.—Whose opinion we may strengthen by the Authority of Sym∣posius, in silice, who affirmes,
Semper inest intus, sed rarò cernitur ignis; Intus enim latitat, sed solos prodit ad ictus; Nec lignis, ut vivat, eget; nec ut occidat, undis.
Though seldome seen, the sparks within remain, There sleeping, till repeated strokes constrain Them to awake; nor want they fuell there, Or doe from water their extinction fear.
[§ 4] Whilst others were busied about more servile offices▪ Aentas, (as it became his person and dignity) in pursuance of the main design, repairs to the Temple of Apollo, not far distant from Cumae, and situated upon the highest part of the Cumaean rock, (whence Virgil gives him the epithet of altus, or from a Sta∣tue of him there found, which, as Servius observes out of Caeli∣us, was 15 foot long) and to the Grot of Sibylla, which was in a certain place within the same: she was a Priestesse to the God, and a Prophetess also by him inspired: but we must note that this Temple, with the adjacent Grove, was sacred as well to Diana as to Apollo, whose Deities were here joyntly worshipped; whence the Poet sayes,
Jam subeunt Triviae, lucos, atque aurea tecta.
And Sibyl is by him also stiled —Phoebi Triviaeque saccrdos.But because there were many Prophetesses which bore the name of Sibylla▪ (for this is a name appellative, denoting any one to whom God pleaseth to communicate his counsels; and derived from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which in the Aeolick dialect signifieth God, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Counsell,) it will not be altogether impertinent to make a short discourse of these inspired women, whereof there were ten more eminently famous, as Lactantius observes out of Varro, in a Treatise of his not now extant.
[§ 5] The first,* 1.102 and eldest of them was Sibylla Antiqua, sirnamed Persica, and Chaldaea, from the place of her bir••h or abode: she was by Suidas supposed to be the Wife of Noah; but we may more probably conjecture her to be born of some of his Descendants in the parts about Babylon. She lived in the time of Heber and Abraham: with these two as she was contemporary, so she might haply be conversant, and learn of them what she delivered, and left to posterity.
The second was Delphica,* 1.103 whose proper name was Artemis, the known Greek name of Diana: She lived before the warrs of Troy, which happened in the time of the Judges. Troy was taken Anno mundi 2820. Ibzan being Judge: 407. before the first Olympiad, and 1179. before our Saviour, who was born Anno Mundi 4001. according to the computation of the lear∣ned Jesuit Gordonus: She was said to be the Daughter of Ju∣piter and Lamia: She prophesied of the rape of Helen, of the warres and sack of Troy. It is said that Homer (who died 272. after the subversion of that City: Gordon.) took much out of her verses; which she foresaw, and foretold that he should doe: She was called Delphica, because she was a Prophetesse to the Oracle of Apollo at Delphi.
The third was Cumaea,* 1.104 Daughter of Glaucus, and (as Virgil sayes) named Deiphobe. This is she to whom Aeneas in his travels had accesse: she was also called Cimmeria, from the Cimmerians, inhabiting betwixt Baiae and Cumae: She was
Contemporary with Elon Judge of Israel; but of her, her Cell, and manner of prophesying, more anon.
The fourth was Erythraea,* 1.105 so denominated from the place of her birth and abode: Erythrae was a City in Asia Minor, a Greek Colony, built by the Athenians in the time of Codrus, who was Contemporary with King David: and this is she whom the primitive Fathers, Justin Martyr, Clem. Alexan∣drînus, &c. so often cite, and who spake so plainly and demon∣stratively of our Saviours incarnation, whose Acrostich consi∣sting of so many verses as there be letters in these words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Josus Christ, Son of God, Saviour, Cicero mentions with much admiration l. 2. de Divinatione: Her pro∣per name was Herophile.
The fifth was Samia,* 1.106 properly called Phyto; she lived (as Eusebius affirms) when Numa Pompilius reigned in Rome, and Manasses in Samaria, about 700 years before the incarnation of Jesus Christ.
The sixt was Cumâna,* 1.107 who (although almost the same in name with Cumaea, and therefore confounded by Baronius with her, as the learned Bishop Montague observes, and by Virgil here, as we shall hereafter prove) was different from her in birth, time, place and predictions: Her name is said to have been Amalthaea, or, as some will have it, Demophile: She flou∣rished Ann. Mundi 3388. and in this very year came to Rome, and presented her books of Prophesie to Tarquinius Priscus, as Gordonus gathers out of Solînus, Varro, Lactantius: though as A. Gellius affirms, it was to Tarquinius Superbus, the others Grandson, to whom she addressed her self; of which story more anon: And this is she whose Books and Oracles are so often mentioned ly Livie, Halicarnassaeus, and other Roman Wri∣ters.
The seventh was Hellespontiaca,* 1.108 or Trojana; for Troy was not far from the Hellespont: Her proper name was Symmachia; she dwelt at Gergythus, a Town not not far distant from Troy, where in the Temple of Apollo Gergythius she delivered her O∣racles: She is said to have flourished in the times of Cyrus and Solon.
The eighth was Lesbiaca,* 1.109 or Libyca, remembred by Euri∣pides, the tragick Poet, as Lactantius affirmes: she lived in the reign of Xerxes, about the year 3534.
The two last are Phrygia and Tiburtina,* 1.110 of whom there is little or nothing recorded, The first (as her name imports) was haply an inhabitant of Phrygia: The latter lived at Tibur in Italy, seated upon the River Anio, or Anien: she was called Albumea, or Leucothea, the white Goddesse.
Virgil here relates who was the first Founder of this Temple, and upon what occasion it was founded;* 1.111 but before he enters into a story, the truth whereof might rationally be questioned, he premised, ut fama est; and this is solemn with this warie Writer, whensoever he reports any thing strange, or beyond the common assise; as, fama est Enceladi, &c. observed by Scaliger, and propounded by him, as an example to be follow∣ed in the like case: But the story is this; Pasiphaë, the Daugh∣ter of Sol, and Wise of King Minos, fell in love with a Bull, which by the assistance of Daedalus she enjoyed: The witty Ar∣tist framed a wooden Cow, covering it with a reall hide, and then shutting the lustfull Queen up in it, left her to the satisfa∣ction of her own filthy desires. The prodigious Domitian acted that to the life which is here but fabled, as appears by that known Epigram in Martial, lib. 1. ep. 6. a Writer no lesse impu∣dent in flattery then excellent in Poetry.
Junctam Pasiphaën Dictaeo credite Tauro; Vidimus; accepit fabula prisca fidem: Nec se miretur, Caesar, longaeva vetustas, Quicquid fama canit donat arena tibi.
Beleeve, Pasiphaë with a Bull did lie; We saw 't; that fable's now made historie: Nor, Caesar, let Antiquity be proud, Thy Shews present what fame hath sung so loud.
[§ 6] The Minotaur was the production of this horrid copulation which the Poet calls here—mixtum genus, prolem{que} bif••rmem,
as being partly a man, and partly a Bull. This monster was kept in the Labyrinth, and fed with mans flesh; but Daedalus being accused and convinced to have been the ingenious Pandor to the Queens lust, was with his Sonne Icarus imprisoned in the Laby∣rinth, where he (providing for their mutuall preservation) with wax and feathers made wings for himself and his beloved Sonne, and flying out of the top of the House, made his escape: Daedalus arrived safe at Cumae, but Icarus (an emblem of an aspiring mind) soaring too high, melted the waxen cement of his wings, and was drowned neer to the Island of Icaria, to which, and the circumfluent sea he gave name. Daedalus ha∣ving thus escaped, built this Temple, consecrating both that and his wings, (for it was the manner of the Ancients to hang up such things as had been to them either of use or ornament in the Temples of the Gods) to Apollo, by whose propitious Diety he had been saved.
Hic pro nubivago gratus pia templa meatu Instituit Phoebo,* 1.112 atque audaces exuit alas.
The* 1.113 Gratefull did, for his safe-conduct, here To Phoebus a devoted Temple rear, And his bold wings put off.—And this is the story which Virgil premiseth with an ut fama est; but the History which gave rise to this Fable, is this; Tau∣rus (which in the Greek signifies a Bull) was (as Servius sayes) Secretary to King Minos, but (according to Plutarch in the life of Theseus) chief Captain or General, a goodly proper young Gentleman, with whom the enamoured Pasiphaë was said to lie in the house of Daedalus, who was privy to the Adul∣tery; and because she brought forth twins, the one resembling Minos, the other Taurus, she was feigned to have brought forth that double-shaped Monster called the Mino-taure▪ Daedalus as a Confederate was imprisoned, but corrupting his keepers, escaped, himself in one ship, and his Son Icarus in a∣nother; but the un••appy youth bearing too much sail, was
was with his ship overset and drowned, whilest the more wa∣rie Father came safe to his intended Port. Hence, because he was the first who invented that kind of sayl, which the Greeks call Dolon, (by which addition of Canvas he out-stript his pur∣suers) he was said to flye. Although the English would not so handsomely bear it, yet in the Latin the Poet hath ingeniously mingled the Fable of flying with the history of sayling: whilst he useth these words of (Enare) and (alarum remigum) terms more proper for sayling then flying. We will conclude this hi∣story with that imitation of it which we find in Sil. Italicus, l. 12. a great emulator of Ʋirgil's Muse: but the truth is, (as Pliny the younger saith of him) that he wrote, majore curâ quam ingenio; the verses are these:
—Cum regna teneret Dictei regis, (sic fama est) linquere terras Daedalus invenit; nec toto signa sequenti Orbe dare: aetherias alienâ tollere in auras Avus se pennas; atque homini monstrare volatus: Suspensum hic librans media inter nubila corpus Enavit: superos{que} novus conterruit Ales: Natum etiam docuit falsae sub imagine plumae Attentare vias volucrum lapsum{que} solutis Pennarum remis, & non foelicibus alis Turbida plandentem vidit freta.—
His freedom Daedalus (in Creet detain'd) By this invention, as fame sings, obtain'd: He, that no tracts by his pursuers might On earth be seen, through the air took his flight On borrow'd wings: He first that Art devis'd, And ('midst the clouds his hov'rings body pois'd) Made his escape. The sight the Gods did scare. His Son he also taught through untrac'd air With feigned plumes to move; but him alas! (His wings dissolv'd) on Neptunes wrinkled face He flutt'ring saw.—
Daedalus, the founder of this Temple, had adorned the Gate,* 1.114 or Porch with admirable Sculpture, representing therein these following stories: First the death of Androgeos, Sonne of King Minos by Pasiphaë this young Prince was an active and gallant Gentleman. and particularly fam'd for his great skill in wrastling, an exercise in those times in great request: He had foyled herein some of the Athenian Youth, who ma∣ligning him therefore, treacherously surprized, and slew him, as he was returning home in great pomp and triumph. The A∣thenians for this were not only infested with a sharp warre from the injur'd Father, but also (as Plutarch relates) pursued by the justly angry Gods with plague and famine: And now no longer able to oppose themselves to the assaults both of heaven and earth, they make their addresse to Apollo at Delphi who advised them to appease Minos, and to make an agreement with him, till which time they were not to expect a cessation of the divine judgements. In fine, a peace was treated upon, and concluded; but upon hard terms (as it alwayes is) on the con∣quer'ds part, who were by their articles to send every year se∣ven of their sonnes, and as many of their Daughters (upon whom the lot should fall) Captives into Creet, there to remain in perpetuall bonds. This unnaturall tribute was constantly ex∣acted, and duly paid for certain years: at last the lot (amongst the rest) fell upon Theseus, the Son of Aegeus King of Athens: but he behaved himself so gallantly there at all his exercises, e∣specially in his incounters with the valiant Taurus (whence sprung the Fable of his slayling the Mino-taure) that at last he became not only Conqueror of those who opposed him, but also of those who opposed him not; for he wan the heart of the fair Ariadne, the Kings Daughter, by whose help he freed himself and the rest of the captive Children, carrying her also away with him. Here he also had carved the representation of the Island of Crete,* 1.115 with the Labyrinth there built by himself, in imitation of that of Aegypt; a prodigious piece, containing so many windings & turnings in it, that no man (once engaged therein) could ever extricate himself, unless by the help of a clue of thread. But of this in the time of Pliny there remained no
foot-steps. That which is now shewed to Travellers for the La∣byrinth, is supposed by Mr. Sandys to be only a Quarrey, out of which they digged the stones which built the neighbouring Towns of Gnossus and Gortyna: But Virgil, as great an Artist as Daedalus himself, doth with him break off in the story of Icarus.
[§ 7] Whilst Aeneas amused himself with the contemplation of these pleasing objects, Sibylla brought thither by Achâtes (which we must understand 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* 1.116 as the Criticks term it, there having been no mention made of Achâtes be∣fore) arrives; and, whilst some were preparing for the sacri∣fice, leads him with the rest into the Temple; which the Poet doth here describe: For the illustration whereof set us hear Justin Martyr, an eye-witness, as we finde him translated by the learned Bishop Montague in his Acts and Monuments, Sect. 3. When I was at Cumae in Campania (sayes that holy Father) about six miles from Baiae, I viewed diligently and cu∣riously a certain place there, wherein stood a large and spacious Chappel or Oratory, which was hewn out of the main rock, being all but one stone; an admirable and strange piece of workmanship it was; in which Oratory (as the inhabitants made report to me, and they had it by ancient tradition from their fathers) Sibylla gave forth her Oracles. In the midst of the Oratory they shewed me three hallowed places, hewn also out of the same rock, in which (as they related) she used to bathe and wash her self; which done she cast her mantle about her, and so retired her self into the inmost Cell, and Revestry of that Chappel. This, as the former, was al∣so cut out of the main rock. There, when she had composed her self upon a high advanced seat, she uttered and gave forth Oracles. Thus Justin Martyr. Hence Virgil not Poetically, but historically sayes, that this Temple was latus rupis Euboicae, id est Cumânae: excisum in antrum, id est, in formam antri: in which also was that, antrum immane, at{que} horrenda secreta Si∣byllae. Sybils Grot, mentioned at the beginning of this book, with both these descriptions, agrees that of Agathias, l. 1. wherein speaking of the siege lai'd to Cumae by Narses that gallant Eunuch, he writes thus: Ad orientalem callis flexum antrum quoddam suberat, ex omni parte tactum, &c. On the
East-side of the winding of the hill (where Cumae stood) there was a certain Grot or Cave, covered on every side, and so hollow, that it had some naturall ady••a, or secret places, and a bottom vast and deep as hell. In this that great Italian Sibyl was said to dwell, and to deliver her Oracles. She was said also to have fore∣told to Aeneas, the sonne of Anchises, all what should befall him in the ensuing warres of Italy. Thus far Agathias. Lastly, (if the Reader will not think that we insist too long upon quo∣tations) we will, as well for the credit of our Author, as for the farther illustration of this place, give you Gerop. Decanus his words, lib. 4. rer. Hisp. Virgilius, si quis alius mortalium, non in Homero tantum, sed in omnibus, &c. Virgil (if ever any man were) exactly read not in Homer only, but in all other Writers, both Poets and Historians, made the descent of his Ae∣neas (whom he composed of Achilles and Ulysses, and adorned with the virtues of them both) about Cumae and Baiae, near A∣vernus, where my self entred Sibyls Grot, and saw her Chappel; which, as it was a thing famous even in Ogyges his time, so it is not unworthy of admiration for the length and depth of the Cave cut out of the main Rock, at the inmost parts whereof we found a hot vapour not a little offensive. And this continued to be seen (as Onuphrius witnesseth) till the year of Christ 1539. in which year all Campania was terribly shaken, rent and defaced with an earthquake. At Puteoli huge Mountains of gravel, sand and slime were belched forth, and cast up from the bot∣tom of the Sea; with which Sibyls Cell and Chappell was to∣tally overwhelmed, utterly ruined and abolished. Let us hear the relation of Mr. George Sandys, who had diligently surveyed those parts concerning this prodigious accident. In the year (saith he) 1539. on the 29 of Sept. when for certain dayes foregoing the Country was so vexed with perpetuall earth∣quakes, as no house was left so entire, as not to expect an im∣mediate ruine: After that the sea had retired 200 paces from the shore (leaving abundance of fish dead, and fresh water rising in the bottom) a Mountain of a stupendious height, (called at this day by the Inhabitants the new Mountain) visibly ascended about the second hour of the night, with hideous roarings, horribly
vomiting stones, and such store of cinders, that it overwhelmed all the buildings thereabout, and the salubrious Baths of Tri∣purgulae, for so many years celebrated; consumed the Vines to ashes, killing birds and beasts; the fearfull inhabitants of Putzoli flying in the dark with their Wives and Children, naked, defiled, crying out, and detesting their calamities, &c.
[§ 8] And this is the difference betwixt those who were inspired by God, and those who were acted by the Devill; the true Prophets of God were not (as those who were possessed with unclean spirits) distracted, inraged, violently carried, haled, and distorted in body or mind; but spake the words of knowledge and understanding, using the gesture of gravity, sobriety, and quiet behaviour. See Bishop Mountague largely and learnedly discoursing of this, Acts and Monuments, Sect. 3.
[§ 9] Aeneas here makes a prayer and a vow to Apollo and Dia∣na, the Deities of this Temple; the like he does to Sibylla. He vows to consecrate to Apollo a Temple, and certain annuall Playes: and here in the person of Aeneas, and in favour of Augustus (who was of the Family of Aeneas, and, as it was amongst the vulgar believed, the Sonne of Apollo. See Sueton. in August. c. 94) he alludes to that Temple which Augustus, in honour of his putative* 1.117 Father, built, and dedicated to A∣pollo, in that part of the Palatium which had been fired with lightning; from whence Apollo was called Palatinus; Sueton. in August. cap. 29. and by the way note, that upon this Pala∣tine Hill (one of the seven hills upon which Rome was built) stood the Seat of the Roman Emperours, which from thence was called Palatium, from which all stately edifices have their denomination of Palaces: Rosin. lib. 1. c. 4. to which word Ovid speaking of the Assembly of the Gods in Jupiters royall Palace, handsomely alludes, Met. lib. 1. f. 5.
Hic locus est, quem si verbis audacia detur, Haud timeam magni dixisse Palatia Coeli.Which Mr. Sandys hath as handsomely translated; both of them meaning to passe a complement upon their Prince, he
on Augustus, the best of Heathen Monarchs; this on K. Charles the First, the glory of all Christian Kings and Martyrs.
This glorious roof I would not doubt to call, Had I but boldnesse lent me, Heav'ns White-Hall.
[§. 10] Here he also alludes to those Ludi Apollinares,* 1.118 certain Games or Playes which were instituted in the seventh year of the se∣cond Punick warre, in honour of Apollo; the originall of which and manner of celebrating them, you may read in Livie lib. 25. These having been for many years disused, were restored by Augustus. At the first celebration of them (as it is reported by Macrobius Saturn, lib. 1. c. 17.) a sudden invasion of the enemy enforced the Roman people to forsake their sports, and to betake themselves to their armes; in which time of distra∣ction a cloud of arrows was seen to fall upon the unseasonable invadors, so that they presently returned Conquerors to their sports; where at their return they found C. Pomponius, an old man, dancing to a Minstrel, and being very joyfull that they had been continued without interruption, they cried Salva res est, saltat senex; which speech afterward became prover∣biall, and is fitly used when a sudden evill is seconded with a good event beyond hope and expectation.
[§ 11] We cannot here excuse the Poet from a very grosse Para∣chronisme; for these words, which he speaks in the person of Aeneas, are not in the least applicable to this Sibylla Cumaea, to whom they are directed: (a particular not observed by a∣ny of the interpreters of Virgil) but to her who was called Cu∣mâna, who (as contemporary with Tarquinius Priscus, or rather Superbus, his Grandson, notwithstanding the Authori∣ty which Gordonus alledgeth out of Solinus, Varro, Lactantius▪ to which I oppose Pliny lib. 13. c. 13. A. Gellius lib. 1. cap. 19. Halicarnassaeus lib. 4. with that inscription, which, if Dela Cerda speak truth, is at this day to be read in the Vatican Li∣brary. Tarquinius Superbus libros Sibyllinos tres, aliis a mu∣liere incensis, tandem emit) was more then 600 years younger then Cumaea: nor can it be imagined that she could live from
Aeneas his time (at which time she was very old, and there∣fore by Virgil stiled—Phoebi Longaeva sacerdos) to Tar∣quinius Superbus his reign; notwithstanding she was said by Ovid to have obtained of Apollo for her Virginity, to live as many years as she could grasp sands in her hand; for that is but a Poeticall fiction; Ovid Met. lib. 14. fab. 4. Therefore what Virgil makes Aeneas speak here (indeed improperly) to Sibylla Cumaea, is more properly to be understood of Cumâna, whose prophesies were so religiously observed, and diligently preserved by the Romans. A. Gellius l. 1. c. 19. relates the story thus.* 1.119 A certain old woman presenting her self before King Tarquin, sirnamed the Proud, offered him nine books in three Tomes, wherein, as she affirmed, were contained reme∣dies and redresses, for all evills which should betide the Roman people;* 1.120 for these she asked 300 Philippines, a golden Coyn then much in esteem. The King prizing his money above her unrequired Merchandize, laughed her to scorn. She before his face casting three of the nine into the fire, burned them, asking the same price for the remaining six; whereat Tarquin con∣cluding that the old woman was mad or doated, began to be out of patience. Then she having condemned three more to the same flames, asked him, if he would yet give what she de∣manded for the three which were left? The King moved at the constancy of this strange Guest, and advised thereunto by his Augures, commanded the money to be given her, who ha∣ving delivered the books with a strict charge to lay them up safely, suddenly vanished, nor was ever after seen or heard of These books so bought were (according to her direction) laid up in the Capitol, under Jupiters Shrine, in a Chest of stone, and committed to the custody of two men first, then of ten, and lastly of fifteen; thence called the Quindecim-viri; which number was afterward increased to 60. (as Servius notes) but still retained the name of the Quindecim-viri. By the by take this note; amongst the 10. about the time of the second Punick warre, Cornelius Rufus was one, (for at that time there were no more) whom for his great judgement in interpreting Sibylla's, Prophecies, they sirn••med Sibylla,, which afterward
by corruption was changed into Sylla, which gave a sirname to a branch of the illustrious family of the Cornelii, from whence that great Sylla, called the Happy (though to his na∣tive soyl no man more unhappy) deduced his pedegree; Ma∣crob. Sat. l. 1 c. 17.
[§ 12] Nor were these only the Guardians and Keepers of those Oracles, but the interpreters and expounders of the same; none other upon pain of death being permitted to peruse them. To these books those Officers used to make their addresse upon intestine seditions, commotions, generall plagues, pestilence, publick calamities, prodigious apparitions, and such like, as you may read in Halicarnassaeus. These books were so preser∣ved untill the Marsick or Social warre, 676 years from the building of Rome: when the Capitol being set on fire, whe∣ther casually or purposely it is not known, these Oracles were also burned and consumed; wherefore those Sibyline Prophecies which we find mentioned by Cicero and the priimitive Fathers, and which now passe under that name, are not the answers of this Sibylla Cumâna, (for that is impossible) but such a colle∣ction as the Roman Embassadours (employed by the Senate for that purpose) got together at Cumae, Erythrae, and at other places, where any of the Sibyls had lived. These Commissioners collected and brought home with them (as Varro and Plinie report) a thousand Oracles in verse, which were laid up in the Capitol new built; under the charge of ten men first, then of fifteen: nor were these the Prophesies of any one Sibyl, but a miscellaneous composition of the answers of sundry of those inspired women.
Sibylla used to write her Oracles in the leaves of the Palm∣tree (as Servius out of Varro) which being left at the mouth or entrance of her Grot, the wind did oftentimes so scatter, that they could never be brought into order again, insomuch, that when we would shew the difficulty of digesting things discomposed into order, we use Politian's words, Laboriosius est quam Sibyllae folia colligere: And this is the reason why Aeneas prayeth her to deliver her Oracles by word of mouth: but Virgil is the best interpreter of himself; lib. 3.
Insanam vatem adspicies, quae rupe sub imâ Fata canit; foliis{que} not as & nomina mandat: Quaecunque in foliis descripsit carmina virgo Digerit in numerum; atque antro seclusa relinquit. Illa manent immota locis, neque ab ordine cedunt, Verum eadem verso tenuis cúm cardine ventus Impulit, & teneras turbavit janua frondes, Nunquam deinde cavo volitantia prendere saxo, Nec revocare situs, aut jungere carmina curat: Inconsulti abeunt, sedem{que} odere Sibyllae.
There shalt thou see the frantick Prophetess Sing destinies in a deep Caves recesse, Which she to leaves commits; what verse soe're She writes, in order plac'd she leaveth there; They firmly keep the place to each assign'd: But when the open'd door th'intruding wind Admits, and doth the lighter leaves disperse, She ne're re-orders the disorder'd verse, Or cares them to rejoyn:* 1.121 unanswer'd * they, And Sibyl's Cell detesting, goe their way.
[§ 13] Sibylla in her answer compares the difficulties which Aene∣as had sustained in Phrygia, in the late Trojan warres, with those which he was to undergoe in the ensuing warres in Italy, viz. that at Simois and Xanthus (Rivers of Phrygia) flowed with the blood of the slain, so should Tiber: that as he had found the Greeks and Achilles descended of the Goddesse The∣tis his enemies in the Trojan war, so he should find Turnus, Son of the Goddess Venilia, with his Rutilians (I will not call them Red-coats) as restless and implacable enemies here; with whom Juno should also joyn against him & his weather-beaten Trojans, as she had done with the Greeks formerly. And lastly, that as the Trojan war proceeded from a Wife; Causa mali tanti Conjux, namely from Helena, the rightfull Wife of Menelaüs, stoln away, and ravished by Paris; so should this mortal quarrel take birth from Lavinia, Latinus his Daughter, formerly be∣trothed
to Turnus; and by force of armes (an uncouth way of wooing) sought in marriage by Aeneas. And thus is the dark Oracle expounded:
[§ 14] Viz. from Evander of Arcadia, a Province of Peloponesus, a known and famous part of Graecia. The reason of whose quitting his native soil and Kingdome, Servius affirmes to be this: Evander unnaturally slew his aged Mother, by some called Carmentis, by others Nicostrata; for which fact being expelled by his Subjects, he came into Italy, where warring with, and conquering the native Aborigines, he possest him∣self of that place where Rome now stands, and there founded a small Town on the Palatine Hill, naming it Pallantêum; in remembrance of King Pallas his Great-grand-sire: and this is that urbs Graia obscurely hinted by the Oracle, but more plainly specified by the Poet, l. 8.
Arcades his oris, genus à Pallante profectum, Qui regem Evandrum comites, qui signa secuti Delegêre locum, & posuêre in montibus urbem, Pallantis proavi de nomine Pallantêum.
Arcadian strangers, Pallas mighty race Conducted by Evander, in this place A City chose to build; and did the same From's Grandsire Pallas Pallanteum name.
[§ 15] It was the subtilty of the Devill, who could not positively affirm any thing of future contingencies, lest his Prophets and Oracles should by the non-successe of his predictions be had in disrepute, to deliver his answers in dark and obscure riddles, in intricate and involved terms, and such as might be taken two wayes; that whether they succeeded or not, his credit might not suffer: such were these;
Aio te Aeacida Romanos vincere posse. Pyrrhus, I say, thy force the Romans shall subdue.
Croesus Halim penetrans magnam pervertet opum vint. If Croesus Halis pass great wealth he shall o'rethrow. See Cicer. l. 2. de divinat.And such was that wicked riddle (as our Histories report it) of Adam d'Orleton, Bishop of Hereford, concerning the mur∣dering of Edward the Second;
Edvardum occidere nolite timere bonum est.All which according to the pointing of the words had a diffe∣rent, nay a contrary meaning and construction; whence A∣pollo is sirnamed by the Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. obliquus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 from his doubtfull and perplexed answers.
[§ 16] Aeneas not only from the opportunity of the place where the descent into those infernall mansions was held to be, urgeth his request, but also from that Topick of example pursues it fur∣ther: First from Orpheus,* 1.122 whose story, skill in Musick, des∣cent into Hell, with other particulars ascribed to that ancient Heroe, are so well known, that we shall not at all dwell upon them; we will only give you the mythologie thereof. Orpheus was said to be the sonne of Apollo and Calliope, one of the Mu∣ses, first in generall, because all good and gallant men were said to be descended from the Gods, and their souls to be dropt into their bodies from one of the Spheres, especially from that of the Sun; then in particular for his great skill in Musick and Poetry, as the undoubted sonne of Apollo and Cal∣liope. But that trees and bruit beasts were feigned to be atten∣tive auditors of his harmonious Lyre, is, that by his eloquent tongue and good example he brought the rude and barbarous of that age to a more civil and sociable way of living.
Sylvestres homines sacer interpres{que} Deorum Caedibus & victu foedo deterruit Orpheus: Dictus ab hoc lenire tigres, rapidos{que} leones: Dictus & Amphion Thebanae conditor arcis Saxa movere sono testudinis; & prece blandà Ducere quo vellet: fuit haec sapientia quondam
Publica privatis secernere, sacra prophanis: Concubitu prohibere vago, dare jura maritis, Oppida moliri, leges incidere ligno. Horat. de art. Poet.
'Cause sacred Orpheus, that interpreter Of the great Gods, did brutish men deterre From their enormous living, it was sam'd That salvage Lions he and Tigers tam'd: Amphion so (Thebe's founder) with his Lyre Mov'd stones, and led men to his own desire By sweetning words. It was the sapience Of elder times, to put a difference Betwixt things sacred and prophane, betwixt Publick and private interests: Commixt And rambling lust by marriage to restrain, And by sound Lawes Republicks to maintain.
[§ 17] You see the office of the ancient Poets, and the effects of true Poesie, to which Philosophy both naturall and morall owes its originall. They did not prostitute that excellent faculty in composing flattering Panegyricks, lascivious Epigrams, and saltless Sonnets, as now adayes, but (according to the true state and grandeur thereof) imployed it in delivering the my∣steries of Philosophy, and principles of humanity; so that in the infancy of this profession (and things then are least adulte∣rated) men repaired to Poets as to Oracles, all knowledge and erudition being (as we have said) originally confined to that divine endowment. Neither is any other thing meant then what we have said, by his descent into Hell; by bringing back Euridice from thence, and working effects, contrary to their nature, on the Devils themselves; but that he, by civili∣zing, and sweetly subduing the irregular affections of brutish men (who render the place where they abide a very Hell) did bring Euridice (which signifies Justice, under which notion the whole Systeme of morality is comprehended) again among them, who till then lived by rapine, the stronger oppressing the lesse able to defend.
Secondly,* 1.123 he alledgeth the examples of Castor & Pollux: Ju∣piter falling, in love with Leda, & not knowing how to gain ac∣cesse to her, changed himself into the likeness of a Swan, & cau∣sed an Eagle to pursue him, who took Sanctuary in her lap: Pity in her ushered in love: Beauty and the harmony of the tongue (expressed by the Swan) were his prevailing solicitors. In conclusion he master'd his design, and lying with her, got her with child; who that night also was made impregnat by her Husband Tyndarus. At last she was delivered of two eggs; of the one came Pollux and Helena, both immortall, because the progenie of Jupiter: of the other Castor and Clytemnestra, both mortall, because the Children of Tyndarus. Hence Pol∣lux (an emblem of fraternall affection) obtained of his Father Jupiter, that since his Brother Castor could not be altogether immortall, he might be so in part; and that by participation of his immortality: whence when Castor died, it was granted that they should live by turns, Castor one day, and Pollux ano∣ther; wherefore Virgil sayes,
Itque reditque viam toties.—
The Fables of the ancients (wherein their wisedom and learning was mystically couched, and purposely, to procure re∣verence to them and it, concealed from the vulgar) admit of an interpretation, either Historicall, Morall, or Naturall, and sometimes Theologicall. Thus, because Leda, the Wife of Tyndarus, did prostitute her self to a certain King, and be∣cause they joyned there where fortune had joyned them, not in a bed after a royall manner, but upon the alwayes-pre∣pared pallet of nature, the banks of the river Eurôtas, where the Swans used to couple, she was said to be compressed by Jupiter, (for so the Ancients, as simple as they were, flatter∣ingly styled their Kings) in the shape of a Swan: and because a great belly riseth in an ovall figure, and the child is wrapped within the womb, in the Chorion or Secundîna, as an egge is within the shell, she was said to be delivered of two eggs. But Castor and Pollux were feigned to live and die by turns, be∣cause
those two starres which make the constellation of Gemini, and into which they were said to have been changed, never ap∣pear together, but rise and set alternately.
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.— Homer. Odyss. 11.
We shall speak of Theseus and Alcîdes in another place.
It was the manner of the Ancients, when they made their addresses to their Gods, to lay hold on and embrace the Al∣tars; so Virgil l. 4. speaking of Iarbas his prayer to Jupiter,
Talibus orantem dictis, arasque tenentem Audiit Omnipotens.—
Whilst thus he pray'd, and th' Altars did embrace, Th' Almighty him did hear.—Whence Varro derives Ara, an Altar, from Ansa, a handle, or thing to hold by; for anciently it was written with an s, Asa, as plusima for plurima, and asêna for arêna, and Fusius for Eurius; and might easily by the interposition of an n be∣come Ansa: Varro lib. 6. de ling. Lat.
[§ 18] To this place is parallel that of Seneca, in Herc. furent.
Nec ire labor est, ipsa deducit via, Ʋt saepe puppes aestus invitas rapit, Sed pronus aër urget, avidumque Chaos, Gradum{que} retro flectere haud unquam sinunt Ʋmbrae tenaces.
To Hell to go it is no pains, the way (As ships the current drives) will thee convey. A profound pit, and a down-pressing ayre Force to descend; but homeward to repair Tenacious shades deny.—
This place by the Mythologists is thus interpreted:* 1.124 Hell is vice or sinne, to which men are naturally prone, and easily fall into; facilis descensus: but to shake off evill habits, and customary vices, hic labor, hec opus, few can make a timely re∣treat, unlesse those to whom God is very mercifull; quos ae∣quus amavit Jupiter, and are endued with a more particular and especiall grace; aut ardens evexit ad aethera virtus, or such as are Diis geniti, as it were by a new birth in Christ re∣generated: for the truth is, there are so many obstacles, and so many impediments wherewith we are surrounded, and wherein we are intangled, that it is a very difficult matter to disingage our selves when once insnared, as hard as to return from the jaws of Hell, where
—tenent mediae omnia sylvae, Cocytusque sinu labens circumfluit atro.
But if you will expound this mystically, and according to Pla∣to's Philosophy, the meaning is, that the rationall soul, or that divina animi particula, which is the intellect, is so dull'd and opprest by the earthiness of corporeall matter, that few can raise themselves to the contemplation of divine ver••ties, and dive into the more abstracted knowledge of heavenly things, unlesse by extraordinary endowments of mind, which are granted to none but some few, quos aequus amavit Jupiter.
[§. 19] Sybylla having told Aeneas what difficulties he was to en∣counter in his descent into Hell,* 1.125 tells him further, that in case he persist, he must first find out the Golden bough, and that must be his Pass-port to Charon, & a propitiatory to Proserpine. By the Golden Bough, Virtue, Wisdome, and unwearied Con∣stancy are represented to us, by which we subdue and triumph over the greatest difficulties: but forasmuch as such endow∣ments are very rare, and perfections seldome meeting in any one person, therefore this Bough is said catêre arbore opacâ, &c. to be hid in a shady tree, and to be environed with thick and inextricable woods. Servius sayes, that the Poet here alludes to the conceit of Pythagoras Samius, who represents the life of man to the letter Y,* 1.126 made in this form: our infancy,
or first age is like the lower part or basis thereof; and is a meer tabula rasa, as not defaced with vice, so not beautified with virtue: Our youth is where the bivium or partition begins; at which time we either make choice of a virtuous course of life, which is meant by the right-hand branch, slender and dif∣ficult to ascend into; or decline to vice, which is to be under∣stood by the left, more broad, and easie to climb. Hence this golden Bough, (by which, as we have said, virtue is recommen∣ded to us) is that which brancheth out os the right side of the Pythagorêan letter Y. of which Virgil writing thus in his Epi∣grams, is the best expositor of his own sense:
Litera Pythagorae (discrimine secta bicorni) Humanae vitae speciem praeferre videtur: Nam via virtutis dextrum petit ardua collem, Diffieilem{que} aditum primum spectantibus offert; Sed requiem praestat fessis in vertice summo. Molle ostentat iter via lata, sed ultima meta Praecipitat captos, volvitque per ardua saxa.
Pythagoras his forked letter does Of humane life a scheme to us propose; For virtues path on the right hand doth lye, An hard ascent presenting to the eye; But on the top with rest the wearied are Refresh'd: the broad way easier doth appear; But from its summit the deluded fall And (dash'd 'mongst rocks) finde there a funerall.Others say that Virgil here alludes to this following Custome; for although the mythologie of this fiction be as abstruse and hard to be found, as the bough it self was said to be, we will do the best we can to interpret it. In the Temple of Diana Tau∣rica which was in Aricia, a Town of Latium, not many miles distant from Alba, there was a tree, whence no man might break off a bough, unlesse a fugitive; and he on condition to enter into single fight with the fugitive who was Priest there,
usually called Rex Nemorensis, because there was a Grove ad∣joyning to this place, called Nemus Aricinum, consecrated to Diana. The Conqueror presided over this Grove and Tem∣ple, untill such time as he was deprived both of his charge and life by the like successe. We will conclude our discourse of the golden bough, with that description which Claudian makes of it, in imitation of the most excellent Maro, lib. 2. de rapt. Pro∣serpinae.
Est etiam lucis arbor praedives opacis, Fulgentes viridi ramos curvata metallo, Haec tibi sacra datur; fortunatumque tenebis Autumnum, & fulvis semper dotabere pomis.
Moreo're, a wealthy tree (whose shining boughs Stoop with green metall) in our thickets grows: This shall be thine, the crop we give to thee; Thou with the yellow fruit inrich'd shalt be.
[§ 20] The second thing Aeneas was to doe in order to his enter∣prize, was to perform the funerall Rites due to the dead body of his friend Misênus. The story of whose death and funerall is not added here by the Poet rashly, and without designe; For this Sciomancie, or ceremonies which were to be performed to the infernall Gods, could not be completed without the intervention of the dead corps of a man slain. Hence Virgil feigns Misênus to be murdered by Triton in the manner you read, though some say that he was for this purpose murdered by Aeneas himself; though dissembled by Virgil, beause he would not make. Aeneas guilty of so foul a fact. Homer doth the like in the person of Elpênor, Ʋlysses his friend, upon the same occasion. And because the interrement of the dead bo∣dy (by which the Fleet was polluted) was the proper expiato∣ry for such pollution, and necessarily previous to his sacrificing to the Manes, and his descent into Hell; therefore he is feig∣ned to perform these funerall Rites before he puts in execution the third and last precept of Sibylla, contained in this follow∣ing verse:
Duc nigras pecudes; haec prima piacula sunto.
[§ 21]
Achâtes is alwayes introduced by the Poet as Aeneas his constant Companion, and inseparable Associate; and that not without reason, if we reflect upon the etymologie of the word; for Achâtes is derived 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which signifies care and thoughtfulness, the individuall adherent to great men and Princes:
—qui es fidus Achâtes It comes.—
[§ 22] It is recorded by Donâtus in Virgils life, that he broke off, as his manner often is, at Misenum Aeoliden; and that whilst he did recite this book before Augustus he did substitute ex tempore this Hemistich, with the following verse;
—quo non praestantior alter Aere ciére viros, Martemque accendere cantu.
[§ 23] By this brace of Doves (sacred to Venus, Aeneas his Mo∣ther, because salacious and fruitfull, and esteemed a very lucky Augurie) Mythologists understand the two wings of the soul, contemplative, and moral virtue, which serve as guides to go before us to the golden bough of true sapience and verity, and to lead us out of those errors, wherein (without their assisting conduct) we are irrecoverably lost: and this is that sylva im∣mensa wherein Aeneas is said to be. Others more Theologically understand by this Wood the World, with those Labyrinths of temptations, and Mazes of allurements, wherewith (whilst here) we are involved, and fastly engaged: and by the Doves, the blessed Spirit, and grace of God, which leadeth the pious through all wordly impediments to the fruition of eternall bliss, which is the true golden Bough.
[§ 24] It is the nature of this Bird to peck and feed as it goes along; and (according to Interpreters) our Author alludes here to that kind of Augurie or Divination which they called Augurium pullarium;* 1.127 the manner whereof was this: There were cer∣tain Chickens kept for this purpose in a Coop, before which the Augur, called Pullarius, cast crums of bread; if the Chic∣ken lept hastily out of the Coop, and eat so greedily of the
crums, that some of them falling out of their mouths, reboun∣ded from the ground, which they termed Tripudium, then it was taken for a good Omen; and those who came to consult, proceeded in their intended designe. But, if to the contrary, the Chicken or Pullets came but slowly out of the Coop, went back again, or flew from the meat, then they took it for an e∣vil sign, and desisted from their enterprise. The Roman Histo∣ry furnisheth us with a pretty tale, and to our purpose: Clau∣dius Pulcher, collegue with L. Junius Pullus, An. Ʋrb. 504. designing to surprize Adherbal, the Carthaginian Admiral in the Port of Drepanum in Sicilia, before he put to sea, asked counsell (as the custome was) of the Pullarius; and when the Augur told him, that the Chicken would not come out of the Coop, and therefore advised him at present to desist till he might have a more encouraging Augurie, answered, quia esse nolunt bibant, Because they will not eat, let them drink, and so threw them into the sea: but mark the event, the Romans never received a more memorable overthrow at sea; for the Consul escaping with 30 ships, left 93 in the hands of his victo∣rious enemy. This disaster was generally ascribed to his con∣tempt of religion, and slighting the Augury: so carefull is the Devill, by such examples to assert the credit of his wicked su∣perstition, and to drill on his followers to their own inevitable destruction. This story you may read in Livie l. 19. Val. Max. l. 1. c. 4. Cicer. l. 2. de Nat. Deor. and in Suet. in Ti∣ber. c. 1.
[§ 25] Misletoe (of which birdlime is made, see the manner in Pliny l. 24. c. 6.) is an excrescence or exsudation of the tree on which it grows; not proceeding from any seminall vertue thereof; whence Virgil sayes—quod non sua seminat arbos; but is (according to Scaliger, Exerc. 168.) produced as horns are in living creatures, from the abundance of excrement, ex vitali arboris excremento. There is a popular and received error that this plant is generated from the dung of the Thrush, which gave birth to this adagie, Turdus sibi cacat malum, or necem; which is spoken of a man, who is the fond Author of his own mischief: but this is sufficiently refuted by the subtle Scaliger, ib.
Of this there are two kinds, the one common, growing in Ap∣ple-trees; the other more rare, shooting out of the Oak, and therefore called viscum quercinum, Misleto of the Oak; and this is meant here by the Poet. This was esteemed sacred, and much ceremony was used in the gathering of it: Plin. l. 16. c. 44. This s••militude is very apt, both in regard of the colour, for the best sort (as the same Author writes) is extra fulvum, intus porraceum, quo nihil est glutinosius. Secondly, in regard of the manner of its growing, for it is an excresence. And lastly, because it was accounted sacred; all which three properties answer to the nature of the golden Bough.
[§ 26] Virgil (who was generally learned) never shews more ex∣actnesse, then when he treats of ancient Rites and Customes; wherefore I have stuck here, as also in the following descripti∣on of the sacrifices performed to the infernall Deities, more closely then elsewhere, to the literall sense, and Grammaticall construction of the Author, because every word hath its weight and significancie; we shall take every thing in the same order it lies here.* 1.128 First, they raised the Pyre, or funerall Pile, which was built of Oak and Pitch-trees, as most combustible materials:
—piceae flammis alimenta supremis; Stat.This (according to the quality of the person deceased) was more or lesse large. Virgil sayes here that they did struere in∣gentem pyram; and Homer makes Patrôclus his Pyre to be a 100 foot in every dimension:
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.It was built in form of an Altar. By the way, we may observe with Scaliger upon Festus, the difference of these knitred∣words. The preparation for the interrement was called Funus: 2. the piling up of the wood, Rogus: 3. the applying of the fire, Pyra: 4 the burning of the Corps, Bustum: 5. the place, Ʋstrîna: 6. the Tomb, Sepulchrum: 7. The Inscription or E∣pitaph, Monumentum. The sides of the Pyre they did adorn with boughs, atri coloris, of a dark green; the ends with Cy∣presse,
therefore termed here Feralis, all things appertaining to the Dead being called Feralia. Cypress was therefore used in Funerals, because an embleme of the Dead; for as the Dead never revive, I mean naturally; so that tree once lopt, never shoots forth again. Servius, or (as Varro saies) to allay the stench of the burning Corps by its more powerfull and gratefull o∣dour. Thus Statius dresseth up the Hearse of Archemorus:
Tristibus interea ramis, tenera{que} Cupresso Damnatus flammis torus, & puerile pheretrum Texitur.— Stat. Theb. l. 4.
The ••ittle Bier, and bed to the flames destin'd, With mourning boughs, and Cypresse are intwin'd.
[§ 27] Upon the top of the Pyre they used to place the arms of the Deceased; for with great men they burnt not only their arms, but their Clothes, Horses, Dogs, with whatsoever they prized in their life time.
Ditantur flammae, non unquam opulentior illo Ante cinis, crepitant gemmae, atque immane liquescit Argentum; & pictis exsudant vestibus aurum. Statius ibid.
The flames are pretious made, no dust before Was ere so rich; gemmes crackle, massie Ore Dissolves, and gold out of th' embroidred Vests Doth sweat.—
So Hannibal in the Funerall of Paulus Aemilius.
—fulgentia pingui Maurice suspirans inicit velamina, & auro Intextam chlamydem.—
1 1.129 He to the flames, having his death condol'd, His purple Vest,* 1.130 and Souldiers Coat with gold Inrich'd, commits:— Silius Ital. L. 10.
Nay the Indians did use to burn the best beloved of the Wives of the Dead, mingling their ashes together who in their af∣fections had been more neerly conjoyned, When the Pyre was in readiness, before they carried forth the Dead to the same, they used to foment and bathe the Corps in warm wa∣ter, and annoint the same with oyl, that if there were any thing of vitality remaining, it might be awakned by those warm applications, warmth being propitious to Nature, and the cause of life as well as the effect. This story is not altoge∣ther from the purpose: Pliny is my Author l. 7. c. 52. Avi∣ola, a man of Consular dignity (after all Ceremonies previous to his burning, as Lotion, Unction, Conclamation, &c. are en∣ded) being laid upon the Pyre, no sooner felt the warmth of the ascending flames, but that reviving, he raised himself up; but the fire prevailed before the Assistants could succour him, and so he was burned alive. I will not say that the custome of Lotion sprung from hence, because it was more ancient: Ho∣mer mentions it in the Funerall of Patrôclus:
—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.But if this story be true, you see the effects of warmth. After Lotion and Ʋnction (from whence haply the Roman Church, which derives and retains many Ceremonies observed by the Gentiles, borroweth that which they term extreme Ʋnction) followed Conclamation, which Virgil means here by—fit gemi∣tus, they set up a generall cry, a valediction to all hopes: hence we proverbially say, Conclamatum est, when we have done our utmost in a business, and cannot effect it. This done, the Corps was laid up upon a Bed or Herse, called here Torus: over the Body they cast a purple Covering or Herse∣cloth; for velamina nota is not (as Servius interprets it) Mi∣seno nota & usitata, his own wearing-clothes, which haply were (according to the Custome) burnt with him; but vela∣mina nota, & communiter in funerib. usitata, Clothes or Co∣verings known, and commonly used at Funerals, as it is ren∣dred with more reason, and backed with better authority by the learned Jesuit Ludovicus de la Cerda. We could produce
many instances out of approved Authors to confirm the use of purple in Funerals, but this one authority out of Suetonius in Caes. c. 84. shall suffice; Intus lectus eburneus, auro & purpu∣râ stratùs: J. Caesar was carried to his Funerall on an Ivory Herse covered with purple, inwrought with gold: And now in our dayes Kings and Princes mourn in purple. The corps thus composed, the Herse or bier was carried by the neerest of kin to the Ʋstrina, or place of burning, and there placed upon the Pyre; to which some neer friend also gave fire with a torch (facie aversâ) turning away his face, as testifying his un∣willingnesse and grief to perform that sad and last duty. As∣soon as the fire began to burn clear, their custome was to cast into the devouring flames all sorts of rich perfumes, termed here thurea dona: So Statius in the Funeral of Archemorus:
Necnon Assyriis pinguescunt robora succis. The Pyre growes with Assyrian juices fat.Plutarch relates that 210 baskets full of odoriferous compo∣sitions were consumed at the Funerall of Sylla, Plut. in Syl. beside these they cast in Dapes, which some interpret to be Adeps hostiar. the fat of the sacrifice: but Mysînus more warrantably affirmes, that they were epulae, quib. mortuo pa∣rentabatur, the remains of the Funerall Feast or Banquet, which Juvenal Sat. 5. calls coena feralis.
Ponitur exiguâ feralis coena patellâ
The ferall Supper in a little Dish Is put.—Virgil makes mention also of oyl, which, together with the vessels which contained it, they cast into the flaming Pyre. Servius gives the reason of this custome in these words: Diis superis tantum libabant; inferis autem sacrificantes vasa etiam in ignem conjiciebant. When they sacrificed to the celestiall Gods, they only poured the oyl or other liquor into the flames; but
when to the infernall (the same custome being observed in Fu∣nerals) they threw the vessels in also. Beside what Virgil men∣tions here, Statius in the Funerall of Archemorus, adds Saffron, Wine, Blood, Milk and Hony. The body thus burnt, and tur∣ned into ashes, they extinguished the flame with Wine; so the same Statius lib. 6.
Finis erat, lapsus{que} putres jam Mulciber ibat In cineres, instant flammis, multoque soporant Imbre rogum: Imbre i. e. vino.
Now all was done, nor did there ought remain But putrid dust, they busily restrain The flames with wine.—So Homer Iliad. 23.
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉—They quench the Pyre with black wine, i. e. a deep dark-co∣loured wine, as Tent, and the like. But here it may be questio∣ned, how they could possibly separate the ashes of the dead from those of the Pyre, and from such things as were burnt with the Corps. Natalis Comes is of opinion that the Corps was laid in a stone Chest, and burned within the same, which he confirms out of Theophrastus. De la Cerda out of Pliny sayes that the Corps was wrapped up in a sort of linnen, by the Latins called linum vivum, by the Greeks Asbestînum, over which the flames could not in the least prevail: we will give you the place and words of that learned* 1.131 Author l. 19. c. 1. Inventum jam est etiam linum, quod ignibus non absumeretur; vivum id vocant, &c. There is now in our dayes found out a certain sort of flax called vivum, i. e. living (because it lives as it were in, and is not con∣sumed by fire) I have seen napkins made thereof, red-hot in the flame, by which they are purged and cleansed better then by water. Hence the bodyes of Kings being wrapt therein, were preser∣ved unmixt from the other ashes. It growes in the desarts of India,
in places scorched with the Sun, amongst Adders and Serpents, and where there falls no rain: he sayes that it doth, assuescere vivere ardendo, by growing in a hot and sun-burnt soyl, contract (as it were) an habit of resisting the flames. It is rare to be found, and very hard to be woven or spun, by reason of its shortnesse. Thus farre Pliny. But this is a thing lost long since: See Pan∣cerol. tit. 4. de reb. perditis. Not unlike to this is that linum Creticum mentioned by Strabo, which hath the same property of resisting the fire: but this was rather a stone then linnen; for it was made of a certain stone which they beat so long with hammers, till all the terrene or earthy matter was beaten out of it, and there remained nothing but certain threads or strings, which being dress'd and comb'd made a very fine sort of linnen. The like is made of a stone found in the Island of Cyprus, cal∣led lapis Amiantus: See Salmuth in Pancirol. rerum deperd. tit. 4. And haply both these were well known to the Anci∣ents, and made use of by them. But although we cannot po∣sitively affirm how it was done, we may certainly conclude that they had a way, and were very carefull therein, to separate the remains of the Dead from mingling with other ashes. The ashes thus extinguished, and bathed with wine, were put into certain pitches called urnae, which were made sometimes of stone, sometimes of earth, & sometimes of brass, as here; Homer made Patrôclus's of gold. The reliques of the Dead being thus gathered up, the Priest cleansed and purified the people (who were thought polluted and unclean by assisting at the Funerall, as all those who touched or came neer a dead body were) by be∣springling them with water thrice, which number had some∣thing of mystery in it, and was by the Ancients accounted sa∣cred. —numero Deus impare gaudet. Virgil useth the word circumferre, which with those of elder times was all one with purgare, which Servius proves out of Plautus; te pro lar∣vato circumferam, i. e. purgabo; whence he also derives lustra∣tio, à circumlatione. When this purging or lustration was ended, the Priest with a loud voice pronounced this word, Ilicet, there∣by dismissing the company, the word signifying as much as ire licet, which the Poet means here by (verba novissima;) then
presently did the company depart, taking their farewell of the Dead in this form of words, Vale, vale, vale, nos te ordine, quo netura permiserit, sequemur. And thus much for the explica∣tion of this place.
The whole Ceremony ended, Aeneas causeth a stately Tomb to be raised over the interred remains of the dead, un∣der a Promontory near the sea-side, the usuall place where they erected the Monuments of their Heroes, and (according to the custome) carves (for although Virgil useth the word im∣ponere, it cannot be understood of his reall armes, for they were burned with him) upon the stone his armes as a Souldi∣er, his Trumpet as a Trumpeter, for,
Et lituo pugnas insignis obibat & hastâ. Virg. he was Fam'd for his art, as for his valour tri'd.and his Oar, at which he was excellent also; both which Cu∣stomes Virgil observes in that of Aeneas to Deiphobus in this very book.
Tunc egomet tumulum Rhaetaeo in littore inanem Constitui, et magnâ manes ter voce vocavi; Nomen & arma locum servant.
Then I did raise on the Rhaetaean shore For thee an empty Tomb, thrice did implore Thy Ghost; thy name and armes still there abide.
[§ 28] Servius will have Aerius to be the proper name of the Pro∣montory or Mountain, before it was called Misênus; but be∣cause Aerius is a proper epithet for any thing which is very high, as Alpes aeriae, we have translated it here as an Appel∣lative.
[§ 29] Misenus is called to this day Monte Misêno, of which Mr. Sandys writes thus:* 1.132 This Promontory is of all others the most famous for the clemency of the air, for the City here once stand∣ing, the Manor-houses adjoyning, the Roman Navy here riding,
antique Monuments, Grots, Baths, Fish-pools, and other like ad∣mirable buildings, surveying all the Sea-coast unto the Promon∣tory of Minerva (if measured with the winding shore, 54 miles distant) all which in the time of the Roman Monarchy shewed like one intire City, whereof (Naples excepted) there is little to be seen which hath escaped the fury of fire, water, or earthquake. Tantum aevi longinqua valet mutare vetustas, so great a change attends the dark footsteps of Time.
[§ 30] Aeneas here puts in execution the third and last precept of Sibylla, which was to sacrifice to the infernal Deities.
Duc nigras pecudes, haec prima piacula sunto.
[§ 31] To which end he first repaires to a certain Cave on the South∣east side of the lake of Avernus, which Virgil here describes. Mr. Sandys, who had entred the same, writes thus of it: On the South-east side of the Lake opens a-to-be-admired Grot, with a ruined Frontispice, but affording a large and high-roof'd passage into the Mountain cut out of the main rock; agreeing in all par∣ticulars with our Author. This although called vulgarly, but erroneously, la Grotta de la Sibylla, was not that Grot whereof we have spoken within the Temple of Apollo, but another ad∣joyning to the Lake of Avernus, as we have just now said. Here the Ancients dream'd Hells entrance to be: Here Homer made his Vlysses to performe his Necyomancie, in imitation of whom Virgil did the same in the person of his Aeneas. Nay, this present age is so grossely and sottishly ignorant, as to have the same opinion of the place which the more excusable Anci∣ents had, only with this difference; they beleeved this to be the ingresse or inlet into Hell, and ours the egress or out-let from thence; for (as Mr. Sandys reports) there are many of the In∣habitants at this day, who believe and affirm that Christ from thence made his triumphant Resurrection: nor are the credu∣lous vulgar only of this opinion, but also those who ought to be better versed in the history and geography of the ho∣ly Scriptures. He cites one Aleadînus a Poet, as an Assertor of this tradition; which he delivers in this Distich:
Est locus, effregit quo portas Christus Averni, Et Sanctos traxit lucidus inde patres.
There Christ Avernus black gates broke in two, And holy Fathers thence victorious drew.
Of this Lake of Avernus the same Author makes this rela∣tion, viz.* 1.133 That it is circular in form, and invironed with Moun∣tains, and shadowed heretofore with over-grown woods; a main occasion of those pestilent vapours: for they being cut down by A∣grippa, the place became frequently inhabited on every side, as approved both healthfull and delightfull: the water thereof look∣eth black, so thought heretofore to have been by reason of its un∣measurable profundity; but later times have found it out a bot∣tom, and that it exceedeth not 253 fathomes: No leaf, or what∣soever falleth therein, is ever after seen, &c. Which description doth in all particulars so agree with that which Aristotle gives of it in his book de Mirabilibus A••scultationibus, that either Mr. Sandys transcribes his verbatim from thence, or so long a tract, and interval of time from that great Philosopher to our great Traveller, hath made no sensible alteration. But the ma∣jor part thereof is now choaked up by the new Mountain: This Lake was called by the Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. sine avibus, void of birds, from whence the Latine Avernus, with some small al∣teration de••ives it self. The Poet gives you the reason of this denomination; and it is given by Lucretius as a generall name to all places, over which (by reason of the noysome and sulphureous vapours) Birds cannot flye: so that Avernus is not confined to Italy only, but may give name to any place where the same properties are found.
[§ 32] Here Virgil describeth most exactly the manner of sacrifi∣cing to the infernall Gods, which was as different as Hell from Heaven from that of the supernals,* 1.134 in time, manner, place, and colour of the sacrifice. To these they sacrificed upon an Altar raised above the ground, whence Altare takes its name ab alto; to those in a Cave under ground, digging there a hole or pit, which they termed scrobs or screbicklus into which they let
the blood of the Sacrifice run. Thus Ovid Met. l. 7. speaking of Medea:
Haud procul egestâ scrobibus tellure duabus Sacra facit, cultros{que} in gutture velleris atri Conjicit, & patulas perfundit sanguine fossas.
Not far from thence ith' hollow'd ground two pits Med••a digs, and sacrificing slits The throats of black-fleec'd rams; with reaking bloud She fils the ditches.—So Homer makes Ʋlysses dig a hole a cubit in all its dimensions.
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.Into this they did not only let the blood of the Sacrifice flow, but also together with it poured wine and milk.
Tum super invergens liquidi charchesia vini, Altera{que} invergens tepidi charchesia lactis, Verba simul fundit. Ovid. Met. 7.
Then pouring bolls of liquid wine, commixt With luke-warm milk, she prayes.—Others add hony, eggs, oyl, with an infinite number of the like trash, as the foam of mad dogs, the bowels of a beast called Lynx, eyes of Dragons, &c. To the Superi they offered white victims, and an odd number, as alwaies sacred to the Gods; to the Inferi black and an even (as being by the Ancients esteemed unlucky) were presented. Virgil comprehends all these circum∣stances in this one verse.
Quatuor hic (id est, ad os hujus speluncae) primum Nigrantes terga juvencos Constituit.Lastly, these infernall Rites were a••wayes performed in the night-time; this Law being inviolably observed, viz. to a male Deity or God they still offer'd a male, to a female Nu∣men
or Goddesse they constantly presented a female Sacri∣fice, as well to the Inferi as Superi. The Sacrifice now brought to the place where it was to be offered, the Priest poured wine between the horns, which was a common ceremony used in all Sacrifices, whether to the powers beneath or those above; but with this difference, to these they did pour the wine with the palm of the hand turned upward, supinâ manu, which the Latines called fundere; to those with the palm of the hand tur∣ned downward towards the ground, pronâ manu, by them termed invergere: Servius his words-are these, Fundere est supinâ manu libare, quod fit in sacris superis: Invergere est conversâ in sinistram partem manu ita fundere, ut patera con∣vertatur. Virgil (ever studious of propriety) useth the word invergere: we cannot difference them in the English, but by a long circumlocution; for fundere and invergere with us are rendred promiscuously to pour. This Ceremony was used as a probation of the Sacrifice; for if it did stupescere, stand still and unmov'd, it was rejected as sick and diseased, and conse∣quently unfit for sacred uses; if otherwise, it was approved, and they did proceed to the next ceremony, omitted here by Virgil, which was Immolation, from Mola, which signifies a barley Cake kneaded up with salt, which they crumbled and sprinkled upon the head and back of the Sacrifice, drawing the knife wherewith they jugulated the Sacrifice thwart his tem∣ples; both which are expressed by Virg. Aen. 12.
Dant manibus fruges salsas, & tempora ferro Summa notant.—
They salted Cakes present, and with a knife His temples markt.—Which done, one cried with a loud voice, Macta est hostia, i. e. magis aucta, more increased, and rendred more pleasing to the Gods; whence immolare and mactare, though but one part of the ceremony, signify in the generall to sacrifice. The next ceremony to this in order was to pluck off the hairs (Virgil
useth setae here for pili) which grew between the horns, casting them into the fire, which the Poet here calls libamina prima, the Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, primitias: these three latter Customes are comprehended by Homer in these two verses: Odyss. 3.
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
Water and Cakes he sprinkling prayes, and does Hairs (from the temples pluckt) to th' flames expose.Onely Homer instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, wine, useth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which signi∣fies water to wash the hands with: but that maketh no diffe∣rence, as to the probation of the Sacrifice; for water will doe that as well as wine. And from hence De la Cerda deduceth the custome of shaving the heads of the Priests in the Roman Church; his words are these, Quemadmodum evulsio pilorum fu∣it indicium victimae jam devotae, & separatae à profanis usibus; ita hoc quidem indicat clericalis tonsura. This done, the Priest using certain mysticall words invoked Hecate, by which Proserpine is meant in this place. But for the fuller understand∣ing of this we must make a more strict and deep research.
[§ 33] Hecate was the Daughter of Perses King of Taurica, and Wife of Aeeta, a neighbouring Prince, and King of Colchis; Mother to Circe and Medêa, worthy shoots of such a stock: She (as were her Daughters) was a famous Sorceresse; a wo∣man so transcendently cruel, that when at hunting she could finde no other game, she would with her lance or sword kill some of her Attendants. She used to sacrifice all strangers, whose evill starres had unfortunately guided them to those parts: lastly, having poysoned her Father, she usurped his Throne. For which rare endowments and goodly merits she was deified, invoked and sacrificed to by those of her own damnable profession. Thus have I shewed you Hecate in the true mirrour of history; and now you may behold her through the opticks of poesie, where she appears as foul a Monster in her externals, as you have seen her in her internals: She was said to be half a surlong tall, which is the ••6. part of a mile, with∣out
question the properest of her sex: She had three heads, the right of a horse, the left of a dog, and the middle of a wild sow; from whence the Poets gave her the epithets of triceps, triformis, and tergemina: instead of hair, serpents and vipers hung hissing, wreathing and curling themselves about her shoulders: She was called Brimo from the ugly howling noise she used to make. I cannot in particular give a reason why they represented her thus; only in generall, because she was thought to be an infernall Goddesse, and Patronesse of Sorceresses and Witches, they imagined that they could not depaint her with too much horrour and terribleness. But to the purpose: Hecate is a genericall word, applicable to many particulars; for by it sometimes we are to understand Luna, sometimes Diâna, and sometimes Proserpina: In fine, when it is applied to Heaven, it is taken for Luna, when to Earth for Diâna, when to Hell for Proserpine. So the Sun in heaven is called Sol, in earth Liber Pater, in hell Apollo: hence Virgil sayes that she is Coelo{que} Erebo{que} potens, to which he might also have added terrâ. And from these three denominations we may more rationally call her triceps, three-headed, or else from the threefold aspect of the Moon, at the increase, full, and de∣crease. At the increase she is said to be in heaven, and to bor∣row light from the Sun, at the full to impart her own to the earth; and in the wane to decline unto darknesse, and as it were to the infernal Mansions. Mayênus gives this reason why Hecate is said to be Coelo Erebo{que} potens, i. e. apud inferos & superos potestatem habens, because whilst the Moon is above the Horizon she giveth light to us who are Superi or above in regard of our Antipodes, and whilst she is beneath the Horizon, she giveth light to our Antipodes, who are inferi or beneath in regard of us. After this invocation the Sacrificer (whom the Latines call Popa, or Victimarius) slew the sacrifice, using in this also a different ceremony; ••or when they sacrificed to the celestial Gods, having knocked the beast on the head, they laid him upon his back with his throat upward, and so cut it: but when to the Infernals, they let out his blood, holding his head towards the ground: hence Virgil sayes, supponunt alii
cultors: See Turneb. l. 15. c. 12. Cultros supponere does im∣ply in what posture the Victim lay. Nor did the Victimarius alwayes slay the sacrifice; sometimes those who came to offer slew it themselves, which was, as the same Author observes, heroico ritu, after the manner of the ancient Heroes. Homer makes Agamemnon doe it, Il. 3. as Virgil doth Aeneas here, who did himself slay, and offer a black-fleec'd Lamb to the Furies, which is Nox, or the Night; and to her Sister, which is Terra, or the Earth: they may well be so neer akin, for the night is nothing but the interposition or shadowing of the earth. To Proserpine (because she is said never to have been pregnant) he offered a barren Cow: to Pluto an entire Bull, or Holocaust, who because he was deemed (as Nat. Comes ob∣serves lib. 1. cap. 11.) that divine minde or spirit, which as the soul thereof was diffused through the whole mass of the earth, and did there preside, order and govern all things, as Neptune in the sea, Juno in the aire, and Jupiter in the celestiall bodies; I say for this reason there was little or no difference in the Ce∣remonies used to Pluto, and in those used to the Celestials; for here, as you see, were Altars, Holocausts, Oyl; the only difference is, that all infernall sacrifices ought to be performed (as we have said) in the night. But for the better elucidation of this place, and the fuller understanding of those Rites and Customes used by the Ancients in their Necyomancy, Necro∣mancie, Sciomancie, and other infernall Ceremonies, read Sta∣tius Theb. l. 4. Sil. Ital. l. 13. Ovid. Met. l. 7. f. 2. * Sen. Oe∣dip. Act. 2. Scen. 1. Lucan. Pharsal. l. 6. out of all which thou mayst learn the wicked and ridiculous superstition of deluded Antiquity.
Hell is said to be empty and void, either beause Death and the Grave are never satisfied, or because there are none but ghosts and shadows there, which being incorporeall, take up no room, nor fill any place.
[§ 34] The Romans, according to A. Gellius l. 16. c. 5. and after him Macrobius l. 6. c. 8. used in their buildings to leave a spa∣tious vacant place, or base-Court before their Palaces, which divided the same from the street or high-way: this they cal∣led
Vestibulum, where those who came to salute or speak with the Master of the house remained a while before they had ad∣mittance; whence Vestibulum has its denomination from ve, an augmentative particle, and stare; as vetus from ve, and aetas; and vehemens from ve and mens; ve signifying here as much as valde; ab illâ ergo grandis loci consistione, & quasi quadam stabulatione vestibulum appellatum est. This they u∣sed to adorn with Pictures and Statues, as well to feed the eyes of their expecting friends, and to make their delayed reception seem lesse tedious, as to grace and ennoble the building. To which custome Virgil alluding here, placeth various forms and monsters, as well before the Vestibulum of Hell as within the same. Here Reader thou mayest with Quintilian observe the excellent judgement of the Poet, and great happiness in the choice of his Epithets. Others of the Latins have aspired to imitate Virgil herein, who (though in their attempt not un∣happy) yet must submit to this true idêa and prototype of poe∣sie. Thus Claudian. l. 1. in Ruffin. in emulation of our Ma∣ster describes an Assembly or Sessions of the like Monsters in most luculent verses, and is herein inferiour to none, unlesse to him who never found his equall. Let us not seem to deviate from the purpose, if we make good our assertion by these fol∣lowing instances:
—glomerantur in unum Innumerae pestes Erebi, quocun{que} sinistro Nox genuit faetu: nutrix Discordia belli, Imperiosa Fames; leto vicina Senèctus, Impatiens{que} sui Morbus, Livorque secundis Anxius, & scisso moerens velamina Luctus, Et Timor, & coeco praeceps Audacia vultu, Et Luxus populator opum, cui semper adhaerens Infaelix humili gressu comitatur Egestas. Foedaque Avaritiae complexae viscera Matris, Insomnes longo veniunt examine curae.
Hells numberlesse plagues meet, all the accurst Ofspring of night; dire Warre by Discord nurst,
Imperious Hunger, Age on Death confining, Self-wearied Sickness; Envy still repining At others good; Sorrow with garments torn, Fear, hoodwink'd Rashnesse violently born; Riot wealths bane, which wretched Beggery (Creeping along) doth still accompany; Last, a long train of wakefull Cares (which hung On their foul Mother Avarice) doth throng.Neither doe those of Seneca in Herc. furent. seem to flow from a lesse judicious or poeticall strain.
Horrent opacâ fronde nigrantes comae Taxo imminente, quam tenet segnis Sopor, Famesque moesta tabido rictu jacens, Pudor{que} serus conscios vultus tegit; Metus, Pavorque, Funus, & frendens Dolor, Alter{que} Luctus sequitur, & Morbus tremens, Et cincta ferro Bella, in extremo abdita Iners Senectus adjuvat baculo gradum.
Rough with dark leaves a Yews black head doth nod Over the lake, of lazie Sleep th' abode; Sad Hunger here with thin jawes yawning lies, And Shame too late shrouding its conscious eyes; Fear, Dread and Death, and groaning Pain succeeds; Sicknesse, with Mourning clad in Sable weeds; Then armed Warre; and lastly was espi'd Limping Old-age, whose steps a staffe did guide.Nor les us disdain to hear Silius Ital. his Muse l. 13.
Quarta cohors omni stabulante per avia monstro Excubat, & manes permisto murmure terret Luctus edax, Macies{que} malis comes addita Morbis, Et Moeror pastus fletu, et sine sanguine Pallor: Curae{que} Insidiae{que} atque hinc queribunda Senectus;
Hinc angens utra{que} manu sua guttura Livor: Et deforme Malum, & sceleri proclivis Egéstas, Error{que} infido gressu; & Discordia gaudens Permiscere fretum coelo.—
A fourth troop with its Monsters quarters there, Self-gnawing Sorrow with its plaints doth-skare The Ghosts; there Leannesse joyn'd with Sickness, and Grief fed with tears, with bloodless Palenesse stand: There Cares, Ambushments, with repining Age, And Envy which on its own throat doth rage: Want a deformed Curse, and prone to ill, With Error reeling; Discord, which doth fill All things with dire Confusion.—
[§ 35] Having described what Monsters-lodged without the Court, the Poet now bringing Aeneas within the same, relates what strange apparitions presented themselves there. And first he sayes that there was an old shady and vast Elm, the habitation of vain and ridiculous dreams: Seneca and Silius will have it a Yew-tree: The Poets in generall feigned sleep to reside a∣loft in a tree, that from thence it might descend upon Mortals: Hence Val. Flaccus,
—dulces excussit ab arbore somnos.And Homer Il. 14. makes somnus climb a tree, that from thence he might shed sleep into the eyes of Jupiter. In particular, it was feigned to be an Elm, or Yew-tree, because the green thereof being not fresh and lively, but sad and drawing upon a black, from the very colour seemed to invite to sleep: Whence Ovid in his excellent description of the Palace of Sleep, Metam. lib. 11.
At medio torus est Ebeno sublimis in antro Plumeus, Uniculor, Pullo velamine tectus, Quo cubat ipse Deus membris languore solutis, &c.
Amid the Eben Cave a downy Bed High mounted slands, with Sable cov'ring spred; Here lay the lazie God dissolv'd in rest, &c.
[§ 36] Nor doth the Poet give this tree a dark and uniform colour for the reason above alledged, but also expanded and large branches, and a farre-spreading shade, all which conduce to sleep, the sonne of Night and Erebus, and brother of Death, and therefore aptly placed in Hell; and father of Dreams, which are those Images of things which are formed in our sleep, by the various discursion of the spirits in the brain, which follows concoction, when the blood is least troubled, and the phantasie uninterrupted by ascending vapours. Of these (according to Ovid) there are three sorts, all brothers and sonnes of sleep; the first called Morpheus, which signifies form; the second by the Gods called Icelos, which is simili∣tude, by Mortals Phobêtor, or a causer of fear, in regard of the terrours arising from fearfull dreams; and the third Phanta∣sus, or imagination: all which express the nature and origi∣nall of dreams, which also are diverse, according to the meat we eat, place where we live, the time, the business and dis∣course of the precedent day, and lastly the variety of every ones temperament and complexion: Coel. Rodiginus l. 9. c. 10. gives a more mysticall and abstruse interpretation of this place out of the Platonick Philosophy, to whom we shall referre thee, as also to Macrobius in somn. Scipionis l. 1. c. 3.
Centaurs were monsters, in their upper part resembling a man,* 1.135 and in their lower a horse: hence the Poet alluding to their equine nature, sayes most properly, Centauri in foribus stabulant, that Centaurs were stalled or stabled at the gates. They are said to have been begotten by Ixion on the cloud which was presented to him by Jupiter instead of Juno, whom he sought to adulterate. They are fam'd for nothing more then their drunken Counter-skuffle with the Lapithae at Perithous his Wedding, excellently described by the ingenious Ovid Met. l. 12. fab. 3. This fiction hath an allusion to this history. The Centaurs were a mountainous people of Thessalie, subject to
Ixion, whose regal City was called Nephele, which signifies a cloud; and because all Kings are, or ought to be fathers of their people, Ixion from hence was said to have begotten them on a cloud. These, because hardy and stout (as Mountainers gene∣rally are) the King by propounding fair rewards, invited to de∣stroy the wild Bulls which infested part of his Country; whence they take their name of Centaurs, from the Greek words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, signifying to gore with a javeling, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Bull. They were the first who ever backed horses, who being seen by the Borderers as they watered their horses at the river Peneus; were supposed by them (amazed at so uncouth a sight) to have been really such as we have represented them: and truly an exquisite horseman ought to place himself in such a posture on horseback, as if (Centaur-like) he were one piece with the horse he bestrides. They were indeed a cruell libidinous people, and injurious to strangers, and therefore the Poets invested their beastly minds with such monstrous bodies, imposing also such names upon them as did correspond with their wild and salvage natures.
[§ 37] There were two Scylla's, one the Daughter of Nisus, King of the Megarenses,* 1.136 who betrayed her Father and native soyl to his implacable enemy Minos King of Crete: See Ovid. Met. lib. 8. fab. 1. the other Daughter of Phorcus, begotten on the Nymph Cretheis: she was Circes Rival in the love of Glaucus, and by her incantations changed into a most deformed Mon∣ster, for infecting the bay where the beautifull Nymph used to bathe her self with her poysonous juices, Scylla contracted a monstrous form, her upper parts retaining her former shape, but her lower were said to be environed with howling wolves, and barking dogs, attracting and destroying all ships which came neer her: Hence the Poet calls her biformis, thus by him described in his third book:
At Scyllam caecis cohibet spelunca latebris, Ora e••••••tantem, et naves in saxa trahentem; Prima hominis facies, et pulchro pectore virgo Pube tenus, postrema immani corpore Pistris Delphinum caudes utero commissa luporum.
But Scylla lurking in dark Caves, displayes Her face, and ships to crushing rocks betrayes; A Virgin to the twist divinely fram'd, Her nether parts with shape of Monsters sham'd, Deform'd with womb of Wolves, and Dolphins tails.Scylla was a rock under the Promontory of Rhegium on Italy side, over against the Promontory of Pelôrus on the coast of Sicily, under which the adverse and equally dangerous rock of Charybdis did lift up its ragged head: The lower part of this rock was full of holes and concavities (the dogs which are said to bark, by reason of the noise of the repercussed waters) fre∣quented by Lamprons and greater Fishes, which devoured the bodies of the drowned passengers. Scylla was said to retain the form and shape of a woman in her upper parts, because this rock appeared to be such to those who beheld it at di∣stance: it took the name of Scylla from the Greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to spoil, or from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to vex, whence she is said by Virgil (who haply alluded to the Greek) Eccl. 8.
Dulichias vexâsse rates.—And from hence sprung this Fable, and her fabulous form; but both these formerly-perillous rocks of Scylla and Charybdis have (as Mr. Sandys tells us, who had sayled those seas) lost their terrours by the changing of the current, expressed by that marble fountain in Messena, where Neptune holds Scylla and Charybdis in chains with these under-written verses:
Impia nodofis cohibetur Scylla catenis, Pergite securae per freta nostra rates, Capta est praedatrix, Siculi{que} infamia Ponti, Nec fremit in mediis saeva Charybdis aquis.
Fast-binding fetters wicked Scylla hold: Sail safely through our streights; brave ships be bold' Th' infamous thief that kept those seas, is tane, And fell Charybdis rageth now in vain.
But if you will draw this Fable to a morall sense; then Scylla represents a Virgin, who as long as chast in thought, and in body unspotted, appears of an excellent beauty, attracting the eyes and hearts of all upon her; but if once polluted with the sorceries of Circe, id est, having rendred her Maiden honour to be deflowred by bewitching pleasure, she is transformed into an horrid Monster; and not so only, but endeavors to shipwrack others (such is the envy of infamous women) upon those ruining rocks, and to make them share in the same ca∣lamities.
[§ 38] Briareus (which in the Greek signifies strong) was a mon∣strous Giant, the sonne of Titan and the Earth; he was said to have had an hundred arms,* 1.137 and fifty heads, and to belch forth flames of fire out of his mouth; called by the Gods Ae∣gaeon, as by mortals Briareus, according to that verse of Ho∣mer:
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.—Thus described by Virgil Aeneid. lib. 10.
Aegaeon qualis, centum cui brachia dicunt Centenas{que} manus, quinquaginta oribus ignem Pectoribus{que} arsisse; Jovis cum fulmina contra Tot paribus streperet clypeis, tot stringeret enses.
Aegaeon (whom an hundred armes fame lent, An hundred hands; from fifty mouths who sent Destroying flames) when 'gainst Joves power he rose, As many shields did rattle, swords oppose.This Giant conspiring with the rest of his rebellious brethren against Jupiter, was with a thunder-clap struck dead by him, and buried under the weight of imposed Aetna, which is said to tremble and belch forth flames whensoever the wearied Monster changeth his posture. The Giants in generall are an emblem of the tumultuous and rebellious Multitude, which
from the ignoble and earthy soul wherewith they are anima∣ted, may very truly be styled sons of the earth. But that Bria∣reus in particular is said to cause Aetna to cast up stones and flames of fire, whensover he moves, hath a physicall meaning; and by him is understood the wind which struggles in the Ca∣verns of the earth, causing it to vomit forth fire, and to cast up stones against Jupiter, by which we are to understand hea∣ven.
[§ 39] This Bellua Lernae, Beast or Monster of Lerna, a famous Lake in the Country of the Argives,* 1.138 was that Hydra (so cal∣led by the Greeks) or Excetra (the Latine compellation) a prodigious kinde of Reptile with 50 heads, which infested the circumjacent Plains, killing and destroying whatsoever man or beast came in its way. Hercules, amongst the rest of his la∣bours, was fam'd for subduing this Monster, whose heads as soon as cut off did repullulare, three succeeding in the place of one, insomuch that Hydra's head in a proverbiall acceptation signifies an endless labour, or a concatenation, and linking of one disaster upon another; it is also a type of popular sedition, and a National revolt, which is no sooner quelled in one place, but that it breaks out with triplicated rage and fury in another; whence the Vulgar is significantly denominated Bellua multo∣rum capitum, that many-headed beast, as was this Bellua Ler∣nae. But the historicall sense of this fable (according to Servi∣us) is this; Hydra, which derives it self from the Greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. water, was a certain place whence so great a quantity of water did issue, that it did drown the neighbouring Coun∣try; nor could they sooner stop one eruption, but that the hydroraea or water-flux became multiplied, and over-ran them with greater violence: which Hercules perceiving, he fired those places, by which means he stopped that prodigious drop∣sie: and that it is possible so to doe, we have the authority of Virgil:
—omne per ignem Excoquitur vitium, at{que} exsudat inutilis humor.Which is the reason he gives why they burn the stubble when
the corn is taken off. Thus Hercules, when by multiplication of blows he could not quell this Monster, was said to effect this conquest by the application of fire, burning those heads which no other force could tame. Others say that this Hydra was a terrible water-serpent, and so fruitfull, that they had no way to destroy it, and its ever-multiplying progenie, but by setting fire to the place where it hatched its egges: Meyênus.
[§ 40] Chimaera was a most celebrated Monster amongst the An∣cients, Daughter of Typhon and Echidna, whose upper parts (vomiting fire) resembled a Lion,* 1.139 the middle a Goat, and ne∣ther a Dragon; according to these verses of Homer, borrowed of him by Hesiod in his Theogonia:
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.This Monster was said to have been slain by Bellephoron moun∣ted upon the winged horse Pegasus. Chimaera (according to Servius) was a Mountain of Sicilia; but according to the more generally received opinion, of Lycia, out of whose top there proceeded fearfull eruptions of fire; which also was frequen∣ted by Lions; the middle part abounded with good herbage, and was stocked with wild Goats: the foot thereof (which was sedgie and moorish) was a retreat and receptacle for monstrous Snakes and Serpents. Hence Bellephoron (who rendred it ha∣bitable) was said to have killed the Chimaera. Others say that this Chimaera was a certain Pyrate of Lycia, a maritime Pro∣vince in Asia Minor, who had a Lion carved upon the head of his Ship, a Dragon on the stern, and a Goat upon the middle part; who being overcome and taken by Bellephoron (whose Ship was called Pegasus, and from its swiftness said to be wing∣ed) gave birth to this Fable. But if we look upon the physicall meaning hereof, Chimaera represents to us the nature of rain∣swollen rivers or torrents, by the Greeks called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 there being no great dissonance in the words, which, because they are violent, and make a roaring noise, are said to resemble Li∣ons, because they bear all things along with them; Goats, whose nature it is to crop and catch at whatsoever is in their
reach; and Dragons from their Maeanders, or oblique and serpentine course; which Monster Bellephoron mounted upon Pegasus is said to kill, because by the heat and vertue of the Sun (the true Bellephoron) the abundant humor which lent supply to these torrents is drunk up and exsiccated. But if you will consider it ethically, Chimaera sets before us the life of man, who in his youth is as an untamed Lion; in his middle age as a wanton and aspiring Goat, still striving to climb upon the steep rocks, and dangerous precipices of honour; and in his old age becomes as subtile and crafty as a serpent. But because there never was or could be any such thing in Nature as a Chimaera, in our common speech we use by this word to denote any thing that is a meer Ens Rationis, an impossibility, or a fi∣ction.
[§ 41] The Gorgons were 3 Sisters, Medûsa, Stheno and Euriale, Daughters of Phorcus and Ceto,* 1.140 a sea-monster inhabiting the Islands of the Darcades in the Aethiopick sea, over against the Hesperides. They were said to have had heads lïke Dragons, teeth like the tusks of Boars, iron hands, and wings; and last∣ly with their aspect to petrifie, or to turn into stone those who beheld them. These Perseus, sonne of Jupiter and Danae slew, being armed with the refulgent shield of Pallas, helmet of Pluto, and with the fauchion and wings of Mercury: they were called Gorgons from their terrible look; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 with the Greeks signifying truculencie, or fiercenesse of aspect. But because none could without assured danger of his life look di∣rectly upon them, therefore Perseus beholding them in the Mirrour of his shield cut off their heads. From whose blood Chrysaor and the winged horse Pegasus sprung up: but we must note, that before Perseus went to the conquest of these Monsters, he did divert to the habitation of the Graeae, two Si∣sters, Peph••edo and Enyo, who (according to Hesiod in his The∣agonia) were gray-haired from their infancy, and had but one eye betwixt them, which they used in common: This Perseus intercepting as they passed it one from another, made use of it as his guide and Pilot to the Country of the Gorgons, &c. By the Gorgons are meant sensuall delights, which are the assured
destruction and ruine of those who behold or pursue them; and which (although they may seem to their deluded followers to be full of satisfactory contents) yet in reality are as dangerous and untractable as Dragons, as fierce and hurtfull as salvage Boars, bruising and destroying with their iron hands; lastly, for that they are of short continuance, they are said to have wings, and suddenly to flye from those they have flattered and de••uded: Gaudia non remanent, sed fugitiva volant. Per∣seus on the contrary, the sonne of Jupiter, is Reason; the image and impress of God, who is the true Jupiter: The hoary-headed Graeae, Experience acquired by long time, and the con∣comitant of gray hairs: Their eye is the discerning faculty of the Soul: The shield of Pallas, and helmet of Pluto; are our de∣fensive armes, viz. constant good resolutions, and fixed habits of virtue, whereby we sustain and resist all the batteries and assaults of sensuall allurements: the fauchion of Mercury, our offensive armes, whereby we doe not only resist and repel an invading temptation, but (in the grapple and encounter, conquering and surmounting the same) proceed to the high∣est acts of virtue and true perfection. But forasmuch as plea∣sure proves sometimes too potent an enemy to deal and con∣tend withall, a wise man is said to put on Mercuries wings, that he may (by flying from what he dares not encounter) e∣lude and disappoint the force of his over-powerfull adversary, according to the Spanish Proverb, qui en quita l'occasion, quita el-peccado, he that shuns the occasion shurs the sin. And this is the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or whole armour of a wise man; not unlike to that which is recommended to us by the Apostle Epes. 6. But whereas▪ Perseus is said not to look upon Medusa and the rest, but in the refulgency of his shield, is to hint to us not too ear∣nestly to behold with our eyes what our hearts are too prone to consent to. Thus, as from the blood of the subdued Mon∣sters the winged Pegasus took his birth; so from the taming of our wild affections, and conforming to the dictates of right reason, an honest and glorious fame (the true Pegasus which flies through the mouths of men, and celebrates victorious ver∣tue) is produced. But the truth is, that these Gorgons were a
race of warlike women in the coasts of Libya, as the Amazons were in Asia, whom Perseus warring upon, subdued, and utter∣ly extirpated.
[§ 42] The Harpyes (according to Hesiod in his Theogonia) were the Daughters of Thaumas and Electra, and Sisters of Iris: they were three,* 1.141 Aello, Ocypete, and Celoeno. Others say that they were the Daughters of Neptune and Tellus, of old esteem∣ed the Parents of all Monsters and Prodigies. They are called Jupiters dogs; in hell Furiae, in heaven Dirae, on earth Har∣pyjae: they were said to have the ears of a Bear, the bodie of a Vulture, the face of a Virgin, humane hands and armes, but withall most dreadfull and monstrous talons: Thus described by the Prince of Poets, Aen. 3.
Tristius haud illis monstrum, nec saevior ulla Pestis & ira Deûm Stygiis sese extulit undis: Virginei volucrum vultus, foedissima ventris Proluvies, uncae{que} manus, & pallida semper Ora fame.—
Then them no Monster's worse, no greater curse Or wrath of Gods e're sprung from Stygian source. The fowls have Virgins faces, purging still Their filthy paunches, arm'd with talons, ill And ever pale with hunger.—These was said to infest blinde Phineus King of Thrace, to snatch the meat from his Table, and to pollute and defile what they bore not away: they were at last pursued and chased a∣way by Calais and Zetus, the winged issue of Boreas, to the Islands called Strophades, where they, giving over the pursuit, left that name to those Islands 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, à conversione, which were formerly known by the name of Plotae. The mo∣derns call them Stivali. And what are these Harpyes, but flatterers, Delators, and the inexplebly covetous, who a∣buse, devour, and pollute the fame of Princes, blinded in their understandings? whom Zetus and Calais (said to be winged
from their vigour and expediteness in State-affairs, and the service of their Country) are fam'd to expell, thereby freeing the Court & Councell of the abused Prince from those pernici∣ous Monsters. But Avarice is the vice more properly depainted and reprehended by these Harpyes, which take their name from Rapine, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and are said to be Virgins, in that barren, because goods ill gotten descend but seldome to poste∣rity; to flye, in that they are swift in extorting; to be cove∣red with plumes, from cloaking and concealing ther prey; to have talons of vultures, from their griping and fast-holding of their unjustly ravished goods. These qualities are also cha∣racterized in their names; Aëllo quasi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. from taking away what was anothers; Ocypete from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from celerity and flying; Celeno, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which signifies black. Thus a covetous man is an Aello or invader of anothers, which like an Ocypete, or kinde of prey, he doth with all violence and greediness, being a Celaeno, or close & dark in his proceedings. You may draw this Fable to a physicall sense in this manner; by the Harpyes is signified the nature of the wind, and all flatu∣lent Meteors, which are therefore said to be born of Thaumas, the Son of Pontus or the Sea, and Electra the Daughter of Sol or the Sun; for such is the winde which is generated from the vapors of the sea, drawn up by the Sun-beams, whereof the more gross and thick parts are condensed into rain, the more thin and subtile extenuated into wind. Their names also are agreeable to the nature of the wind; for what is a greater Har∣py, i. e. more violent and rapid then the wind? what more an Ocypete, or swift-flying? what more an Aella, i. e. a storm? for from thence is Aello also derived; or what more commonly accompanied with Celaeno, i. e. obscurity, then windy and tem∣pestuous weather? Lastly, as the Harpyes are said to be winged, what is more frequent in our common speech, then the wings of the wind, from its extraordinary swift and rapid motion?
[§ 43] By forma tricorporis umbrae, which we have expressed by three-body'd Elves,* 1.142 the Poet understands the Ghost or repre∣sentation of Geryon, the Sonne of Chrysâor and Callirhoë;
said to have three bodies, either from the three Islands (the 2 Beleares and Ebûsus, now known by the names of Majorca, Minorca and Ivica) which were under his dominion and Sig∣niory: Or for that (as Justin testifies l. 44. c. 4.) there were three Brethren of them, who lived together in such & concord fraternal amity, as if they had had but one soul to actuate their three bodies. And may not this Fable be verified in this our age? have not we our Geryon? is not our dread Soveraign Lord of three mighty Kingdomes? What is Majorca to Eng∣land? Minorca to Scotland? and Ivica to Ireland? what in extent? what in fertility? Why did Antiquity boast so of its Geryon, and shall not we proclaim our unparrallel'd happinesse in our Charles the second? second indeed to none in all Prince∣ly endowments and royall accomplishments, insomuch that his inherent worth alone and noble personage seem to have de∣sign'd him for Empire, had he no other title:
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.But when we consider in what amity and love, how united and linked together our gracious Soveraign and his two Royal Bre∣thren live, we cannot but affirm that (according to the mytho∣logie of this Fable) they seem to have but one soul to actuate their three bodies; the contemplation whereof strikes fire into my Muse, and forceth me into this short Poeticall rapture:
Antiquity, what were the reasons why Thou didst so much ascribe to th' number Three? What mysteries (to us yet unreveal'd Through thy dark Counsels) lye therein conceal'd? Three Graces why? and why three Parcae pray? Oth' world* 1.143 three parts, and* 1.144 three parts of the day? The Muses three times three? the Trinity (Highest of mysteries) made up by Three? Nay, why in hell three Judges didst thou seign? Three Furies why, t'inflict on mortals pain? If faith assure us that a Trinity In heav'n doth sway, if by Mythology
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We are instructed that a tripartite Pow'r doth preside over those Realms of night; Sense I am sure (then faith and story both An evidence more clear and certain) doth Tell us that earth is destin'd now to be Governed by a Royall Trinity. Great Charles, brave York, and sprightly Glocester, The names which to all Nations peace or warre Are destin'd to dispence, where they or frown Or smile, they give or take away a Crown. Three Brethren thus Nature did once obey; Jove rul'd the Heavens, Neptune the raging Sea, Pluto the parts beneath; their influence Did to all things or Good or Bad dispence: And thus the little world (mans body) is If Aristotles School teach not amisse) By three soul's rul'd; we the praeeminence To Reason give, the second place to Sence, The Vegetative claims the third; and thus You, Princely Triade, the three souls which us And this our Western world doe swage; 'tis you, To whom your friends and enemies both bow, As those for love, so these for fear: I say 'Tis you, who hearts as well as Empires sway. This blessed union then let nought divorce, And nothing shall resist your matchlesse force.But I am ingaged in so pleasing and copious a subject, that I can hardly take my self off, or return to our fabulous Geryon, from whom we have so farre digress'd; wherefore you must know that he was said to be a most merciless Tyrant, and there∣fore slain by Hercules, who having also killed his two-headed Dog, and seven-headed Dragon, the Guardians of his purple-coloured Oxen, together with Eurition, the instrument and Minister of his cruelty, is said to drive away that precious Drove out of those Islands into Greece. This story is briefly touched by our Author, lib. 8. Aen.
—maximus ultor Tergemini nece Geryonis, spoliis{que} superbus Alcîdes aderat, taurosque hâc victor agebat Ingentes; vallem{que} boves amnem{que} tenebant.
Alcîdes, who in Geryon's death did boast And spoils; that great Avenger to our coast Did come, and did his Cattle hither guide; His Heards possest the vale and river-side.
[§ 44] Spain was anciently a most fertile Country, abounding in all things necessary, as well for the use and sustenance of man, as serving for superfluous pleasures and luxurie; and in those daies was esteemed the Granary of Italy and Rome, that insati∣able Cormorant and devourer of the riches and plenty of the whole world; as you may read in Justin. l. 44. c. 1. But of all the parts of Spain, those Islands subject to Geryon were most happy, and so abounding in herbage, that if they did not sometimes take their Cattle off from feeding, they would dye either of fat, or repletion; so much is the present soil altered and impaired, to what it was in elder times; whence the Droves of Geryon (wherein consisted the sole wealth of that Age) were so famous, that they invited Hercules (that great Land-looper) to an expedition out of Asia into Europe.
Aeneas having passed through the Vestibulum, or base-Court of Hell,* 1.145 proceeds to the river Acheron, which next re∣ceives those who travell into those dark and irremeable King∣domes: We shall confine our speculations concerning the infer∣nall Rivers to this Section; they were 5. in number, Acheron, Cocytus, Phlegeton, Styx, and Lethe, all mentioned by Virgil in this Poem. Nor were these fantasticall, but real Rivers, and feigned to be infernall streams, either from the unpleasantness and unwholsomness of their waters, or for that (losing them∣selves under ground) they did disappear, and after a long sub∣terranean course, as if springing from Hell, break forth again. And for these reasons Pausanias in Atticis is of opinion, that Homer confined them to Hell, and imposed on them the names
by which they are now known.* 1.146 Thus Acheron, so called, as Ser∣vius will have it, quasi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, joyless, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 be∣cause it is a River which flows with grief and trouble; is a River of Epirus, neer the Town of Pandosia, in the Province of the Threspoti, flowing out of the Lake Acherusia, which receiving many smaller streams into its channel, posts along with them into the Bay of Ambracia, and is now known by the name of Velichi. There is another of this name in the Country of the Brutii, a Province of Italy, with a Town so called also, where Alexander King of Epirus, Brother to Olympias, and Uncle to the great Macedonian Alexander, lost his life; for being fore∣warned by the Dodonêan Oracle to avoid the River Acheron, and the Town of Pandosia; and ignorant that there were any other places so called, passed into Italy, where (partly to shun the danger threatned him, and partly to satisfie his own innate ambition and thirst of Empire) he joyned with the Tarentines against the Brutii; but meeting there an Acheron and a Pan∣dosia, he met those fates also which he endeavoured to elude, his life and vain hopes expiring together under the walls of Brutian Pandosia: Justin. l. 12. c. 2. Strabo l. 6. Livie l. 8. But to come to the Mythologie; Acheron taken, as here it is, for one of the infernall Rivers, was said to be the Son of the earth, because that Auri sacra fames, that accursed covering of riches, which are dug and forced out of the bowels of the earth, creates very great inquietudes and perturbations of mind, signified by this word Acheron, according to the above given etymologie thereof: and because men for the love of wealth often hazard their souls, and pass the River Acheron into eternall damnation, Acheron was said to be thrust down into hell for administring drink to the Titans when they fought against Jupiter: by this are covertly meant the wicked and re∣bellious togitations, whereby in assisting and cherishing out sinnes, his enemies, we fight against our great Creator; justly repayed with the worst of punishments, because they have of∣fended the best of Entities. The water thereof is said to be of a most ungratefull and unpleasant taste, because the recordati∣on of our past actions, and the account we are to give, cannot
but be very unpleasant and distastefull to us. Lastly, it is the first of all the Rivers which the Deceased are to pass, because when wicked men are upon the point of death, an Acheron, or grief of mind doth thereupon seise them, both in regard of those dearly beloved pleasures they leave behind them, and of those dreaded pains which they expect, as the just guerdon of their former delinquencies. Acheron amongst the Poets is fre∣quently taken for Hell it self.
[§ 45] Cocytus,* 1.147 according to Pausanias, is a River of Epire also, neer the Town of Cichyrus in the Province of the Threspoti, and haply may joyn and mingle with Acheron: Hence Vir∣gil alluding to the true position and topography of these two Rivers, may say that Acheron does eructare omnem arenam in Cocytum, fling up its sand into Cocytus, id est, with its thick and troubled waters, discolour the purer stream of Cocy∣tus. This is also feigned to be a River of Hell, taking its name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which signifies to weep or lament; this was said to receive a continuall supply of waters from the tears of the Damned; and is therefore called by Silius, lacrymarum fons: the mythologie of this is coincident with that which we have given of Acheron.
Styx is a fountain at the foot of Nonacris,* 1.148 a Mountain of Arcadia, whose water (by reason of the intense coldnesse thereof) was deadly to all who tasted it; dissolving all sorts of metal, insomuch that it could not be kept or contained in any vessel of gold, silver, brass, or iron, or any thing else but an As∣ses hoof: and was thought to be that poyson which by Anti∣paters means was administred to Alexander the Great, as you may read in Plut. in his life. This River is mentioned by He∣rodot. in Erato, by Pausanias in Arcadicis, by Pliny l. 2. c. 103. and l. 31. c. 2. This also for its subterranean passage, and the poysonous quality of its waters, is reckoned amongst the in∣fernall streams, and is called Styx, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. hatefull; which in a literall sense may be verified of it, in regard of its nature and qualities: in a moral, in regard of that hatred which the penitent dying man hath to sin; for as by Acheron we are to understand that sorrow and contrition which an expi∣ring
man conceives for his past offences; so by Styx is meant that detestation, loathing and disclaiming which we feel in our souls for the same. Cael. Rhodiginus l. 27. c. 5. alluding to the etymon of Styx from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, hatefull, sayes, that therefore the Gods swore by Styx, or the hatefull River, quia â Diis & hominibus odio habentur qui ad dejurium sunt procliviores, be∣cause the perjur'd are hatefull both to God and Man. This was therefore that Stygian floud,
Dii cujus jurare timent, & fallere numen.as Virgil sayes of it here, and of which Homer l. 5. Odyss. in the person of Calypso to Ʋlysses writes thus;
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
Bear witness earth, and the wide heavens above, Yea Stygian waters which beneath do move; The highest and most serious oath which ties The blessed Gods, who dwell in starry skies.Nor could the Gods either revoke that promise, or frustrate that oath which they had confirmed by the intervention of that sacred name; if they did, they were for a penalty of their per∣jury expelled the Councel and society of the Gods for 10 years, and interdicted the celestiall drink and food of Nectar and Am∣brosia, as you may read in Hesiods Theogonia. This honour was conferred upon the River Styx (as the same Author affirms) for assisting Jupiter against the rebelling Giants. The learned Lord Verulam in his book de sapientiâ Veterum, says, that by Styx we are to understand Necessity (which though it hath no law it self, is of all laws the most binding) and Leagues of Prin∣ces, which (though with all solemnity and formality conclu∣ded) are easily frustrated, unlesse the Deity of Styx, that fatall and irremeable River, be called to witness, and seal to the Con∣ditions, that is, unless there be a firmer tye then either that of oath or bed, a necessity of keeping the Articles of agreement,
by some mutuall pledges given, or for fear of some losse, danger, diminution of State or Customes; and then Leagues are held truly sacred, and strictly observed, and as it were con∣firmed by the invocation of Styx, when there is a fear of that interdiction, and suspension from the society and banquets of the Gods; under which name and title the Ancients signified all rights and prerogatives of Empire, with all affluence and felicity, which good Patriots study to procure for their belo∣ved Country.
Phlegeton is a fourth River,* 1.149 called by Homer Pyriphlegeton, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, fire, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ to burn: This is meerly fictitious; and is said to roll rapid and fearfull flames of fire down its soultry channel. As this flowed with fire, so Cocytus (as we have sayd) was swoln up with tears, both which (according to Claudian l. 2. in Ruff.) embraced the infernal Palace of Rha∣damanthus. Phlegeton represents to us the burning wrath of God against sinners, and is a type of those torments which the wicked deservedly suffer in Hell in inextinguishable flames.
The fifth and last River of Hell is Lethe,* 1.150 which signifies Ob∣livion, which whosoever drunk of forgot all fore-passed acti∣ons or sufferings. Pythagoras, and from him the Platonists held and maintained the transmigration of souls, which after their solution from the body descended into a certain Purga∣tory, where after a great many years purgation they were brought to this River Lethe, of which having drunk▪ they for∣got whatsoever miseries or incommodities they had suffered, when they were formerly joyned with the body, and thence reverted without any reluctancy into the same: but we shall examine this fancie more strictly hereafter. Lethe is indeed (as Stephanus witnesseth) a River in Africa, flowing by the walls of Berenice, which is swallowed up by a great gulph, and running under ground many miles, breaks forth again; which gave occasion to the Country-people to think that this River sprung from Hell: All which Rivers are thus described by Sil. Ital. l. 13. Punic.
—late exundantibus urit Ripas sa••vus aquis Phlegeton, & turbine an••elo:
Parte aliâ torrens Cocytus sanguinis atri Vorticibus furit, & spumanti gurgite fertur; At magnis semper Divis, regi{que} Deorum Jurari dignata palus, picis horrida rivo, Fumiferum volvit Styx inter Sulphura limum: Tristior his Acheron sanie crasso{que} veneno Aestuat, & gelidam eructans cum murmure arenam Descendit nigrâ lentus per stagna palude.
Rough-swoln Phlegeton its banks doth burn, And in its soultry-streames scortch'd stones doth turn: Cocytus torrent then with putrid blood Doth flow, driving along its foaming flood: But Styx (by which the great Gods, and the King Of Gods vouchsaf's to sweare) black with its spring Of molten Pitch, its reaking mud, commixt With Sulphur, tumbles: Acheron the next More sad then this, with poyson swells and gore, And belching up its noysom sand, doth rore, Whil'st, slow with its black waters, through a Lake It into Hell doth fall:—
And this is the vulgar and common interpretation of these fi∣ctions. Macrobius l. 1. c. 10. in Somnium Scipionis, treading in the steps of the more ancient and primitive Philosophers, (who were of opinion that Hell was nothing but our very bo∣dies, wherein our souls being included, underwent a nasty, hor∣rid and irksome restraint) finds all those things in our selves which fabulous Antiquity attributed to Hell, the Region of the Damned. Hence (according to their assertion) he affirms that Lethe, or the River of Oblivion, is nothing else but the errors and mistakes of the soul, forgetting the state, majesty, and perfect knowledge wherein it lived before it was confined to the loathsome Dungeon of the body. That Phlegeton, or the River of fire, is nothing else but that preternaturall inflam∣mation and exorbitant fire of lust, concupiscence, anger, and other untamed affections, which put the soul out of that equall temper which is naturall to it. That Styx is whatsoever doth
sink the Soul into dislike and hatred of its own actions: Co∣cytus whatsoever causeth tears and grief: Acheron whatso∣ever deprives us of the joy and content of our lives. Hence they concluded that the soul was dead so long as it remained in the body, and that then it recovered its pristine life and liberty, when it by death hand emancipated it self from the bonds and servitude of the same: Hi vivunt qui è corporum vinculis evo∣laverun; nostra autem quae dicitur vita, mors est: Cicer. in Somn. Scipion.
Charon, which signifies joy, was the sonne of Night and E∣rebus, as Hesiod will have it,* 1.151 who makes all the infernal Mon∣sters the progenie of those Parents: see him here to the life depainted by Virgil, so that nothing can be added to that ge∣nuine and lively Prosopopaea which the Poet hath given us of him; we will only illustrate our description with the like out of Seneca in Herc. furent.
Hunc servat amnem cultu & aspectu horridus, Pavidos{que} manes squallidus gestat senex; Impexa pendet barba, deformem sinum Nodus coercet, concavae lucent genae; Regit ipse conto Portitor longo ratem.
A foul old man, frightfull in dresse and face, Guarding these streams the fearfull Ghosts doth pass; His beard untrimmed hangs, and you might see Through his thin hollow cheeks; a knot doth tye His nasty coat; himself with a long pole His boat doth steer.—Charon was said to be rough and unpleasant to all his Passen∣gers whatsoever; for seeing all whom he wasted over naked a∣like, he thought that no one was better then another, that there was no difference between Kings and Princes, and be∣tween the inferior and rascally Multitude; for death is that great Leveller which takes away all distinctions of place and degrees:
Sub tua purpurei venient vestigia Reges, Deposito luxu, turbâ cum paupere mixti; Omnia Mors aequat.—Claud. 2. de rapt.
Before thee purpled Kings (of their late pride Devested 'mongst the poorer rout espide) Themselves shall prostrate; Death doth equall all.Wherefore to win the favour of this rigid and implacable Boat∣man, superstitious Antiquity put a piece of money (called by the Latines Naulum, by the Greeks Danace) into the mouth of the Dead. As by the fore-mentioned Rivers are hinted to us those troubles of mind, confusions and distractions of thoughts, which arise from the consideration of having offended a good and gracious Deity, and from the apprehensions or fear which we have of his displeasure, and the consequence thereof, pu∣nishments proportionate to our delinquencies; so by Charon, which (as I have said) signifies Joy, we are to understand, that satisfaction and acquiescence which we find in our selves upon the opinion of our innocence, or, that which is next to it, upon a firm resolution of amendment of life for the future; all which joyned with an unfeigned repentance begets in us a hope of Gods mercy and goodness, which creates serene thoughts and a real joy within us, the true Charon, which wafts us over those turbulent streams of our late distractions to the Elysian fields of pacified and reconciled thoughts. Before we conclude this Paragraph. we will touch upon a Criticism or two. Virgil sayes of Charon,
—Stant lumina flammâ.
[§ 46] The brevity of this expression hath caused the Criticks to vary somewhat in their interpretations of this place: Stant, i. e. horrent, Servius; sunt rigida, Scaliger; Plena sunt, Tur∣nebus; non conniventia, sed patula & irretorta, others; all which put together Meyenus doth thus interpret the Poet, Oculi Charontis inflexibiles, & semper aperti & intenti stantes, quasi flammas emittebant: we have here, as you see, rendred the full sense of all these, though paraphrastically, and in more
words then the Originall; but (if I may judge) our Author hath lost nothing in the traduction:
His eyes (like saucers) stare, like fire do glow.Virgil sayes of Charon, that he did Corpora subvectare cymbâ, a meer contradiction; for he says anon,
Corpora viva nefas Stygiâ vectare carinâ.We have therefore both mended the sense, and reconciled the contradiction, whil'st we have rendred it thus,
Wherein his airy fraight he o're doth pass.
The Ancients were of opinion that the unburied could not be passed over by Charon, but that their ghosts wandred an 100 years about the banks of Cocytus; whence nothing was more solemnly observed amongst them then the interment of the Dead, which was done either by a real, or an imaginary sepulture:* 1.152 This latter they called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, when the rites of buriall were observed for the dead, when absent, as if the Corps had been there present, and was thought as effectuall as to their transfretation by Charon as the other. Hence Deipho∣bus his Ghost (as wee shall see anon) was transported, for whom Aeneas had raised a Cenotaphium, or empty Monument; which the Poet means also when he speaks in the person of An∣chises concerning the young Marcellus;
—fungar inani Munere.—And for this reason the Aegyptian Kings, when they would express an implacable hatred and revenge against their offend∣ing and executed Subjects, would not suffer their bodies to be buried, that their punishment might survive their lives. But whereas the Poet sayes, that the Ghosts of the unburied wandring about the banks of Cocytus, were excluded for an 100 years from the Elysium, or place of rest; this is, I say, drawn out of the mysterious doctrine of the Platonists, by whom the number of 10 was held in great veneration, and
termed by them numerus perfectus & universus, the perfect and universall number, as being the first compounded number, and containing in it all the kinds and differences of number, as even, odd, the quadrantal, Cube, long and plain, which are the distinctions of those Schools. Hence, as if by Nature preferred to all numbers, we have ten fingers to count upon; and hence it was the custome of the Ancients, upon any solemn promise or contract, to joyn their right hands, because thereby they did premise this number, as an inviolable pledge of their sincere and reall intentions: and hence our Author (a great Platonist) insinuates this number of an hundred years, because it is an u∣niversall number arising from ten, ten times multiplied; for ten Denaries make a Centenary: for the same reason also he allots a thousand years for the purgation of souls, as we shall see anon, a thousand being an universall number also; for an hundred ten times multiplied makes a thousand; both which are therefore thought universall, because they arise from the multiplication of ten, the first universall: but if you desire to wade further into these abstruse speculations of numbers. we shall remit you to Cael. Rhodiginus l. 22. lect. antiq. who hath sifted Antiquity herein.
[§ 47] The story and fate of Palinurus, the Master of Aeneas his Ship,* 1.153 is related by Virgil at the close of the precedent book, which is here again repeated by himself, because Aeneas till now knew nothing of the manner of his drowning. In fine, ha∣ving made a full and perfect relation thereof, he desires Aeneas to carry him along with him over the River Cocytus, but is re∣prehended for his unseasonable and illicite request by Sibylla, because he was as yet unburied; but withall encouraged, for that ere long those inhumane Lucani, who had murdered him, should expiate their barbarous assassination, by appeasing his Ghost, and by raising a Cenotaphium for him on that Promon∣tory, which from him should bear the name of Palinurus, on which also stood the Town of Velia here mentioned. But Jul. Higinus, as A. Gellius relates, l. 10. c. 16. is very severe here against Virgil, accusing him of a very grosse mistake against Chronologie; for Velia was not then built, but a long time af∣ter,
viz. in the reign of Servius Tulius, by the Phocians, who were expelled their native soil by Harpalus, King Cyrus his Lieutenant: but this must be salved by the figure called Pro∣lepsis, as we have noted §. 2. concerning Cumae. Turnebus l. 22. c. 1. excuseth the Poet thus, saying, Virgil spake with a reflection upon the notation or etymologie of the word Velinus, which is the same with Palustris: Velia, anciently wrote He∣lia (as Servius notes) coming from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which signifies a fenny place; so that portus require Velinos, is portus require Palu∣stres. But speculations of this nature are not the principall de∣sign of these Annotations, we shall herein referre the Reader to the Grammarians. We shall note one thing before we con∣clude this §. Palinurus desires Aeneas to bury or inter him, tu mihi terram injice. It was a custome among the Ancients, that whosoever light upon an unburied Corps (were his haste never so great) was bound to bury it, or to cast earth upon it.
Quanquam festinas (non est mora longa) licebit Injecto ter pulvere, curras: Horatius l. 1. Od. 28.
Though haste thee press, it is no long delay, Thrice cast on dust, and then hye thee away.Quintilian more positively, Declam. l. 5. Insepultum quodlibet corpus nulla festinatio tam rapida transcurrit, ut non quantulo∣cun{que} veneretur aggestu: hence whosoever omitted this com∣mon act of humanity was looked upon as an execrable person; neither doe I conceive that they were bound to dig a Grave, unlesse they pleased; it was enough for the discharge of their duty to cast dust or sand upon the Corps, which they were bound to doe thrice, as Horace witnesseth; which done the party was taken for buried, although it was not quite covered with the earth or sand they cast upon it: and this is the meanest and slightest sort of sepulture, yet enough to prevent the hun∣dred years wandring in the other world; for which reason Palinurus desires this last and least kindness of his friend, tu mihi terram injice.
[§ 49]
Aeneas and Sibylla approching the banks of the River Co∣cytus, are saluted by Charon with rude and Boatman-like lan∣guage; mark the artifice of the Poet in fitting the speech ac∣cording to the person and quality of the speaker, imitated herein by Senec. in Herc. furent.
—dirus exclamat Charon, Quó pergis audax? siste properantem gradum.
Fell Charon cryes aloud, whither bold man Dost thou advance? thy hasty course restrain.
Charon terrified by the threats of Hercules transported him, but was for that fact (as Servius notes) held in chains a whole twelve-moneth; wherefore he had no reason to be pleased, or to doe the like in the person of Aeneas, who for ought he knew might come upon the same design the other did, who, as the fable sayes,* 1.154 drew Cerberus from Hell; in a moral sense that is, did subdue and conquer all sensuall pleasures, all low and earthy delights: for by Cerberus we are to understand the earth, which consumes and annihilates bodies, whence Cer∣berus takes its name from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. Carnivorus, a flesh∣eater. But this Fable of Hercules, with that of Theseus and Pirithous,* 1.155 took its rise from this following story, which you may read in Theseus his life, written by Plutarch. Theseus Son of Aegaeus and King of Athens, and Pirithous King of the Lapithae, were very intimate friends, and sworn Brothers in armes; both persons of exceeding strength of body, and un∣daunted courage of mind: Pirithous had assisted Theseus in the rape of Helena; such exploits in those dayes being esteem∣ed acts of gallantry and manhood; wherefore he desires his friend to doe the same for him in a design of the like nature. A••doneus King of the Molossions had a most accomplish'd and beautifull Lady to his Wife called Ceres,* 1.156 with a Daughter cal∣led Proserpina, equally deserving. He had a Dog also of a monstrous size, and Lion-like fierceness, with whom he made those ••ight who came to ask his Daughter in Marriage, promi∣sing to give her to them who should overcome his Cerberus;
for so was the Dog called. But understanding that Pirithous came not like a Suitor, to request her in marriage, but as a Ravisher, to steal her away, he surprizing both the Gallants, made him Prisoners; but for Pirithous, he caused him present∣ly to be torn in pieces by his Dog, and shut Theseus up in a close Prison. In the mean time Hercules (Theseus his Con∣temporary and friend, who travelled through the world, seek∣ing adventures) came also into those parts to combat with this terrible Dog, whom conquering he carried away captive with him, delivering also his friend Theseus out of chains. But for a little variety and diversion, let us see the fight between the imaginary Cerberus and Hercules, as it is lively described by Sen in Herc. furent.
—Sensit ut motus pedum, Attollit hirtas angue vibrato comas, Missum{que} captat aure subrectâ sonum, Sentire & umbras solitus. Ʋt proprior stetit Jove natus, antro sedet incertus canis, Et uterque timuit: ecce latratu gravi Loca muta terret; sibilat totos minax Serpens per armos: vocis horrendae fragor Per ora missus terna felices quoque Exterret umbras. Solvit à laevâ ferox Tunc ipse rictus, & Cleonaeum caput Opponit, ac se tegmine ingenti clepit Victrice magnum dexterâ robur gerens; Huc nunc & illuc verbere assiduo rotat, Ingeminat ictus; domitus infregit minas, Et cuncta lassus capita submisit Canis, Antro{que} toto cessit: extimuit sedens Ʋter{que} solio Dominus, & duci jubet; Me quoque petenti munus Alcidae dedit. Tunc gravia Monstri colla permulcens manu Adamante texto vincit; oblitus sui Custos opaci pervigil regni Canis Componit aures timidus, & patiens trahi,
Herum{que} fassus, ore submisso obsequens Ʋtrumque caudâ pulsat anguiferâ latus, &c.
As soon as he his footing heard, he does His Brisles (stiffe with brandish'd snakes) oppose; With prick'd-up ear (the Ghosts ev'n wont to hear) Catching the sound; but when Joves Sonne more neer Approch'd, the Dog sat doubtfull in his den, And both did seem to apprehend; loe! then Those mute abodes with his deep throat he scares: About his shoulders wreath'd his threatning hairs Of Serpents hiss; his dreadfull voices sound (Sent through his treble mouth) doth ev'n confound The blessed shades: Then th' other in a rage His Lions spoil devesting, doth engage, And himself cov'ring with that mighty shield, With his all-conqu'ring hand doth nimbly weild His knotty Oak, his strokes he oft repeats; And now the vanquish'd Dog his threats abates; He wearied hangs his Heads, and's Den doth quit; His* 1.157 Patrons both (spectators of the fight) Did fear, and him resign; they also* 1.158 me At the request of Hercules did free. The Monsters wearied necks then stroaking, he Them with an Adamantine chain doth tie: No more himself, Hel••s watchfull Guardian lay's His ears for fear, he quietly obeys His new Lord, and with a submissive meen His Serpents tayl doth wag.—
[§ 50] Sibylla (called here Vates Amphrysia, i. e. Apollinea, from A∣pollo, who kept Admetus his flocks neer the River Amphrysus) with the same decorum replies to every particular of Charons speech, and answering to all his objections, tells him the true end and intention of Aeneas in this his undertaking. Meyenus doth thus moralize upon this place: By Aeneas his descent in∣to Hell to advise with his Father, is meant the study of Philo∣sophy,
or a strict search and diligent, indagation after truth, which is said in abdito latere, to lye in as profound and difficult a place to approch as Hell it self: By the fatall branch is hin∣ted to us the wisedome, will, and conduct of the omnipotent and omniscient God, without which no man can attain to true knowledge; upon the sight of this bough therefore Aeneas his intentions being known to be just, and approved by the Gods, Charon receives him into his Boat, and (though with some difficulty) passeth him over the River Cocytus; which place is thus imitated by Seneca in Her. fur. speaking of Her∣cules his transportation.
Non passus ullas natus Alcm••na moras Ipso coactum navitam conto domat; Scandit{que} puppim: Cymba populorum capax Succubuit uni, sedit, & gravior ratis, Ʋtrinque Lethen latere titubanti bibit.
Alcmena's Sonne impatient of delay The Boatman makes with his own pole t'obey; He goes aboard: under one the boat sinks, Which thousands could receive, and o'recharg'd drinks Lethe at both its tottr'ng sides.
[§ 51] After Aeneas was landed, the first encounter he had was with Cerberus,* 1.159 the infernall Dog and Porter, whose Den was opposite to his landing: He was said to have three heads, and Serpents instead of hair, to be of an immense proportion, fierce and devouring: thus depainted by Sen in Herc. furent.
Híc saevus umbras territat Stygias Canis Qui trina vasto capita concutiens sono Regnum tuetur; sordidum caput tabo Lambunt colubrae, viperis horrent jubae, Longus{que} tortâ sibilat caudâ Draco; Par ira formae.—
Here by the Stygian Curre the Ghosts are scar'd, Who shaking his three heads those Realms doth guard
With his deep yels; snakes lick his putrid head, About his main themselves soul vipers spread, A Dragon at his twisted tail doth hisse; Such as his form, his fright full fierceness is.
[§ 52] But Sibylla laying him with all his Hydra's asleep by casting to him this sop, did with Aeneas proceed without any further in∣terruption from this vigilant and terrible guard. Cerberus signi∣fieth the Earth, or the Grave, which devoureth all flesh, and from thence (as we have said §. 49.) receives his denomination: He was said by Hesiod. in Theogon. to flatter all comers, and to fawn upon them, but to assayl with horrible yels all such as en∣deavoured to return: thereby insinuating, that as the grave is the receptacle of all flesh, so that there is no return from thence. But to moralize more parti••rularly upon this place, by Cerberus here we may undestand Obloquie, the oblatration, barking, or snarling of a detracting tongue, to which even Aeneas himself, that is, the most deserving is (through mistakes) many times li∣able: but the way to break the fury of immerited clamours, is not violently to oppose, that doth more irritate; but to cast a sop to Cerberus, to use seasonable lenitives and discreet Perswa∣sives; for malice is never more disappointed, never more out of countenance, then when we either silently neglect it, or by well-doing convince it.
Virgil distributes Hell into nine severall quarters or regions; the first is of Infants;* 1.160 the second of the unjustly condemned; the third of self-murderers; the fourth of Lovers; the fifth of Warriours; the sixth of Criminals; the seventh of Purgatory; the eighth of those who were to return again into life; the ninth of the Elysium. And that of Infants is very aptly pla∣ced in the entrance of Hell, as who were in the very entrance of their lives snatched away.
[§ 53] Next to these were ranged the falsly condemned, as in in∣nocence the most resembling Infants. But because Virgil al∣ludes to the manner of proceeding used in his age in causes criminall, it will not be impertinent to inlarge a little upon this subject; you must therefore know that those who were
stituted Judges in criminall or publick causes, were by the Ro∣mans styled Quaesitores, and by the figure Syncope Quaestore••, from the verb quaerere, to seek or inquire, because they did examine and punish all capitall crimes; they were also called Praetores Quaesitores, and Judices Quaestionis: They did not pass sentence by word of mouth, but when they absolved the party accused, they wrote upon certain small pieces of wood or table••s, called in Latine tesserellae, toleolae, tabellae, or calculi, the letter A. i. e. Absolvimus: If they judg'd him guilty, then he wrote C. i. e. Condemnamus: if they found the cause diffi∣cult and doubtfull, then they inscribed N. L. Non liquet: Not unlike our Ignoramus given in by the grand Inquest, whereby the party accused is delivered from all further prosecution: See Cowels Interpret. And then the Cause was put off, and left undecided for a second hearing, which was termed by the Ci∣vilians Ampliatio, or Comperendinatio; see Calv. lex Jurid. and Turnebus advers. l. 1. c. 3. The tables thus written upon were put into a vessel which they called Ʋrna, and there being shaken together, were drawn forth: Hence Virgil sayes,
Quaesitor Minos urnam movet.—These sentences, because written in tables, were termed sen∣tentiae tabulariae, and sortes, because drawn out of the Urn, as lots were out of a Lottery. This does not only give light to this place of the Poet, but to that where he sayes at the be∣ginning, stat ductis sortibus urna: But whereas Minos is made here by the Poet to be chief of Hells grand Inquest, is conso∣nant to the received opinion of those fabulous times: Minos was sonne of Jupiter by Eurôpa, and King of Crete, who from his exact and severe administration of Justice whilst he lived, was feigned to have been made by Pluto one of the infernall Judges, with whom Rhadamanthus and Aeacus were joyned in Commission; of whom more anon.
[§ 54] In the third place the Poet reckons those who had killed themselves, which the Greeks call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* 1.161 who out of a irk∣somness of living, layd violent hands on themselves. This Sü∣icide, or self-murder (though coloured over and defended
from the practise and example of some few otherwise gallant men, as Themistocles, Cato, Ʋticensis, Brutus, and others, and allowed of by Seneca, and those of the Stoicall School) was by the wiser sort of Heathens not only not thought a vertue, or act of fortitude, but its contrary, direct Cowardise; as Ari∣stotle concludes, Ethic. l. 6. c. 7. his words are worthy the in∣serting: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. To kill a mans self to avoid want, or for love, or other affliction and cross, is not the part of a valiant man, but rather of a Coward; and proceeds rather from an effeminate and soft nature then otherwise: Nor only so, but it was by Plato, and the Sect of the Acad∣micks forbidden as a thing unlawfull, and an high offence a∣gainst the Gods; and concluded so to be by Tully in Somn. Scipion. Nisi cum Deus, cujus hoc templum omne quod conspi∣cis, ist is te corporis custodiis liberaverit, huc tibi aditus patere non potest: Ʋnlesse God, whose Temple this All is which we behold, free thee from these bonds of the Body, canst thou hasten thy journey to the other world: for to that this particle (Huc) relates: See Macrob. in Somn. Scip. l. 1. c. 13. And therefore Plato (as Servius observes) makes their souls to be grievously punished in Hell, whose late possessors had before the expira∣tion of Natures Lease over-hastily turned them out of doores. But why Styx is said here novies interfusa, nine times incom∣passed, Interpreters vary: some say that the Poet alludes here to those sacra novendialia, the Ceremonies and Rites observed about the dead, whose body was kept eight dayes, and interred the ninth: others to the nine Regions of Hell above mentio∣ned; but De la Cerda and Meyenus conclude with Cael. Rhodi∣gin. l. 22. c. 8. that the number of 9. as being a most perfect and absolute number, is taken here indefinitely for any number or multitude, so that novies here is eqvivalent with multoties.
[§ 55] The fourth station is assigned to such as have died or made themselves away for love: and here we may observe these following circumstances;* 1.162 First, that this place hath the name of the fields of Mourning, from that grief and melancholy which is the individuall companion of impatient Lovers. Se∣condly,
that they spend their time in secret, close, and retired walks, as such who being ashamed of their forepassed com∣missions, shun the light and all conversation, as Ovid speaks of Nyctimene,
—quae conscia culpae Conspectum lucem{que} fugit, tenebris{que} pudorem Celat.—Ovid Met. l. 2. f. 9.
—she full of guilt the sight And day did shun, and mask'd her shame in night.Or because Lovers (for the Poet speaks principally of the un∣chaste) out of the nature of this vice commit that sin in se∣cret. Thirdly, that they converse in myrtle Groves, as the Slaves and Satellites of Venus, to whom that tree is sacred. Fourthly, that, though dead, they retain their former love and affection; for this vice (we still speak of unlawfull love, that is, lust) sticks most pertinaciously, is never, or with much difficul∣ty eradicated; naturall inclination seconded with evil habits, rendring the unchast an irredeemable vassall to his own filthy desires. The examples the Poet presents us with here are all of women, as the sex the most impatient of love, and the most unbridled in their appetite. Of these the first is Phaedra, Daughter to King Minos, and Wife of Theseus King of Athens, who by Antiopa the Amazon, a former Wife, had a Sonne cal∣led Hippolitus. He, as well in his vow and love of Chastity, as in that of hunting, shewed himself to be a true Votary of Di∣ana, the Goddesse of both.* 1.163 Phaedra falling in love with her Son in Law, courted him to her bed; but the more virtuous Youth, refusing to stain his Fathers sheets, disappointed his lustfull Mother; who impatient of the affront, as also fearing to be her self betrayed, and accused by Hippolytus, took the advantage of anticipation, and told Theseus that his Sonne would have forced her. The over-credulous Father vowing revenge, pursues him with curses, whom (because fled) he could no otherwise pursue. The Gods (who oftentimes yield to unjust Petitions, for a punishment to the Petitioner) heard
his rash vowes, and provided a sad and sudden destruction for the Sonne, whom the Father had so undeservedly cursed, for as Hippolytus took his flight by the sea-side, certain sea-mon∣sters called Phocae (which lay basking themselves on the shore) affrighted at the noise of his chariot, and the trampling of his horses, thre•• themselves with great violence into the sea; the horses in like manner affrighted thereat, ran away, and over∣turning the Chariot, tore the intangled Youth limb from limb; which when the conscious Phaedra knew, after confes∣sion of her own wickedness and false accusation, she expiated her crime by becoming her own executioner: See Sen in Hip∣p••l. and Ovid. in epist.
[§ 56] The second is Procris,* 1.164 whose story (related at large by O∣vid. Met. l. 7.) we shall contract in this manner; Precris was the Daughter of Erectheus, King of Athens, and Wife of Cephalus, who (though a true lover of his Wife, and a great admirer of her virtues) upon I know not what suspicion, in∣cident to lovers, coming to her in a disguise, attempted her chastity; she having made a resistance sufficient to testifie her loyalty, at last by his over-acted importunity, & all-conquering presents, yields; when he discovering himself, upbra••ds her with her infidelity: Whereupon Procris convinced and a∣shamed, forsakes her Husband, and hides her self in woods and desert places: but at last peace being made betwixt them, she gave him (who delighted much in hunting) an inevitable dart, and a dog exceedingly swift, called Lelaps: Thus pro∣vided, Cephalus was much abroad in the woods, and rising be∣fore day from his Wife, went often a hunting: wherefore Pr••cris searing that under pretence of going a hunting he quitted her embraces, for those of some beloved Nymph, fol∣lowed him privately into the woods, and there as a spye hid her self amongst the bushes. Cephalus being tired with heat and toyl, hapned to retire himself into the shade near the place where Procris lay, and there (according to his custome) called upon Aura, i. e. the Air, to refresh him; she thinking that by that name he called upon his expected Mistress; that she might make the better discovery, raised her self, and by stir∣ring
the bushes gave him a suspicion that some wild beast lay there obscured; wherefore casting his never-missing dart (his unhappy Consorts fatal present) he unwittingly slew his dea∣rest Wife. A story invented to deterre from jealouse, the bane of all conjugall content, and from imaginary and ground∣less suspicions, which are oftentimes the cause of real and fatall tragedies.
Eriphyle was (according to Eustathius) Daughter of Ta∣laüs,* 1.165 wife of Amphiaraüs and Adrastus his Sister, who cor∣rupted by Polynîces with a chain of gold, betrayed her Hus∣band, who absented himself that he might not accompany A∣drastus in the Theban expedi••ion, where he knew he should certainly perish. But Amphiaraüs resenting very highly the perfidiousness of his Wife, left it as his last legacies with his Son Alcmaeon, that as soon as he should receive the certain news of his death he should slay his Mother, which he (facto pius & sceleratus ••odem) in revenge of his Father performed; there∣fore the Poet sayes of her here,
—moestamque Eriphylen Crudelis nati monstrantem vulnera cer••it.
The nex was Evadne,* 1.166 the Daughter of Mars by Thebe, the Wife of Asôpus; she was Wife to Capaneus, one of those Cap∣tains who accompanied Adrastus in the Theban Warres; who loved her Husband so passionately, that when his exequies were solem••ized, she cast her self into the same flames which consumed her beloved Consort.
As for the story of Pasiphaë,* 1.167 we have already enlarged upon it §. 4. we shall therefore proceed to Laodamîa, the most af∣fectionate Consort of the undaunted Protesilaüs, who not∣withstanding that it was foretold him by the Oracle, that who∣soever of the Greeks should land first upon Phrygian ground, should for his forwardness pay the price of his life, first lept on the shore, where encountring Hector, he was by him slain. His Wife receiving the sad news of her Husbands death, con∣ceived such invicible grief thereat, that she resolved not to
survive him; yet desired, that before her death she might see his Ghost, which seen she immediately expired.
That last of this Catalogue was Caenis,* 1.168 once a beautifull Vir∣gin, who obtained of Neptune, that for her surrendred Virgi∣nity she might be changed into a man, and become invulne∣rable: this was granted her by the gratefull God, and so from Caenis, a woman, she became Caeneus, a man, changing her name with her sex: but at last in the fight between the Cen∣taurs and the Lapithae, when he could be wounded by no wea∣pon, he was over-whelmed with an heap of wood, and so dy∣ed: he (as Virgil testifies here) after his death was turned into his primary sex, and therefore is here ranged amongst the women.
Amongst these the Poet very appositely introduceth the late∣ly deceased Dido, describing with all circumstances, apt to raise passion, the interview betwixt her & Aeneas; we shall not in∣sist at all upon her story, but recommending the Reader to the fourth of the Aeneis (where it is inimitably expressed by our divine Author) proceed to the next region or partition of Hell.
Where we are presented with a survey or generall muster of some of the most eminent Warriours and Chieftairs of their times; whereof the first he mentions are such as died in the Theban Warres:* 1.169 Of these none was more renowned then the valiant Tydeus,* 1.170 the Sonne of Oeneus, King of the Aetolians, and Father of Diomedes, a person as high in courage as he was low in statute; of whom Statius thus,
Celsior ille gradu procera in membra, simul{que} Integer annorum, sed non & viribus infra Tydea fert animus, totos{que} infusa per artus Major in exiguo regnabat corpore virtus.Which Mr. Stephens renders thus;
The Theban was the taller, and had told More suns then he; but Tydeus was as bold And equall'd him in courage; give him's merit, In a lesse room there reign'd a greater spirit.
[§ 57]
He having unhappily kill'd his Brother Menalippus, fled from his incensed Father to Adrastus, King of the Argives, where meeting Polynêces, a fugitive also, after sharp conflict between them, they were reconciled, and became Brothers, Tydeus marrying Deiphile, and Polynîces Argîa, Adrastus his two Daughters. He having his native Aetolians under his command, was one of the seaven Princes of Greece, who fol∣lowed Adrastus to the Warres of Thebes, where having given great and frequent proofs of his valour, he was at last slain by one Menalippus a Theban.
Parthenopaeus was one of those seven Princes also,* 1.171 Son of A∣talanta and Meleager, and King of Arcadia; he went very young to those Wars, whence returning with ill success, he did after accompany the Grecian Princes to the Warres of Troy, where having shewed himself as bold in fight as he was skillfull in conduct, was slain. He was noted as well for his beauty and swiftness of foot, as for his valour: Of him Statius thus lib 4.
Pulchrior haud ulli triste ad discrimen ituro Vultus, & egregiae tanta indulgentia formae; Nec desunt animi, veniat modò fortior aetas.
None of those who did venture to the place Of danger, had so sweet a beauteous face; Nor is true courage wanting, if his age Did lend him strength and power to ingage.
The third was Adrastus King of the Argives,* 1.172 and chief of the league against the Thebans: He after the losse of all his great officers but Parthenopaeus returned home, where he di∣ed ingloriously. Before we proceed, you may observe by the by, that there were three most noted Epoch's or computations of time amongst the Ancients, higher then which prophane Story gives us no light. The first was from the expedition of the Argonautes to Colchis for the golden Fleece, which (accor∣ding to our learned Country-man, and most diligent Chrono∣loger, Dr. Simpson) hapned in the fifteenth year of Gideon,
of the world 2743. and before our Saviour 1260. The second was from the Theban warre, which (as the same Author testi∣fies) fell out in the fifteenth year of Thola, Judge of Israel, in the year of the world 2785. forty two years after the former, and before our Saviour 1218. Lastly, from the Trojan War, which was undertaken by the Greeks in the 19. of Judge Jair, of the world 2812. before Christ 1191. These three memo∣rable expeditions administred matter to the Heroick Muses of divers famous witts; the gests of the Argonauts were celebra∣ted by the Greek Muse of Apollonius Rhodius, and by the Latine of Valerius Flaccus, two Authors esteemed by the learned, though not usually conversed with in our common Schools: The Theban Warre was sung by the sublime Papinius Statius. Lastly, the Trojan was the Theme of the great Homer, and the greater Virgil, the two glorious Luminaries of heroick poesie, and inexhaustible treasuries of all Phiolosophy & humane literature. But pardon this digression, and we shall return. From the Grecian Worthies the Poet makes a transition to the Trojan, where he makes the interview betwixt them and Ae∣neas to be with more then ordinary passion. He sighs to be∣hold his Country-men and acquaintance, whilst they express very great content in seeing a person so deserving, and for his deserts so worthily renowned. The Trojans' which Virgil names here were Glaucus, sone of Antênor, slain by Agamem∣non: who Medon was it is uncertain: Thensilocus was killed by Achilles, Il. 21. who the Antenoridae were it is not decided by Interpreters, as likewise who Polybaetes was; but for Idaeus he was Priam's Charioter; whence the Poet makes mention here of his Chariot and Armes. Aeneas passeth from his Trojan friends to the Greeks, his enemies, where our Author (whose design it was to magnifie his Aeneas, and to under∣value the Greeks) makes them for feare to flye from him in the lower world, whom they so much dreaded in the upper: See, and learn hereby to observe that decorum which is required in writing.
The Poet, with much delight to the Reader,* 1.173 doth amplifie in the story of Deiphobus, one of Priams Sons, who after Paris
his death, married his relict, the fair, but to her Husbands the ever-fatal Helena. Virgils narrative of the cruel massacring and dismembring of Deiphobus, agrees with that which Dictys Cretensis the Historian gives of it in his fist book: There is nothing of difficulty in this whole relation, we shall therefore pass it over with a brief note or two. Aeneas hearing of the death of Deiphobus, raised (according to the custome of those times) a Cenotaphium, or empty Monument for him; which was not only to express the duty of a friend, but because such ceremonies were thought efficacious as to the prevention of the hundred years wandring about the banks of Cocytus, as we have already hinted §. 46. of which the chief and most mate∣rial was to call on the dead thrice, which was done by repeating the word vale three times; which were the verba novissima, of which we also have already spoken. The next was to write the name of the Dead, with some brief Epitaph, upon the stone, and there to carve his armes as a monument of his profession: all which are expressed here by Virgil;
Tunc egomet tumulum Rhaetaeo in littore inanem Constitui, & magnâ manes ter voce vocavi Nomen, & arma locum servant.—The next thing we note is the interpreting of these verses of Virgil,
Hac vice sermonum roseis Aurôra quadrigis Jam medium aethereo cursu trajecerat axem.
Whilst thus they talk, morn with her rosie wain Had more then measur'd the Meridian.This place hath much perplexed Interpreters; we shall pass by others, and adhere herein to the exposition of our Country∣man, the learned Mr. Farnaby; you must therefore know, that these magicall Rites were necessarily to be finished within the space of 24 hours: the sacrifices were begun in the night∣time, about sun-rising they begun their journey, the fore∣noon
was spent in passing the River Styx, in surveying the Regions of Hell, and in discoursing with Dido and Deiphobus; and now it was supposed to be past noon: How then Virgil should make mention of Aurôra, or the morning, which de∣termines at the appearing of the sun, or say that the morning had passed the Meridian, there is that nodus & crux interpre∣tum, which is thus untied; by Aurôra here we are to under∣stand the Sun, because Virgil puts four horses in her Chariot, whereas both Aurôra and Luna, the Morning and the Noon, are by the Poets allowed no more then two; which indeed is Donat's interpretation, Aurôra cum quadrigis solem signifi∣cat; so that the meaning of Sibylla's speech is this: The Sun hath passed the Meridîan, and is now declining towards the West, the night draws on; let us therefore hasten that we may employ our remaining hours with Anchises, the chief end of our present undertaking. Thus Mr. Farnaby: See Servius, De la Cerda, Meyênus upon this place, who every one ex∣pound it variously.
[§ 58] The last place we shall touch upon is this:
Discedam, explebo numerum, reddar{que} tenebris. I'le goe in darkness my set time to spend.Some goe along with Macrob. l. 1. in Somn. Scip. c. 13. who in my judgement seems to expound this place more subtilely then soundly: we shall follow Mr. Farnaby in this also, who sayes, that Virgil means by number that set time which is allot∣ted for the purgation of souls (of which anon) before they can return into this world, and reassume new bodies. The Pur∣gatory torments (according to Plato's doctrine) were com∣pleated after the expiration of 10, an 100, or a 1000 years, according as the soul to be purged was more or lesse stained; so that the sense of Deiphobus his words is this, Be not angry, I will depart to finish in darkness, or those places of darkness, that number of years which is set or appointed for my purgatory or ex∣piation.
Aeneas having passed that Region where the Warriours resided, came to a certain Bivium, or place which divided it
self into two paths; that on the right led to the Elysium and Pluto's Palace, that on the left to Hell, the place of torments; and this is that which the Ancients call Tartarus, with which our English word, Tortu••e, although not really from thence derived, for it comes from Torqueo, bears some proportion in the sound. This is depainted by Virgil so much to the life, that the very reading strikes a terrour and aprrehension in any one who does diligently and in all circumstances consider the same; all things here are so plain and obvious, that we need not vex the Reader with glosses and interpretations where there is no knot. That description which Claudian l. 2. in Rufin. gives of Pluto's Palace, may serve to illustrate this place:
Est locus infaustis quo conciliantur in unum Cocytus Phlegeton{que} vadis, inamaenus uterque Alveus; hic volvit lacrymas, hic igne redundat. Turris per geminos flammis vicinior amnes Porrigitur, solido{que} rigens adamante sinistrum Proluit igne latus; dextra Cocytia fundit Aequora, triste gemens, & fletu concita plangit: Huc post emeritam mortalia secula v••tam Deveniunt, ubi nulla manent discrimina fati, Nullus honor, vano{que} exûtum nomine Regem Proturbat Plebeius egens.—
With direfull Phlegeton Cocytus here Its waters joyns, both streams unpleasant are; With tears this swells, that doth o'reflow with fire, A towr inviron'd with both these (more neer The flames) doth stand; the left side Phleg'ton laves, Made strong with Adamant; Cocytus waves Doe dash against the right; this wailing glides, And drives laments down its tear-swollen tydes: Here Mortals (when life's glass is run) descend, Where no distinctions doe the great attend, No honour: here the poorest Commoner The unking'd King doth justle.—
[§ 59]
Sibylla here makes a relation of a punishments which the Damned sustain in Hell, where (following the Poets method) we shall observe this order; first, who were the infernall Judges; secondly, who the Executioners; thirdly, what per∣sons and crimes were here punished; fourthly, what the infer∣nall punishments were. There were therefore three Judges of Hell,* 1.174 viz. Minos, Rhadamanthus, and Aeacus; Of Minos we have already spoken §. 53: Rhadamanthus was a Cretan born, therefore intituled here Gnossius, from Gnossus, the capital City of Crete; he was a person of a very austere life, & very rigid in distributing justice; wherefore he was by Minos (who was also a very severe and just Prince) constituted supreme Judge of the Nation; and for this reason after their deaths they were both said to have been ordained Judges of Hell. This Rhadaman∣thus was Author of the Law which the Greeks call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* 1.175 the Latines lex talionis, conceived (as Aristotle witnesseth Eth. l. 5. c. 5.) in these words;
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: 'Tis just that one should suffer as h' has done.Which therefor•• the Philosopher styles 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and haply from him it was translated into the Laws of the 12. Tables, as you may read in A. Gellius lib. 20. c. 1. where he introduceth Favorinus the Philosopher, and Sex▪ Caecilius the great Lawyer, discoursing concerning the reason and equity of this Law. Aeacus was the Son of Jupiter and Aegina, King of Oenopia, an Island of the Aegaean sea; which he afterward called from his Mother Aegina, Met. l. 7. f. 25. he also for his justice was feigned to be one of this infernal Triumvirate: Of these thus Sen••in Herc. furent.
Non unus altâ sede Quaesitor sedens Judicia trepidis sera sortitur reis; Auditur illo Gnossius Minos foro; Rhadamanthus illo;* 1.176 Thetidis hoc audit socer, Quod quisque fecit patitur; authorem scelus Repetit; suo{que} premitur exemplo noncens.
Not one Judge from his lofty throne doth pass Upon the trembling Nocent death; alas! In that Court Gnossian Minos doth preside; Here Rhadamanthus; in a third th' are tri'd By Aeacus; all suffer, as th' have done Their pains bear with their crimes proportion.
[§ 60] When these Judges had examined and sentenced the guilty, then they delivered them to the Furies,* 1.177 the hellish Executio∣ners, to be tormented; which, as the Judges were, so were they in number, three, Tisiphone, Alecto, and Megaera, three Sisters, the Daughters of Erebus and the Night, or of Pluto and Proserpine, the Devil and his Dam; known to the Latines by the names of Furiae, because of the terrours and distracti∣ons wherewith they afflicted the Guilty; and Dirae, quasi Dei irae, because such distractions arise from the just anger of God upon offenders, or because they are Executioners of Gods wrath: To the Greeks by those of Erynnyes, quasi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: for the same reason the Latines call them Furiae; and Eume∣nides, per antiphrasin, or by the contrary, for Dysmenides, quasi minime mites, from their hostile and implacable severity: Servius and Eustath. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the Greek signifies benevo∣lent ••nd gentle, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the contrary. They were said to be lean, tall, to have hollow and blood-shotten eyes, tresses of Serpents instead of hair, and a girdle of the same incompas∣sing their wastes; a torch in one hand, and a whip in the o∣ther, as you may read in the Poets, to pursue whose descrip∣tions of this kind would be infinite: but the end and drift of them all, was to depaint and set forth horror and ugliness in its genuine colours in the person of the Furies, thereby to de∣terre men from committing such crimes as should render them obnoxious to the evil treatment of such merciless and dread∣full tormentors. But what indeed are these Furies, what their torches, snakes and whips, but the girds and prickings of an evil conscience, but the inward accusations of a guilty mind, and those throws and pangs which accompany evil com∣missions?
—nec vulnera membris Ʋlla ferunt, mens est quae diros sentiat ictus. Now would upon their bodies could be found; It was the mind that felt the direfull wound: Ovid. Met. l. 4. speaking of Athamas.And why are they said to be three, but to signifie those three praedominant affections, viz. anger, lust, and covetousness, which precipitate men, and carry them on to such unlawfull undertakings as doe certainly beget the persecutions and tor∣ments of a bad conscience? Tres furiae significant tres animi ad∣fectus, qui homines in omnia facinora praecipites agunt; quarum ira ultionem, cupiditas opes, libido voluptates desiderat: Cicer. They are said to be Virgins, because no ways to be corrupted from taking due revenge upon the malefactor: an evil con∣science can by no artifice be so quieted and allayed, but that it will still rise up against and check the evil-doer; it will still confront him, accuse him, and condemn him. But to pro∣ceed; after these Furies had terrified with their snakes, and torn the bodies of the Damned with their whips, then they were (as you may gather out of our Author here) tumbled headlong into the abysse of Hell, called Tartarus, where they were for ever vexed with most exquisite torments. Thus Rhadamanthus (Claudian in Rufin. l. 2.) passeth this terrible sentence upon that monster of men, Rufinus; which though a Fiction, I cannot read without an inward dread and apprê∣hension.
Tollite de mediis animarum dedecus umbris, Adspexisse sat est; oculis jam parcite nostris, Et Ditis purgate domos; agitate flagellis Trans Styga, trans Erebum; vacuo mandate Barathro: Infra Titanum tenebras, infra{que} recessus Tartarëos; nostrumque Chaos, quo Ditis opaci Fundamenta jacent; praeceps ubi mersus anhelet Dum rotat astra Polus, feriant dum litora venti.
From 'midst the Ghost remove of souls that slain, One sight's enough, our eyes no more prophane:
Purge Dis his house, with whips drive him away, Beyond Styx, beyond Erebus; convey Him to the unfathom'd Gulf, which lies beneath The Titans dungeon, and the dreadfull depth Of Tart'rus and our Chaos, where are layd Black Hels foundations; be he there convey'd Where headlong tumbled, he may panting lie Whilst winds strike shores, and starres adorn the skie.
[§ 61] According to our division we now come to the persons tor∣mented in Hell, who they were, and for what offences; which the Poet first pursues in these following particulars, and then concludes in divers generals.* 1.178 The first of these were the Ti∣tans, the sonnes of Titan and the Earth, the common Parent of all monstrous and obscure productions, and therefore such are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, earth-born: these were said to have warred against Jupiter, pretending right from their Father Titan (el∣der Brother to Saturn, Jupiters Father) to the celestiall King∣dome; but failing in their rebellious attempt, they were cast into the bottomless pit of Hell, there to suffer never-ending torments.
[§ 62] The next were the Aloïdes,* 1.179 Othus and Ephialte, twins, the putative sonnes of Aloëus and Iphimedia, but indeed of her and Neptune, who were said to grow every moneth nine in∣ches; so that in nine years they became nine ells long, and nine cubits broad: these relying on their vast proportions, casting the Mountain Ossa upon Olympus, and then Pelion upon them both, endeavour'd to scale the heavens, and to force Jupiter out of his native Kingdome; but being slain by Apollo, they were precipitated into this place also. Both these are emblems of rebellion which (being hatched by wiser heads) is set on foot by the Titans, the sonnes of the earth, that is, the common rout, and which, like the Aloïdes, increasing to a great strength in a short time, if not suppressed, heaps Pelion upon Ossa, that is, subverts the fundamentals of government; which though moddel'd, and put together with the greatest policy and pru∣dence that may be, and as firmly rooted as a moutain, is of∣ten-times
shaken, removed, and overthrown by the convulsi∣ons and earthquakes of popular sedition: But mark its reward, it seldome is successefull, but carries its punishment with it, not only in this world, where it usually expires upon a gibbet, but as the blackest of transgressions is punished (as by these ex∣amples is clear) in the other, with the worst of punishments, viz. eternal damnation. These Fables were invented to keep Subjects in their due obedience.
The third was Salmôneus,* 1.180 sonne of Aeolus (according to Servius) and King of Elis, who not content with regall Ma∣jesty and honour, impiously aspired to divine; and that he might imitate Jupiter, he caused a brazen bridge to be built, over which he drove his Chariot, to counterfeit thunder, and darted fire-brands and torches in imitation of lightning, cau∣sing those to be killed at whom he flung his imaginary thun∣derbolt: but himself was at last slain by Jupiter (as you see) & thrust into Hell: as in the former examples rebellious Subjects are reproved, so in this ambitious, proud and tyrannicall Princes are reprehended.
The fourth was Tityus,* 1.181 the sonne of Jupiter by Elâta, Daughter of Orchomerus, or (as Virgil sayes) of the Omni-pa∣rent Earth, so large that when extended, he was sayd to cover nine acres of ground: He for attempting Latona's chastity, Mother of Apollo, was by him for his insolence killed, and be∣ing thrust into Hell, suffered that cruel and endless torture which you see here expressed. Here you see how lust, and all inordinate desires are rewarded. The truth is, that by Tityus we are to understand filthy Concupiscence, which (ac∣cording to the opinion of Physitians) resideth in the liver, as laughter in the spleen, anger in the gall; whence his liver is said to reincrease and grow as it is devoured, because beastly desires are no sooner satisfied, but that they return again; and for this reason also he was said to cover nine acres, because lust does latè patére, is very extensive, unbridled and ranging. But most worthily is Tityus punished in his liver, as the seat of lust. The divine justice is oftentimes so precise and notorious as to afflict the very partts which have offended. Thus the ve∣ry
hand which Jeroboam stretched out against the man of God, and no other part, shrunk up and withered.
The fifth was Pirithous,* 1.182 who was therefore damned because he attempted Proserpine, as we have already said: The sixth was Ixion,* 1.183 Father of Pirithous, and King of the Lapithae, who for the attempt upon June was punished in the same manner. The story of Ixion in short is this: Ixion (King of the Lapi∣thae, a barbarous people of Thessalie, and sonne of Phlegyas) having treacherously slain his Wifes Father Deioneus, and for that fact, and other misdemeanours dethroned, and expelled his Kingdome by his own Subjects, was by Jupiter (pitying his disconsolate and sad condition) received into heaven, and made a Privado to the King of the Gods. But (as Favorites often doe) abusing his Princes friendship, he endeavoured to stain Jupiters bed, and to that end made great Court to Juno, who (as naturally honest, as she was a curst Shrew and ugly) discovered it to her Husband: he (hardly crediting that a person so obliged could prove so ungratefull) would not at first entertain any prejudiciall opinion against his friend, unless he had some more evincing evidence: wherefore transfor∣ming a cloud into the shape of Juno (now by compact consen∣ting) he by this experiment found out the falshood of the de∣signing Adulterer, who for his desired Mistress embraced a cloud: and indeed that contentation and satisfaction which the unchast promise themselves in their illicit and beastly enjoy∣ments, proves but a cloud, a meer nothing; neither answe∣ring the pleasure expected, or countervailing the sin commit∣ted; turpis est & brevis in coitu voluptas. For this fact Ixion was cast out of heaven, who not ceasing to boast of the affront he had put upon Jupiter, was for this second piece of insolence thrust into Hell, where he was said to be tied to an ever-tur∣ning wheel; though Maro hath invented another kind of pu∣nishment. But the History which gave rise to this tale is this; Ixion (banished by his own Subjects) fled to a certain neighbou∣ring King (for every King was anciently by his Parasites sty∣led Jupiter) where he was courteously entertained by that Prince: but endeavouring to corrupt the Queen, was by her
discovered to her Husband, who purposely put a trick upon him, by deceiving him with a servant called Nephele, which signifies a cloud; after which being expelled the Court, he was said to wander up and down as unquiet and restless in mind as one who is turned on a wheel is in body. This Fable is invented against the ungratefull and treacherous, who repay kindness and desert with injury and falshood, with which no punishment but that of Hell can bear proportion. As for the Lapithae,* 1.184 they were a bloody, barbarous, and inhospitable peo∣ple, as were their Conterraneans the Centaurs, and might therefore as well as they deserve to be confined to those infer∣nall Mansions. But whereas the Poet mentions here the hang∣ing stone, &c. it is to set before us the life of a Tyrant, which though in shew glorious and splendid, yet in reality is very miserable and sad, being as obnoxious to inquietudes and di∣sturbances of mind, as it is to personall hazards and dangers; as is manifested by the Story of Democles,* 1.185 Dionysius his Para∣site, who admiring and magnifying the happiness of that ex∣quisite Tyrant, was by him clothed in royall robes, and set at a magnificent and richly-furnished Table; but a naked sword hanging over his head by a slender thread took away his appe∣tite, & made him desire to be disrob'd, and divested of that ho∣nour and state which was accompanied with so much peril and anxiety: See Val. Maxim. and Tully l. 5. Tusc. quaest: and to this particular Story the Poet may haply allude.
The Poet having alledg'd divers particulars, lest he should cloy the Reader with too many instances of the same kind, doth as it were sum up his discourse in these following generals, placing such as are found guilty of these or the like crimes in Hell; whereof the first are such as hate their own Brethren, whom by the Law of Nature they are tied to prosecute with all kindnesses and good offices; therefore if hatred be thus severe∣ly punished, and hereby forbidden, whatsoever is greater, as fratricide, is much more detestable. Secondly, those who have lifted up their hands against, or struck their Parents, whom by the same Law of Nature they are bound to reverence, honour and obey: The Law was, that whosoever struck his Father,
should lose that hand which had been guilty of that intole∣rable offence: Si quis patrem pulsaverit, manus ei praecidatur: Senec. Controvers. l. 4. If this be forbidden, and so severely pu∣nished, much more is Parricide or Patricide; for which the Ancients (imagining that no man could be so prostitutely wicked as to be guilty of so enormous a crime) appointed no punishment: the after-times (less innocent) punished the Par∣ricide in this manner; they sowed him up in a Sack with a Dog, a Cock, a Viper & an Ape, and so cast him into the sea. Pompey was Author of this law, which was therefore called lex Pompeia de parricidiis: Inst. tit de publicis Judiciis §. 5. one L. Ostius (as Mynsinger observes upon that place) was the first who was found guilty of, and suffered for this abominable crime. The third were such Patrons as had cheated, abused, or deserted their Clients. It was a Custome amongst the Romans for the poorer sort, which were called Plebei, to make choice of some one of the richer, which were termed Patricii, to be their protectors in their lives and fortunes, to defend and rescue them from the unjust oppressions and persecutions of their more powerfull adversaries; and these were called Patroni; for which pro∣tection or patronage the others (called Clientes) were bound to return all observance and respect, to credit them with their attendance in publick Assemblies, to disburse out of their own purses toward the bestowing of their Daughters, the paying of publick Mulcts, the giving of Largesses in suing for Offices, &c. Neither was it lawfull for either of them, to inform, de∣pose, to give their voices, or to side with adversaries one a∣gainst another without the guilt of treason, for which they were Diis inferis devoti, cursed to Hell, and the Law gave liberty for any man to kill them: so sacred and inviolable a thing was faith amongst the Ancients; nay, so great was the reciprocall bond and tie of the Patron towards the Client, that (as A. Gel∣lius testifies l. 20. c. 1.) they preferred their Client to the nea∣rest of their relations, and did defend them though it were a∣gainst their own Brother. The fourth were the Covetous, who preferring their filthy, sordid, and illegal gain to all other respects whatsoever, were so far from making others sharers
with them in their great wealth and riches, that they denied that support and assistance (which by all Laws both natural and civil they were oblig'd unto) to their nearest and dearest relations. The fift were adulterous persons, such (sayes he) as have been slain in that filthy and unlawfull act; for by the Law the Husband might kill the Adulterer and his Wife, if he took them together. Lastly, he puts all Rebels in this dam∣ned List, who take up armes against their natural Prince, their politick Father, and tear out the bowels of their native soyl, their dearest Mother: such arms the Poet there full justly calls impia, and as justly damns them who take them up, to Tar∣tarus, or the nethermost Hell. But whereas the Poet sayes of Theseus, sedet, aeternum{que} sedebit, that he sits, and shall for e∣ver sit in Hell, hath given much trouble to Interpreters to re∣concile; and is excepted against by Jul. Higinus, A. Gell. lib. 10. c. 16. for he is reckoned by our Author a little above a∣mongst those who both descended to, and returned from Hell; and therefore how can it be said that he sat here for ever? The learned De la Cerda salves it thus: Virgil speaks here of The∣seus, not when he descended alive into Hell to ravish Proserpine, but of Theseus, who after his death was said to sit for ever upon a hot burning stone: Cael. Rhodig. l. 4. c. 8. Although I see no reason why Theseus should be condemned to so cruel a tor∣ment, who for his heroick deeds deserved so well of mankind, that after his death he was thought worthy of divine honours, of altars and Sacrifices, as you may read in his life written by Plutarch; wherefore some read it Thereus, as Meyênus ob∣serves. But for Phlegyas, he was said to be the sonne of Mars, King of the Lapithae, Father of Ixîon, and the Nymph Corônis, who being ravished by Apollo, he in revenge fired that Gods Temple at Delphi, for which impiety he was slain by Apollo, and thrust into Hell. He was certainly a very wicked Tyrant, and therefore worthily damned: his own guilt he openly pro∣fesseth, whilst he bids others by his example beware of com∣mitting the like offences of injustice against men, and impiety against the Gods:
Dicite justitiam moniti, & non temnere Divos.
Learn justice, nor when warn'd the Gods despise.
[§ 63] Not unlike the Story of the rich Glutton in the Gospel, who desired that his Brethren should be forewarned by his example from coming into that place of torments.
After these two particulars (see how artificially the Poet, to avoid nauseating his Reader, interweaves his discourse with variety) he subjoyns a few generals, viz. of those who for gold had betrayed their Country's liberty to an usurping oppressor. Interpreters say, that either Lasthenes, who sold Olynthus to Philip of Macedon, or Curio, who sold Rome to Jul. Caesar, is here glanced at: of the latter thus Lucan. l. 4.
Momentum{que} fuit mutatus Curio rerum, Gallorum captus spoliis, & Caesaris auro.
Chang'd Curio to that side much weight did add, By Caesars gold and spoils a Traytor made.Secondly, of those who having the legislative power, have both made & abrogated Laws for mony: in the Latin the Poet alludes to the Roman Custome, who when they had enacted a Law, used to engrave the same in brazen Tables, and then to affixe them to a pillar in some publick place, there to be expo∣sed to the general view; and then when they did null the same to take them down from that Pillar; whence legem figere & refigere, is to make or null a Law. Thirdly and lastly, of those who had been guilty of incest, a filthiness which nature abhors. Donatus (whom Servius for this reprehends) sayes that the Poet obliquely toucheth Cicero; which unhandsome censure of his he grounds upon that defamatory declamation against Tully, which goes vulgarly under Salustius his name, whose words are these, Filia, matris pellex, tibi jucundior atque ob∣servantior quam parenti par est: Thine own Daughter (sayes that uncivil Declaimour) received into her Mothers bed, was more delightfull to, and observant of thee, then became either her o•• thee. And now the Poet having enlarg'd upon the descrip∣tion
of Hell, of the Damned, and of the torments they sustain, shuts up his excellent discourse with this imitation of Homer, Il. 2.
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.We have here in the translation ta•••• in Homers 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, not only as necessary to the filling up of the English Rythm, but as an addition and complement to the sense. Thus you see Hell most naturally depainted by the excellent pencill of our great Artist, with all imaginable circumstances of Horror; invented on purpose, to the end that those-whom humane Lawes, and temporary punishments could not bridle and re∣strain from evil doing, might (for fear of those more severe and lasting torments of the other world) abstain from those enormous sins for which they are sure to be called to a very strict account hereafter.
And now Sibylla, the person speaking, having satisfied Ae∣neas his curiosity concerning Hell, bids him proceed; for they made a halt during this discourse, partes ubi se via findit in am∣bas, as you may read a little above: and now leaving Tartarus, or Hell, on the left hand, they take to the right, which led to Pluto's Palace, and the Elysian fields: we have therefore translated this of Virgil, Corripiunt spatium medium, as you see, not as Virgils late translatour has done, they take the middle way; for Pluto's Palace stood not in the mid'st betwixt Hell and the Elysium, but on the right hand. Hence corripi∣unt spatium medium is (according to Turnebus l. 9. c. 27.) ex∣pounded carptim faciunt, citò peragunt spatium intermedium, vel positum inter illos & Plutonis regiam:
[§ 64] The Poet having described Hell, the irksome abode of the Damned,* 1.186 now comes to the description of the Elysium, where the souls of good men were entertained with all pleasures ima∣ginable, as green Medows, shady Groves, delightfull odours,
clear and gentle streams, pleasant fruits, harmonious Musick, dancing, feasting, mirth, peace and security; a rare Heaven for Epicures. But hereby the Ancients propounded rewards for virtue, which (although sensuall, and such as bear no propor∣tion with those more spirituall delights and contentations which the faithfull expect hereafter) yet were such as they thought would best suit with vulgar capacities, and be most prevalent with them to excite them to well-doing. And here the Poet proceeding after the same method he used in his discourse concerning Hell; (for, contraria juxta se posita magis elucescunt) presents us with a list of some particular persons who were Inhabitants of these blessed Mansions, and those for the honour of Aeneas and his family he makes to be Trojans, as Teucer and Dardanus, the first founders of the Trojan Na∣tion; whence the Trojans were called Teucri and Dardanidae: Dardanus begot Ericthonius, Ericthonius Tros, and Tros I∣lus and Assaracus, in whom the royall family was branched in∣to two Houses: From the eldest of these sprung Laomedon, Fa∣ther of Priam, with whose life the Kingdome of Troy expired; nor although he begot many sonnes, did any of them survive the fate of their native soil: From the younger, viz. Assara∣cus, were lineally descended Capys, Anchises and Aeneas, from whence the Julian Family derive themselves: See Mes∣sala Corvinus de Augusti progenie. On the contrary, in Hell you find the Titans, Aloides, Salmôneus, Tityus, &c. here you see such as have hazarded their own lives for their Coun∣tries safety; the Chast, the Pious, Inventers of usefull Arts and Sciences, and such as have deserved well of other men, in op∣position to those who have betrayed their Country, the Adul∣terours, Despisers of the Gods, Disobedient to Parents, subtle Circumventers, and those who impart nothing of their afflu∣ence and abundance to others. Note the different reward of the Good and the Bad, and learn hence, that virtue is to be em∣braced, which leads to bliss, and vice to be eschewed, whose end is everlasting torments. And this in brief is the Moral, and design of the Poet in the two precedent discourses.
[§ 65] But to speak more particularly of the Elysium, it (according
to Servius) hath its denomination 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from the dis∣solution of the soul from the body: it was placed by some in the fortunate Islands, now called the Canaries, as you may read in Plutarch in the life of Sertorius, who (upon the de∣scription which certain Mariners returned from thence gave of their unparallel'd pleasantness, fertility and security) de∣signed to retire himself thither, there to spend the remainder of his life (which had been alwayes turmoyled in warre) in a more desirable and pleasing repose: but whereas Plutarch sayes that they were but two in number, he erres; for Pliny l. 6. c. 32. makes them six; the moderns add two or three more: See them at large described by Plutarch, ib. and more largely by Nat. Comes l. 3. c. 19. and you will easily confess that the Ancients had reason to place the Elysium there. Others will have it in Hispania Baetica, which is now comprised in the Kingdome of Granado, and the fertile Province of Andalusia, the most happy and blessed tract of all Spain, if not of any part of the habitable world: others about the circle of the Moon: others for the honour of our climate place it in the Western part of our Britannia, betwixt that and Thule; the Ancients in the Center of Hell; and those of the Middle age (pleased neither with its Western situation in the Fortunate Islands, its Northern in our Britannia, its exaltation in the Moon, or de∣pression in Hell) confine it to the East-Indies. But the truth is, that as the precise site and position of Paradise from whence the Ancients borrowed their fancie of the Elysium) is vari∣ously disputed by the learned, so is the topographie of this latter as differently set down and designed by the Ancients.
Virgil gives the epithet of purpureum to Lumen, purple light; but in this signification purple can no way agree with light; for in purple there is a great mixture of opacity, then which nothing is more contrary to light; therefore purpure∣um is not to be rendred here according to the common accep∣tation of the word, but is (according to Interpreters) consig∣nificant with the Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which is beautifull, white, shining, in the same sense that Ovid sayes nix purpurea, and Horace, Olores purpurei: we have translated it Cheerfull:
Mr. Ogilby retains the common English of it in his translation.
[§ 66] The Ancients were so fond as to believe that there was a Sun and starres distinct from ours, nay more bright and glori∣ous, in their phantastick Elysium, as you may read in Plato's Phaedon, out of which it is probable, that Virgil here, a close Sectator of Plato, and Claudian l. 2••. de rapt. Proserp. borrowed their assertion. Claudian, in the person of Pluto speaks thus:
Amissum ne crede diem, sunt altera nobis Sydera; sunt orbes alii, lumen{que} videbis Purius.—
Think not day lost; for we have other starres With other orbes, and purer light appears.
[§ 67] This place has not a little puzled Interpreters; all are of o∣pinion that, whilst the Poet makes mention of the septem discri∣mina vocum, he alludes to the Lyre, which was a seven-strin∣ged Instrument, according to the number of the 7 Planets, in∣vented by Mercury: some ascribe the invention of it to Am∣phion, others to Linus, and some to Orpheus: See Plinie l. 7. c. 56. but I should rather conclude, that Virgil (who was skil∣led in all the liberal Sciences) was exactly read in Musick, and did here design the Gamut, the foundation of all Musick, both vocal and instrumental; which consists of seven Cliffs, Claves, or Keys distinguished by Guid•• Aretinus (the compo∣ser of the Gamut) by seven letters, as g. a. b. c. d. e. f. and these doe rise and fall in Septenaries, even to the utmost ex∣tent of instrument or voice: to be short, Nature it self (so ex∣cellent and perfect is the number of seven: See A. Gellius l. 3. c. 10. and Cael. Rhodigin. l. 22. c. 12.) directed the first Inven∣tors of Musick to this number, which hath continued unalte∣rable, and so will doe so long as Musick lasts. So that the sense of the Poet here is this; Orpheus (who was a Thracian born, sonne of Apollo and Calliope, a fam'd Musician, Poet and Divine) did sweetly warble forth all the seven notes of Musick; so that it appears more probable that Virgils Septem relates to Numeris, and they are these 7. Notes, wherein Mu∣sick
hath its foundation, whilst his Discrimina vocum may be taken for those various Descants and endless changes of Con∣cords, and agreeable sounds that arise from the repetition of the first Septenarie. But whereas Virgil sayes that he did nunc digitis, nunc pectine pulsare, is that which Musicians call intus & foris canere, with the left hand to observe the stops, and with the right to strike or touch the strings, as those doe who play upon a Cittern, or the like Instrument. In fine, we are to understand, that Orpheus did both sing and play at the same time: See Turneb. upon this place l. 28. c. 46.
[§ 68] Mark the security of this place, where free from the fear of an invading enemy, their Chariots are unman'd, their arms lye scattered, and their spears as uselesse are stuck down in the ground: See Turneb. de hastis praepilatis l. 13. c. 16. withall note the fond opinion of the Ancients, who held that those de∣sires and affections which were in the soul, when joyned with the body, remained the same in it, when it was disjoyned and separated from the same: See Cael. Rhodigin. l. 10. c. 9. and Macrob. in Somn. Scip. l. 1. c. 9. against both the nature of the soul, which (being in it self spirituall) is not (when disem∣bodied) either capable of, or affected with corporeal or pains or pleasures; and against the nature of the other life, where the delights of the blessed are more refined, elevated, and tran∣scendent then what this life in its greatest flatteries and indul∣gencies could ever afford, as where (when we have truly ba∣lanced our accounts) we shall conclude with Solomon, that there is nothing now under the Sun, but that all is vanity and vexation of spirit.
[§ 69] The ••ô (so called by the Moderns, Eridanus by the Greeks, and Padus by the Latins) is a famous River of Italy, and the largest of all Europe, excepting the Danubius: it riseth out of the Mountain Vesulus in the Province of the Ligurians or Genoëses, and receiving 30 large rivers (those on the left hand descending from the Alpes, and those on the right from the Apennine) besides divers great Lakes into its channel, it bears them with its self into the Adriatick or Venetian Gulf, where at seven out-lets or mouths, called the septem maria, it gives
up its tributary waters to that generall receiver of all streams, the Sea: See Plin. l. 3. c. 16. It is seigned by the Poet to be an Elysian River, because (as Dela Cerda and our Farnaby affirm out of Gerop. Origin l. 9.) a great part of this River is swallowed up in the earth, and never breaks forth again; though herein that Author agrees not with Plinie, who sayes indeed that it does hide it self in a passage under ground, but riseth again in a place not far distant, viz. in agro Forovibienst: others make this an infernal River, in regard of the course it runs; for rising out of Vesulus, which is near the Ligustick Sea, called Mare inferum, it directs its course to the Adriatick, which was known by the name of Mare superum. Servius seems to be of opinion that Eridanus is put here pro quolibet fluvio, a proper name for an appellative, which is frequent a∣mongst the Poets; as pocula Achelcia, pro fluvialia, and Adria for any sea. Though for my part I am apt to believe, that it is for no other reason mentioned here by Virgil, but for that he had a mind to celebrate a River not only in it self so famous, and hence by himself else-where styled Fluviorum rex Erida∣nus: but also because it was not far distant from his native Town of Mantua. But haply we obtund; we will therefore conclude our discourse concerning the pleasure of the Elysium, with those verses of the gentle and terse Tibullus l. 1. where he sweetly and briefly describes the same.
Sed me, quòd facilis tenero sum semper amori, Ipsa Venus campos ducet in Elysios: Hic choreae, cantus{que} vigent, passim{que} vagantes Dulce sonant tenui gutture carmen aves: Fert Casiam non culta seges, totos{que} per agros Floret odoratis terra benigna rosis; Ac juvenum series teneris immixta puellis Ludit, & assiduè praelia miscet Amor.
But Venus me (because to sove inclin'd) Shall lead into Elysium, where refin'd Musick, and Balls please, where the winged Quire Of chirping birds doe entertain the ear.
Where Casia springs unsown,* 1.187 where the kind earth Doth to sweet roses give an unforc'd birth; Where Youths with Virgins sporting mingled are, And Love doth alwayes wage an harmless warre.
[§ 70] Musaeus (according to our most exact observer of time, Dr. Simpson) was the Sonne of Antiophémus, born at Eleusine a Town of Attica, and bred up at Athens, Disciple of Orpheus, as he was of Linus.* 1.188 He flourished in the age before the Tro∣jan warre, about the 22 of Gideon, in the year of the world, 2750. before our Saviour 1253. He was above 200 years elder then Homer, who flourished in Solomons time, after the subversion of Troy 188 years: See Herodot. de vita Homeri, and A. Gellius l. 17. c. 21. He was a Prophet, and a most ex∣cellent Poet, as appears by that most polite and trim remain of his, touching the loves of Hero and Leander; though I am not ignorant that some deny that Poem to be Musaeus's, as being too corrected a piece for the style of so remote and illiterate an age, ascribing it to some other of that name, who wrote in a more refined and learned Centurie. Yet since the great Sca∣liger Poet. l. 5. c. 2 gives it to Musaeus, we shall concur with him, and excuse Virgil from that aspersion of envy and parti∣ality which some object to him for his pretermission of Homer, to whose writings he was so much beholding, affirming that what he did herein, was out of a well-weighing and rightly-distinguishing judgement; Musaeus being the farre more acute and judicious Writer, and in that more worthy to be made President of the Elysian Hierarchy: See Scaliger ibid.
[§ 71] The Poet taking his rise from Aeneas his inquiry concer∣ning the River Lethe, and the great confluence of souls about the same, gives us matter for these following discourses; where∣of the first shall be concerning the Transmigration of souls; the second of the Creation of things; the third of the nature of the soul; the fourth of Purgatory: all which are in order to the chief design of this present Poem, viz. the celebrating of Augustus and his Family, together with the names of some of
the more noble and illustrious Romans: of these briefly in their order.
[§ 72] Virgil in the person of Anchises tels us,* 1.189 that those souls which Aeneas saw flocking about the banks of the River Lethe, having drunk thereof, should then reascend into this world, and enter into other bodies; and this is that which the Greeks call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Latines Transanimatio, or the passing of one soul out of one body into another; nay, out of one spe∣cies into another. Pythagoras of Samos (a man deeply learned in the Aegyptia•• and Chaldaean Philosophy) was the first Au∣thor of this opinion; he flourished about 535 years before our Saviour, and was Contemporary with, and Scholar of Thales Milesian. He was herein followed by Socrates and Plato, as you may read in his Phaed. and Philaebus; from whence our Platonick Poet hath borrowed the same. A fond and ridicu∣lous opinion, and rejected not only by the following pro••es∣sors of Christianism, but exploded, as absurd, by the sounder sort of Ethnick Philosophers themselves; as you may read in Aristot. l. 1. de Anima, c. 3. who terms the transmigration of souls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Pythagorean Fable. Pythagoras flying the tyranny of Polycrates, the invader of his Countryes liberty, came to Crotôna in Italy, Tarquinius Superbus lording it then at Rome: A. Gell. l. 17. c. 21. where setting open his School, he published, and by this device (as Meyênus takes it from Hermippus) got credit to his new doctrine. Pythagoras (sayes he) at his first arrival in Italy made himself an habitation under ground, where hiding himself he charged his Mother to record carefully all memorable passages during his absence: she (ob∣servant of her sonnes injunction) compiled a perfect diurnal of all things; in the mean time, he (having lived thus a whole year) at last came forth out of his subterranean mansion, lean, pale, squalid, and gastly, as if he had risen from the dead; then assembling the multitude, he told them that he returned from Hell, and (that he might the better perswade what he in∣tended to instill) he repeated to them all what had hapened in that part of Italy during his absence so punctually, that the people (thinking that there was more than an ordinary spirit
in the man) without further dispute or examination embraced his doctrine; which in Pythagoras his own person is thus de∣livered by Ovid. Met. l. 15. f. 3.
O genus attonitum gelidae formidine mortis, Quid Styga, quid tenebras, & nomina vana timetis, Materiem Vatum, falsique pericula Mundi? Corpora, sive rogus flammâ, seu tabe vetustas Abstulerit, mala posse pati non ulla putetis; Morte carent animae, semper{que} priore relictâ Sede, novis domibus vivunt, habitant{que} receptae: Ipse ego (nam nemini) Trojani tempore belli Panthoides Euphorbus eram, cui pectore quondam Haesit in adverso gravis hasta minoris Atridae; Cognovi clypeum laevae gestamina nostrae Nuper Abantëis templo Junonis in Argis. Omnia mutantur, nihil interit; errat, & illinc Huc venit, hinc illuc, & quoslibet occupat artus Spiritus; eque feris humana in corpora transit, In{que} feras noster, nec tempore deperit ullo; Ʋtque novis facilis signatur cera figuris, Nec manet ut fuerat, nec formam servat eandem, Sed tamen ipsa eadem est; animam sic semper eandem Esse, sed in varias doceo migrare figuras.We will not so farre injure the Poet, as to express him other∣wise then what his ingenuous* 1.190 Translatour hath done, who renders him thus;
O you whom horrours of cold death affright, Why fear you Styx, vain names, and endless night, The dreams of Poets, and feign'd miseries Of forged hell? whether last flames surprize, Or age devour your bodyes, they nor grieve Or suffer pains: Our souls for ever live, Yet evermore their ancient houses leave To live in new, which them, as Guests receive.
In Trojan warres I (I remember well) Euphorbus was, Panthous sonne, and fell By Menalaüs lance: my shield again At Argos late I saw in Juno's Fane. All alter, nothing finally decayes: Hither and thither still the spirit strayes, Guest to all bodies; out of beasts it flies To men, from men to beasts, and never dies: As pliant wax each new impression takes, Fixt to no form, but still the old forsakes, Yet it the same; so souls the same abide, Though various figures their reception hide.This doctrine being easily imbibed by his Auditors, so farre dispersed it self, that even the Gauls, a people farre sequestred from those parts of Italy, were taught the same by their Dru∣ides, as you may read in Lucan:
—* 1.191 vobis Authoribus umbrae Non tacitas Erebi sedes, noctis{que} profundae Pallida regna petunt; regit idem spiritus artus Orbe alio; longae (canitis si cognita) vitae Mors media est. Certè, populi quos despicet Arctos Faelices errore suo, quos ille timorum Maximus, haud urget lethi metus; inde ruendi In ferrum mens prona viris; animae{que} capaces Mortis, & ignavum est periturae parcere vitae.
Dislodged souls (if you conceive aright) To hell descend not, and those realms of night; The body in another world is by The same spir't ruld; in your Philosophy, Death to another life the way doth show. In your mistake, O happiest of those, who Are to the North-starre subject, whom the fear Of death (of fears the greatest) doth not skare. Hence on drawn steel you rush; your great souls hence Disdain to stick at your vile blood's expence.
Herod, it seems, was a Pythagorean in this also, whilst he said that the soul of St. John the Baptist (by him wickedly murde∣red) was entred into the body of our blessed Saviour. Jose∣phus l. 2. c. 7. de bell. Judaic. affirms, that the Pharisees were tainted with the same erroneous belief, who held that the souls of good men did pass into other bodies, but that those of the wicked were for ever tormented in hell. But haply we wade too farre in these speculations, we shall therefore pro∣ceed to the next head, which is concerning the creation of things.
The Poets sense and meaning here is briefly this, that there is a certain spirit or soul which doth inform,* 1.192 actuate, complete, cherish, and sustain all Beings, whether elementary, viz. the Fire, Air (comprehended in the word Coelum, or the heaven) Earth and Water (periphrastically expressed in the words Cam∣pos liquentes, the liquid or watrie plains) or celestial, exempli∣fied in the Sun and Moon, as the two most glorious, operative and powerfull Planets in generation. Astra Titania, put here by an Enallage, for Astrum Titanium, signifies the Sun, from Titan, who was so skilfull an Astrologue, that he was feigned to be Brother to the Sun; as Cael. Rhodig. observes out of Pausan. in Corinthiacis, lect. antiq. l. 24. c. 17. and Titan is often taken for the Sun it self: hence Astrum Titanium is on∣ly a circumlocution of Titan or the Sun. But to proceed; from the operation of this soul or spirit, not only simple bodies, as the Elements and Heavens, took their being, and are by the propitious influx thereof preserved therein; but mixt bodies also, as he instances in men, beasts, birds and fishes. The sum of all is this, viz. that there is a certain spirit or soul, to whose operations and powerfull insinuations the world and all therein contained owes both its existence and subsistence. If we by the spirit or soul here mentioned understand God himself, or his omnipotent Spirit, and the powerfull emanations thereof, no∣thing is more consonant, not only to reason, but also to the analogie of the holy Scriptures, then the assertion of our Poet: For God is truly that Spirit, which being present every where, is without extension of it self diffused through all things, and
doth intus alere, cherish and sustain all things. This is that soul which actuates the vast Machine of this world, which up∣holds, preserves, and governs the great fabrick of the Universe, which otherwise would fall into disorder, confusion, and into that primitive Chaos out of which it was at first educed, for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; In him we live, move, and have our being. If we give tbis interpretation to the Poet, these few verses seem to be an epitome, or brief comprehension of the first chapter of Genesis touching the Creation; for as Moses sayes there; In principio Deus creavit coelum & terram; so Virgil here, Principio coelum & terras, &c. Spiritus intus a∣lit: and whereas Moses sayes, that Spiritus Dei movebat, vel incubabat supra faciem aquarum, that the Spirit of God did move or brood upon the face of the waters; so Virgil here tels us of a Spiritus, or Mens, which magno se corpore miscet: as mention is made there of the Creation of those two great Luminaries, the Sun and the Moon; the like is here also. Last∣ly, as the Creation of Beasts, Birds, Fish, and then of Man, is there specified, so Virgil sayes here,
Inde (i. e. à Deo operante) hominum pecudum{que} genus, vitaeque volantum; Et quae marmoreo fert monstra sub aequore pontus.But others (and with them I am apt to concurre) are of opini∣on, that Virgil here speaks according to the mind and sense of his Master Plato (who followed Trismegistus and Pythagoras herein, the first founders and fautors of the Academick Philo∣sophy) as he did in his opinion concerning the transmigration of souls. Plato in his Timaeus, and elsewhere (as Wendilinus cites him, Phys. contempl. sect. 2. c. 6.) endeavours to prove, that this World or Universe is informed by a soul distinct from the World it self, which doing the office which other souls doe in the particular beings they inform, doth preserve, move and govern this All, and all its parts, making the world hereby an Animal, rul'd and govern'd by its own peculiar soul: nor is God meant hereby, but some other entity, different from that ens entium, and by them styled Anima, vel Spiritus Mundi.
But this is throughly winnowed and refuted by the learned Wendilinus in the place above mentioned, and the arguments of its assertors fully answered; to whom for more ample satis∣faction herein, as also to the subtile Scaliger, Exerc. 6. sect. 2. we shall referre the Reader, and proceed.
[§ 73] Anchises pointing to those souls before him, which stood upon the brink of the river Lethe (for the Antecedent to illis,* 1.193 which the Ancients used for illis, is Animae) sayes that they are of a fierie nature, and that their principles (which he here calls semina) are of heavenly extraction or composition; which is not to be understood onely of those souls there, but of the humane soul in general; for (according to the Theologie of some Gentils) the soul was not judged, as it really is, a simple and spiritual essence, but an elementary compound of Fire and Air; the two more pure, desecated, and active elements; as the body was thought to be of Water and Earth, the two more gross, material, and inactive principles. We shall easily elu∣cidate this dark place, if we reduce the Authors sense into this single Theoreme, viz. the humane soul is a most excellent be∣ing, as consisting of the two more excellent principles, viz. Fire and Air: From the first there is in it igneus vigor; from the second it is coelestis originis; for coelum is taken here (as of∣ten it is) pro aëre, or the air. Hence it is plain what the Poet means by
Igneus est ollis vigor, & coelestis origo Seminibus.—Thus paraphrased,
But those souls there of fiery vigour share; The principles of them celestiall are.That the soul consists of fire, was the opinion of Hipparchus; that of air, of Anaximenes; that of both, of Boethos, and our Virgil here. Epicurus added to these two a third ingredient, whilst he held that it was a speceies igne, aëre & spiritu mixta, as you may read in Macrob. l. 1. c. 14. in Somn. Scip. who there delivers the various opinions of the Ancients concerning the nature of the Soul: Hence, according to Homers doctrine
(who held with Hipparchus, that the soul was originated from fire,) the Heroes abhorred nothing more then drowning, as most contrary to the fierie nature of the Soul, which they thought would thereby be extinguished. See how apprehensive Virgil makes Aeneas of drowning, l. 1. Aen.
Extempló Aeneae solvuntur frigore membra, Ingemit, & duplices tendens ad sidera palmas, Talia voce refert, &c.—
A cold sweat doth Aeneas limbs surprize; He sighs, and his hands stretching to the skies, He thus begins, &c.—Whereas otherwise he makes him a person of a most undaun∣ted and unshaken constancy; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 l. 6.
—Non ulla laborum, O virgo, nova mî facies inopináve surgit. —no dangers unto me Are strange, or, Virgin, shake my constancie.Doubtless Virgil herein concurred with Homer in his opinion: And from hence the Stoicks opin'd, that the soul as soon as freed from the body, presently took its flight to the Concave of the Moon, the place or region of the element of fire. But of these dreams more then enough: let us now return to our Author. Virgil from these premisses inferres, that the Soul is of an active, piercing, and subtile nature, as are the principles whereof it consists, that it is of it self free from all passions and perturbations,
—quantum non noxia corpora tardant.Unless by the commixtion and conjunction with the body it abate of its naturall vigour, and become, as that is, heavy and drossie. All souls are equally intelligent, and alike impassionate; But, according to the variety of complexions, the abundance of humors, the pureness of the spirits, the disposition of the organs, especially of the brain, they are more intense or remiss.
[§ 74]
Hence the Poet sayes, that as to the intellectual part thereof it becomes heavy, dull and inapprehensive, so to the appetitive or will, it becomes subject to sundry irregularities and passi∣ons; which he specifies here in four, whereof two have for their object an Evil, and two a Good: The first is Fear, which is a passion of the soul touching a future evil, as Grief. The se∣cond is touching an evil present, and now upon us. The third is Desire, or Concupiscence, which is a passion of the soul about a good absent, as Joy. The fourth is about a good present, and in fruition, or the acquiescence of the Soul in the possession of its desired object. Three of these, viz. Desire, Joy and Grief, are placed in the Concupiscible Appetite, and one, viz. Fear, in the irascible. He inferres further, that the soul is not only subject to error and passion, whilst united to the body, but that it doth absolutely for•••• its own nature, nor is at all sensible of its originall, which is of fire and air; which he means here whilst he saies—nec auras respiciunt; the body is therefore called by him animae carcer, the prison of the soul; reflecting haply upon that of Plato, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the body is the souls grave or sepulchre: For as those who are shut up in a dark prison have all objects intercepted from their eyes, so the soul incarcerated in the body is utterly blinded, nor can auras respi∣cere, have the free prospect of the air whereof it is com∣pounded.
The Poet here occurres to a tacite objection: the soul (it is true) loseth of its original purity by conjunction with the bo∣dy, but when freed from thence it may recover its pristine state of purity and perfection:* 1.194 no, it retains still after its separation much of that pollution which it contracted whilst it was im∣mers'd in the body. And hence he layes the foundation of his imaginary Purgatory, which as necessarily previous to that Transmigration, we have already discoursed of, he makes of three sorts, either by ventilation, by air, purgation by fire, or rinsing by water; all according to the doctrine of Plato; pur∣ging, as Physicians doe, by contraries; for fire, which is hot and dry; air, which is hot and moist; water, which is cold and moist, are the most proper purgatives for earthy contagions,
i. e. for those stains the soul hath contracted from the com∣merce with the body, which is earthy; Earth being both the coldest of the 4. elements, and in that most contrary to Fire, which is the hottest and the driest, and in that most opposite to Water, which is the moistest; in both to Air, which is both hot and moist: this is St. Austins conceit, l. 21. de Civit. Dei. c. 13. we will not say that the Roman Cath••lick hath no better authority for his Purgatory then that of a Roman Poet. This we may safely affirm, that it was an opinion received amongst the Heathens many centuries before it was introduced into the Church of Rome, with this only difference; they held that af∣ter death the souls went into Purgatory, and from thence as∣cended not into eternall bliss, but into this world, where they were reinvested with new bodies; these, that after their pur∣gatory they ascended into hea••••n: they both allow of a Pur∣gatory, and a subsequent resurrection, and differ only in the terminus adquem, the place to which that resurrection tends.
[§ 75] There is no one passage in this book more obscure then this; in the literal construction you shall find more sound of words then soundness of sense; for what can you understand by leav∣ing the etherial sense pure, and a fire of simple breath or air? for so it runs, if verbally translated: We have therefore para∣phrased upon this place, as we have done elsewhere, where the sense required it; therefore by sensus aethereus we are to un∣derstand the Soul, a heavenly or aethereal Being; and there∣fore said by Virgil a little above to be coelestis originis, as here to be aethereus sensus, and to be ignis & aër simplex; for he sayes here auraï, i. e. aurae simplicis ignem, for auram simpli∣cem & ignem, according to the opinion of those who held the soul to be compounded of air and fire; therefore the sense of
Igneus est ollis vigor & coelestis orgio Seminibus.—is here expressed in other words, whilst he sayes;
—purumque reliquit Aetherum sensum, atque auraï simplicis ignem.
which I think according to the sense both of the Author and the Context, may not unaptly be paraphrased in these words:
Leaving of spots that heavenly Being clear, Of Fire a compound, and unmixed Air.But to summe up our precedent discourse, and to shew the con∣nexion thereof, you must know that there is a certain soul or spirit which actuateth and presideth over this Universe, and from whence all things derive their birth and original; a∣mongst the rest, men, whose souls (we have, and doe still speak according to the principles of Virgil, and the Gentiles) are compounded of fire and air, as their bodies are of water and earth; whence they (resembling their principles) are active and pure, these drossie and dull: they from the long commerce with the body contract stains from thence, which adhere to them even after their separation: Hence they are to be pur∣ged in the other world, after which, when purified, they are brought by Mercury to the River Lethe, the River of Forget∣fulness, and having drunk thereof, they then return into this world, and are received into other bodies. We have insisted much upon the exposition of the Author in these precedent Pa∣ragraphs; Interpreters have laboured much herein, as upon a place knotty and obscure, though full of much learning and abstruse speculations: if we have either in our Translation or notes conferred any thing to the explication of the Author, and the Readers satisfaction, we shall think our pains in the one, and our collections in the other, not altogether misem∣ployed.
[§ 76] We come now to the primarie scope and design of the Po∣et, and which indeed, as the end is, was primus in intentione, though ultimus in executione. Virgil composed this Poem on purpose to celebrate the Family of Augustus, and to conse∣crate the names of some of the most deserving and illustrious Houses of Rome to following Ages. And to this only tends Aeneas his descent into Hell, with all the precedent descripti∣ons. We shall here exhibit a Summary of the Roman Histo∣ry, from the Alban Kings to Augustus his time, following the
series and method of our Author, who presents them not ac∣cording to the order of time wherein they were born or lived, but as he fancies them to stand before Anchises, the person here speaking.
[§ 77] The first therefore who appeared,* 1.195 and was to ascend, was Sylvius, Aeneas his Sonne by Lavinia, Latinus his Daughter, and half-Brother to Ascanius, sirnamed Iülus, Aeneas his Sonne by Creüsa; he is here called an Alban name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by way of excellence, because from him all the Alban Kings were denominated Sylvii; Aeneas his posthume sonne, be∣cause born after his Fathers death; and Sylvius, because born in the Woods. The Story is briefly this; Lavinia being left with child by Aeneas, fled for fear of her sonne in law Ascani∣us, to Tyrrhus the Master of her Father Latinus his flocks; but was delivered by the way of a son in the woods, whom from thence she called Sylvius, i. e. Du Bois, or Wood; and from him the succeeding Alban Kings were styled Sylvii: but being freed from her ill-grounded jealousie, she was at last brought back to Ascanius, who looking upon her as the dear Relict of his honored Father, did not only receive her with all demon∣strations of love, but leaving Lavinium (built by Aeneas, and so called from Lavinia, his beloved Consort) to her, he foun∣ded Alba, or the white City, so called from the white* 1.196 Sow the Trojans found at their first landing; and Longa, from its figure, it being extended in length: See Aur. Victor. de orig. gent. Rom. And this became the royal residence of the Alban Kings, who reigned here, according to Virgil, 300 years; but accor∣ding to a more exact computation, we may add one Centurie more; for from the foundation of Alba by Ascanius, to the foundation of Rome by Romulus (during which time Alba was the capital City of Latium) were full 400 years wanting one. The first, viz. Alba, being built An. Mund. 2852. and the latter, viz. Rome, 3251. as Dr. Simpson proves Chron. Cathol. part.* 1.197 2. & 3. The succession of the Alban Kings is thus de∣livered by Livie, 1. Ascanius, 2. Sylvius Posthumus, elected by the people to the Kingdome (who preferred the sonne of Aeneas to the grandson) before Iülus, sonne to Ascanius;
3. Sylv. Aeneas, 4. Latinus, 5. Alba, 6. Atis, 7. Capys, 8. Capêtus, 9. Tiberinus, who passing the River Tiber, and in his passage drowned, gave it its name of Tiberis, whereas it was originally called Albula; 10. Agrippa, 11. Romulus or Aremulus, 12. Aventinus, from whom the Aventine Hill took its name; 13. Procas, 14. Numitor, deposed by his younger Brother Amulius, but restored to his hereditary rights by his Grandsons Romulus and Remus, born of Rhaea Sylvia his Daughter. The male line of the Sylvii expired in Numitor, and Rome, founded by Romulus, soon eclipsed the State of Al∣ba, which from that time was governed by certain Magistrates styled Dictators; and being finally subdued and razed by Tul. Hostilius, the third from Romulus, as an emulous and dangerous neighbour, was displanted, and incorporated into the City of Rome. But to return to our Author, who more like a Poet then an Historian, doth but cursorily run over the Alban Kings, reciting but some few of them, and those not in their due order of succession, but as they there appeared be∣fore Anchises; for Procas was not the next to Posthumus, but the twelfth from him, Capys the sixth, Numitor the thirteenth; but Syl. Aeneas was the second, who by the fraud of his Tu∣tor was for a long time kept from the Crown; which at last recovering, he reigned 30 years. There is very little registred of the Alban Kings save only their names.
The Roman Generals (as you may read in A. Gell. l. 5. c. 6. and in Salmuth upon Pancirol.* 1.198 rer. deperd. tit. 55.) for the en∣couragement & reward of the good service and valour of their Souldiers amongst other gifts bestowed upon them several sorts of Crowns, which were these, i. e. muralis corona, made of gold, and bestowed on them who first scaled the walls, and entred the City or Castle of the enemy. Secondly, Castrensis or Valla∣ris, of gold also, & given to him who made the first impression into the enemies Camp. Thirdly, Navalis, or Rostrata, which was his right who in a naval or sea-fight first boarded the ene∣my's ship. Fourthly and lastly, Civica, (for which word Virgil useth Civilis) which although not so valuable in regard of its materials, for it was only a Wreath made of an oaken bough,
yet was esteemed more honorable then the rest; and was be∣stowed on him, who, rescuing a Roman Citizen from his pre∣vailing enemy, had saved his life, and slain the invader. This was therefore made of oak, because anciently, before the use of corn, acorns, the fruit of that tree, was the sustenance and preserver of the life of man; or because the Oak was sacred to Jupiter, under whose peculiar protection Cities were said to be; and therefore it was proper that he who had saved a Citi∣zen, should be crowned with a bough of that tree which was dedicated to the tutelar Deity of all Cities. And to this Cu∣stome the Poet alludes here, whilst he saies that the Founders & Builders of Cities were crowned with an oakenbough: for those who build and fortifie Cities, seem as it were to save the lives of the Citizens, whilst by that means they save them from the incursions and surprisals of a watchfull enemy. The Cities here particularized, were most of them belonging to the Prisci La∣tini, as they styled themselves, and planted by the Alban Kings. Nomentum was an in-land Town belonging to the La∣tines and not far distant from Rome; now called Lamentana. Gabii was a Town of the Volsci, a very opulent and wealthy City, about an hundred furlongs, which is some twelve miles, distant from Rome towards the East in the way to Praeneste; it was made tributary to the Romans by the fraud of Sext. Tar∣quinius, sonne to Superbus; you may read the story at large in Livie l. 1. Fidenae was a Town of the Sabines, five miles from Rome; now called Castel Jubeleo: Collatia, a Town of the Sabines also, at four miles distance from the City in the Ti∣burtine way, fam'd for the rape and death of the chast Lucre∣tia: Pometii, called also Suessa Pometia, now Sessa, was a Town of the Volsci, beyond the River Liris; it was taken and plundered by Superbus, who made of the spoils (as Livie testi∣fies) forty talents, which according to our modern computa∣tion amounts to twenty one thousand & sixty French crowns, an immense summe for those dayes. Castrum Inuï, the Castle or Town of Inuus, i. e. Pan; for whom the Gree••s called Pan the Latines termed Inuus, ab ineundo passim cum omnibus ani∣malibus: Servius; which is the same with the Greek Ephialtes,
and the Latine Incubus: this was a Town of the Volsci, and is now called Cornetto. Bola, a Town of the Aequi, borde∣ring upon the Latines, long since demolish'd. Cora, a Town of the Volsci, yet in being, and retaining its originall name. But concerning these Towns, if you desire more ample satifa∣ction, you may consult with Cluverius, a most diligent sur∣veyor of ancient Italie, l. 3. c. 8.
[§ 78] Anchises having passed over the Alban Kings, comes now to Romulus,* 1.199 the Founder of the Roman both City and Empire, the son of Rhaea Sylvia, or Ilia, daughter to Numitor, & made (as it was given out) impregnate by Mars: and hence the Poet gives him the epithete of Mavortius, or Martius. He having reigned some time with his Grandsire Numitor in Alba Longa, thinking that Dominion too straight for them both, resigned the whole to him; and building Rome (the future Emperess of the world) reigned there. The story of Romulus his actions military and civil, his death, apotheosis, or dei••ying, together with all the particulars here instanced in by the Poet to the magnifying of Rome, are so easily parable out of Livie, Diony∣fius, Plutarch in vit. Rom. that we shall rather chuse to referre the Reader to them, then to insist too long upon things so ob∣vious; we shall only note the aptness of the comparison here used by the Poet, assimilating Rome, the Mother and Nurse of so many brave Heroes, to Cybele, or Cybelle (periphras'd here by Mater Berecynthia) the Mother of the Gods. This simili∣tude Mr. Denham speaking of Windsore Castle, hath borrowed of Virgil, and as handsomely applied: we shall for his credit, though known to us only by a well-deserved fame, subjoyn the verses:
A Crown of such Majestick towrs doth grace The Gods great Mother, when her heav'nly race Doe homage to her; yet she cannot boast Amongst that num'rous and celest'al host More Heroes then can Windsore; nor doth Fames Immortal book record more noble names.But to return, Cybele* 1.200 is so called from the hill Cybella in Phry∣gia,
where (when an Infant) she was exposed, and (being there found by a Shepheards wife) taken and bred up by her, as her own child, and called after the name of the place where she was first found; or, according to Servius, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from shaking the head, a gesticulation peculiar to her Priests. She was (if we consult with fabulous story) said to be the Daughter of heaven and earth, and Wife of Saturn, known by these following names of Ops, Rhea, Vesta, Magna Mater, Dindymene; and lastly Berecynthia; as here, from Berecyn∣thus, a Town of Phrygia, near the River Sangarius, where she was most religiously worshipped. Her Priests (called Co∣rybantes) were injoyned to be gelt: should the Romish Church, as it forbids marriage, injoyn Castration to their Clergie, I doubt that the Cloisters and religious Houses would not be so well furnished, as now they are. She was said to be Turrîta, crowned with towers; and so indeed she is alwayes painted, either because (according to Arnobius l. 5.) when the City of Midas was shut up, she undermined and razed the tower-bearing walls with her head, and so entred; or, as Ovid will have it,
Quod primis turres urbibus illa dedit.She was the first who taught to fortifie Towns with Towers and Castles: or lastly, because (as Servius is of opinion) by her is meant the earth, the proper basis and support of all edi∣fices.
[§ 79] After Romulus, he comes per saltum to Augustus, both as the second founder of Rome,* 1.201 and the principal scope of the whole Poem; whom he magnifies here with most exquisite Elogies; and he truly was (as Messala Corvinus styles him) sui seculi perenne & immortale decus, the lasting and immortal ornameut of his age; deserving no less then a Virgil to give him his just and suteable Character. We shall briefly examine the particulars: First he saith that he was Divûm genus, sprung from the Gods, both in regard of Jul. Caesar his adoptive Father, who was (after his death) made a Divus, or sainted, as for that he was descended from Aeneas, the Son of Venus,
the Daughter of Jupiter. Secondly, that he should again re∣store the golden age, as it was in Saturns time; For having overcome all his enemies both domestick and forein, there was such peace and tranquillity during his reign, that it was deser∣vedly called the golden age. The Temple of Janus Quirinus, (which from the foundation of Rome had been but twice shut, the first time in Numa's reign; the second Ann, V. C. 518. Tit. Manlius Torquatus, & C. Atilius Bulbus being Con∣suls, after the first Punick warre) was in his time thrice locked up, which was never done but when the tumults and tempests of warre, were laid asleep by the welcome security of a gene∣ral peace: at other times they stood open. And to this purpose our Poet speaks of Augustus lib. 1.
Aspera tum positis mitescent saecula bellis, Cana Fides, & Vesta, Remo cum fratre Quirinus Jura dabunt; dirae ferro & compagibus arctis Claudentur Belli portae: Furor impius intus Saeva sedens super arma, & centum vinctus ahenis Post tergum nodis, fremet horridus ore cruento.
Insuing times shall sacred peace install: Faith; Vesta, Romulus with Remus, shall Just lawes enact: The doors of horrid Warre Huge links of brass, and iron bolts shall barre: Dire Furie, breathing blood, within shall sit On heaps of armes, his hands behind him knit.Wherefore in his pacifique reign Christ our Saviour, the Prince of peace, vouchsafed to take our nature upon him, to shew that nothing is more acceptable to him then peace, that bond of love and perfect character of his sincere disciples; which (although through the ambition and emulation of Princes it hath been for many years banished Christendome) is now like to return again by the happy & long-desired redintegration of amity betwixt those two great Luminaries of this our Western world, Spain & France: I cannot but add my prayers for the speedy consum∣mation
of so wish'd-for a Good. None can pray otherwise, but such as having agrandiz'd themselves by warre, fear to lose their unjust acquests by a to-them-unwelcome pacification, and to be made to regorge by law what they have swallowed down by rapine. I could not but add this, writing at this time.
[§ 80] Thirdly, that he should extend the limits of the Roman Em∣pire beyond the Garamantes, a People in the heart of Africa, Southward; and the Indians, a Nation in the extremity of A∣sia, Eastward, The truth is, that these were never conque∣red by the Romans, for Euphrâtes was the bound to their Em∣pire on the East; but the Garamantes, with other African Nations, were subdued by Cornelius Balbus: Meyênus. Fur∣ther he sayes that he should subdue a Country which lies be∣yond the Starres, and the course of the Sun, that is, beyond the Zodiac, or the Starres, and constellations thereunto be∣longing. In brief, the Poet speaks hypothetically, that if there were any Country habitable beyond the Zodiac and the Tro∣pick of Capricorn (of which the Ancients doubted) it should be added to the Dominions of Augustus. But how mount Atlas, which lies on this side the Aequator, should be said to be, ultra anni solis{que} vias; on the other side the Zodiac, and Tropick of Capricorn I cannot understand. We must pardon hyperboles in a Poet. Virgil thought he might lawfully extend Nature, and exceed the usual Boundaries of Geography, whilst he strove to extoll the greatness of his munificent Patron Au∣gustus.
Fourthly, he saith that all the ••racles of the world, viz. from the Caspian sea, or Asia, to the East; from the Lake of Maeôtis, or Europe, to the North; and from Nile, or Africa, to the South, should foretell the birth of the great Augustus. Sueton. in his life, c. 94. saith, that a few moneths before his birth it was prophecied that Nature should bring forth a King to the Ro∣man People, whereupon it was decreed by the Senate, that no male born that year should be suffered to live; but those (whose Wives were with child) hoping that the Prophesie might be fulfilled in their Family, hindred the execution of the Senates Decree. The like wicked policy was not only in deli∣beration,
but effected by Herod upon the innocent Infants of Bethleem. At the same time all Oracles forecold that there should be a great Prince born, who should subdue the world; which was truly and really meant of the incarnation of our blessed Saviour, but erroneously and impudently by his Pa∣rasites applied to Augustus.
Fifthly and lastly, he compares the expeditions and con∣quests of Augustus, to those of Alcides or Hercules, and Bac∣chus, two noted Land-lopers; for the first travelled all over the world seeking adventures; and the second made an im∣pression into, and subdued the farre-remote parts of India: Nay, he preferres the victories of Augustus to those either of Hercules or Bacchus. The 12. labours of the first are so well known, that we need not insist long upon these which are here mentioned. The Hinde, called Cerenítis; feigned to be bra∣zen hoof'd, was slain by him neer to the Town of Parrhasia; he also took a terrible Boar, called the Boar of Erymanthus, a Mountain of Arcadia, alive, and brought it to Eurystheus, who, by Juno's command, was his Tax-master, and imposed all those hazardous labours upon that invincible Heroe. Of the Beast of Lerna, i. e. the Hydra, we have descoursed at large Paragraph 39.
From Augustus, after a desultorious manner, he returns to the successors of Romulus, in whom the royal line of Aeneas did determine.* 1.202 The first of these was aged and hoary-headed Nu∣ma, whom Anchises seems not to know, because a stranger, and none of his posterity, born at ••••ures, a small Dorp or Village of the Sabines, on the very day the foundation of Rome was laid. The character the Poet gives him, and the rest, is a∣greeable to the testimony of History: For Numa Pompilius, a person fam'd for his justice and religion, was by the general vote of the people (though a stranger) chosen King; who (when placed in the regal Throne) having made peace with all his neighbours, applied himself solely to the refor∣ming of the Lawes, Manners and Discipline both Civil and Religious, introducing all Rites and Ceremonies into their Church; whence he is here said to be, ramis insignis Olivae,
and sacra ferens; the first denoting his studious love of peace, of which the Olive is an embleme; the second his great care of Religion, and the worship of the Gods; whereby, as Florus observes, populum ferocem eó redegit, ut quod vi, & injuriâ oc∣cupaverat imperium, religione, & justitiâ gubernâret: He taught them to govern by religion and justice that Empire which they had atchieved by injury and force. Hence the very names of these two precedent Kings seem to speak their natures, and to have designed them (as it were) for this different manner of proceeding in the management of affairs; for Romulus comes from the Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. strength, and hardiness; and Numa 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from his inventing and ordaining of laws; for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Law, is written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by the Dores; from whence Numa comes: and hence his character is truly given us by Livie: Numa regno potitus, urbem novam, conditam vi & armis (a Romulo scilicet) jure eam; legibus{que} ac moribus de integro condere parat: Numa founded that City by wholsome laws, which Romulus had founded by force and arms. He reigned 43 years.
[§ 81] Tullus Hostilius, the third from Romulus, succeeded to Numa,* 1.203 Grandson to Hostus Hostilius, who died fighting a∣gainst the Sabines under the Tower of Rome. He was cho∣sen for his great valour and known conduct: He subdued the Albans, razed their City, and transplanted the Inhabi∣tants to Rome. In the direption, and sack of this forlorn Town, this is chiefly to be noted, that when they had equalled all the edifices, whether private or publick, with the ground, the tri∣umphing enemy (out of an awe and reverence to religion) spa∣red the Temples of the Gods: Templis tamen Deûm (ita enim edictum ab rege fuit) temperatum est: Livie: a reproach to the impious and intemperate zeal of this worst of ages, where∣in the Temples of the true God have born the greatest marks of the irreligious furie, not of foreign enemies (as here) but of the once-children of the same Mother, and professors of the same faith. This King was the restorer of their military dis∣cipline, as here characterised, and inlarger of the City, by ta∣king in the Mount Caelius: He reigned, according to Livies Compute 32. years.
[§ 82]
Ancus Martius, Grandson to Numa Pompilius by his Daughter,* 1.204 the fourth from Romulus, was elected after Tul∣lus: He is described here as haughty and popular, because born of royall blood. He was of a disposition and temper much like to that of his Grandsire Numa, as to his justice, re∣gard of religion, and government in peace, though in time of warre he equalled any of his Predecessors; whence Livie sayes of him, Medium erat in Anco ingenium, & Numae & Romuli memor. In Ancus there was a mixture of Numa and Romulus; the one appeared in his reviving the laws of Numa, concerning religious Rites and Ceremonies; in walling the City, in build∣ing a bridge over Tiber, in planting a Colony at Ostia, a Town situated upon the mouth of Tiber, which became a fa∣mous Mart in after ages: The other in his warres with the Latines, Fidenâtes, Vejentes, Sabines, and Volscians: He sat upon the Throne 24 years.
[§ 83] The fifth from Romulus was Lucius Tarquinius, sirnamed Priscus,* 1.205 or the elder, in regard of L. Tarquinius Superbus, his sonne, or (as Florus writes him) his Grandson. He though not only not a Roman, but also not so much as an Italian, was named King, propter industriam & elegantiam, for his industrie and handsome deportment. He (as Livie tells the story) was the sonne of Damarâtus, a rich Merchant of Corinth, who forced out of his own Country, came with his family into Ita∣ly, and planted himself at Tarquinii, a Town of Etruria, or Tuscanie. He had two sonnes, Aruns and Lucumo: Lucumo after the death both of his Father and Brother came to Rome, where for his wealth & prudence he was elected into the Sena∣torian order by Ancus Martius, and instead of Lucumo called Lucius, and Tarquinius, from Tarquinii, the Town of his birth: And after Ancus his death (notwithstanding the left two sons) was thought worthy to be his Successor. He conquering the rebelling Sabines; Latines, and the twelve Tuscan Nations, was the first who triumphed in Rome. From these last he bor∣rowed, and introduced all the ornaments and ensigns of Sove∣raignty, with all the habits and fashions which were afterwards used by the Roman people. He reigned thirty eight years,
and was treacherously murdered by two Villains, suborned by the two Sonnes of Ancus Martius. As you may read the story at large in Livie l. 1. he left two sonnes, Aruns and Lucius, called afterward Superbus. But neither of these succeeded immediately to their Father;* 1.206 but Servius Tullius, a Slave by birth, as born of Ocrisia, a Lady taken in the Corni∣culan warre. Ocrisia, as being of the best quality of the Cap∣tiv••s, was presented to Tanaquil, Wife to Tarquinius; and being left with child by her Husband, was delivered of a boy, which from the servile condition of his Mother was called Ser∣vius, and from his Father, Tullius. He from a hopefull and towardly child, became a deserving and gallant man, inso∣much, that K. Tarquin thought him worthy of his Daughter, and the people of Rome of the Crown: For he married the one, and after the death of the murdered Tarquin was elected to the other, his predecessors issue being pretermitted. He held the reins of goverment 44. years, and was as deser∣ving a Prince as any, although omitted here by our Author, who treats of things not Historically, but Poetically, and after a grosser manner.
[§ 83] The seventh and last of the Kings was Tarquinius Superbus,* 1.207 Sonne to Tarquinius Priscus, and Sonne-in-law to Servius Tullius, who bestowed his Daughter Tullia on him: A woman of a violent, unquiet, and ambitious spirit; who inci∣ted her Husband, L. Tarquinius, a man of the like temper with her self, to murder the King her own Father, and by force to invest himself in the regal power; which he as boldly as wic∣kedly effected: but administring that government as impotent∣ly, as he had obtained it wickedly; as also for the rape of Lu∣cretia by his Son Sextus; He, with his whole family was ex∣pelled Rome, which from that time, of a Monarchy, became a free State. Tarquin tyrannized 25. years: so that Rome from Romulus to him was governed by Kings 244. years, as Livie computes it. And this was the infancy of the Roman State under the regal power; and indeed, as an Infant, it (being no more then able to crawl) had made but a small advance in or∣der to that greatness which it afterward atchieved: For that
people (which in process of time, when it arrived to its virile estate or manhood, did bound its Empire with the rising and setting Sun, and carried its victorious Eagles from the Nor∣thern to the Southern world) had not in 250. years gained above fifteen miles in circuit from their Cities walls, nor after so many battels, conquests, and triumphs extended their Ter∣ritories further then a nimble Footman could run in two hours. As if it were in States as it is in nature, wherein we see that those things which are designed for strength and duration, do soberly, and by degrees arrive to perfection; but that those which are soon in their wane and decadence, do suddenly, and as it were per saltum attain to their increment and consistence. How often have we seen the power of a State terminate in one man, and the glory of a Nation breath out its last, when he expired? so circumscribed a thing is greatness, and so transi∣tory is that gaudy pomp which the world admires: but to return.
[§ 84] Lucius Junius, the sonne of Marcus Junius and Tarquinia,* 1.208 Sister to Superbus, was the first who brought the sirname of Brutus into the Junian Family: For he (seeing by the sad ex∣amples of his own Father and Brother, lately murdered by the jealous Tyrant, that to deserve highly was the highest treason, and that vertue was the most compendious way to ruine and destruction) counter••eited himself a fool, wherein he acted his part so to the life, that he purchased to himself and his Descen∣dants the contemptible, but secure, nickname of Brutus, or the Brute: And in all appearance he continued such, till a fair opportunity incouraged him to lay aside the fool coat, and to appear in the more becomming dress of a man of wis∣dome and courage: For he was the first, who having rescued the oppressed people from the impotent rule of the Tarquins, changed the form of government from a Monarchy to a State, from Regal to Consular; and was the first, who (together with his Collegue Collatinus) was invested in this new Magistracy; which was annual, and to be administred by two, on purpose to defeat and disappoint those advantages, which a single and continued power might take upon the people who instrusted
them. They were called Consules, à consulendo Reipublicae, from the care they took of the common good; (as Cicero will have it) or (as Varro) quòd consulere populum, & Senatum de∣berent, because they ought to advise with the Senate and the People in all affairs and designs. This office (as annual, and in the person of two) differed only from the Kingly govern∣ment: otherwise they had the same ensigns and marks of so∣veraignty which the Kings had; for they had their twelve Lictors carrying the Fasces, or bundle of rods before them, with the Secures, or Axes, as before the late Kings: where∣fore Virgil calls them here, fasces receptos, viz. à regibus, the Fasces or soveraign power wrested out of the hands of the Kings. But to proceed; and I hope that the Reader will not think that I doe impertinently seek matter of discourse, if I in∣large something upon this Story; he shall find many particu∣lars coincident with passages of our own times, and agreeing with the sinister policies of our modern Innovators. Brutus, therefore (the principal vindicator of the peoples liberty) knowing that there was as much virtue required in maintain∣ing what he had got, as in the primarie acquisition, endeavours by all means possible to confirm and knit the as-yet-feeble joynts of his infant Republick: and to this end in the first place he causeth the people to ingage themselves by oath against the government of a single person; jure-jurando populum adegit, neminem Romae passuros regnare: Livie. Secondly, he was very industrious in ruining and dis••abling the royal party, which indeed (by reason of Tarquins demerits) were but few, and those either green-headed Courtiers, or such of the Nobility, qu••rum in regno libido solutior fuerat, whose loose∣ness under a Kingly government were lesse remarkable; all the friends (I say) of the ejected King were suddenly suppres∣sed, amongst the rest Collatinus, the Husband of the ravish∣ed Lucretia, and Brutus his Coadjutor in the regifuge, and now Companion with him in office, was by his means (be∣cause of Tarquins Family) both turned out of his place, and banished his Country: nay, to strike the greater terrour into others, who should attempt the restitution of the Tarquins,
he did not only pronounce sentence upon his own sonnes, Titus and Tiberius, with others of the Nobility neerly allied to him, who were convinced to have held correspondence with the Common enemy, but appeared an unmoved and irrelenting overseer and exactor of their punishment; & qui spectator erat amovendus, eum ipsum exactorem supplicii fortuna dedit: Livie. Thirdly, he caused all the estate, both real and personal of the ejected Family, to be dissipated and divided amongst the peo∣ple; knowing full well, that those who had swallowed such fair morsels, would be very hardly perswaded to regorge them. Bona regia diripienda plebi sunt data, ut contactâ regiâ praedâ, spem in perpetuum cum his pacis amitteret. On the other side the Tarquins were not idle; but finding by the disappoint∣ment of the late plot, that it was in vain to hope to compass any thing by the assistance of disarmed, suppressed, and discou∣raged friends at home, they (as in their case any would doe) implore forain aid, and flie first to the Veientes and Tarquini∣enses, a people of Etruria, and implacable enemies to the Ro∣man name. These arme in the quarrel of the exiled Princes; and in this battel fell their great Brutus; but most remarkably; Aruns the sonne of Tarquin, who commanded the enemies horse, espying Brutus at the head of the Roman horse, which he also commanded, crying, Dii regum ultores adeste, ye Gods, avengers of Kings, be present and assist me, set spurs to his horse and ran furiously upon Brutus, who as gallantly received his charge; to be short, they pierced one the other with their sances, and fell down dead together. But after a long contest between the two Armies, and the loss of 13000. men on each side, the Romans remained superiours. Tarquin failing here, addresseth himself to Porsena K. of Clusium, a potent Prince in those dayes. Methinks Livie makes Tarquin recommend his case very pathetically, and to the purpose, to his brother King: it is a passage that I have often taken notice of, nor un∣worthy the transcribing. He hints to Porsena thus; Ne ori∣entem morem pellendi reges inultum sineret; satis libertatem ip∣sam habere dulcedinis, nisi quantâ vi civitates eam expetant, tan∣tâ regna reges defendant. Aequa••i summa infimis, nihil ex∣celsum,
nihil quod supra caetera emineat; in civitatibus fore. A∣desse finem regnis, rei inter Deos homines{que}; pulcherrimae. A dis∣course most pregnant and proper in this case, and which we may thus english. He adviseth Porsena as a King not to permit this new fashion of deposing and expelling Kings to goe unpunished; for that liberty in it self was so sweet and inviting, that unlesse Kings did defend their crowns as vigorously as the people sought their freedome, all things being reduced to an equality, there would be no distinction of degrees remaining in Cities or Common-wealths: and that in conclusion there would be an end of Mo∣narchie, a government the most approved both by Gods and men. These arguments, and the consideration of his own case, in∣gaged Porsena in Tarquins quarrel; but after a vigorous at∣tempt, and almost a victory, there was a sudden pacification made between the Romans and Porsena, and Tarquins inte∣rest quite left out in the agreement, who (as restless as he was unfortunate) makes new applications to other friends; and by the intervention of Mamilius Tusculanus (a person of chief note amongst the Latines; and to whom Tarquin in his prosperity had married his Daughter) stirres up all the people of Latinum against the Romans, whose greatness began to be suspected and dreaded by all their neighbours; but after a long, doubtfull, and bloody fight, the victory remained still with the Romans; wherefore Tarquinius (having lost both his sons in the warres, now grown old, and destitute of friends) gave over all further hopes of recovering his right, and retired himself to Cumae, to Aristodémus the then Tyrant of that City, where the fourteenth year after his expulsion he by death put a period, as well to the fears and jealousies of his late Subjects, as to his own miserable, harrased, and unpleasant life. All Historians doe highly celebrate this action of Brutus; and it was once my fortune to be in company where I heard it very ••agerly defended, and propounded as a commendable pre∣sident, and fair copy for Subjects to draw by. I shall not make a formal dispute upon the case, but only propound these following Quaeries.
[§ 85] 1 Whether Tarquin was so insupportable a Tyrant as Hi∣stories
deliver him to be, or whether those who rebelled a∣gainst him, rendred him not such in story the better to palliate their own unjustifiable proceedings.
2. Whether, if he were such, Brutus were to be justified, and his example to be followed.
3. Whether Brutus did what he did purely for the publick good, and not rather to avenge the injuries done to his private family.
4. Whether Brutus did what he did purely for the publick good, and not rather to get into the seat of him whom he had dismounted.
5. If it were not so, why did he not, after the work was done, continue a private man?
6. Whether it be not probable, that he who could dissem∣ble so well, that he deceived the crafty Tarquin himself, and passed for a fool, till he got an opportunity to oppress him and his Family, might not as well dissemble with the people, and pretend to be a great assertor of their liberties, till such time as he could securely fool them out of them.
7. Whether the character Livie gives of him, viz. that he was, juvenis longè alius ingenio, quam cujus simulationem indu∣erat, a man of a farre different disposition and temper then what he seemed to be, doe not render him as a great cheat and dissembler, and to be suspected as to this our last Quaere.
8. Whether his deposing Collatinus, and his putting his sons to death, were not for the better colour of his designs, and to beget a greater belief of his integrity, that he might be trusted with the greater power.
9. Whether Liberty be a just pretence.
10. Whether all innovating Rebels must not of necessity, if they invade the regall power, destroy the liberty they pre∣tended to assert.
11. Whether experience doth not tell us, that this saying of Tacitus is an irrefragable truth; ut imperium evertant, li∣bertatem praeferunt, quam si everterint, ipsam aggredientur ur liber∣tatem: those who design a change of government, inveagle the people with a pretence of liberty, which if they effect,
themselves, invade that liberty, they lately seemed to patro∣nize.
12. Whether this saying of Tacitus hath not been verified in the flagitious proceedings of the Fanaticks of our age, &c.
Of the Family of the Decii there were three, viz.* 1.209 the Father, Sonne, and Grandsonne, who for their lives lost in their Countries service were deservedly famous: the Father (who was Consul with T. Manlius Torquatus, an. urbis conditae 415.) did in the warre against the Latines devove himself, i. e. with strange imprecations and invocations bequeath and vow himself to death. For when it was revealed in a dream to both the Consuls, that that side should be victorious whose Gene∣ral should die in the fight; and when it was agreed, that of the two Consuls, he whose wing did first give place, should devove himself. Decius seeing the wing which he commanded ready to flie, having pronounced after Valerius the high Priest the solemn words or form of the Devotion, mounted his horse, and with his sword drawn, made an impression into the thick∣est of the almost-victorious enemies; wheresoever he came a sudden fear invaded them: quacunque equo invectus est, ibi haud secus, quam pestifero sidere icti pavebant: Livie: at last he fell, and by his death procured victory to his neer-conque∣red party. See this story in Livie. l. 8. as also in Val. Max. l. 5. c. 6. and Florus l. 1. c. 18. Decius the Son was four times Con∣sul;* 1.210 in all which so often repeated honours he discharged and acquitted himself much to his own praise, and his Countries advantage. In his fourth Consulate with Q. Fabius Maxi∣mus Rullianus, an. urb. 458, in that warre against the con∣federated armies of the Gauls, Samnites, Ʋmbri and Tuscans, following his Fathers example, he devov'd himself also; and charging into the thickest of the now-prevailing enemy, restor∣ed the lost victory to his own party: See Livie l. 10. The form and manner of a military Devotion, as we may collect out of Li∣vie was this: The General of the wavering and declining Ar∣my, plucking off his Paludamentum, or Souldiers Coat, put on his Praetexta, or purple-guarded Robe, such as he used to wear in the City; then covering his head, and holding his e∣rected
hands (which were hidden under his Robe) out at his chin, and standing upon his lance, he repeated these solemn words after the Pontifex or High-priest:* 1.211 Janus, Jupiter, Fa∣ther Mars, Quirinus, Bellona; ye Lares, Novensiles, and Indi∣getes; ye Gods who praeside over us and the enemy; ye Gods in∣fernal, I pray ye, I worship ye, I ask and require ye to give successe to the Roman forces and army, and to pursue the enemies of the Roman people with terrour, fear, and death. As I have solemnly pronounced these words, so I devove, bequeath, and give my self with the legions and auxiliaries of the enemy to the infernal Gods and Mother Tellus, for the State, Army, Legions; and Auxiliares of the people of Rome. These words pronounced, he girded his Robe with a Cinctus Gabinus, such a girdle as the Gabii u∣sed, and mounting his horse with his sword drawn, rushed in∣to the thickest of the enemy. By this means (by the Devils imposture succeeding, and made effectuall) they imagined that they bore away with them all the evil fortune which was like to betide their own party into the enemies army, and transla∣ted that disanimation and fear which was ready to invade themselves unto the conquering side; and that they being by the repeating these solemn words, devoted or accursed (for de∣votus and execratus are the same) carried a curse along with them wheresoever they either went, or fell. But this was not often put in practise; these two only occurre in the Roman Hi∣story. In the Greek we read of Codrus King of Athens, who did the same.* 1.212 But to proceed; Decius the Grandson did not (as some affirm) devove himself, as his predecessors did, but being Consul with P. Sulpicius Savenius, ann. urb. 474. was slain fighting for his Country in the warre against King Pyrrhus: of these three thus, Cic. l. 1. quaest. Tusc. Si Mors timeretur, non cum Latinis pater Decius dècertans; cum Etruscis filius, cum Pyrrho Nepos, sese hostium telis objecissent: were death a thing to be feared, Decius the Father fighting with the Latines; the Son with the Tuscans, and the Grandson with Pyrrhus, had not run upon the enemies weapons. But the glory of this illustrious Family lasted not long, but expired with these three; after whom we read not of any of the Decii, famous either in peace or
warre, or who bore any office of note in the Common-wealth: they were but a plebeian Family, and preferred to those honours and dignities for their virtue and valour. We will add those verses of Juvenal concerning these Decii, as an Epi∣taph to be inscribed on their Tomb, who in his eighth Satyr gives them this luculent Elogie:
Plebeiae Deciorum animae, plebeia fuerunt Nomina; pro totis legionibus hi tamen, & pro Omnibus auxiliis, at{que} omni pube Latinâ Sufficiunt Diis infernis, Terrae{que} parenti: Pluris enim Decii quàm qui servantur ab illis.
To the infernal Gods and Mother Earth The Decii (though of a plebeian birth) For all our Legions, our Auxiliaries, And youth, were deem'd a worthy sacrifice: For the Heroick Decii then whate're By them was sav'd of greater value were.
[§. 86] Drusus was a cognomen of the Family of the Livii,* 1.213 which (according to Ant. Augustinus de fam. Rom.) were distingui∣shed into the Dentri, Salinatores, Libones, Aemiliani, Clau∣diani, and Drusi. The first of the Drusi was C. Livius Dru∣sus, who (according to Suetonius in vit. Tiber.) took the sir∣name of Drusus, from Drausus, a General of the enemy by him slain; transmitting the same to his posterity. His great Grandson, M. Livius Drusus, being Tribune of the people with C. Gracchus, discharged himself so wisely and faithfully in the Senates-behalf, that he got himself the hono∣rable title of Patrónus Senatus: Sueton. in Tib. and Plutarch in Gracch. Tiberius Caesar was by the Mothers side ingrafted into this Family; for Livia Drusilla was Daughter to Livius Drusus, who took part with Brutus and Cassius; and after their defeat (following them in their example, as well as in their Cause) slew himself. Him Patereulus calls virum for∣tissimum & nobilissimum, a right noble and valiant person.
Lastly, of this branch of the Livii was that hopefull young Prince Drusus Nero, younger Brother to Tiberius, and Fa∣ther to the excellent Germanicus, for whose sake (as being Son to Livia Drusilla Augusta, and so intirely beloved by his Fa∣ther-in-law Augustus) it is credible that the Poet (who took all occasions to honour that Family) hath inserted the name of the Drusi in this illustrious Catalogue. I doe much won∣der that Servius, with the rest of Virgils Interpreters, should imagine, that under the name of Drusus, the Poet understands here that Claudius Nero, who being Consul with M. Livius Salinator, an. urb. 546. defeated Asdrubal, the brother of Annibal: when the Nero's were not of the Livian Family (as were the Drusi) but of the Claudian; nor till Tib. Nero (Fa∣ther to the Emperour Tiberius) did (by marrying Livia) match into that Family, did any of the Nero's assume the name of Drusus; whereof Drusus the Father of Germanicus was the first.
[§. 87] The Manlian Family,* 1.214 not onely as a patrician, but as a sourse and seminarie of deserving Patriots, was one of the most eminent of Rome, and which from the expulsion of the Kings flourished in high repute till Caesar and Pompey's time. These were branched into the Vulsones, Capitolini, the Imperiossi, and the Torquati: Ant. August. The first of the Torquati (then whom no one of that Family was more famous) was Titus Manlius, the Son of Lucius, sirnamed Imperiossus; so called from his haughty and imperious nature; which appea∣ring in all his proceedings, was yet more eminent in the unna∣turall usage of this Titus, his Son, whom for no other reason, then for that he appeared to him to be lesse vigorous than what became the Manlian name, he in a manner cast off, and bred up in the Country amongst his Hinds and Plow-men: For which his unbeseeming deportment M. Pomponius, Tri∣bune of the people, had prepared a publick Indictment and Accusation before the people against him. The young Man∣lius understanding the intention of the Tribune, goes privily, arm'd only with a knife, to the City, finds out Pomponius, takes him aside, and there draws his knife, threatning imme∣diately
to dispatch him, unless he would swear to let fall his ac∣cusation against his Father; which for fear he swore to doe. This undeserved piety of the Sonne procured an absolute re∣mission of the intended prosecution to the Father, and immor∣tall honour to himself; insomuch that at the next election of Officers for the supply of the Legions, he (though friendless, obscure, and unknown) was made a Legionary Colonel. This action of his speaking in him no common soul, was but a pro∣logue to more worthy performances. For when the Romans had drawn out their Army against the Gauls, now within three miles of the City, and divided from them only by the River A••••en, a certain Gaul of a vast stature, terrible aspect, and Giant-like proportion, came forth upon the bridge, and in proud and scornfull words challenged any one of the enemy to fight with him hand to hand; but when a general silence testi∣fied as generall a fear, and every one seemed to preferre his own perfonal safety to the honour of the publick, Titus Man∣lius coming forth, addressed himself (as Livie makes him speak) in this manner to the General: Sir, as a Souldier (sayes he) I think it my duty not to fight, were the advantage never so invi∣ting, without my Generals command: If you please to permit, I will make that insolent Barbarian know that I am descended from that* 1.215 Family which forced the invading Troops of the Gauls from the Capitol. The General embracing him, encouraged him to the Combat; wherefore his companions having put on his arms, he takes a Foot-mans shield, and a Spanish sword in his hand (in those dayes short ones were in use amongst those of that Nation) as a more proper weapon for that close fight which he intended. Thus armed, he advanceth towards the Gaul, foolishly insulting, and (out of scorn) often lolling out his tongue. They were very unequally matched, as to the outward appearance; the one had a personage remarka∣ble for its bulk, glittering in richly-gilt armes, and dressed up in changeable-coloured silks; the other was of a middle, but Souldier-like stature, not at all regardable either in his habit or presence. He marched on ••oberly, without any noise, ex∣ultation, or flourishing his armes, but (scorning all such vain
expressions of courage, reserved himself for the triall of the approaching fight. And now they draw near, when the Gaul like a huge Mountain of flesh over-topping the other, oppo∣sed his shield with his left arme to the sword of the invading enemy, and with his right, let fall a weighty blow with a great noise upon him. The Roman bearing the point of his sword upward, ingag'd the lower part of the Gauls shield with his own, and there insinuating and working himself in within the body and the armes of the other, sheltered his whole body from the danger of all blows; and lying like a small vessel un∣der a high carv'd ship, wounded him with often repeated thrusts in the bottom of his belly, till at last he fell dead at his feet. Nor did he offer any violence to the prostrate body, but onely taking off the gold chain, which he wore about his neck, put it (all bloody as it was) about his own: whence from Torques, by which the Latines understand a chain, He, and his posterity after him, were called Torquati. Thus Livie de∣scribes this signal Duel. Q. Claudius Quadrigarius (a far more ancient Author) differs in many particulars from this narrative, as you may read him cited by a A. Gellius l. 9. c. 13. The e∣vent of this fight was so considerable, that the Gaulick Army, utterly dismay'd at the worsting of their Champion, dislodged the next night; and making a sudden and disorderly retreat, left their Camp, with much spoil and booty behind them. There is a third particular recorded in History touching this Manlius, and such an one as never in my reading occurred in any prophane Story. Twenty two years after this exploit, viz. an urb. 415. Torquatus was chosen Consul with P. De∣cius Mus. Both the Consuls were in the field with a very powerfull Army ready to ingage the Latines, an enemy very considerable in regard of their numbers, force, armes, and dis∣cipline, in all which they equalled the Romans themselves; in∣somuch that it was thought requisite to revive the ancient discipline of warre; to which end divers orders were issued forth; amongst the rest it was proclaimed, that no person what∣soever should, upon pain of death, fight the enemy without special command from the Generals. It hapned that T. Man∣lius,
Sonne to the Consul, being sent abroad with a small par∣ty to view in what posture the enemy lay, came near that quarter where the Tusculan horse lay encamped, under the command of Geminius Metius, a person of high repute for his valour and skill in horsemanship. He espying, and knowing the Consuls Sonne, called out to him, and in reprochfull terms challenged him to the Combat: young Manlius as readily accepts the invitation; and both setting spurres to their horse, ran furiously at each other; but in the encounter the Roman slew the Latine, and gathering up the spoils of the slain, re∣turned with his Troop in a triumphant manner to the Tent of his Father, the Consul, where entring, he salutes him in this manner; That all may know, Sir, that I am the Sonne of so wor∣thy a Father, I present you with these spoils, which when chal∣lenged I took from the slain enemy. Which when the Father heard, he presently turned away from his Son (who expected a more cheerful reception) and commanded a Councel of war by sound of trumpet forthwith to be assembled. The Councel be∣ing met, he thus began; the words are Livies: Since thou, T. Manlius, regarding neither the Consuls Command, nor the respect due to thy Parent, hast (against our express order) ingaged with the enemy, and as much as in thee lay overthrown that military discipline upon which the Roman State hath to this day stood and flourished, and hast reduced me to that sad necessity, that I must ei∣ther forget the interest of the Common-wealth, or my self, and mine own relations; I will rather suffer in thy punishment, then that the Common-wealth should be in the least prejudiced by thy misdemeanor: we shall both of us be a sad, but a wholsome presi∣dent to the ages to come. Truly both that ingenite affection which I have for thee as my child, together with this specimen of worth and gallantry which thou hast now given, move me not a little: But since the Consular authority is either to be established by thy death, or by thy impunity to be for ever abolished, I think that even thou thy self (if thou hast any of my blood running in thy veins) wilt not refuse to restore by thy punition that military dis∣cipline which by thy default thou hast destroyed. Goe Lictor, do thy office. The sentence was no sooner pronounced then it
was put in execution, and a gallant, but unfortunate sonne, by a severe, but wise, Fathers command, brought to an un∣timely end, being to the great terrour and grief of the behol∣ders publickly beheaded. This action might administer copi∣ous matter for a declamation: much might be said for, much against it; however it argued a greatness of soul in the Father not to be expressed: the effect of it was the establishing of the Roman discipline, not only for the present, but for the future. Manlius his example living fresh in the memory of all military men, so long as the Roman name ••urvived. Thus you see the reason why Virgil sayes
—saevum{que} securi Aspice Torquatum.—
[§. 88] The Furian Family,* 1.216 a Patrician, was divided into the Fusci, Medullini, Pacili, Purpureones, and the Camilli: of these there were many men of great note and trust in the Common-wealth; but so great was the merit of M. Furius Camillus, so many and signal his good services done for the State, so high and often-repeated his commands and dignities, that he did not only eclipse those (otherwise deserving men) of his own Family, but even all those of the whole age wherein he lived. He was a person (doubtless) indued with all moral and political virtue, the best Man, and the best Citizen Rome ever bred. We will make good this our character in some few of his most eminent atchievments; when he was a private Soul∣dier under the Dictator Postumius Tubertus, in the warre a∣gainst the Aequi and the Volsci, he was the first who advan∣cing before the Army, gave the charge upon the enemy; wherein being hurt in the thigh with a lance, he did not with∣draw out of the fight, but plucking out the truncheon, with the spear, which was broke in the wound, charged couragi∣ously on, and by his example so animated his own party, and disheartned the enemy, that the victory was chiefly due to his undaunted valour and forwardness. And this was the ori∣ginal of his advancement, and that first step by which he climb'd that high scale of his following preferments. For he
was five times chosen Dictator, six times Military Tribune: He triumphed four times; was made Censor once, and thrice Interrex. By the way we may observe these following muta∣tions in the form of the Roman government under a State; first, from the Consular government to that of the Decemviri, an. urb, 302. But this lasted not above two years, the Con∣sular rule being re-established; which was again laid aside, and the administration of affairs put into the hands of a certain number of Military Tribunes, with the full power of the abro∣gated Coisuls, an urb. 328. they were called Tribuni militum Consulari potestate, to distinguish them from the Tribuni mili∣tum, which were only Colonels of the Army. And this form of policy was interrupted by the incroachment of the Tribunes of the people, who for five years held the reins of government without any Curule Magistrate. A Curule Magistrate was such who had the right of riding in a Curule Chair, as Consuls, Praetors, Censors, &c. as we shall shew more largely anon. This power determining, the Militarie Tribunes were again restored, who continued five years in their Magistracy; and then the Consuls, after so many revolutions, were impowred a∣gain; so that the Consulate was laid aside for the space of 45. years, as Sextus Rufus computes it. And this is the reason why Camillus (who had been preferred to all dignities in the Common-wealth) never came to be Consul, because during his time the Consular power was quite exauctorated. In his first Dictatorship he won the City of Veii, which had held out most obstinately against the besieging Romans for the space of ten years; the most memorable siege, excepting that of Troy and Numantia, that prophane Story presents us with; for which he triumphed.
But his behaviour to the treacherous Schoolmaster is very remarkable, and speaks him to have been a person of high ho∣nour. Camillus being Militarie Tribune and General, en∣tred the Country of the Falisci, and laid siege to their princi∣pal Town, Faleria. There was in the City a certain School∣master, the general and only Educator of the Youth; he as∣sembling all his Pupils, with divers of the children of the most
wealthy and eminent Citizens, under pretence of taking the aire, trains them all out of the City, and leads them into the enemies Camp, where he offers to betray them all to Camillus; who so farre disdained the disingenuous dealing of the false Pedant, that after his Lictors (by his command) had stript him stark naked, and bound his hands behind him, he caused the Scholars, with whips and rods, to drive their treacherous Ma∣ster before them to the City, adding, That it became not a per∣son of honour to seek victory by base and indirect means, but to conquer by open valour, and discreet conduct. But mark the suc∣cess: The Falerians (whom all the battering rams of the Ro∣mans could not make to submit) were subdued by the hand∣some deportment of the truly-honorable Camillus; to whom they forthwith sent Commissioners to treat, and conclude a peace, with the rendition of themselves and their City to the free dispose and mercy of that enemy whom they did but now detest and defie. Yet could not this deserving Patriot avoid the envy and malice of his ill-requiting Citizens, who for divers trivivial piques, and insignificant exceptions against him, ne∣ver ceased, till they had forced him to forsake his native soyl, and to withdraw himself, as an Exile, to the City of Ardea: yet could not this unworthy usage make Camillus to be less then himself; nor though his native soyl had shewed her self a Step-mother to him, would he prove an unkind Son to her; but in the greatest extremity that ever Rome was in, he appeared a seasonable deliverer, whilst he (being in his absence nominated Dictator by that poor remain of the Roman Commonwealth, which was then, and had been for seven moneths besieged in the Capitol) rescued the City from Brennus and his Gauls, now triumphing in those ugly ruines they had barbarously made; and by force expelling them, did soon turn their tri∣umphs into a tragedy, and deprive them of all their late taken spoils and trophies; whence he is rightly sayd here, Signa re∣ferre, to recover (as he did) the lost ensigns of the conquered Romans. Rome was sack'd and burnt by the Gauls, an. urb. 365. a sad and memorable Aera. Nor did Rome owe its be∣ing to the valour and arms of Camillus more then to his coun∣sel
and eloquence; for when the people were generally bent to quit the desolated and ruined City, and to transplant them∣selves to Veii, their late conquest, he disswaded them from their intent, and advised them to rebuild their native City; where∣in he at last prevailing, Rome (being in one year reedified) Phaenix-like sprung up more beautifull out of its own ashes. And now Camillus having in his third Dictatorship overthrown the Latines and the Volsces combined together; in his fourth done his utmost endeavour to suppress the sedition of the Commons, who urged to have one of the Consuls to be a ple∣beian; in his fift once more vanquished the Gauls, who came with a powerfull army to revenge that total rout they had re∣ceived some years past; having (I say) to his last been with constant good success imployed in the service of his Country, he (to the great grief of all good men) died of the plague: Vir vere unicus in omni fortuna, princeps pace bello{que} &c. as Livie saies of him; A man truly the same in all fortune, and who in peace and warre had still the preeminence.
[§. 89] It was now about 700. years since Romes foundation,* 1.217 wherein partly under Kings, partly under Consuls, Dictators, military Tribunes, and Praetors, it had made the best part of the habitable world stoop to its victorious Eagles; so that it was now above all fear or danger of a foreign force; nor could any thing hurt Rome but it self. To be short, the Roman Em∣pire was now arrived to that fatal greatness, which is alwayes antecedent either to a declension, or a change:
—laetis hunc numina rebus Crescendi posuere modum.—Lucan.
Thus to luxuriant fortune we doe see That heav'n hath set a fatal boundarie.Such (I say) was the face of things in the Roman State, when these two Grandees, viz. Caesar and Pompey (the souls now appearing before Anchises) push'd on by ambition and emu∣lation, involved their native soil in most bloody warres. Caesar
could brook no superior, Pompey no equall: Caesar pretended a righting himself against the Senate, and a party there who opposed his (as he thought) but reasonable request, in suing for the Consulship; Pompey pretended the Senates and Com∣mon-wealths cause, which indeed carried more plausibleness with it, though it is more then probable that the Publick was the least thing intended by either of the Captains; and that whosoever had been victorious, that had fared alike. Pompey having in designe (had he succeeded) to have done what Caesar did: But whatsoever their secret aims were, the cause of both parties arming themselves was certainly this; Caesar (having done most eminent service for the State in France, Britanny, and Germany) required, that (though absent) he might at the next election of Consuls be chosen; a request (considering his merit) not in the least unreasonable: this was once assented to, Pompey himself appearing for it: but after∣ward (upon some suspicions and jealousies) revoked, and Cae∣sar commanded to quit his Army, and as a private man to come in person, and to preferre his Suit; which if he refused to doe, he was forthwith to be proclaimed an enemy to the State, and to be proceeded against as a Traitor. Their drift being only to devest him of his power, and then to call him to an account for many things they had to alledge against him. But Caesar perceiving the design of his enemies (amongst which Pompey now openly declared himself) did not only not quit his Army, but advancing toward•• Rome, filled all places where he came with terrour and consternation; insomuch that the Consuls with the Senators, and Pompey their General, leaving the City to Caesar's mercy, fled into the furthest part of Italy, where thinking themselves as insecure, they from Brundisium passed into Epirus: Caesar by this means remaining absolute Master of all Italy. Then returning to Rome, He, with P. Servilius Isauricus, was the second time made Consul, an. urb. 706. Having ordered things to his mind in the City, and inriched himself by the direption of the publick treasury, he went into Spain, where having subdued Pompeys Lieutenants there, and secured that Province, he returned to Rome, from whence
he marched with his Army to Brundisium, and thence about the Nones of January this very year 706. he transported his Legions to Oricum, the most convenient Port of Epirus; and about the twentieth of July following fought with, and utter∣ly routed Pompey, near the City of Pharsalus, seated upon the River Enipeus, in Thessalie; whence the plains adjoyning (where this fatal quarrel was disputed) were called the Phar∣salian fields. The effect of this victory, with the following successes in Aegypt, Africa and Spain, was the change of the government from a State to a Monarchy, begun in J. Caesar, confirmed & established in Augustus, under the name and title of Imperator; which word (although originally it signified a General of an Army only, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and that more strictly, such a General as having obtained some notable victory over the enemy, was by his Souldiers saluted by the name of Imperator) became afterward equivalent with Princeps, and was the title of the Roman Emperor, with this distinction (as Lipsius ob∣serves upon Tacitus Annal. l. 3. numero 173.) when by Im∣perator we understand a General, then it is subjoyned, as an agnomen, or additional name and title, as P. Cornelius Scipio Imperator, or General: but when it signifies the sacred Ma∣jesty of the Roman Prince, then it is prefixed as a Praenomen pre∣ceding, as our Christian name doth to the Sirname; as Impe∣rator Caesar Augustus, the Emperor, &c. and thus you shall find it used in ancient Coins, Medals and Inscriptions; in which sense the Greeks render it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. This is a note not to be omitted.
[§. 90] And now we come to L. Mummius Nepos,* 1.218 who being Consul with Cn. Cornelius Lentulus, an. urb. 608. subdued the Achaeans, took and razed Corinthus, the capital City of that Province, for which he triumphed, and purchased the agno∣mination of Achaicus. But to give you a brief survey of the Achaean warre, with the character of L. Mummius, you must know that the Achaeans (then the most potent people of Pelopo∣nesus, and Lords of the better part of that Island) picking a quarrel with the Lacedaemonians, with design to subdue them, made incursions into their Country: whereupon the injured
Spartans make their applications to the Senate and people of Rome, under whose protection they were: a welcome message to the Romans, who desired but a fair pretence to make warre upon the Achaeans, now the only powerfull and unsubdued people of all Greece: wherefore they forthwith dispatch their Embassadours, with commission to take cognizance of, and to decide the difference betwixt these two States. But the Achaeans did not only not give ear to any thing tending to a pacification, but offered new injuries to the Lacedaemonians, and (against the Law of Nations) many indignities to the Commissioners themselves, even to the throwing their ordure upon them as they passed the streets: For which affronts war is denounced against them, and an Army under the Command of L. Mummius appears at the very entrance of the Isthmus; where a battel was fought betwixt them and the Romans, who obtaining a signal victory, marched directly to Corinth (not farre distant from the place of battel) which they easily took, raz'd, and burnt, and (having put all the men to the sword) sold the women and children for slaves. Corinth was raz'd by Mummius the same year that Carthage was by Scipio Aemilianus 952. years after its foundation by Ales, the sonne of Hyppotes (as Paterculus computes it.) Of the Achaean warre see Florus l. 2. c. 16. Justin. l. 34. Liv. epit. l. 52. The Ci∣tizens of Corinth were very wealthy in Coin, Plate, Jewels, Statues of Gold, silver and Brass: from the confusion of all which Metals in the conflagration of the City, proceeded that precious compound which from thence was called Aes Corin∣thium, Corinthian Brass: Vessels made of this mixture were most highly prized by the Ancients. This is now reckoned by Pancirollus amongst those things which are lost: rer. deperd. tit. 34. The whole Peloponesus following the fate of Corinth, because subject to the Romans; amongst the rest the Cities of Argos, the Metropolis of the Province of Argolis, from whence the Greeks were called Argi, Argivi, and Argolici, and My∣caenae, the seat of Agamemnon, the Greeks General against the Trojans: Both these had furnished forth supplies in that war: see Homer Il. 2. And therefore the Poet in the person of An∣chises
doth very properly foretell their subversion; which Pro∣phesie was fulfilled in the person of this L. Mummius, who herein did avenge his Gransires of Troy (for the Romans were of Trojan extraction) upon the Greeks, their enemies, for all the injuries by them done, and particularly for the violation of Minerva's Temple, by the taking the Palladium out of it, and by devirginating Cassandra in it: Aeneid. l. 2.
Ʋltus avos Trojae, temerata{que} templa Minervae.But I cannot but admit of the just exception of Jul. Heginus a∣gainst Virgil in this place: See A. Gell. l. 10. c. 16. for con∣founding the warre against K. Pyrrhus (who derived himself from Achilles, whose known Patronymick was Aeacides, from his Grandfather Aeacus, from whom all his descendants took the name of Aeacides, as Virgil makes Pyrrhus here) with the Achaean; a gross parochronism doubtless, both in re∣gard of the time of the warre, as also of the persons who ma∣naged it: for the warre against King Pyrrhus (which was also called the Tarentine warre) was begun an. urb. 472. and la∣sted six years; and was managed by divers Generals, of whom the most famous were C. Fabricius, and Manius Curius: of the first we shall speak anon; the latter was he who ended this warre, and drove Pyrrhus out of Italy. But the Achaean war was 136 years after this, viz. an. urb. 608. L. Mummius being General; so that this verse,
Ipsum{que} Aeaciden, genus armipotentis Achilleiis by some left out; as it is thought Virgil would have done upon a more serious review: See A. Gell. ibid. Nor can I in the least assent to the learned Jesuit De la Cerda upon this place, whom our Farnaby also followes: Both these inter∣pret these three last verses, viz.
Eruit ille Argos, Agamemnonias{que} Mycaenas, &c.of Aemilius Paulus, to whom they say this (ille) referres; and Aeacides of Perseus, whom Aemilius conquering, with him broke and overthrew the Macedonian Monarchy, and
made that with Greece a Province to the Roman Empire: the reasons of De la Cerda (who labours earnestly to make good his assertion in justification of Virgil against the calumnie of Heginus, as he terms it) are but at the best but conjectures; there is nothing positively proved out of good Authors. But I desire him to shew me where he finds, first that Aemilius had any thing to doe with Peleponesus, or that after his victory over Perseus he made warre upon the Peloponesians. Plu∣tarch (who writes his life, and with whom all those who speak of those times agree) makes no mention of any such thing; which had been a particular not to be omitted, had it been so. But after the Macedonian victory, and the settlement of affairs there, brings him home through Epirus into Italy. Beside, the Macedonian warre and the Achaean were different, both in respect of time (that being an. urb. 586. and this 608. twenty two years after) and of the Generals, Aemilius commanding in that, and Mummius in this. Secondly, to derive Perseus from Achilles, is an assertion as little supported by History as the former. It is probable, that had it been so either really, or had he had the vanity to have assumed it to himself, Historians would not have omitted it, especially the Roman, whose ho∣nour (they being victorious) would have been the greater, the more illustrious the person had been whom they subdued. By the Mother-side (which is the surer) I am certain that he was farre enough from touching Achilles in blood: For (as Pl•••• testifies in Aemil.) his Mother was but a Taylors Wife of Ar∣gos, called Gnathaenia, on whom King Philip's Father begot him. As for his alliance by the Fathers side, the first of this race was Antigonus, one of Alexanders Captains, in whose time there is little or nothing said of him; who had he been of that illustrious extraction, would doubtless therefore have been more notable, since he was a person otherwise very deserving, and a great Souldier, as in the following warres after Alex∣anders death he made appear. But, what is most evincing, is, that Plutarch (a most diligent writer) who wrote the life of Demetrius, this mans Sonne, makes no mention of his descent from Achilles, but only that he was the Sonne of Antigonus,
and no more; so that it is true that Perseus was born of a roy∣all stem, but the original of his Family was but a private person, viz. Antigonus, who with his Sonne Demetrius called himself King, after the defeat of Ptolemy in the naval fight at Salami∣na, some seventeen years after Alexanders death. Demetrius was the first of this line, who was King of Macedon: Second, Antigonus Gonâtas his Sonne: Third, Demetrius the second: The fourth, Antigonus Doson, who was indeed but Protector to Philip the Sonne of Demetrius the second, and his Fathers Cousen: The fifth, Philip, Sonne of Demetrius the second: The sixth, Perseus, of whom we now speak: in which Pede∣gree we find not where Perseus can be termed Aeacides, as de∣scended from Achilles: if we therefore dissent herein from the learned Jesuit, and rather stick to our above-given inter∣pretation of this place. I hope we shall not be thought to have done it without reason: nor let the Reader conclude that we insist too much upon these minutiae, little inconsiderable nice∣ties, whilst we spend so much time and paper in this or the like speculations; they may haply appear to be such to a vulgar intellect, those that are of a more refin'd and criticall com∣plexion will not (I hope) look upon these or the like excursi∣ons, as altogether impertinent.
[§ 91] Before we conclude this §. we will add a line or two touch∣ing the family and person of L. Mummius, who was not in∣deed of ancient extraction, or to be reckoned amongst those names which have been in frequent and high employments, but of those whom the Romans called Novi Homines, New men, or Ʋpstarts; under which notion is understood such an one as was the first of his name or family who came to be advanced to the Consular dignity, or any Curule Magistracie. By the way we may observe, that amongst other distinctions of degrees, the Romans were divided into Nobiles, or Nobles, who were such as had the Images of their Ancestors; into Novos, or New∣men, who had their own Images only; and Ignobiles, or Me∣chanicks, who had neither Images of themselves, or of their Predecessors. Now none could have the right of Images (which is equivalent with that of bearing Arms with us) but those to
whom the right of riding in a Curule Chair belonged, which was an Ivory Chair, and called Sella Curulis, or Currulis, from Currus, or the Chariot wherein it was carried for the Magi∣strate to sit upon: Honoris enim gratiâ Senatores, qui Magi∣stratum majorem ceperant, curru in Curiam vehi solebant, in quo sella eburnea esset cui insiderent: Stadius in Flor. l. 1. c. 5. A. Gell. l. 3. c. 18. Thus Magistratus major and Curulis is all one, for none were priviledged to ride in these Curule Chairs but such as had born Magistratum majorem, been one of the great Magistrates, as Consul, Praetor, Dictator, Interrex, De∣cemvir, Military Tribune, &c. Hence we more particularly may gather, that by Novus Homo is meant the first of a Family who had been dignified with any of the greater Magistracies, who only had the right of riding in a Curule Chair, and by consequence of Images. Hence Paterculus sayes of Mummi∣us, that he was ex novis hominibus prior qui cognomen virtute partum vindicavit; the first of the New-men who from a con∣quest obtained had an agnomination or title (viz. Achaicus) given him: and as he was the first of his name, so was he the last who ever came to any eminence or preferment in the Com∣mon-wealth: we read nothing of himself, or of any of his Family, after the Achaean warre, and his Censorship with Scipio Aemilianus: He was a plain down-right honest man, but withall very ignorant and illiterate, unread in any art but in that of a Souldier; insomuch that when he sent to Rome some rare Pictures and Statues, the choicest of the Corinthian spoils, & such as could not be imitated but by the hand of the original Artist, he charged those who conveyed them to have a care that they were not lost or defaced, adding, that if they were, themselves should make them good again; as if they had been ordinary Merchandize, and to be had every where: with this, he did as little admire riches as he understood Pictures; for al∣though he were the first who made Rome acquainted with that so highly-priz'd mixture, called Corinthian brass, yet there was not found any vessel of it in his house: Livie epit. l. 52. and Aur. Victor. de vir ••ll••st. nay, he died so poor, that having but one Daughter (in whom haply his name expired) he had
not wherewithall to give her portion: Plinie l. 34. c. 7. Pover∣ty did not in those dayes render a man contemptible, as in our more corrupt and vicious age, but was both commendable, and a mark of high virtue, which consists in nothing more then in contempt of those empty enjoyments which some so highly prize.
The Porcian Family (from whence Cato sprung) was a ple∣beian; and himself not only of those whom they styled Novi Homines,* 1.219 or New-men, the first of his name who ever bore a∣ny honorable office in the Common-wealth, but of those whom they called Municipes, i. e. such as were not Natives of Rome, but of some other City, which living according to their own Lawes, and governed by their own Magistrates, had yet the title of Roman Citizens: Such were the Fundani, Formiani, Cumani, Tusculani, our Cato's Countrymen; and the Arpinâ∣tes, Tullies, and Marius, their Compatriots. They were cal∣led Municipes, à munere capiendo, because they had the privi∣ledge of that which the Romans call Munus honorarium, i. e the honour to serve as Citizens in the Roman Legions, and not as the Socii or Allies in the Auxiliaries: See Stad. ad Flor. l. 3. c. 18. and A. Gel. l. 16. c. 13. and those Towns to which these priviledges were indulged were called Municipia. In process of time the Romans inlarged the Charters of some of these Municipal Towns, and for some great service done, gave them the full priviledge of Roman Citizens, making them capa∣ble of giving their voices in the election of Magistrates, and of being themselves chosen into office. But then (according to Stadius ibid.) they were totally devested of their own Lawes, and became subject to the Roman Constitutions. In conclusion, all Italy (after the Marsick or Social Warre, which hapned an. urb. 663. L. Martius Philippus, and Sex. J. Caesar being Consuls) became free alike; which freedome was extorted from the Romans by the general insurrection of all Italy. But to our purpose; M. Porcius Cato was a Native of Tusculum, a Municipal Town of Latium, some fifteen miles distant from Rome, once a place of note, but for nothing more then for Cicero's Mannor there, from whence that piece of his, called his
Tusculan Questions, took its name: it is now a smal incon∣siderable Village known by the name of Frescata. He was the Sonne of M. Porcius; and sirnamed Cato, from his wisedome, sagacity and experience; from the Latine word Catus, which the Greeks call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. sagax, callidus, wise and subtile; whereas his originall agnomination was Priscus, M. Portius Priscus. He was brought first to Rome by Val. Flaccus, who discerning more then ordinary endowments in him, judged that he might in time become a fitting instrument to serve his Country. He made himself first known by his eloquence in pleading Causes; and doubtless he was the ablest Orator of his time. But thinking this kind of life too lazie and inactive, he cast off his Gown, and girt on his Sword, and leaving the City for the Camp, serv'd first as a Tribune or Colonel; then when Scipio went upon his African expedition, he went along with him as Quaestor, or Treasurer to the Army: Afterward, being Praetor, he reduced Sardinia, and Consul, Celtiberia in Spain; for which he triumphed. After this, desiring to serve his Coun∣try in any condition, he accompanied M. Acilius Glabrio, as private Colonel in the Warre against Antiochus, where he did eminent service. He was at last chosen Censor with his friend Val. Flaccus, who had been also his Collegue in his Consulship; and (although much opposed by divers great ones, who stood in competition with him) yet he carried it in the election. He behaved himself so remarkably stout, and incorruptibly honest in his Office, that by way of eminence he got himself the name of the Censor. And these are the publick employments which he run through: In general, he was a very severe man in his life and conversation, an enemy to excess and luxury; very just and upright; a great lover of the Publick weal, to the advance∣ment whereof he bent his whole studies and endeavours. He was noted indeed to be a person of too free and biting a tongue, of too sowr & severe a complexion, some say litigious and quarrelsome; little suitable to the corrupt age wherein he lived: all which was yet thought to proceed from the consci∣ousness of his own innocencie, and from a mind altogether un∣tainted with those imputations which he reprehended in o∣thers:
as for his intellectuals, he was a man of very able parts, quick, witty, apprehensive, eloquent, fitted for any either publick or private employment! See the ample character Livie gives of him l. 39. In hoc viro tanta vis animi, &c. He wrote much, and upon various subjects, especially in Oratory, though by the injury of time we are deprived of those his Monuments. He had two Wives, his first was of a noble Family, by whom he had M. Cato, who married Tertia, Paulus Aemilius his Daughter, a right Gallant, and deserving person: He died when he was chosen Praetor, before he was invested in his of∣fice: He begot M. Cato, who was Consul with Q. Martius Rex. an. urb. 637. and C. Cato, Consul with M. Acilius Balbus, an. urb. 640. Marcus, the elder of these, left another Marcus, who being Praetor died in France: & this is what we can gather concerning Cato's posterity by his first Wife: See A. Gell. l. 13. c. 18. He took for his second choice the Daughter of Salonius, his Client, a woman of mean birth, on whom he begot when he was 80. years of age Cato Salonianus; who left two Sons, M. and L. Cato: the first died whilst he sued to be Praetor, the second was Consul with Cn. Pompeius Strabo, Father to Pompey the Great. This* 1.220 Lucius Cato was (according to Plutarch) Father to M. Cato, sirnamed the Philosopher, from his wis∣dome and virtue; and Ʋticensis, because he slew himself at Ʋtica in Africk, rather than to receive his life from the hands of Caesar, his enemy. His life is written at large by Plutarch, and his character thus briefly delivered by Vell. Paterculus l. 2. Marcus Cato, genitus proavo, M. Catone, principe illo familiae Porciae, homo virtuti simillimus, & per omnia ingenio Diis quàm hominibus propior, qui nunquam rectè fecit ut facere videretur, sed quia aliter facere non potuit, cui{que} id solum visum est ratio∣nem habere quod haberet justitiam; omnibus humanis vitiis im∣munis, semper fortunam in suâ potestate habuit. Marcus Cato, born of M. Cato, his Great-grand-father, the chief and first of the Poreian Family, was the very image of virtue; a person in all things more resembling the Gods then men; who never did any handsome thing that it might be said he did it, but because he could not doe otherwise; as who thought that only reasonable which was
just, and being free from all vice had fortune still in his power. He left a sonne of his own name, who (although noted for in∣temperate and loose) expiated that stain, by dying valiantly on Brutus his side against Augustus, as heir to his Fathers cause as well as name. He had a daughter also called Porcia, the most loving Wife of M. Brutus, and true Inheritrix of her Fathers soul; who hearing of the death of her beloved Con∣sort, when she could no other way put an end to her loathed life,* 1.221 swallowed down hot-burning coals, and so expired; which the ingenious Martial hath thus expressed:
Conjugis audisset fatum cum Porcia Bruti,* 1.222 Et subtracta sibi quaereret arma dolor; Nondum scitis, ait, mortem non posse negari? Credideram satis hoc vos docuisse Patrem: Dixit, & ardentes avido bibit ore favillas, I nunc, & ferrum, turba molesta, nega.
When Porcia heard of her dear Brutus fate, And sought wherewith her own t' accelerate; Know you not death can't be deni'd? I thought My Father this sufficiently had taught. This said, she greedily drank glowing coals, Now swords deny, unreasonable fools.And this is what we could collect concerning Cato, and the Porcian Family: See Plut. in Cat. Major. & Minor. Liv. l. 39. & epit. l. 114. &c.
[§ 92] The Cossi were Patricians, of the illustrious and numerous Family of the Cornelii,* 1.223 which (according to Anton. Augusti∣nus) were branched into the Cossi, which were subdivided in∣to the Maluginenses and the Arvinae. Secondly, into the Scipiones, who were distinguished by the sirnames of the Asi∣nae, Calvi, Nasîcae, and Africani. Thirdly, into the Lentuli, who were differenced by the houses of the Gaudini, Lupi, Su∣rae, Spintheri, and Marcellini. we may add to these the Syl∣lae, Rufini, Dolabellae, Merulae, and the Cethegi. Of the Cor∣n••lio-Cossian
Family there were very many who bore the greatest offices in the Common-wealth, i. e. Pontificate, or high Priesthood; once the honour of winning the Spolia opima, or Royal Spoils, three Dictaetorships, two Censorships, three Triumphs, two Decemvirates, ten Consulates, twenty two Tri∣bunates with Consular power, and four Masterships of the horse rested in this Family, and were with great honour to themselves, and advantage to the State, administred by them▪ But the glory and honor of the name, and the person more particular to be understood here, is Aulus Cornelius Cossus; who (when the Fid••enates, a Colony of the Romans, assisted by the Falisci▪ and Vejentes, rebelled) wonne the Spolia opima, or Royal Spoils (of which more largely anon) by killing with his own hand Lars Tolumnius, King of the Vejentes: See the manner of it in Livie l. 4. by whom it is left very doubtfull, both in what Command, whether Consul, Consular Tribune, or Master of the horse, Cossus performed this. His character Livie gives in short thus, viz. That he was a most goodly and beautifull personage, of extraordinary strength of body, and cou∣rage of mind, and very ambitious to increase the honour of his Family; which (being of it self very illustrious) he by this ex∣ploit render'd much more conspicuous. He was the second after Romulus who consecrated the Spolia opima to Jupiter Fere∣trius: and this is what we find recorded concerning Cossus; wherefore
Quis te, Magne Cato, tacitum, aut•• te Cosse relinquet? Who Cato would omit, or Cossus, thee?
[§ 93] I wonder very much that that learned and diligent Author, Antonius Augustinus,* 1.224 who wrote purposely of the most illu∣strious and noble Families of Rome, should omit that of the Sempronii, a Family not of the latest extraction, or meanest credit in its time. We (according to our slender and often∣interrupted reading having trac'd the Roman Story) find four streams issuing from the same fountain of the Sempronii, viz. that of the Blaesi, that of the Tuditani, that of the Longi, and
that of the Gracchi: to these Fulvius Ʋrsinus adds the Atra∣tini, and the Petitiones; names he finds stampt upon some an∣cient coins. C. Sempronius Blaesus was twice Consul; first with C. Servilius Caepio, an. urb. 500. about the middle of the first Punick warre: He was Consul nine years after with Aul. Manlius Torquatus Atticus: M. Semproniu•• Tudit anus was Consul with C. Claudius Cento, an. urb. 517. Pub. Sempronius Tuditanus, his Sonne, was Consul with M. Cornelius Cethe∣gus, an. urb. 549. the fifteenth year of the second Punick warre, when he fought prosperously against Hannibal. M. Semproni∣us Tuditanus his Sonne was Consul with App. Claudius Pul∣cher, an. urb. 568. about the time that the Romans warred a∣gainst Philip King of Macedon. Tib. Sempronius Longus was Consul with Pub. Cornelius Scipio, Father to Scipio the Great, an. urb. 535. at the first breaking out of the second Punick warre: he lost, and was slain at, the fatal battel of Trebia. The two Sonnes of these, viz. Tib. Sempronius Longus, and Pub. Cornelius Scipio Africanus, were Collegues together, an. urb. 559. As for the Gracchi (to which Family we must principal∣ly confine our discourse) the first we meet with of that name who was of Consular dig••ity, was Tib. Sempron. Gracchus, who was Consul with Publ. Valerius Falco, an. urb. 515. The next was Tib. Sempronius Gracchus, haply his Son who was twice Consul, first with Quint. Fabius Maximus Verrucossus, in the fourth year of the second Punick warre: secondly with Quint▪ Fabius Maximus, the Sonne of V••rrucossus; two years after Tib. Sempronius Gracchus, this mans Sonne, was Consul with C. Claudius Pulcher, an. urb. 376. Sardinia fell by lot to be his Province, wherein he did great service: his Con∣sulship expired, he remained there as Proconsul, in which command he quite reduced that Province to its due obedience: See Livie l. 41. He was the second time Consul with M. Ju∣ventius Thalva, an. urb. 590. He triumphed twice, and was honoured with the Censorship, together with C. Claudius Pul∣cher, his Collegue in his first Consulship. He was indeed (as Paterculus sayes of him) vir eminentissimus & clarissimus, a right eminent and famous person. But he did by nothing more
ennoble the Sempronian name, then by ingrafting it upon a fair stock of the Cornelian Family: for he married Cornelia, the Daughter of Pub. Scipio, that Scipio who subdued Annibal, a Lady of most transcendent worth, by whom he had a nume∣rous progenie, viz. twelve children; but three of them only survived, Tiberius and Caius, his sonnes (who made their names as famous by their misdeeds as misfortunes, as their Pre∣decessors had done by their noble atchievements and successfull undertakings) and Sempronia their Sister, who married Scipio Aemilianus, the Grandson by adoption to Scipio Africanus, and by consequence her own Cousen german, the best ac∣complished Gentleman Rome ever bred; of whom more anon: Of this Family also was Madam Sempronia, who was so deep∣ly concerned in Catilines conspiracie: See her character in Sa∣lust. Tiberius the elder Brother was a man of great parts, of an undaunted courage, a fluent tongue, and a comely perso∣nage; qualifications of a dangerous consequence, if the person so qualified happen to deviate from what is right. He was first Quaestor or Treasurer to C. Mancinus in the Numantine War, and after his return to Rome was made Tribune of the peo∣ple; in which office, whether out of an innate hatred to the Nobility, or out of a turbulent and seditious spirit of his own, I cannot say▪ he caused a dangerous sedition, and made such a schism or rent betwixt the Patricians and the Plebeians, as could not without a Civil Warte have been pieced and cemen∣ted again, had not a sudden and violent death intercepted him. And here we may observe with Florus l. 3. c. 13. how that the Tribunician power (which was at first intended for the Com∣mons bulwark against the incroachments of the Nobility) did its self by degrees degenerate into the greatest exorbitancie and tyranny that could be, whilst under that specious and plau∣sible pretence of asserting the peoples liberty, those popular Magistrates did drive on their own sinister and ambitious de∣signes; and filling all things with faction and sedition, disap∣point the end for which they were at the first ordained, that is, did destroy the peoples liberty, which they over-eagerly pretended to patronize, and slacken the very nerves and si∣news
of all civil polity, by their contentious bandings against the Senate. But to proceed: Tib. Gracchus (partly to de∣spite the Nobility, but principally to shake the frame, and to subvert the fundamentals of the present power, that he might upon the ruines thereof raise the superstructure of his own greatness) made it his business to cajole and flatter the people, which (by virtue of his office) he did either by reviving old antiquated Laws, or enacting new; all which tended to the diminution and weakning of the Patricians, either in their pri∣vate fortunes, or in their power and publick employments; which pleased the Common people, who naturally hate their Betters, and fool'd them into a belief that every one of them should come to share the estates and dignities of the ruin'd No∣bility, little imagining that they were to be used but as brute in∣struments, & necessary tools, which were to be cast aside when the work was done: Wherefore resolved to prosecute the No∣bility, and haply secretly intending, if things hapned right, to change the form of government, he first preferred the Laws called Agrariae, by which he deprived them of their estates; and those called Judiciariae, by which he clipped the wings of their power. By the first it was formerly enacted, That all lands belonging to the Commonwealth (which were called the publick lands, and were the accessions of some new Conquest) should at easie rates be rented out to the poorer sort: these, as Lives were laps'd, or as Leases determined, the Patricians got into their hands, the Commons being by degrees utterly devested of their ancient posse••••ions. This caused g••eat dis∣contents; and many offers were made in vain by some Tri∣bunes to reform this abuse, and to reduce things to their origi∣nal wont and manner; but none proceeded so farre herein as Tib. Gracchus, who caused the Law to pass: and so it was en∣acted by the Commons, That the publick Lands should be ta∣ken from the wealthier, and reinvested▪ as formerly, in the poor Plebeians. And this had the face and shew of equity, but it was but a face and shew; for Gracchus did it not so much to doe right to the people, as to spite the Nobility, and to prepare the way for some further and more dangerous designe.
After this had passed, he preferred his Judiciary Laws, where∣by he took the power of Judicature from the Senate, to whom it only belonged, and transferred it to the Equites or Gentle∣men, the intermediate degree betwixt the Patricians and the Plebeians: therein s••ill flattering the people, who looked up∣on themselves as honoured, and much strengthened herein, the power of Judicature being (by falling a degree lower) come a step nearer to themselves. But whilst Graechus was trium∣phing in his successes in the Capitol (where he held his popular conventions) the Senators (who were reduced to that ex∣tremity, that they must suffer the seditious Tribune either to ruine them, and with them the Commonwealth, or make a vigorous attempt to reskue both from imiment danger) led by Scipio Nasîca (Grandson to that Nasîca who was called vir optimus, the best of men) and seconded by a good strong party of friends, repairing to the Capitol, set upon Gracchus, and dissipating his party, slew him; and by his death put a stop to those desperate innovations which he under colourable pre∣tences had in design. But they did but put a stop to them; for his Brother Caius, who was chosen Tribune ten years after, did not only insist in his Brothers footsteps, reviving those Lawes which he had preferred, but, as Paterculus affirms, longè ma∣jora & atrociora repetens, nihil immotum, nihil tranquillum, ni∣hil quietum in eodem statu relinquebat; attempting greater and more horrible things, left nothing resting in the same state and condition it was, and ought to be. But as he did pursue the same pernicious projects, so did the same fate in the same place pur∣sue him; for being forc'd out of the Capitol, where he had for∣tified himself, and hotly pursued by his enemies, he comman∣ded his Servant (by some called Philocrates, by others Euporus) to kill him; which he did, and afterward slaying himself, fell down dead upon his Masters body; a notable example of the love and fidelity of a servant: Val. Max. l. 6. c. 8. Hunc Tib. Gracchi liberi, P. Scipionis Africani nepotes, vivâ adhuc matre Corneliâ, Africani filiâ, viri optimis ingeniis malè usi, vit•••• ha∣buere exitum, &c. Thus did the Sonnes of Tib. Gracchus, and Grandson of P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus, their Mother Cor∣nelia,
Scipio's Daughter, yet living, persons who made ill use of good parts, end their dayes; who, if they could have contained themselves within the bounds of moderation, might have quietly and plausibly attain'd those honours which indirectly and illegally they aspired to: As Patercules handsomely concludes. The bodies of the slain Brethren (so hainous had their demerits been in the esteem of their implacable enemies) were denied the last honour of sepulture, and thrown into the River Tiber. We must not here omit a particular instanced by all Authors, to shew the unworthy return of a false friend, and the preva∣lent temptation of gold. L. Opimius the Consul made a Pro∣clamation, That whosoever should bring the head of C. Grac∣chus, should have the weight of it in gold: Septimuleius, his intimate familiar, and much indeared friend, became the ready Executioner of the Consuls command, and brought Gracchus his head in a triumphing manner fixed upon a spear; which by the deceit of this covetous wretch (who had taken out his brains, and poured molten lead into his skull) weighed seven∣teen pounds and an half. Let the examples of these two unfor∣tunate Brethren serve as a document to the mutinous and sedi∣tious, who strive by innovation, and all indirect means to ag∣grandize themselves: Let them know, that at the best, if they doe succeed, they embroil their native Countrey, which they ought by all means to preserve and cherish; and if they mis∣carry, which generally is their fate, they with their wicked de∣signs expire, as they deserve, upon a gibbet, leaving an infa∣mous and hated memorial of themselves to all posterity;
—Dabit Deus his quoque funem.[§ 94] The Scipio's were (as we have said §. 92.) the fairest branch of the Cornelian stem. Scipio in Latine signifies a staffe,* 1.225 and be∣came a familiar name from one of that house; who serving his decrepit and ••lind Father as his guide, was from thence sirna∣med Scipio, or his Fathers Staffe: Macrob. Sat. l. 1. c. 6. Nor did that Scipio from his filial piety deserve more the title of the Staffe of his aged Father, then some of his Descen∣dants (from their worth and gallantry shewed in the service of
the publick) that of their distressed Mother, the Common∣wealth. The first of the Scipio's whom History takes notice of as a publick Minister, was P. Cornelius Scipio, who was made Master of the horse to Furius Camillus, that year that the Ci∣ty of Veii was taken, which happened an. urb. 357. He was the next year chosen military Tribune, and two years after In∣terrex. To be short, there were eleven of the Scipio's, who were men of eminent note and merit, before the great Scipio, sirnamed Africanus, hy his heroick atchievments adorned and illustrated the Cornelian name. There was one of this branch, viz. Cn. Cornelius Scipio (the seventh in descent from that first) who was Consul with C. Duillius, the fifth year of the first Pu∣nick Warre, which fell out an. Ʋ. C. 493 on whom (though a person of indubitable worth) this ••idiculous nick-name of A∣sina, or the she-Asse, was (upon this occasion) imposed, and from him transmitted to his posterity. Macrob. tells the Story, Saturn. l. 1. c. 6. This Scipio (sayes he) the head of the Corne∣lian Family, having contracted for some land, was (according to the custome of those times) commanded by the Judge to give re∣sponsible security for the future payment of his money; whereupon be bad his servant lead in the she-Asse, which stood tied, and laden at the door; and this being brought into the open Court he offe∣red to the Judge for security: which done, he paused a while, to the great admiration of the Judge and the Assistants, who all looked upon this action as an high affront to the Court, and a bold contempt of authority; having stood silent a while, he comman∣ded his Servant to unlade the Asse, and tell out the money, which, as it appeared, was put up in a sack and so brought upon the Asse; hereat the people smiled; but none que••ionless had more reason so to doe, then he who received the money: from this time he was distinguished from the rest of his name by the agnomination of Asina. Pub. Asina, his Sonne, was Con∣sul with Minutius Rufus, an. Ʋ. C. 532. he conquered and tri∣umphed over the Istrians. But to come to the persons more particularly design'd by the Poet, as to whom we must limit our dis••ourse; you must know that these two Scipio's (which Virgil celebrates here under the titles of duo fulmina belli, and
clades Libyae, the two thunderbolts of warre, and the subver∣ters of the Carthaginian State) were Scipio Africanus, whom for distinction sake they styled Major, the Grand-father, and Scipio Africanus Minor, the Grandson: In whose Story. If we inlarge our selves more then ordinary, the copiousness of matter, which their glorious actions administred to the Writers of those times, must plead our excuse: you must therefore understand that L. Scipio▪ (younger Brother to the first Scipio Asina, and Consul the next year after him with C. Aquilius Florus, an. urb. C. 495. a gallant man, as who overthrew Han∣no, the Carthaginian General, in the Island of Sardinia, in the first Punick warre: Livie epit. 17. Val. Max. l. 5. c. 1.) had two Sonnes, Cnaeus and Publius; the eldest of these was Con∣sul with Claudius Marcellus, an. Ʋ. C. 532. the younger, viz. Publius, with Tib. Sempronius Longus, the first year of the second Punick warre, which happened an. Ʋ. C. 536. He fought and lost the battel of Ticînus against Hannibal, the earnest and pledge of the Carthaginians future good success in Italy. After this he and his Brother Cnaeus (having done great service in Spain against Asdrubal the Brother of Hanni∣bal) died both in the bed of honour, and were slain in fight: they were both of them very valiant men, and experienced Souldiers. From Cnaeus the elder, those Scipio's who bear the name of Nasîca derive themselves: Of whom in the conclusion of this §. from Publius the younger came Pub. Scipio Africa∣nus, and L. Scipio Asiaticus, with their Descendants. Of these two we shall note what was most remarkable in their lives: Publius served his tyrocinium, or was first entred in the warres under his Father at the battel of Ticînus: three years after he commanded a Regiment of Foot at the battel of Cannae: af∣ter this, at the age of 24. he was sent as Proconsul to manage the warres of Spain, which in few years he totally reduced. Some years after his return to Rome he was chosen Consul with P. Licinius Crassus, the fifteenth year of the second Punick warre. When his Consulate was expired the African warre was committed to him as Proconsul, which he ended the seven∣teenth year of that warre, by giving an irrecuperable over∣throw
to Annibal at the fatal battel of Nadagara: For this victory he obtained a most glorious triumph▪ and the title of Africanus. He was a second time Consul with Tib. Smpro∣nius Longus, an. Ʋ. C. 560. He was twice Censor, and three times Prince, or L. President of the Senate. In fine, he (as he well deserved) arrived to the greatest honors, and that with the greatest applause that Rome could conferre upon him▪ But to take the true prospect of the largeness of the soul of this most excellent person, let us consider him in some particular actions and passages of his life, which do more perfectly pourtraict him then generals can possibly doe. At the battel of Ticînus, be∣ing but seventeen years old, he rescued his Father, dangerously wounded, from his prevailing enemy, giving him life by prote∣ction from whom by generation he had received the same, Liv. l. 21. Val. Max. c. 4. l. 5. After the overthrow received by the Romans at the fatal battel of Cannae, four thousand, who had escaped the fate of that day, made their retreat to Cannu∣sium, under the conduct of young Scipio, by general consent chosen General; where, whilst they were consulting about what was to be done, word was brought to Scipio by P. Furiūs Philus▪ that all was lost; for that some young Noble-men (whereof L. Caecilius Metellus was chief ••esolved to provide for their own safety, by deserting Italy, and to that end were now ready to take shipping. Scipio forthwith (commanding the rest to follow him) left the Councel, and with his drawn sword rushing in amongst the intended fugitives, made them swear that they would not forsake their Country. See this Story in Livie. l. 22. with the form of the oath: Thus (as Val. Max. l. 5. c. 5. handsomely concludes) Pietatem non solum ipse plenissimam patriae exhibuit, sed ex pectoribus aliorum abeuntem revocavit: He did not only himself give a most ample testimony of his love to his Country, but arrested it when it was flying out of the breasts of others. L. Scipio and C. Laelius being chosen Consuls, an. Ʋ. C. 564. there fell out a great contention be∣twixt them about the choice of their Provinces, both desiring Greece and Asia, with the management of the warre against K. Antiochus; insomuch that the business was referred to the
Senate; whom when Pub. Scipio perceived to be more pro∣pense to favour Laelius then his Brother, he stood up and de∣clared, that he would goe in person as his Brothers Lieutenant-General, provided that the Senate would declare in favour of him; which was forthwith done; and the war against Antiochus (for the respect the Fathers bore to Publius) committed to Lucius: The effect of it was the memorable field sought and wonne at Magnesia, the accession of new dominions to the Roman Empire, together with a new title to the Cornelian Name; for from the Conquest of all Asia Minor on this side the Mountain Taurus, L. Scipio was styled Asiaticus. In these three instances behold the piety of a Sonne, the loyalty of a Sub∣ject, and the tenderness of a Brother. We must not here o∣mit two notable particulars of this great man, which this pre∣cedent story leads us to; omitting other Roman Writers, we shall adhere to the Authority of A. Gellius l. 4. c. 18. Scipio was accused by M. Naevius, one of the Tribunes, as having received a great summe of money from Antiochus, to conclude a peace upon favourable and easie terms; with other crimes ve∣ry much beneath so worthy a person. Scipio coming to speak for himself, and having briefly touched upon some of his for∣mer glorious action without any regard to the impeachment of the Tribune, spake thus; Memoriâ, Quirîtes, repeto diem esse hodiernum quo Annibalem Poenum imperio nostro inimicissi∣mum magno praelio vici, in terrâ Africâ, pacemq, & victoriam vobis peperi insperabilem: Non igitur simus adversus Deos in∣grati, & censeo relinquamus nebulonem hunc eamus{que} nunc protinus Jovi Opt. Max. gratulatum. I have transcribed the words, because they are the very same which (as our Author affirms) Scipio used: and indeed the plaineness of the style pleads Antiquity, and speaks an age or two above Tully: In English they run thus; I remember, Romans, that this is the very day wherein, in a signal battel, I overcame Annibal the Car∣thaginian, a sworn enemy to our Empire, in the land of Africa, and obtained for you an unhoped-for both peace and victory: Let us not therefore be ungratefull to the Gods, but rather leave this Knave here, and goe and give thanks to the great and good Jupi∣ter:
Whereupon the whole Assembly leaving the Tribune with his Clerk, and a few Attendants, followed Scipio to the Capi∣t••l, and from thence accompanied him with great joy and ac∣clamations to his own house. In like manner, when by the in∣stigation of Cato (his bitter enemy) he was required in open Senate by one Paetilius, a Tribune, to give an account of the treasure taken in the late warre against Antiochus: Scipio s••anding up, and drawing the book of Accounts out of his poc∣ket, tore it in pieces in the face of the full Senate, adding, that he who by his Conquests had both inlarged and inriched the Roman Empire, scorned to be compelled to give any farther account then what himself thought fit. These two examples are alledged by Authors, as testimonies of the greatness and exsuperancie of his spirit, which scorned to answer petty cavils otherwise then by slighting them. The same A. Gellius. l. 7. c. 1. as also Val. Max. l. 3. c. 7. tell another Story, which speaks the great confidence he had of himself, and assurance of successe in his designs; both which proceeded out of a con∣sciousness of his own worth, and the great experience he had above other men in military affairs. He had laid siege to a strong Town in Spain, called Badia, and so well furnished with all warlike provision, that there was but small hopes of re∣ducing it; yet when he sat in judgement, as the custome was, and when, at the breaking up of the Court, the Crier asked him when and where he would hold another Court, he an∣swered, three dayes hence I will keep Court in the Castle of Badia; which he (having taken the Town within the time, be∣yond all expectation) performed. The like confidence of him∣self he shewed, when having taken some Spies or Scouts of An∣nibals, a little before the fatal battel of Nadagara, he did not truss them up (as they both deserved, and expected) but com∣manded an Officer to carry them through the whole Camp, and to shew them whatsoever could be seen; which done, he sent them away with rewards, and bid them tell their General in what posture the Romans lay incamped. This his bravery and confidence did so abate the spirits of Annibal, that he en∣deavoured by a personal conference to procure peace; but in
vain: See Liv. l. 30. Val. Max. l. 3. c. 7. This great Captain left two wholesome cautions to military men; the one was, that no General ought to say, Non putaram, I thought not of it, because in warre (where an error once committed can no way be rectified) all things ought to be well weighed and considered of before hand: The second was, that the enemy ought not to be in∣gaged, unless a visible advantage invite, or an invincible necessity compel us thereunto; for to let slip a fair opportunity is madnesse, and not to fight when there is no other way to escape, is a dange∣rous piece of cowardize: Val. Max. l. 7. c. 2. yet, notwithstan∣ding the unquestionable merit of this worthy Patriot, his own Country (of which he had deserved so highly) proved ingrate∣full to him, the usuall practise of sordid Common-wealths, and (through the uncessant vexations of the Tribunes) forced him to goe into voluntary exile, and to retire to a Country-house of his near Linternum, a poor sea-Town in Campania, betwixt Baiae and Cumae, called now (according to Leander) Torre de la Patria; where free from all publick employment he spent his time in harmless Country-sports and Husbandry, himself (according to the custome of the Ancients) often tilling the ground. The words he used when he left Rome are re∣corded by Seneca, epist. 86. Nihil (inquit) volo derogare legi∣bus, nihil institutis; aequum inter omnes cives jus sit, &c. I will derogate nothing from the Laws and Customes of my Coun∣try. Let there be amongst fellow-Citizens equal priviledges. Thou mayst, my native soil, make use without me of what I have done for thee. As I was cause of thy liberty, so I will be an argument. I retire, if I am grown greater then is consistent with thine inte∣rest. At Linternum he died the 54. of his age (according to Plutarch) where also a monument was raised for him, on which he by his last will had commanded this Inscription to be ingraven; Ingrata patria ne ossa mea quidem habebis: Thou shalt not, my ungratefull Country, have so much as my bones. Neer Cajêta there was found a marble Sepulcher, and in it a brasse Urn; around which was written these verses, which are supposed by Plutarch to be Scipio's Epitaph, and this the place of his sepulture:
Devicto Annibale, & captâ Carthagine, & aucto Imperio, hoc cineres marmore, lector, habes: Cui non Europa, non obstitit Africa quondam, Respiceres hominem quam brevis urna premit.
By Annibals, and Carthage conquest, he Who Rome inlarg'd, under this stone doth lie; Whom Africa nor Europe could oppose, A little urn loe doth the man inclose!He took to wife Aemilia, Daughter to L. Paulus Aemilius, who was Consul with C. Terentius Varro, and was slain vali∣antly fighting at the battel of Cannae: She was Sister to that Aemilius who overthrew K. Perseus, and in him subverted the Macedonian Monarchy: He had two Daughters, the one married to Scipio Nasîca, his Brothers Sonne, the other to Tib. Gracchus: He had also two Sonnes, but one of them only survived him, viz. P. Scipio, heir to nothing of his Fathers but his estate and name, Val. Max. l. 3. c. 5. The only thing commendable he ever did, was (when he was childless himself) the adopting of a worthy person to his sonne, viz. L. Aemili∣us Paulus. his Mothers Nephew; who quitting the Name and Family of his Father, was after his adoption (according to the custome of those times, and the laws of adoption) called after the name of his adoptive Father, P. Cornelius Scipio, and Ae∣milianus, to shew the Family of his natural Father from whence he came. And this is the other thunderbolt of warre here ce∣lebrated by Virgil. He was the natural Sonne of L. Aemili∣us Paulus, a person of very great eminency in his time, and of an ancient Patrician Family. He gave first proof of his va∣lour, when he served under his Father at the battel wherein K. Perseus was defeated; where he, with some other young Noble-men, followed the chace so long, that he returned not till mid-night into the Camp to his sorrowing Father, who gave him for lost; but receiv'd with great joy, when he saw him honorably defiled with dust and blood. After this he ser∣ved in Spain as a Colonel under Lucullus, the Grandfather of him who subdued Mithridates, where in a single combat
he slew a Barbarian of a vast and Gigantick proportion, who defied the Roman Army. There is a mistake in Florus l. 2. c. 17. who sayes that Scipio wonne then the Spolia opima: but this could not be, because they, and no other, are called Spolia opi∣ma, which the General of one Army takes from the slain Ge∣neral of the other. At the siege of Intercatia he was the first who scaled the walls, for which he was rewarded with a mural Crown: To be short, he behaved himself upon all occasions so valiantly, that no person gained so much honour as himself in these warres; which being pretty well over, he passed into Africa, with M. Manilius, under whom he served as a Co∣lonel, where his deportment was also so gallant, that Cato the Censor (a man by nature a detractor) said in open Senate, re∣liques qui in Africâ militarent umbras militare, Scipionem vigêre; that the other Commanders who served in Africa went to work like shadows, but that Scipio was the only vigorous man amongst them; insomuch that when he sued to be made Aedile (the first step to publick employment) he was created Consul, and that before he could legally be admitted to that charge, by reason of his minority; for he was then but 36 years old, whereas none by law could be chosen Consul before the age of 43. His Collegue was C. Livius Drusus. Africa was by the general consent of the people conferred upon Scipio, a fatal name to Carthage, which he took and raz'd (according to Cornelius Nepos) in six moneths; and from thence was sirna∣med Africanus Minor, or Inferior, to difference him from his Grand••re Africanus Major, or Superior. Dr. Simpson in his Chronologie layes the first foundation of Carthage, an. Mund. 2772. fifty years before the destruction of Troy; Zorus and Carchêd••n, two Tyrians, being the first builders and planters of this City: A second part was added to it, called in the Ty∣rian tongue Carthada, or the new City, an. Mund. 2966. The third and last part, and complement of the whole, was raised by Queen Dido, an. Mund. 3132. after Solomons Tem∣ple 144. years, Joas being in his thirteenth years reign over Israel, and Jehu in his nineteenth over Judah. Dido built that part of the City which in the Tyrian tongue they called Bosra,
and the Greeks by corruption Byrsa, which signifies a strong∣ly fortified place; and this stood in the middle of the Ci∣ty. From this year to the subversion of Carthage are counted 727 years; Paterculus reckons 667: From the first Punick warre (which begun an. Ʋ. C. 490. Appius Claudius Caudex, and M. Fulvius Flaccus being Consuls, till the utter excision of Carthage, which hapned an. Ʋ. C. 608. Cn. Cornelius Len∣tulus, and L. Mummius Nepos being Consuls) are reckoned by Patereulus 115 years, by more accurate accountants 118. This City was said to be 24. miles in circuit. Florus measures the vastness thereof by the duration of the flames which con∣sumed it; for the conflagration thereof, notwithstanding all endeavours used to extinguish the same, lasted seventeen whole dayes and nights: hunc finem habuit Romani imperii Cartha∣go aemula: Paterc. for this good service Scipio had granted him a most magnificent triumph: He was four years after chosen Censor with L. Mummius, a man of a dull & flegmatick complexion, which made him in the open Senate to say, Ʋti∣nam mihi collegam dedissetis, vel non dedissetis; Would you had given me a Collegue, or not given me one, i. e. one more active, or none at all: Val. Max. l. 6. c. 4. After this he was chosen Consul the second time with C. Fulvius Flaccus, an. Ʋ. C. 620. wherein the warre against Numantia was committed to him. Numantia was a City of Spain, situated upon the River Durius: This had holden warre with the Romans fourteen years, and (being furnished but with a Garrison of 4000) de∣stroyed six Consuls with their Armies, when Scipio set down before it, neither could he; notwithstanding his great conduct and extraordinary valour, reduce it in lesse then 15. moneths; and then indeed he did rather starve them out, then by force subdue them. History mentions not a more memorable siege then this of Numantia; for (according to Florus) it having neither wall nor bulwark, and being but only situated upon a little rising hill by the River Durius, with no more then four thousand Geltiberians, it sustained fourteen years siege against an Army of forty thousand; but being at last totally razed, it gave Scipio both the honour of a second triumph, and the ad∣dition
of the sirname of Numantînus to that of Africanus. Four years after all these glorious exploits, in the fifty sixth year of his age, this incomparable man was found dead in his bed; neither was it certainly known how he came to his end. He was a great opposer of the proceedings of the Gracchi: hence some suppose that his Wife Sempronia (who was their Sister) in favour of them gave him poyson, Liv. epit. 56. but how he came to his end it is as uncertain, as it is certain that there was no revenge taken against his Murderers, or inquiry made into the fact: Val. Max. l. 3. c. 5. Plut. in Gracch. Pa∣terc. l. 2. Thus died Scipio ingloriously, and unrevenged by his own people, who had lived so gloriously, and so often aven∣ged his own people upon their enemies. He was doubtless the best accomplish'd Gentleman of his time: nor was he only a lover of Souldiers and the warres, but also of learned men and the Muses; for Polybius the Historian, and Panaetius the Phi∣losopher were much honored by him, and his constant Associ∣ates. Most luculent is that Elogie which Paterculus gives of him l. 2. which for its elegancy we will here subjoyn: P. Scipio Africanus, vir avitis P. Africani, paternis{que} L. pauli virtutibus simillimus, &c. P. Scipio Africanus, a person equalling the vir∣tues both of his Grandfather P. Africanus, and his Father L. Paullus, was the most eminent of his time for all indowments Mi∣litary or Civil, and for his parts, as well acquired as natural; one who in his whole life neither did, spake, or thought any thing but what was commendable. This is that Scipio of whom Tully wrote his Somnium Scipionis, or Scipio's Dream, on which Macrobius (an Author by us often cited) hath written a lear∣ned Comment. In him ended the Line of P. Scipio, Father to Africanus. From Cnaeus the other Brother those Scipio's who were sirnamed Nasîcae, deduce themselves; whereof the first was Scipio Nasîca who was styled by the Senate Vir optimus, Consul an. Ʋ. C. 563. the second Scipio Nasîca, vulgarly called Corculum, Consul an. Ʋ. C. 592. and 599. the third, Scipio Nasîca Serapion, Consul an. Ʋ. C. 616. This was he who (when a private man) led the people to oppose Tib. Grac∣chus: His sonne, Scipio Nasîca, was Consul the first year of
the warre against Jugurtha. The last of this race was this mans Son, who being adopted into the Family of the Metelli by Metellus Pius, was called Quintus Caecilius Metellus Sci∣pio. Pompey married his Daughter. This was he who slew himself in Africk when Pompey's Cause declin'd; and the last of the Scipio's mentioned in History. And thus much concer∣ning the noble Family of the Scipio's.
[§ 95] Caius Fabricius, sirnamed Luscinus, was the first and last of his name,* 1.226 who made the Fabrician Family notable, or lent matter to history. He was Consul the first time with Q. Ae∣milius Papus, an. Ʋ. C. 472. and then triumphed over the Tus∣cans and Gauls. After this he was sent as chief of an Embassie from Rome to King Pyrrhus (who had lately wonne a great battel against the Romans) concerning the exchange of Priso∣ners: Pyrrhus understanding the great worth of Fabricius, and in what esteem he was with his own Countrymen, but withall how narrow and straitned in fortune (for he was a very poor man) offered him a great summe of money to be∣come his friend; but Fabricius looking upon this offer as a bribe to pervert his loyalty to his Country, would not accept of it in the least: And to this Claudian alludes, l. 1. in Ruf.
—contentus honesto Fabricius parvo spernebat munera Regum.
With a small, but well-rais'd estate content, Fabricius slights what Kings to him present.And hence our Poet sayes of him, that he was parvo potens: See Plut. in Pyrrh. Liv. epit. 13. nay Val. Max. l. 4. c. 4. de paupertate laudatâ, sayes that he had no silver vessel in his house, save a Chalice only, to offer in to the Gods, and one Salt-cellar. Whilst he was Embassador with Pyrrhus (as Plu∣tarch relates) the King thinking to make triall of his courage, as he had done of his abstinence, caused his men to bring one of his biggest and fiercest Elephants, and to place it behind a hanging, which (at a signe given) he was to draw, and una∣wares
to shew the Monster to Fabricius, as he and the King were in serious discourse; which being done accordingly, the Elephant (which was just at Fabricius his back) said his trunk over his shoulder, and roared terribly: but the undaunted Roman softly stepping aside, and smiling, told the King that his Elephant affrighted him as little that day as his Gold had temp••ed him the day before. A. Gellius l. 1. c. 14. related a very memorable Story concerning this worthy Roman, an argu∣ment of the greatness of his soul in despising riches and wealth, which in most mens breasts bears so absolute an Empire, and holds the reins of the affections even of the most sober. Cer∣tain Embassadours (sayes he) came from the Samnites to Fabri∣cius the Roman General, and (having thanked him for that good will and kindness he had expressed to their Nation, which after the late pacification he had taken into his protection) presented him with a great summe of money, desiring him to accept and make use of it; and that the rather, because they perceived him to be disfurnished of many things necessary for his house, and befitting the quality and place of so great a personage: Fabricius drawing his hands from his ears to his eyes, and from thence downward to his nose, his mouth, and his throat, and so to the very bottom of his belly, answered, that so long as he could govern and keep under those parts he had touched, viz. the organs of the five senses, i. e. so long as his reason could restrain and tame the ex∣orbitance of his affections, nothing could ever be wanting to him; and that therefore he would not receive money (whereof he had no use) from them whom he knew to stand in need of the same. You may read this Story also in Val. Max. l. 4. c. 3. He was Consul the second time with the same Aemilius Papus, an. Ʋ. C. 476. in the very heat of the war against Pyrrhus where whilest their Camps lay near together, the Physician of Pyrrbus (by some writers called Timochares, by others Nicias) came privily over to Fabricius the Roman Consul, promi••••ng for a summe of mo∣ney to poyson the King. But Fabricius abominating the Trai∣tor, sent him back fast bound, and by letter discovered to him the treachery of his Physician, whereat Pyrrhus, full of admi∣ration, was said to ••••claim, Hic est ille Fabricius, qui di••••icilius
ab honestate quàm sol à cursu averti potest: This is that Fabri∣cius, who more hardly can be withdrawn from his honesty then the Sun from his course. Thus Eutropius lib. 2. Others (as Val. Max. l. 6. c. 5. and A. Gell. l. 3. c. 8.) say, that he did not discover the person of the Traitor, but bad Pyrrhus beware of those who were neerest about him. I shall here subjoyn the original letter (because an antique piece, and savouring of the true Roman spirit) which the Consuls wrote to Pyrrhus con∣cerning this business; Gellius ibid. borrowes it of Claudius Quadrigarius, an ancient writer.
[§ 96] Consules Romani salutem dicunt Pyrrho Regi. Nos pro tuis injuriis continuè animo strenuo commoti inimicitèr tecum bellare studemus; sed communis exempli, & fidei ergô, visum est uti te salvum velimus, ut esset quem armis vincere possimus. Ad nos venit Nicias familiaris tuus, qui sibi pretium à nobis peteret, si teclàm interfecisset. Id nos negavimus velle, neve ob eam rem quicquam commodi expectaret: simul visum est ut te certi∣crem faceremus, ne, quid ejusmodi si accidisset, nostro consilio Ci∣vitates putarent factum; & quod nobis non placet pretio, aut praemio, aut dolis pugnare. Tu, nisi caveas, jacebis.
The Roman Consuls to K. Pyrrhus Greeting. We being by thy continued injuries heartily provoked, resolve to prosecute thee with all hostility; but that we may be examples to others in testi∣fying our own sincerity, as also for that there may be one in being whom we may overcome, we thought fit to provide for thy safety. Thy familiar friend Nicias came to us, who set a price upon thy head; but we utterly rejected the motion; and (that he might not advantage himself by such unworthy means, or the world upon any such unhandsome accident imagine us to be of his Counsell, who scorn to fight with thee by bribes, rewards, or deceit) we thought fit to acquaint thee with the whole procedure. Ʋnless thou lookest to thy self thou art a dead man. Pyrrhus (a ge∣nerous Prince) returned the Consuls thanks, and sent all the Roman prisoners (whom he had in custody) home without ransome; yet notwithstanding these mutual Complements, the two Armies suddenly came to joyn battel, where the Epi∣rot, by the assistance of his Elephants, got the victory. Fa∣bricius
bricius some years after the determination of his Consulship was chosen Censor: In his Censorship he turned P. Cornelius Rufinus (who had been twice Consul, and once Dictator) out of the Senate, because he found ten pound weight of silver plate in his house; which in those severe times was by moderate men thought a high piece of luxurie and excesse. This Rufi∣nus was indeed an excellent Souldier, and a right valiant man, but very covetous and rapacious, and for this much hated by the more just and abstinent Fabricius: yet to shew that all personall respects are to be laid aside when the Publick is con∣cerned, he caused him (because the Commonwealth stood in need at that time of a valiant and discreet General, Pyrrhus then prevailing in Italy) to be chosen Consul, which was the year following his own Consulship. For this unexpected kind∣ness Rufinus complemented him highly, and gave him great thanks; but his return was in these biting words, Non est quod mihi gratias agas, si malui compilari quàm vaenire; Thou hast no reason (sayes he) to thank me if I had rather be a little pil∣lag'd then sold quite out; meaning that it were better for the Publick to suffer a little by the rapacity of Rufinus, then to be totally ruined by the insufficiency of some other General: A. Gel. l. 4. c. 8.
We now come to Serranus, who was of the Family of the Atilii,* 1.227 which was divided (according to Anton. Augustinus) into the Longi, who were Patricians; and the Reguli, Serra∣ni, Calatini, and Bulbi, who were Plebeians: but no one set such a lustre upon the Atilian name as did M. Atilius Regulus, and C. Atilius Serranns. The first is noted for his valour, constancie, his love to his Counrry, and strict observing of his word; of all which this one example is a sufficient evidence: For having done great service against the Carthaginians in A∣frick, in the time of the first Punick warre, his Army was at last defeated, and himself taken prisoner by the enemy; with whom having for some years remained a miserable captive, he was at last sent to Rome, either to procure a peace betwixt the two Nations, or the freedome of all the Carthaginian Priso∣ners; for all which he alone was offered in exchange; and in
case that neither could be effected, he was bound by oath to render himself a prisoner again: as for the peace, it was utter∣ly rejected; but when they came to the debate concerning the rendition of the Captives, and Atilius his opinion was the first asked in the Senate, he openly declared that it was unrea∣sonable that so many stout young men should be exchanged for one poor old man, who by reason of his years was now no longer able to serve his Country; and accordingly it passed in the negative, that the prisoners should not be exchanged; and Regulus (notwithstanding the intreaties and prayers of his friends to the contrary) returned according to his promise to an enemy from whom he expected all barbarous treatment imaginable, as indeed he found: for some say that they put him naked into a barrel stuck thick with sharp-pointed nails, and so rowled him about til he died: Others, that he was cast into a dark dungeon, and (having been kept there for some time) brought forth, and forced to stare in the sun till he be∣came blind; and that he might not wink with his eyes, they plucked his eye-lids asunder, and with a needle and thread stitched them up: after this they kept him from sleep and food, till at last for want of both, he (having suffered with much con∣stancy the utmost of his enemies cruelty) ended his life and misery together. This Story you may read in Livie l. 18. Val. Max. l. 1. c. 1. A. Gell. l. 6. c. 4. Flor. l. 2. c. 2. Aur. de vir. illust.* 1.228 Eutrop. l. 2. This hapned an. Ʋ. C. 503. As for Serra∣nus, he is supposed by some to have been the son of the former. He was Consul with Cn. Cornelius Blasio, an. Ʋ. C. 497. He beat the Carthaginians at sea, subdued the Islands of Lipara, and Melita, or Malta; for all which he triumphed. This man was of that worth and esteem amongst the Romans, that they chose him Consul in his absence, and sending for him, found him tilling his own ground; hence (according to Pliny l. 18. c. 3.) from the Latine word serere, which signifies to sow, or till the ground, he was called Seranus; which I take to be the orthography, or true spelling of the word; not Serranus, as here used by the Poet, who, herein more carefull of his Metre then orthography, interposed an r, for his verses sake. The
Elogie of this Seranus you may read in Val. Max. l. 4. c. 4. de paupertate laudata; and in Claudia•••• lib. de quarto Cons. Honorii, who sings thus;
Sordida Serrânus flexit Dictator arâtra, Lustratae Lictore casae, faces{que} salignes Postibus affixi; collectae Consule messes, Et sulcata diu trabeato rura Colono.
Serrânus to the plough did set his hand, Thatch'd roofs were by the Lictor entred, and The Fasces hung on Willow posts; the Corn Inn'd by a Consull; and he who had worn The Trabea, till'd the ground.—
[§ 97] The Fabian Family was one of the most numerous, most ancient,* 1.229 and most honorable of all Rome: they were branched into six several Houses, whereof three were more noted, and occurre more frequently in History, viz. the Vibulani, the Am∣busti, and the Maximi; the other three, viz. the Dorsones, Pictores, and Buteones, were not of that fame and celebrity with the former. That may be said of this one Name and Fa∣mily which I never read of any, that there were 307 of them living at the same time, and that not in a large tract, or spa∣cious continent, but within the Walls and Precincts of one and the same City. I shall briefly give you the history and fate of these worthy Kinsmen. The people of Veii were incessant ra∣ther tezers then enemies of the people of Rome, making rather predatory incursions into their territories, then waging a just warre against them. This one Family of the Fabii undertook (upon their own charge) this warre: One of the Consuls, viz. Caeso Fabius, being of that Family, commanded this small, but gallant army: they were 306. all Patricians or noble men, all of a blood, and (according to Livy) quorum neminem ducem sporneret egregius quibuslibet temporibus Senâtus: Such as the wisest Councell would not refuse the worst of them in never so dangerous times for a General. They fortified themselves upon the River Cremera, where issuing out of their Garrison, they
often worsted the enemy; who (seeing they could not by o∣pen force prevail) had recourse to art, and drawing them into a place convenient for an ambuscade, invironed them, and with numbers so over-powred them, that (after a sharp con∣flict, and extraordinary valour shewed on the Roman side) they were all to one man slain. This Story you may read in Livie l. 2. Eutrop. l. 1. auct. de vir. illust. Flor. l. 1. c. 12. &c. This happened An. Ʋ. C. 275. in the Consulships of Caeso Fabius and T. Virginius. Thus had this noble Family been quite ex∣tinct, had not one (who by reason of his tender years was un∣fit for the warres) remained at home: and this man propaga∣ted the Fabian name down to this Fabius Maximus, who by his wise delayes blunted the edge, and broke the very point of Annibals impetuous fury: and this is the man whom Virgil celebrates here. The first of the Fabii, who had the agnomi∣nation of Maximus given him, was Q. Fabius Rullianus, a person of very great repute and worth, as who had been five times Consul, twice Dictator, triumphed thrice, once Censor; and although he deserved the name of Maximus from his Martial atchievments, as having been the ablest and most for∣tunate Chieftain of his time, yet this honorable sirname was bestowed upon him, for that he in his Censorship united the City, which was divided into two factions, into that of the plebs, or meaner sort, and into that of the more able and sober of the Citizens. Hence arose a great confusion and disturbance in their Comitia or elections, the rabble carrying it by reason of their numbers against the better; and so, many times choo∣sing men of inferiour condition into offices and commands, contrary to the good liking of the other, and much to the di∣minution of the Majesty and Grandeur of the Roman State. This Fabius remedied, by reducing the Common-people (which till then were undistinguished) into four Tribes or Classes, which he called Tribus urbanae; as you may read in Livie l. 91. This is that Fabius whom (being Master of the horse to the Dictator Papyrius Curson) Papyrius would have put to death for fighting the enemy in his absence, and against his express order, although he obtained a signal victory; but that the
people interposing procured his pardon. Livie in his ninth book gives an ample relation of this Story. His sonne was Fa∣bius Maximus Gurges, who having been thrice Consul, tri∣umphed twice, Censor, and four times chosen L. President of the Senate, seemed by his often-repeated honours not to come at all short of his Fathers virtues: And this was (according to Livie) Father to our present Fabius Maximus; from his de∣liberate and wary way of proceeding, termed by his Detractors Cunctator, or the Delayer; and Verrucossus, from a wart (which the Latines call verrûca) growing upon his lip. He was also called Ovicula, the little Sheep, or Lamb, from the gentleness of his nature. He was twice Consul, triumphed twice, Dictâ∣tor twice, as often President of the Senate, Pontifex and Au∣gur: and what is more then all, the Conservator of the Ro∣man people in the second Punick warre, which he chiefly effe∣cted by his wise delayes, and constant patience; proceeding herein contrary to the manner of all former Generals, who by their precipitancie had often hazarded the safety of the Com∣mon-wealth, and lost both themselves and many great Armies; of whom Ennius thus, whence Virgil borrows the first verse:
Ʋnus homo nobis Cunctando restituit rem, Non ponebat enim rumores ante salutem; Ergo postque magisque viri nunc gloria claret.
This man preserv'd us by his wise delay; For rumors he before the safest way Did not preferre; wherefore his glorious name Shall be recorded in the book of fame.But forasmuch as both Plutarch in his life, and Livie in his relation of the second Punick warre, doe particularly set down the behaviour of Fabius therein, I shall rather referre the Reader to those Authors, then inlarge upon a Story so well known; we shall only add some few particulars concerning this right worthy person not to be pretermitted, which speak the wisdome, prudence, valour, justice and goodness of this
noble Roman: Being Dictator he chose L. Minutius to be Master of his horse, a rash and violent man, and of a temper quite different from that of Fabius. He being by a Decree of the people (a thing never before practised) made equal in au∣thority to the Dictator (now in disgrace with the vulgar for his dilatory manner of proceeding) presently thought to doe something by ingaging Annibal as soon as he could; which the crafty enemy perceiving, he soon presented him with an op∣portunity, but withall drew him into an ambuscade, where he and his Army had perished had not Fabius assisted him, and rescued both from the present danger. This Minutius was Fabius his bitter enemy, and (by his suggestions and crimina∣tions against him, as a slow and timerous man on the one side, and by magnifying & extolling himself, & boasting what great feats he would do on the other) had wound himself into the o∣pinion of the undiscerning people, and lessened the credit and reputation of a far better man then himself. Notwithstanding this Fabius would not take his private revenge of his adversary, when the publick thereby would have been the greatest suffe∣rer. But Fabius by this means did not only conquer Annibal, the common Foe, but subdue Minutius his secret enemy, who from thenceforth acknowledging his fault, saluted Fabius by the name of Father: Liv. l. 22. and Plut. in Fab. Fabius had a Souldier in his Camp, a Marsian born, a right valiant and gallant man; he (upon discontent, because not rewarded, as he thought, according to his merit) practised with some others to run over to Annibal, where they expected to be looked up∣on with greater respect. This being discovered to Fabius, he sent for the Marsian, who expected nothing but death, which according to the Laws of Warre he indeed deserved; but the Consul receiving him courteously, did not in the least take no∣tice to him of what he had heard, but commending him for his former good services, told him, that if he were not rewarded according to his merit it was his own fault, who applying him∣self to inferiour Captains, never had made his addresses to him∣self, his General; and with that gave him a good horse, and other rewards: This did so incourage the Marsian, that for
the future he became very faithfull and serviceable to the Ro∣mans. He had another Souldier who was accused for going of∣ten out of the Camp, and quitting his colours without leave; which he persisted to doe, although often reprehended by his Officer. Fabius asked the Captain, who accused him, what manner of man he was, and whether he had any thing of worth in him; he told him that he was a very stout man, and had done very great service; wherefore Fabius making inqui∣ry into the business, found that the Souldier had a Mistress, for whose sake he had so often transgressed: Her Fabius caused to be fetched, and privily hidden in his Tent; then sending for the Souldier, he told him what he had heard of him, how he had offended against the Lawes of Armes, and against the Roman Military discipline, and for that deserved to be severe∣ly punished; but withall how he understood that he was a valiant man, and had done good service; and therefore, al∣though he would not at present proceed against him according to the extremity and rigour of the Law, yet he would commit him to the custody of one who should be accountable for him. The Souldier hereupon being not a little abashed, Fabius cal∣led forth the Maid whom the Souldier loved, and gave him in∣to her hands, telling him, that now he should know whether love, or some other ill design, caused him so often to goe out of the Camp. The Souldier never offended more after this, but became very orderly and diligent. These two Stories you may read in Plutarch in his life. To shew that he was a strict observer of his word, he agreed with Annibal about the re∣demption of Prisoners, and sent to the Senate for a certain summe of money to pay their ransome: the Senate looking upon the agreement as dishonorable and disadvantagious, as also for that they were altogether dissatisfied with his procee∣dings, refused to ratifie the articles, or to furnish him with the summe required: wherefore Fabius (that he might make good his promise, and give a testimony of his tenderness and affection to his Countrymen, now miserable Captives) raised the summe by selling part of his own lands. His Sonne Quin∣tus was chosen Consul with Tib. Sempronius Gracchus, the
sixth year of the second Punick warre. Fabius (who served under him as his Lieutenant) came to him to the Camp at Sues∣sula, where his Son went with his Lictors before him to meet him: The Lictors out of respect to the Consuls Father, did not (according to the custome) command him to alight, but let him pass on on horse-back, till he came to the very last of those officers, whom young Fabius commanding to doe his duty, he forthwith commanded the old man to alight from his horse, which he very readily did, saying, experiri volui, fili, satin scires te consulem esse; I intended, my sonne, to try whe∣ther you knew that you were Consul: Liv. l. 24. Plut. in Fab. in which words he embraced him, telling him that those pri∣vate relations of Father and Sonne must give place to that re∣spect which is due to the person of a publick Minister. And such was Quintus Fabius Maximus Verrucossus: But this Quintus died before his Father, who adopted into the place of his deceased Sonne the eldest Sonne of Aemilius Paulus, and Brother to Scipio Aemilianus, who from thence was cal∣led Q. Fabius Maximus Aemilianus: He was Consul with L. Hostilius Mancinus, An. Ʋ. C. 608. His Son was Q. Fa∣bius Maximus, Consul with L. Opimius Nepos, An. Ʋ. C. 632. he was sirnamed Allobrogicus, from the conquest of the Allo∣broges, a people of France, supposed to have been the same with those whom the Moderns call the Savoyards. To be short, this Family of the Fabii continued in high repute from the foundation of Rome till Augustus his time, where we find Q. Fabius Paulus Consul with Q. Aelius Tubero, An. Ʋ. C. 742.
[§ 98] And now we come to the Family of the two Marcelli, in the brief recital of whose story we shall wind up our historical spe∣culations,* 1.230 and in them these our annotations upon the sixth book of Virgils Aeneis; which if they seem to be drawn too much out in length, it must not be ascribed to any natural affectation of prolixity, or industrious inserting of such discour∣ses as might have been better omitted then insisted upon, but to the great variety of learning of all sorts wherewith this Poem is richly adorned; which sufficiently testifies the vast rea∣ding
and knowledge of the Author, and which hath necessa∣rily led us to consult with divers good writers, and (whilest we have endeavoured to illustrate this excellent piece) discove∣red to us the whole body of humane literature, whereof these annotations may serve as a Summarie or generall view; and will, I hope (according to the latitude and extent of this kind of learning) both prodesse and delectare, be both delightfull and profitable to the Reader. But to proceed; the Claudian Fa∣mily, descended originally from the Sabines, was of two sorts; the one was of the Patricians, the other of the Plebeians: The first were distinguished into the Regillenses, the Pulchri, the Centhones, and the Nerones. The Marcelli (so called from their Martial inclinations, Marcellus being a diminutive de∣rived from Mars) were indeed Plebeians, but men of great worth and esteem in their time. There were nine of this name who arrived to the highest preferments Rome could advance a∣ny Citizen to. The first of this Family who was honored with the Consular dignity, was M. Marcellus, who was Consul with C. Valerius Flaccus, An. Ʋ. C. 422. The third from him was this famous Marcellus, who was the first who overthrew An∣nibal after the battel of Cannae: he from his incessant desire of fighting, and engaging the enemy, was called the sword of Rome, as Fabius Maximus (with whom he was Contempora∣ry) from the defensive posture whereon he still used to lie, the Shield or Buckler: He was five times Consul; first before the second Punick warre, with Cn. Scipio Calvus, An. Ʋ. C. 532. when the Galli Insubres, those Gauls (which inhabited about Millan in Lumbardie, assisted by the Gessatae, which were Gauls also, but living about the River Rhodanus, on the other side the Alps) made warre upon the Romans, and had then laid siege to Clastidium, a Garrison belonging to the Romans. Marcellus leaving his Collegue with the greatest part of the Army before Asserrae▪ a Town of the Gauls, marched with an inconsiderable party to raise the siege before Clastidium; which the Gauls having intelligence of, drew off with 1000 horse and foot to meet the Consul; and being certified of the paucity of his forces, in their thoughts anticipated an easie victory. Mar∣cellus
marched in the head of his men, and Bridomârus, or Vir∣domârus, the Gaulick General, in the head of his also; whom the Roman espying, and by his richly-gilt armour conceiving to be Commander in chief, setting spurs to his horse, furiously charged, and piercing with his spear, slew in the view of the two armies; and so disarming him, was the third after Romu∣lus who wonne the Spolia opima, which we have rendred royal spoils: they were called opima, either ab. opibus, from the rich∣ness of them, as Varro conjectures; or ab opere, because it was a work or deed extraordinary to winne them, according to Plutarch; or for that Opimum was all one with Amplum: Livie defines them to be spolia quae Dux Duci detraxit, Liv. l. 4. those spoils or armes which one General hath taken from another, whom he hath slain with his own hand. The Ro∣man history makes mention but of three who ever wan these spoils, viz. Romulus, who slew Acron King of the Caeninenses: Liv. l. 1. Plut. in Romul. Flor. l. 1. c. 1. and Aul. Cornelius Cossus (of whom §. 91.) who slew Lars Tolumnius; and lastly, this Marcellus, who also slew Britomârus King of the Gauls; for that is a manifest error in Florus l. 2. c. 17. as we have noted §. 93. where he makes Scipio Aemilianus to win the spolia opima, by killing a Spaniard who challenged him; for neither of these Duellists were Commanders in chief: Scipio was then but a Colonel of foot under Lucullus; and what the Barbarian was it is not concluded, either by Livie, Val. Max. or Aur. Victor. who all make mention of this duel; only Flo∣rus (who is singular herein) sayes that he was a King. Val. Maximus c. de Fortitudine, more consonantly to truth, rec∣kons not Scipio amongst those three who wonne the spolia opi∣ma, but amongst those famous Romans, who being challenged slew the challenger; and these were T. Manlius Torquatus (of whom §. 86.) M. Valerius Corvinus, and this Scipio Ae∣milianus. The spoils thus wonne were carried in triumph by the Victor (the manner you may read in Livie l. 1. and in Plut. in the life of Marcellus) and dedicated to Jupiter Fere∣trius, so called from the Greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. to carry, or à feriendo hoste, from smiting of the enemy; or rather from
feretrum, by which they signifie the Bier or engine upon which they carried the spoils: these as a perpetual monument they hung up in Jupiter Feretrius his Temple, built by Romulus, re∣pair'd and beautified by Augustus: Liv. l. 4. Numa to this Law of Romulus (who ordained that the spolia opima should be consecrated to Jupiter) added, that in case any one wonne them thrice (which was never known) that then the first should be offered to Jupiter, the second to Mars, and the third to Romulus. Hence we may easily gather the sense of this verse, which hath so much puzled Interpreters;
Tertiá{que} arma patri suspendet capta Quirino.Mr. Ogylby renders it thus.
Shall thrice to Romulus dedicate their arms:i. e. the spolia opima, against both the Law of Romulus, who or∣dained that the spoils should be dedicated to Jupiter only; and against the testimony of history, for Marcellus himself did de∣dicate the spoils to Jupiter, and not to Romulus, as you may read in his life. Neither is this the only mistake in Mr. Ogylby; for he sayes that Marcellus shall not only dedicate these arms to Romulus, but that he shall dedicate them thrice, i. e. shall thrice winne the Spolia opima: But where does he read that Marcellus wonne them thrice? they were never won during all the victories and triumphs of the long-liv'd Roman Empire, but thrice, and that by three severall persons, after the long in∣terposition of a long interval of time: therefore these words of the Poet are to be thus expounded; suspendet, he shall hang up, not dedicate, tertia arma capta, the third spoils taken from the enemy, patri Quirino, to Romulus, i. e. near the arms of Romulus, in the same Temple where Romulus hung up his. We have therefore here, as we have done elsewhere in case of the like obscurity, paraphrastically rendred this verse, choosing rather by multiplying of words to give the true sense of the Author, then by being to precise and thrifty therein, to lose a jot of his meaning, or to deviate from the Customes,
Lawes, or History of those times; with all which we agree, whilest we make Virgil speak thus:
Father Quirinus, he also to thine The third spoils taken from the Foe shall joyn.But to return to Marcellus, who having done great services for his Country against the Carthaginians, as well in Sicilia as in Italy, was in his fift Consulship together with his Collegue Q. Crispinus unhappily slain by Annibal in an ambuscade. The last of this honorable Catalogue is one of the same name and Family also, viz. M. Marcellus the sonne of Caius (who was the sonne of M. Marcellus, the sixt of this name, and Consul with L. Cornelius Lentulus Crus, An. Ʋ. C. 704.) by his wife Octavia, Augustus his Sister, the fifth in descent from the great Marcellus above mentioned; and the ninth from the first of that name, who was Consul with Valerius Flaccus, An. Ʋ. C. 422. a Prince of high hopes and great virtues, and well deser∣ving those honorable Elogies given him here by our Author; with whom you may compare the character which Sene∣ca in his book de Consolatione ad Marciam, c. 2. and Vel. Pa∣terc. l. 2. give of him, by all which he appears to have been a most accomplished person. Augustus designing him for his Successor, married him to his Daughter Julia by his first Wife Scribonia; but alas! he was taken away by an untimely fate, dying about the 18. year of his age, not without the suspicion of poyson administred to him by Livia, Augustus his Wife, to make way for her sons to the Empire: But his Mother Octavia conceived such insuperable grief for his death, that she never ceased to mourn for him so long as she lived. It is recorded by Donatus in the life of Virgil, that Octavia (who was present at the recitation of this book by the Author) fell into a trance when he came to these words, Tu Marcellus eris.—and that for every verse she gave him ten Sesterces, which (according to Budaeus his computation l. 3. de Asse, speaking there of the summe given to Virgil by Octavia) came to about 5000. French Crowns. The great Gassendus in his Treatise de Abaco Sestertiorum, pretends to a more exact reduction of the Ro∣man
[§ 99]
account to the French, reckoning 10 Sesterces for 21 ver∣ses, viz. from Quis pater ille virum, &c.—to Heu mi∣serande puer, &c.—to amounr to 19541 Livres, 13 Solz, and 4. Deniers, which, allowing every Livre valuable at 00—01s.—08 d. of our money, comes to about 1627 l. —16. s.—01d.—0b.—q. sterling. Budaeus his compute falls somewhat short of this; for 5000 French Crowns, at 00—06s.—00 per Crown, amounts to just 1500.l sterling. The greatest of these was not too great a gratuity for such ex∣cellent verses. I covet not Virgils reward, but his happiness in writing, that the English Reader might judge whether Octavia was more munificent, or the Poet deserving.
Since these last sheets were sent to the Press, it hath pleased the al-governing Providence to make a sad Interlude amidst our pomps and triumphs, by taking away that as highly-meriting as highly-born Prince, the illustrious Duke of Glocester. The pre∣cedent discourse leading us so naturally to it, we could not but subjoyn these f••llowing verses, and cast in our Mice, not of sorrow, (for in that we share as deeply as any) but of expressing the same, wherein we shall easily give place even to the meanest. If we imi∣tate not Virgil in the elegancy of his numbers, we will do it in the number of his verses.
That now I could a Pythagorean be! Now were thy soul transfused into me, Thy great soul, Maro! all its faculti's Mine by a happy Metempsychosis! 5 That in such numbers as thou didst of yore Thy dead Marcellus (best of Bards) deplore, I our brave Glocester might bewail, and teach Our English Muse Virgilian pitch to reach. We have a Theme as high, an argument 10 As full as thine, and can we not lament As learnedly as thou didst? can't our Muse As well-accented Threnodies infuse As thine? and in words as refined tell Both Rome and thee, that we can parallel.
15 Your Prince and l••sse? that in our Glocester we In all things dare with your Marcellus vie? No; we, nor yet thy self ('tis boldly said) Thy native wit, though all Parnassus aid, To such a height our words or sense can raise As can our loss express, or his due praise: 21 Our Gloc'ster's dead, which all our joyes allayes.* 1.231
Virgil borrows the conceipt of the two gates or out-lets of Dreams, out of Homer, Odyss. 19. There are two gates of sleep (sayes he) the one of Horn, from whence reall dreams (such as are made good, and seconded in the event) doe proceed; the other of Ivory, out of which issue such as are false, and never come to pass; and out of this gate Aeneas was let by Anchi∣ses; obscurely hinting hereby, that this whole discourse of Ae∣neas his descent into Hell, with this ample description thereof, are even as true as those dreams which proceed out of the ivo∣ry gate: See Macr••b. in Somn. Scip. l. 1. c. 3. The reason of which conceit is thus given by Interpreters: The Horn gate represents the eye, or organ of sight, in relation to that tu∣nicle they call Cornea, and by a Synechdoche is taken for the whole eye; the Ivory the teeth, one of the nine instruments of speech, which in regard of their whiteness are like to Ivory, and are by the same figure taken for the speech in general; therefore, as what the sight really presents to us is alwayes true, and as what we receive from hear-say and report is often-times false; so those dreams which issue out of the Horn gate prove true, and those which come out of the Ivory one deceitfull; and by consequence this whole discourse is to be looked upon as a meer fiction, deception, and a fallacious dream.
Jucundi acti labores.
Aeneas.
A Sea-phrase
Daedalus.
The Laby∣rinth.
Ariade, daughter to Minos.
Sibylla.
A name of Diana.
Si••ylla.
Aeneas.
His prayer.
The Syrtes.
The Africa••s
Sibylla.
His Vow.
Aeneas,
An∣chiaes,
Dia••a.
Hercu••e••.
Aereas son to Anchisis.
Proserpine
Mesenus.
Venus.
Bractea, la∣mina.
Th: standers-by.
Aeneas.
Prose pin••, who by these incantations was raised.
Sibylla cries th••s to the Feinds, &c.
Sibylla.
The Poets in∣vocation.
Plu••s.
Furies.
Hydra.
Sibylla.
Ch••ron.
Troy.
Master of Ae∣neas his Ship.
Italy.
Anchises, As∣canius.
Venus.
Ghost.
Hercules, who ••ound Cerberus
A name of Plu∣to.
Cerberus.
Pluto was U••∣cle to Fro••er∣pine, as well as Husband.
Cerberus,
Aeneas.
See the Com∣ment.
Paros, is one of the Cyclades, famous for marble. Mar∣pesus is a hill there; so that Parian and Marpesiam are all one.
Dido's first Husband.
Aeneas.
Deiphobus, son of Priam.
Helen.
Of Troys sur∣viving.
Hymns in the praise of Bac∣chus.
Helen. Ironicè
Men••laüs, her first Hus∣band.
Ulysses Gra••d son of Aeolus.
See the Com∣ment.
S••bylla,
Aeneas.
One of the Furies.
Diana, in hell called Hecate, in heaven Luna
Tisiphone.
See the Com∣ment.
See the Com∣ment
Salmoneus was King of Elis, a Pro∣vince of Pelo∣ponnesus, whereof Pisa was the capitall City.
See the Com∣ment.
Torus genialis, is properly the Bride-bed, and because this u∣sed to be rich∣ly adorned, ge∣niall here is ta∣ken for rich, st••tely, or mag∣ui ficent.
As did Sisyphus.
The punish∣ment of Ixion.
Such were, for a time, the late Traitors, to whom this verse may well be appli'd: Ausi omnes immân: nefas; auso{que} polite. Virg.
Orpheus.
(Poean) the word here used by Virg. is a hymn in the praise of Apollo.
For thus Va∣tes is to be ren∣dred; not Po∣ers, (as Mr. O∣gilby hath done) ••ee Servius, with whom the ••est of Virgils Inter∣preters agree.
Musaeus.
The words of Aeneas.
The Soul.
Mercury who was said with his Caduceus, or rod, both to drive souls to hell, and to bring them from thence.
The words of A••cht••es.
See the Com∣ment.
Lavinia.
Se the Com∣ment.
See the Com∣ment.
Numitor.
☞ See the Com∣ment.
Hercules.
A Mountain in India.
Numa, born at Cures, a Vil∣lage of the Sa∣bines.
Julius Caesar.
Pompey▪
Caesar, who truly used his victory with much modera∣tion, and cle∣mency.
A name of Romulus.
To the other Marcellus.
See the Com∣ment.
Marcellus.
Anchises.
Aeneas arrived in Italy anno M•••• d. 28••••. Cumae was built an. Mun. 2953. Simps. Chron.
We speak ac∣cording to the opinion of the Peripa••••icks.
1. Sibylla Per∣sica.
2. Delphica.
3. Cumaea.
4. Erythraea.
5 Samia.
6. Cumâna.
7 Hell••spontiaca
8. Libyca.
9. Phrygia. 10. Tibu ••ina.
The Story of P••sip••a•• and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 us, &c.
Sil Ita. Lic. l. 12.
Daedalus.
The story of Androgeos and the Athenians.
The Labyrinth
Apollo's Tem∣ple, & Sibylla's Grot.
Apollo.
Ludi Apollina∣res.
Sibylla Cumâna
Servius indeed makes the coin to be Philyppei, i. Phillppines; so called from Philip. King of Macedon, but improperly; for Philip was 150 years younger then Tarquin.
Who come to enquire of the Oracle.
Orpheus.
Castor and Pollux.
Hell.
The golden Bough.
The letter Y.
Augurium pul∣larium.
O•• the Roman Fune••als.
Annibal.
[2] The death of P. Aemilius.
Pliny.
Misenus.
The Lake of Avernus.
The manner of sacrificing to the infernall powers.
Centau••s.
Scylla.
Briareus.
Hydra.
C••imae••a
Gorgons.
Harpyes.
Geryon.
The Ancients divided the World into 3. parts, viz. Eu∣rope, Asia, and Africa 〈◊〉〈◊〉 our Moderns have added a fourth, v••z. America. vi.
Morning, Noon and Night.
The Rivers of Hell.
Acheron.
Cocytus.
Styx.
Phlegeton.
Lethe.
Charon.
Cenotaphium▪
Palinurus.
Cerberus.
Theseus & Pirithous.
Ceres. Proserpina.
Pluto and Proserpine.
Theseus, the person here speaking.
Cerberus.
The Regions of Hell.
Against Self∣murder.
Of Lovers.
Phaedra.
Procris.
E••ip••yle.
Evadne.
La••damîa.
Caenis.
The Region of Warrior.
Tydeus.
Parthenop••eus.
Ad••aqstus.
Deipho••us.
The Judges of Hell.
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or lex talionis:
Aeacus, Fa∣ther of Peleus, who married Thetis, and on her be got A∣chilles, who from his Grandsire Aea∣cus was called Aea••••des; so that by Thetidis so∣cer Thetis her Father in law Aeacus is un∣derstood.
The Futies.
The Titans.
The Aloïdes.
Salmôneus.
Tityus.
Pirithous.
Ixîon.
The Lapith••.
Democles.
The Elysium.
C••asia is by Gerard taken to be the same with Laven••ula or Lavender, as it is by Dela Cerda: Ec∣clog. ••.
Mus••••us.
The transmi∣gration of Souls.
Mr. Sandys.
Druidibus.
The Creation of things.
Of the nature of the soul.
O•• Purgatory.
A Summarie of the Roman Hi∣story from Ae∣neas his death, and the Alban Kings, to Au∣gustus his time, being about 1100 years.
Aenead. lib. 7.
The Alban Lings.
Militarie Crowns.
Romulus.
Cybele.
Augustus Cae∣sar.
Numa Pompi∣lius.
Tullus Hostilius
Ancus Martius.
Lucius Tarqui∣nius Priscus.
Servius Tullius
Tarquinius Su∣perbus.
Brutus and Tarquin.
The 3. Dec••i.
Decius the Son.
A military De∣votion.
Decius the Grandson.
The Drusi.
Tit. Manlius.
Viz. from Manlius Capi∣tolinus.
Furius Camillus
Caesar & Pom∣pey.
L. Mumm••us.
M. Cato.
A. Gellius makes Marcus, the other Bro∣ther, to be Fa∣ther to Cato u∣ticen. l. 13. c. 18.
Haustus sanè ca∣lidus, sed gloriae plenus, & plus∣quam faemineus:
Val. Max.
Cornel•••••• Cossus
The Gracchi.
The Sc••pio's.
Caius Fabrici∣us Luscinus.
Serranus.
Serranus.
The Fabii.
Th•• Ma••celli.
The two gates of Hell.