A seasonable, vindication, of the good old fuudamental [sic] rights, and governments of all English freemen By William Prynne Esq; a bencher of Lincolnes Inne.

Chapter 3.

Section 4.

Comprehending a brief Collection of all the most observable Parliamentary Councils, Synods, Conven∣tions, Publique Contests, Debates, Wars, Historical Proceedings, Passages, Records relating to the fun∣damental Liberties, Franchises, Rights, Customs, and Government of the People under our English Saxon Kings, from the year of our Lord 600, till the death of King Edmund Ironside, and reign of Cnute the Danish King, Anno Dom. 1017. with some brief Observations on and from the same.

IN the former Section I have presented you with a general brief Account of our first English Saxon Christian Kings limited Power and Prerogative, being obliged to govern their English-Saxon Subjects, not arbitrarily, but justly, according to their known Laws, and totally disabled, to alter, repeal any old, or enact any n••w Laws; to impose any publique Taxes, Tallages, Imposts, Customs whatsoever, on their people, upon any real or pre∣tended

necessity; to make any War, Peace; or to alienate the Lands or ancient Revenues of their Crowns, to any pious, publique or private uses whatsoever, without the common consent of their Nobles and Wisemen in general Parliamen∣tary Councils; together with a Summary of the Laws of Ethelbert, the first Christian Saxon King, wholly pretermitting the Names, Acts, Kingdoms, of our first Pagan Saxon Usurpers, rather than lawfull Kings: who, though many and great in their generations, were very speedily brought to nothing; their Kingdoms begun, e∣rected by blood, conquest, and meer power of the Sword, standing not long unshaken by civil wars among themselves, each King envying his equals greatness, and seeking to in∣large his own Dominions upon the next. In which Combu∣stions few or none of them came to the Grave in due time, but were either slain in war, or treacherously murdered in Peace, or expelled their Realms by, or forced to resign their Crowns to others, after all their former prosperous succes∣ses and reigns wholly spent in Wars, Troubles, Seditions, Rebellions, Rapines, affording nothing worthy memory for their peoples good, the Kingdoms settlement, or imitation of Posterity. Whence Henry Huntindon in the close of the 2 Book of his Histories, p. 320, hath this Observation concerning them, very seasonable for our present times; Vide igitur Lector, & perpende, quanta Nomina quam cito ad nihilum devenerint; Attende quaeso & stude, cum nihil hic duret, ut adjuiras tibi regnum, & substan∣tiamillam, quae non deficiet, Nomen illud & honorem qui non pertransibit, monimentum illud & claritatem quae nullis saeculis veterascet. Hoc praemeditare, summae prudentiae est, acquirere summae caliditatis, adipisci summae faelici∣ta••is.

I shall now in this Section proceed in my inten∣ded Chonological Method, to their▪ next succeed∣ing Christian Saxon Kings reigns in England, till the reign of King Cnute the Dane, Anno Domini, 1017.

It is recorded of Aethelbert a the first Christian Saxon King of Kent, that keeping the Feast of our Sa∣viours Nativity at Canterbury, with his Queen, Ead bald his Son, Arch-Bishop Augustine, and the Nobles of the Land; he there held a Parliamentary Council with them, on the 5. of January, in the year of our Lord 605. Which Thomas Sprot thus expresseth (in the Language of his age rather than of that) Convo∣cato ibidem communi Concilio tam Cleri quam Po∣puli, die quinto Januarii, he did then and there, Omnium & singulorum approbatione, & consensu, as he relates; or cum consensu Venerabilis Archiepis∣copi Augustini Ac Principum meorum, & cum Aedbal∣di filii mei, aliorumque Nobilium optimatum meo∣rum Consilio, as his Charters recite, give, grant and confirm to the Church of St. Peter and Paul in Canterbu∣ry for ever, sundry Lands, pretious Utensils, Privileges and Immunities by his Charters, made and ratified in this Council. In which (it is most probable) he likewise made those Judicial Decrees and Laws, with the advice of his Wise men, for the benefit of his people in his own Country Saxon Language, Which our venerable b Beda, c William of Malmesbury, d Huntindon, e Bromton, and f others mention only in the gene∣ral, and Bishop g Enulph hath registred to posterity in his famous manuscript, intituled Textus Roffensis, of which I have given you some account before. Section 3. p. 50, 51, 52. on which you may reflect.

In the year of Christ 627 h Paulinus perswading Edwin King of Northumberland to become a Christian,

to avod eternal torments, and to be made a partaker of the Kongdom of Heaven; The King answered, That he was both willing, and ought to receive the faith which he taught, but he ought first to confer with his Friends, Princes, and Counsellors concerning it, that so, if they concur∣red in judgement with him, they might all be baptized to∣gether. Assembling therefore his Wisemen, and advising with them, he demanded severally of them all, What that Doctrine, which they never heard of till then, and that new worship of God which was preached by Paulinus, seemed to them? To whom Coyfi the chief of the Priests presently answered: Do thou consider, O King, what that Religion is which is now preached to us; I profess unto thee, that which I have most certainly learned, that the Religi∣on we have hitherto imbraced, hath no virtue at all in it; whereupon it remains, that if those new things which are now preached unto us, shall appear to thee upon examination, to be better and stronger than our Religion, let us hasten to embrace them without any delay. To whose wise perswa∣sions and words, Another of the Kings Nobles giving his Assent, spake something concerning the brevity and incertainty of this life, and of their ignorance and incertainty of that life which is to come, concluding, That if this new Doctrine brought any thing to them more certain, than that they formerly imbraced, it ought to be deservedly followed: The rest of the Elders and Kings Counsellors prosecuting the like things, by Divine ad∣moni••ion, Coyfi added; that he desired to hear Pauli∣nus preaching concerning God, more diligently than before; which when he had done, by the Kings command; he cryed out (having heard his preaching) I heretofore understood, that what we worshipped was nothing, because by how much the more diligently I sought the truth in that worship, the less I found it. But now I openly professe, that in this preaching, the truth shines forth, which is able to give unto us the gifts of eternal life, salvation, and happi∣ness; Whereupon, O King, I advise thee, that the Temples,

and Altars we have consecrated without any fruit or bene∣fit, we should now presently execrate and burn. Upon this, without more debate, the King openly gave his assent to the preaching of Paulinus, & renouncing Idolatry confessed that he did imbrace the faith of Christ. And when the King de∣manded of Coysi his Priest, who ought first to prophane and destroy the Altars & Temples of the Idols, with the rails & and bounds wherewith they were inclosed? He answered, I, who have worshipped them through foolishness. And pre∣sently renouncing his Superstition, he demanded Arms and an Horse of the King, ( which by their old Law Priests might not use:) which being granted him, he mounted the Horse, with a Sword and Lance in his Hand, and riding to the Idols thus armed (the people deeming him to be mad) prophaned the Temple, and commanded his Companions to destroy and burn it, with the Idols, and all the Hedges about it, which they did. Whereupon the King, with his Nobles, and ve∣ry many of the people, embraced the Christian Religion, and were baptized by Paulinus, in the Church of St. Peter at York; (which the King there speedily commanded to be built of Wood, and afterwards enlarged) or∣daining Paulinus Bishop of that place, who converted, baptized him and his people; as Beda and others more largely record the History. From which memorable president we may observe these particulars.

1. That the King himself could not then alter the established Laws or received Religion of this Realm, though false; nor introduce new Laws, or set up the true Religion, without the concurrent Assent of his No∣bles and Wisemen in a general Parliamentary Council

2. That the Princes, Chief Priests, Nobles, and Ael∣dermen of the Realm, were the Parliament Mem∣bers in that Age.

3. That every one of them in these Councils had freedom of Vote and Debate; and gave their voices severally, for the bringing in of Christianity, and de∣struction of Idolatry.

i William of Malmesbury gives this Character of this Kings Government, after he became a Christan, and of the vicissitude of humane affairs, worthy our present observation, he being suddenly slain in battle, together with his Son, after all his former conquests and felicity.

Nullus tunc Praedo Publicus, nullus latro domesti∣cus, insidiator conjugalis pudoris procul; Expilator alienae Haereditatis exul: Magnum id in ejus laudi∣bus, & nostrâ aetate splendidum. Itaque Imperii sui, ad eos limites incrementa perducta sunt, ut Justitia & Pax libentèr in mutuos amplexus concurrerent os∣culorum, gratiam grata vicissitudine libantes; & faeli∣citer tunc Anglorum Respublica procedere potuisset, ni∣si mors immatura, temporalis beatitudinis Noverca, turpi fortunae ludo, virum abstulis••et Patriae. Aetatis enim 48. Regni 17. Rebellantibus Regulis, quos sub jugum miferat, Ceadwalla Britonum, & Penda Mer∣ciorum, cum Filio interemptus, miserabile varietatis humanae fuit exemplum: nulli prudentiâ inferior, qui nè Christianam fidem, nisi diligentissimè inspectat â ratione, voluit suscipere, susceptaeque nihil existima∣re comparabile,

Anno 673 k Theodor Archbishop of Canterbury, held a great Council at Hertford; presentibus Episco∣pis Angliae, ac Regibus, & Magnatibus universis; the Bishops of England, and Kings (to wit, King Lotharius and Easwine) and all the Nobles being present at it. In this Council, they made ten Canons or Laws, which they all subscribed and ratified with their hands; the 7th. whereof was, That a Synod (or Parliamentary Assembly) should be assembled twice, or (because divers causes hindred) Placuit omnibus in commune, they all a∣greed in common, that in the Calends of August, in a place called Cloveshoon, a Synod should be congrega∣ted, at least once every year. The rest of them you may

peruse in the marginal Authors at leisure, being meer∣ly Ecclesiastical, and not so pertinent to my Dis∣course.

l Ceadwalla King of the West-Saxons, In the year of our Lord 680. granted to Bishop Wilfrid certain Lands, with their appurtenances, called Pagaliam; cum consensu & devotâ confirmatione omnium Optimatum meorum; with the consent and devout confirmation of all his Nobles (assembled in a Parliamentary Coun∣cil) the grant of his Crown Lands to him, being not valid to bind his Successours without his Nobles con∣current confirmation.

m William of Malmesbury writes of him; That though before his conversion unto Christianity, he addi∣cted himself to wars, and to plunder and spoil his neigh∣bouring Kings; yet he conscientiously dedicated the tenth of all his spoils to God. Inter haec arduum memo∣rat•• est, quantum etiam ante Baptismum inservierit pietati, ut omnes manubias quas jure praedatorio, in suos usus transcripserat, Deo Decimaret. In quo, etsi approbamus, affectum, improbamus exemplum; juxta illud; Qui offert sacrificium de substantia Pauperis, quasi qui immolat sili∣um in conspectu patris.

If all the Plundering, warring Saints of this Age would imitate his example, in giving the Tenths of all their spoils and plunders to God & his Ministers, instead of spoi∣ling them of their Tithes and antient Church-Revenues, men would deem them as good Saints as this plunder∣ing conquering Saxon King; of whom it is likewise storied, that n before he turned Christian, intending to invade the Isle of Wight, and unite it to his Kingdom; he vowed to give the 4th. part of the Iland, and Prey, to Christ, if he should vanquish it: Whereupon he con∣quering the Isle, slew the Natives in it, being Pagans, with a Tragical slaughter; and in performance of his vow,

gave to Bishop Wilfrid and his Clerks (for their main∣tenance and encouragement) the possession of 300 I-Hides of Land, being the fourth part thereof. When our new Conquerours shall be so bountifull in bestow∣ing the fourth (or but the tenth) part of all the pre∣tended conquered Lands they have gotten on Christs Church and Ministers, instead of invading and purcha∣sing the Churches antient Lands, Glebes, Tithes and Inhe∣ritance, they may demerit the Name and praise of Saints, as well as Ceadwalla; who, before he came to the Crown, as he was unjustly banished from his Country, through the envy of others, only for his vertues and wor∣thiness, which first caused him to take up armes and in∣vade the South-Saxons, two of whose Kings he slew successively in the field, after which he twice in∣vaded, and afflicted Kent with grievous wars (taking advantage of their civil discords) wherein he shed abun∣dance of Christian blood: So when he had reigned but two years space, after all his victories, out of meer devotion, he voluntarily left his Crown, Kingdom, Con∣quests, and went in Pilgrimage to Rome (where he was baptized) to bewail and expiate the guilt of all his former wars, bloodshed, plunders, rapines, perplex∣ing his Conscience, and there died.

The first Charter and grant I find extant of any Lands given to the Church, after those of Ethelbert King of Kent, forecited, is that of o King Eadbaldus his Son and successour, Anno Dom. 616, who being by Gods mercy, through the admonition of Archbishop Law∣rence converted from the pravity of his life, for the Sal∣vation of his soul, and hope of a future reward, gave to Christ-Church in Canterbury, and to the family serving God in that Church, his Lands called Edesham, with the Fields, Woods, Pastures, and all things thereunto of right ap∣pertaining, free from all secular services, & Fiscal tributes; except these three; Expedition, Building of Castle and Bridge.

The next in time, is the p Grant of Lotharius King of Kent, Anno 679. of certain Lands in the Isle of Thannet, to the Monastery of Raculph, free from all secular services, except these three, Expedition, Building of Bridge and Castle: To which I might annex these ensuing Grants and Charters, which I shall only name; The Grant of King Egfrid, and his Queen Etheldrida, of Hestodesham to Bishop Wilfrid, Anno 674.

The Charter and Grant of Ceadwalla a foresaid, and Kendritha his wife (of 4 plough-Lands to Archbishop Theodor, and the Family of Christ-Church in Canterbu∣ry, free from all secular services, but those 3 forementioned) An. 687. of Withrid King of Kent, Anno. 694, of King Offa, An. 774▪ of King Edmund, An. 784. of King Kenewlfe, An. 791, 814, 815, 822. of King Wilof, An. 829. of King Athulfus, An. 832, 833, 834. of King Ethelstan, An. 927, 940. of King Edred, An. 941, 948, 949. of King Egered, An. 979, 980. and of King Cnute, An. Dom. 1016. To pretermit others of this kind.

All which Grants being for the most part, only of their own private Lands gotten by Purchase, or Con∣quest, not of the Lands, or Demesnes of their Crowns, passed by their own Charters alone, without any con∣firmation or assent of their Nobles in a Parliamentary Council, not mentioned at all in them. But no grants of any Lands, Rents or Revenues of their Crowns, to pious or other uses, were then either valid in Law, or obligatory to their successors, without common con∣sent and ratifications of their Nobles in Parliamentary Councils, which for this reason is still mentioned in all their Charters and donations of such Lands and Rents to pious uses. Neither could they exempt those Lands from any of these three forenamed pub∣lick charges (for the common defence and benefit of their Realms) by their own royal Charters alone, un∣less ratified by the Nobles in their great Councils. Whereupon in all these forecited Charters, and o∣ther

grants of Lands by particular persons, ratified by these Kings, they exempted them only from all secu∣lar services, exceptis Expeditione, Pontis & Arcis con∣structione, which they could not discharge them from, but by special Grants in General Parliamentary As∣semblies, as subsequent Presidents will more fully de∣monstrate.

q Theodor Archbishop of Canterbury, Anno 685. held a Council at Twyford, in the presence of Egfrid King or Northumberland, who going in person to St. Cutbert (when as he neither by Letters nor Messengers could be drawn out of his Iland Lindesfarne to the Sy∣nod) brought him to it much against his will: where; by the command of all the Synod, he was constrain∣ed to take upon him the Office of a Bishop: Whereupon King Egfrid by the advice of Archbishop Theodor, Bishop Trumwin, & totius Concilii, and of the whole Council, for the salvation of his and his successors souls, by his Charter gave to St. Cutbert and all his successors, the Village called Creic, and 3 mile in circuit round about it, together with the City called Lugabadia, and 15 miles circuit round about it, to have to him and his successors, for the service of God for ever, as freely and quietly as he himself enjoyed them, and to dispose thereof at his pleasure; which Charter the Arch-Bishop and Bishops present in the Conncil, confirmed with their Subscriptions. What other Councils and Synods were held under this Arch-Bishop Theodor at Hartford, Clovesho, Heathfield, (or Hatfeild) and what Canons were made in them, for the confirmation of the Christian faith, the 5 first General Councils, &c. you may read at leisure in Gervasius, Do∣roberniensis, Matthew Parker, and Godwin in his life, where they are recorded; and in Matthew Westminster, An. 880. Chronicon Johannis Bromton, Col. 741, 756, 799, 780. Radul. de Diceto Abbreviationes Chronic. Col. 441. Chronica Wil. Thorne, col. 1770, Henry Hun∣tindon, Historiarum lib. 3. p. 335, Spelmanni Conci∣lia,

p. 152. Beda Ecclesiastieae Historiae, l. 4. c. 5, 17, 18. Mr. Fox Acts and Monuments vol. 1. p. 160, 161. To which I shall refer you.

About the year of Christ 692. r Ina King of the West-Saxons, who succeeded Ceadwalla, by the exhor∣tation and advice of Cenred his Father,

Hedda and Erkenwald his Bishops, and of all his Aldermen (or Se∣nators) and of all the Elders and Wisemen of his Realm, in a great Assembly of the Servants of God, for the salvation of his peoples souls, and the com∣mon conservation of his Realm, Enacted sundry Ec∣clesiastical and civil wholsom Laws, that by them just judgements might be founded and established, throughout his Dominions, and that from thence∣forth it might be lawfull for no Alderman, Senator, or other person living within his Realm, to abolish these his Laws;

tending all to advance Piety, Justice, Peace, and preserve his people from violence, rapine, oppression, and all Punishments, Taxes, Fines, but such only as were imposed, ascertained by his Laws and Parliamentary Councils, as you may read at large in the Laws themselves, especially Lex 2, 3, 4, 6, 9, 10, 11, 16, 17, 51, 73, 74.

In the year 694 s Withred King of Kent summoned Brithwald Archbishop of Canterbury, Toby Bishop of Rochester, with the other Abbots, Abbesses, Priests, Deacons, Dukes and Earls to a great Council at Beccanceld (or Baccanceld, as others write it:) where consulting all together concerning the State of the Churches of God, within that Realm, how they might establish and perpetuate to them to the end of the World, those Lands and Reve∣nues which their plous Kings and Ancestors had granted and appropriated to God and his Church, as their perpetual inheritance, without substraction or diminution, They thereupon enacted, decreed, and in the name of God Almighty commanded, that all their successours, both Kings and Princes, with allother Laymen whatsoe∣ver,

should not invade the Rights, Lands or Dominions of the Churches, which they then confirmed; nor presume to violate the Privileges granted to them, and specially by king Withreds Charter, which they ratified in this Council with all their subscriptions; wherein he and they exempted Churches from all secular services and Tributes, but such as they should voluntarily and freely render without compulsion, which should not be drawn into custom to their prejudice; witnes••e this Clause of the Charter, and ex∣emption then confirmed; & ab omni debito vel pulsa∣tione Regalium Tributorum, nisi suâ spontanea vo∣luntate, ex largitate beneficiorum quid facere velint; ta∣men hoc imposterum non servetur, nec habeatur in malam consuetudinem.

The same t King Withred, in the Parliamentary Council of Berghamsteed, Anno 697. by the advice and common consent of his Bishops, and other Ecclesiastical Or∣ders, cum viris quibusdam militaribus; enacted sundry Ecclesiastical and civil Laws, to be added to the former Laws and customs of Kent: the first whereof is this, That the Church shall be free, and enjoy her Judgements, Rents, and Pensions.

And u Anno Dom. 700. this king Withred, unâ cum consensu Principum meorum, together with the con∣sent of his Nobles and Bishops (who subscribed their names to his Charter) granted to the Churches of God in Ken•…•… that they should be perpetually freed ab omni ex∣actione publica tributi, atque dispendio vel laestone à praesenti aie & tempore, &c. From all publick exaction of Tribute, and from all dammage and harm: rendring to him & his posterity, such honour and obedience as they had yeelded to the Kings his antecessors; under whom Justice and Li∣berty was kept towards them.

About the year of our Lord 678. x Wilfrid Arch-bishop

of York being in a Council unjustly deprived of his Bishoprick by Theodor Archbishop of Canterbury, who envied the greatness of his Wealth, Power, and Diocess, which he would and did against Wilfrids will, in that Council divide into 〈…〉〈…〉 more Bishopricks, was after that time exiled the Realm, through the malice of Eg∣frid king of Nortbumberland, and Emburga his Queen, (whom he would have perswaded to become a Nun, and desert her Husband, as some Authors write, and others deny in his favour) without any just and lawfull cause; and after that about the year 692. being again deprived of his Bishoprick and right by the Judgement and sentence of another Council held under Aldrid king•• of Northumberland, and Bertuald Archbishop of Can∣terbury; he thereupon made two successive appeals to Rome against their two unjust sentences, as he concei∣ved them: The first to Pope Agatho, and a Council of 150 Bishops, held under him; who decreed, he should be restored to his Bishoprick and make such Bishops under him (by advice of a Council to be held•• by him) as he should deem meet; with which decree against his first sentence, he returning from Rome to king Egfrid, to whom he de∣livered it, sealed with the Popes Seal; the king upon sight and reading thereof, in the presence of some of his Bishops, tantùm à reverentiâ Romanae sedis absuit, was so far from obeying this Decree of the Roman See, that he spoiled Wilfrid of all his Goods and possessions, and committed him prisoner to a barbarous and cruel Gover∣nour; who thrust him into a dark dungeon for many days; and after that committed him to another more cruel Gaoler than he, called Tumber, who endeavoured to put him in∣to Fetters by the Kings command; which he could no ways fasten upon his Legs, but they presently fell off again, through a Miracle. Whereupon wickedness giving •…•…lace to Religion, he was loosed from his Bonds, detain∣••ed in free custody, and afterwards released, but not resto∣red. After which, about the year 693, he appealed a∣gain

to Pope John, against the proceedings of the second Council, which refused to re-admit him to his Archbi∣shoprick, unless he would submit to the decrees of Archbi∣shop Theodore, and Brithwald his successor; which he refused to do, unless they were such as were consonant to the decrees of the holy Canons, which he conceived theirs not to be, because they would order him to condemn himself with∣out any Crime objected to him. Upon which appeal, this Pope, with his Bishops, pronounced Wilfrid, free from all Crime, and ordered him to return to his A••chbishoprick; wri∣ting Letters to Ethelred King of Mercians, and Alfrid King of Northumberland to restore him thereunto. Al∣frid receiving the Popes Letters by Wilfrids Messengers, altogether refused to obey the Popes commands in this Case; saying,

Quod esset contra rationem, homini jam bis à toto Anglorum Concilio damnato, propter quaelibet Apostolica scripta communicare:

That it was against reason, to communicate with a man already twice condemned by the whole Council of the English Nati∣on for any writings of the Pope (so little were the Popes authoritie and decrees then regarded in England, con∣tradicting the kings and English Councils proceedings) neither would he restore him all his life. After his death Edulfe usurping the Crown by Tyranny, Wilfrid re∣paired to him to restore him to his Archbishoprick, upon this account of the Popes Letters; Whereupon he was so inraged with him for it, though formerly his great friend, that he presently commanded him to depart the Realm forthwith, unless he would be sp••led of all his goods, and cast out of it with disgrace. But this Usuper being deprived both of his Realm, Crown, and Life, in little more than 3 Months space, and Osred son of king Alfrid, being restored to the Crown by the Nobles, as right heir thereunto; at last Wilfrid was re-invested in his Bishoprick by the decree of a Council held under him in Northumberland, at a place called Nidden, Anno 705. not so much in obedience to the Popes command,

as king Alfrids, attested by Elfleda his Sister, then Ab∣bess of Streneshash; witness these words of Berfride,

Ego jussionibus Papae obediendum censeo, praeser••im cum eorum robori, accedat Regis nostri Jussio, & no∣strae necessitatis sponsio, &c. Puer in Regem levatus, host is abactus, Tyrannus extinctus; est igitur Regiae voluntatis ut Episcopus Wilfridus revestiatur.

Upon which he was accordingly restored: whereupon all the Bishops embraced him, and reconciled them∣selves to him.

This Bishop Wilfrid procured to the Church of Ha∣gustald, which he founded, and was Bishop thereof, many privileges, and that for one miles circuit round about, none should be arrested going or coming, but injoy inviolable peace.

Quod institutum authori∣tate & privilegiis Romanae sedis Apostolicorum, & Archiepiscoporum, & Episcoporum, & Regum & Prin∣cipum tam Scotiae quam Angliae confirmatum est. Quod si aliquis y temerarius infringere audebit, & magnae pecuniae damno obnoxius erit, & perpetuo Anathematis gladio ab ecclesiâ seperabitur;

as Ri∣chard Prior of Hagustald records.

Anno Domini 708 z Egwin Bishop of Worcester, procured king Kenred and Offa by their Charters, to grant and confirm many Lands and Privileges to the Abbey of Evesham; which Pope Constantine likewise ratified by his subscription at Rome, as well as these kings, in the presence of many Archbishops, Bishops, Princes and Nobles of divers Provinces, who commen∣ded and approved their Charters and Liberality. In pursuance whereof, Pope Constantine writ a Letter to Brithwald Archbishop of Canterbury, to summon Conci∣lium totius Angliae, a Council of all England, to wit, of the Kings, Bishops, Religious persons of Holy Orders, Optimatesque Regni cum proceribus suis, with the No∣bles and great men of the Realm; who being all assembled together in the name of the Lord; The Archbishop should

in their presence, read the Charters of these Kings and the Popes confirmation of them, that they might be confirmed by the favour and assent of the Clergy and the people, and consecrated with their Benediction. Whereupon king Ken∣red and Offa, after their return from Rome, assembled a General Council in a place called Alne, where both the Archbishops Brithwald and Wilfrid, with the rest of the Bishops, Nobles, and these two Kings were present: wherein, Donationes omnes confirmatae sunt, all these their Donations and Charters were confirmed; and like∣wise in another Synod at London, An. 712. A most pregnant evidence, that these kings Charters and Do∣nations, though ratified by the Pope himself, were not valid nor obligatory to their successors or people, with∣out their common consent to, and confirmation of them in a general Parliamentary Council of the Pre∣lates, Nobles, Clergy and Laity, even by the Popes and these kings own confessions and practice in that age.

In the year of our Lord 716. a Ethelbald king of Mercians, by his Charter gave to God, the blessed Virgin, Saint Bartholomew & Kenulphus, the whole Isle of Croyland, to build a Monastery; and confirmed it to them for ever, free from all Rent and secular ser∣vices; & inde Chartam suam in praesentia Episcopo∣rum, Procerumque Regni sui securam statuit; all his Bishops and Nobles of his Realm assenting to, and ratifying this Charter of his, both with the subscriptions of their names, and sign of the Cross, as well as the King; that so it might be firm and irrevocable, being his demesne Lands, which Charter is at large recorded in the Hi∣story of Ingulphus.

About the year of Christ 720. b some (fabulously) write, that king Ina took Guala daughter of Cadwalla∣der, last king of the Britons to wife, with whom he received Wales and Cornwal, and the blessed Crown of

Britain. Whereupon, all the English that then were, took them wives of the Britons race, and all the Britons took them wives of the illustrious blood of the English and Saxons, which was done, Per commune Concilium et assensum omnium Episcoporum ac Principum, Pro∣cerum, Comitum, et omnium Sapientum, Seniorum, et populorum totius Regni, (a•…•… General Parliamentary Council) Et per praeceptum Regis Inae; whereby they became one Nation and Peo∣ple. Af••er which; they all called that, the Realm of Eng∣land, which before was called, the Realm of Britain, and they all ever after stood together, united in one, for common profit of the Crown of the Realm, and with •…•…∣nimous consent most fiercely fought against the Danes and Norwegians, and waged most cruel wars with them, for the preservation of their Country, Lands and Liber∣ties.

An. 705. King c Ina by his Royal Charter, grant∣ed and confirmed many Lands to the Abbey of Glaston∣bury, endowing that Abbey and the Lands thereto belonging, with many large and great Privileges, ex∣empting them from all Episcopal Jurisdiction, and from all regal exactions and services, which are accustomed to be excepted and reserved; to wit, from Expedition and build∣ing and repairing of Castles or Bridges; from which they should inviolably remain free and exempted, and from all the promulgations and perturbations of Arch-Bishops and Bishops: which privileges were formerly granted and confirmed by the ancient Charters of his Predecessors K•…•…s, K•…•…n, •…•…alla and Baldred. This Charter of his was made and ratified by the consent and subscription, not only of king Ina himself; but also of Queen Edelbur••a, king Baldr••d Adelard, the Queens Brother consentientibus etiam omnibus Britanniae Regibus. Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Ducibus, atque Abbatibus, all the Kings, Archbishops, Bishops, Dukes, and Abbots of Britain, consenting likewise thereunto; ma∣ny

of which subscribed their names unto it, being as∣sembled in a Parliamentary Council for that end.

King d Ina, In the year 727. travelling to Rome, built there a school, for the English to be instructed in the faith; granting towards the maintenance of the Eng∣lish Scholars there, a penny out of every house within ••his Realm, called Romescot, or Peter pence; to be paid towards it every year. All which Things and Tax; That they might continue firm for perpetuity, Stat 〈◊〉〈◊〉 es••ge∣nera•••• decre••o, &c. were confirmed by a general decree of a Parliamentary Council of his Realm; then held for that purpose; of which e before more largely.

In the year of our Lord 742. There was f a Great Parliamentary Council held at Clovesho (or Clysfe) where Ethelbald King of Mercia sate President, with Cuthbert Archbishop of Canterbury; the rest of the Bishops sitting together with them, diligently examined things neces∣sary concerning Religion, and studiously searched out of the ancient Creeds and institutions of the holy Fathers, how things were ordered according to the rule of equity in the be∣ginning of the Churches birth in England; whiles they were inquiring after these things, and the antient privileges of the Church, at last there came to their hands, the Liberty and Privileges which King Withred had granted to the Churches in Kent: which being read before all, by King Ethelbalds command; they were all very well pleased therewith, and said unanimously, That there could not be found any so noble and so prudent a Decree as this, formerly made, touching Ecclesiastical Discipline; and therefore, Hoc ab omnibus firmari sanxerunt, decreed that it should be confirmed by them all. Where∣upon King Ethelbald for the salvation of his soul and stability of his kingdome, confirmed and subscribed with his own munificent hand, That the Liberty, Honour, Authority, and security of Christe Church in all things, should be denied by no person, but that it should be free from all secular services, with all the lands pertaining there∣unto,

except Expedition and building of Bridge and Castle. And like as the said King Withred himself ordained, those privileges should be observed by him and his, so he and this Council commanded, they shall continue irrefragably and immutably in all things. And if any of our Successors, Kings, Bishops, or Princes shall attempt to infringe this wholsom Decree, let him render an account to Almighty God in that terrible day; But if any Earl, Priests, Clerk, Deacon or Monk shall resist this Decree, let him be de∣prived of his degree, and sequestred from the participation of the body & blood of the Lord and alienated from the king∣dom of God, unless he shall amend with due satisfaction, what he hath unjustly done, through the evil of Pride.

g Anno 747. There was another Parliamentary Council held at Clovesho, or Clyffe, under king Ethelbald, where the king himself, with Cuthbe••t, Archbishop of Canterbury, eleven other Bishops, cum Principibus et Ducibus, with the Princes and Dukes, were pre∣sent.

In this Council were some Ecclesiastical Laws and Ca∣nons made, the last whereof was, for Prayers to be pub∣likely made for Kings and Princes incessantly; that the People might live a Godly and peaceable life under their pi∣ous protection. In this Council king Ethelbald renewed and enlarged his former Grant of Privileges to the Chur∣ches, recited at large in the Marginal Authors, the sum whereof is this,

Plerumque contingere solet, pro incertâ futurotum temporum vicissitudine, ut ea quae prius multorum fidelium personarum testimonio consilioque roborata fuissent, ut fraudulenter per contumaciam plurimorum & machinament is simulationis, sine ullâ considera∣tione rationis, periculose dissipata essent, nisi aucto∣ritate Literarum, & testimonio Cyrographorum ae∣ternae memoriae inserta sint. Quapropter Ego Ethel∣baldus Rex Merciorum, pro amore caelestis patriae, hanc donavion em•…•…me vivente concedo; ••••r omnia

Monasteria & Ecclesiae Regni mei, A publicis vecti∣galibus, & ab omnibus operibus, oneribusque absolvantur, nisi in instructionibus Arcium vel Pontium, quae nulli unquam possint laxari,

(as Ingulph. renders it, or as other Copies;

nisi sola quae communiter fruenda sint, omni{que} populo edicto Regis, facienda jubentur, id est, instru∣ctionibus Pontium, vel necessariis defensionibus Arcium contra ••ostes, non suntrenuenda:) Sed nec hoc praetermit∣tendum est, cum necessarium constat Ecclesiis Dei. Prae∣tere•• habeant famuli Dei propriam Libertatem in prosicuis Sylvarum, in fructu Agrorum, in captura piscium; nec munuscula praebeant Regi, vel Principibus, nisi voluntaria, sed liberi Domino serviant, in contempla∣tione pacificâ, per totum regnum meum us{que} in aevum. Sed cunctas rribulationes quae nocere vel impedi∣re possint in Domo Dei, omnibus Principibus sub meâ potestate degentibus, demittere & auferre praecipio; Quatenus sublimitas Regni mei prosperis successibus polleat in terris, & meritorum manipuli multiplici∣ter maturescant in coelis. Qui verò haec benigna men∣tis intentione atque in-laesâ cogitatione custodierit, aeternâ claritate coronetur, ornetur, glorificetur; Si quis hoc, quod absit, cujuslibet personae tyrannica cu∣piditate instinctus, contrà hanc donationis chartulam ••aeculari potentiâ fretus venire nititur, sit sub Anathe∣mate Judae Proditoris Domini nostri Jesu Christi. Ad confirmandum verò hoc nostrae benefi••entiae munus, Hi •…•…runt, & Nostri Magistrarus, Optimates, et Duces, fidelissimique amici concesserunt et scripse∣runt:

Then to••••ow the subscriptions of the King, Bi∣shops and Nobles, with, Ego his statutis consentions subscripsi, confirmandoque signum crucis aravi.

In this h Council, amongst other Synodal Decrees subscribed by the Bishops, It was decreed, That the Feasts of St. Gregory the Pope, and St. Augustine the En∣glish Apostle, should be perpetually observed with great∣est solemnity, King Ethelbald, with his Nobles

being there present, and approving it.

In the year of Grace 752. Cathred king of the West-Saxons being unable to endure the proud Exactions and insolencies of king Ethelbald, for vindication of his own and his peoples Liberty from his oppressions, raised an Army, and fought a bloody Battel with him at Beorsord; where through Gods assistance (who gi∣veth grace to the Humble, and resisteth the Proud) he routed him and his whole Army, and after, An. 755. flew him in a second battel (he disdaining to fly) by the Treachery of Bernred, his Captain, the chief Author of his death.

King i Cuthred deceasing, Sigiber•• his kinsman who succeeded him, growing insolent and proud by his Pr••••e∣cessors great successes, became intollerable to his Subjects, treating them very ill in every kind, Depraving or altering the Laws of his Ancestors, for his own pri∣vate Lucre, and exercising exactions and cruelties upon his Subjects, setting aside all Laws. Where∣upon his faithfull Counsellor Earl Cumbra, ovingly ad∣monishing him to govern his people more mildly and just∣ly, that so he might become amiable to God and men; he was so incensed with him, that he commanded him most wickedly to be slain, and became more cruel and Ty∣rannical to his people than before. The Pe••rs and Com∣mons hereupon seeing their Laws and Liberties thus violated, and their Estates and Lives every day in danger, being incensed into fury, assembling themselves together, did all unamimously rise up in A•…•… against him and upon mature prudent deliberation, by the unanimous consent of all, expelled him the Kingdom for his Ty∣ranny and mis-governmenr. Upon which Sigebert flying into the woods for shelter, like a sorlorn per∣son, was there slain by Cumbra his Swine-herd, in revenge of his Masters murder. Florensius Wigorn••ensis relates, that after his expulsion from the Realm by the Nobles, for the multitude of his unjust deeds; Ke∣nulphus,

allotted him the County of Hampshire for his maintenance, until he slew Earl Cumbra (such was the Charity and Humanity of those times, even to an ex∣pelled, deposed Tyrannical King, now quite o•••• of date) with whom Ethelwerdus, Hist. l. 2. c. 17. and Polychronicon, l. 5. c. 24. accord. Some of our Histori∣ans (especially Ethelwerdus and Wigorniensis) relate; that Kenulphus usurped the Crown by meer force of Arms, first drawing the Nobles and People to rise up against, and expell Sigebert for his exorbitant actions, and the multi∣tude of his unjust deeds, and then usurping the Throne, be∣ing not of the blood Royal (as Malmesbury relates) though of a Noble family: But they all l unanimously record, that he came to a miserable end upon this occasion. When he had reigned 31 years with honour and good success, being puffed up therewith, and fearing lest Ki∣neardus (Sigiberts Brother) who began to be potent, should revenge his Brothers death upon him, and dispossess him or his posterity of the Crown, he banished and compel∣led him to depart his Kingdom. Who thereupon giving way to the time, voluntarily sled out of his Domini∣ons. But soon after secretly drawing together (through private Conventicles) a band of desperate men, he found an opportunity to fall upon Kenulphus, when he went with a few followers to visit his Paramore at Merton, where he besetting the House round, slew the King, with all his followers. The fame of which Act coming to his Nobles and Souldiers not far from the place, They upon Exhortation of Esric, the chiefest of them, not to let pass the death of their Lord unrevenged, to their notorious and perpetual infamy, furiously encountred Keneardus and his Complices, and notwithstanding all their fair promi∣ses of Mony, & preferments to them, and all intreaties, after a sharp bloody incounter, put them all to the sword, with the loss of some of their own lives.

Ecce quomodo Dei Iu∣stitia, non solum futuro saeculo, verum etiam in isto, digna meri••is manifesto judicio recompensat, &c.

Add

Henry Huntindon, Roger Hoveden, John Bromton, Malmes∣bury, and others, as a Corollary to this History of Sigi∣bert; and Kenulphus. Which all Traitors, Tyrants and Usurpers treading in their exorbitant footsteps, may do well advisedly to consider.

In the year of our Lord 758. m The people of the Realm of Mercia rising up against their King Bernred because he governed them not by just Laws, but by Ty∣ranny assembled all together in one, as well Noble as Ignoble; and Offa being their Captain, they ex¦pelled him out of the Kingdom, and then, by the unanimous consent of all, as well Clergy as people, they crown∣ed Offa King. This Bernred, (as Malmesbury, Speed, and Simeon Dunelmensis write) treacherously murthered King Ethelbald his Soveraign, whose General he was, and thereupon usurping his Throne, and turning a Tyrant, (as most Usurpers do) was in the very first year of his u∣surped reign, expelled the Realm, and soon after slain by Offa; and so dignum finem insidiarum tulit, being Au∣thor necis of his Sovereign, King Ethelbald, asuis tuto∣ribus fraudulentèr interfectus, as our Historians ob∣serve. A good Memento for other Traitors and Usur∣pers treading in his footsteps;

Qui Regnum Tyran∣nus invasit, & per modicum tempus in parva laetitiâ & jocunditate tenens, Regnum cum vitâ perdidit,

as Wigorniensis writes of him.

The n English complaining to King Offa, in the year 775. of the great exactions in forein parts under Charls the Emperour, they being then at variance, so as their trading and merchandize was every where prohibi∣ted in both their Realms, thereupon King Offa, by gifts sent to the Emperour, obtained this Grant and Pri∣vilege from him for his Subjects. That all Pilgrims pas∣sing through his Dominions to Rome for piety and devotion sake alone, should have free and peaceable passage without a∣ny molestation or Tribute. That all Merchants and others in the company of Pilgrims passing only for gain, not devo∣tion,

should pay only a certain established Tribute in fitting places. That all English Merchants and Traders should have lawfull protection, by his command, within his Realm, and if in any place they were vexed with unjust oppression, that upon complaint to him or his Judges, they should have full justice done unto them.

In the year 780. Aethelred, or Adelred, king of Northumberland, was deposed by his Subjects after he had feigned 3 years, and quite driven out of his Realm by his Nobles; who the next year after assaulted and burnt a certain Consull (or Earl) being their justice in his own house, plus aequo saevientem, for tyrannizing be∣yond the Bounds of Law and Right. I shall not insist up∣on the manifold Insurrections of these Northumber∣landers against their kings, nor their disloyal depositi∣ons, expulsions, Murders of most of them, upon pre∣tended oppressions and Exorbitancies in Government, rather than ••eal: nor on the strange, general, bloody, frequent depredations, wars, devastations, Plagues, Judgements, Invasions by Danes, Normans, Scots, and others, inflicted justly on them for the same by Di∣vine Justice, more than on all other parts of this I∣land, since I have touched some of them p before, and shall glance at more of them hereafter; all which the studious may read at leisure, in Maslmesbury, Huntindon, Hoveden, Aethelwendus, Matthew Westmin∣ste••, Bromton, Florentius Wagorniensis, Simeon Dunel∣mensis, Radulphus de Diceto, Polychronicon, Holinshed, Speed, and others: Only I shall give you the sum of them about this age in the words of Simeon Dunelmen∣sis, and Richardus Hagulstalden••is q Crudelis exinde Barbarorum manus innulmeris navibus in Angliam

transvecta, omnia quaqua versum depopulans, Nor∣thunhymbrorum autem provincias atrocius devastans, omnes Ecclesias, omnia Monasteria ferro, & incen∣dio delevit, adeò ut nullum pene Christianitatis signum post se discedens reliquerit. Monachi qui lo∣ci reverentia confidentes remanserunt de Ecclesiâ extracti, alii in mare sub hostibus submersi, alii Cap∣tivi abducti, alii detruncati, alii aliis tormentis mi∣serabiliter affecti, omnes simul interiêrunt. Et indè prosiliens flammâ et ferro, in exterminium omnia duxit, &c.

After which sad successive devastations for sundry years by the Danes, they were so totally depopulated, and extirpated by Famine, Sword, and Pe∣stilence by the Normans, An. 1069. that the whole Country was reduced into a desolate Wilderness, without an inhabitant, and lay untilled for nine years space; besti∣arum tantum & latronum latibula; being only Dens of Beasts and Theeves. And how many times in hath been wasted, depopulated with fire and sword since this, by the Scots, and what barbarous cruelties they have exercised therein, you may read in the Continu∣ation of Simeon Dunelmensis by the Prior of Hagustald, col. 264. in Historia Ricardi Prioris Hagustaldensis de Gestis Regis Stephani & bello Standardi, col. 315, 316. and other Chronicles since that time. The Lord in Mercy divert the like judgements from that Northern part, and the whole kingdom now, for the like trans∣gressions of a later date.

In the year of Christ 787. (as most account) r Pope Adrian sent Legates into England, to confirm the faith which Augustine had preached: who being honoura∣bly

received both by the Kings, Clergy, and People: thereupon held a great Parliamentary Council at Cal∣••hu••, Chalchuthe, or Cealtide (as Henry Huntindon stiles it.) In this Council Offa king of Mercians, and Ke∣nulphus king of West-Saxons, with all their Ecclesiasti∣cal and secular Princes, Nobles, Elders, Bishops, Abbots, were present; who all subscribed and con∣sented to the Ecclesiaestical and Temporal Laws and Canons therein made and published, being 20 in Number; The principle whereof relating to my Theam, I have for∣merly recited. In this Parliamentary Council King Offa caused Egfrid his eldest son, to be solemnly crowned King, who from thenceforth reigned with him, And in it Jambertus (or Lambert) Archbishop of Canterbury, much against his will, resigned part of his Arch-Bishoprick to the Arch-bishop of Litchfield, by the command and power of King Offa; who envying the power and Pride of the Archbishop of Canterb. deprived him in this Council (notwithstanding all Jamberts appeals to Pope Adrian) of all Lands and Jurisdiction within his Realm of Mercia, erecting a new Arch-bishoprick at Litch∣field, to which he subjected all the Bishops of Mercia, (being then six in number) ••ill by another Council they were reunited to Canterbury, after the decease of Offa.

s About the year 788. (there being some diffe∣rence amongst Historians in the year) there was a great Council held at Ade, and after that another Council kept at Wincenhale or Pincanhale in Northumberland, now called Finkely. Sir Henry Spelman conceives, that these Councils were principally summoned to prevent the incursions of the Danes, who in the year 787, came into Britain with 3 ships; to discover the Coasts and prey upon it, slew King Bricticus his Provost, and after that many thousand thousands of the English at sundry

times. After this there was another Parliamentary Council or Synod held at Aclea, or Aclith,; at which time Duke Sigga by wicked Treason flew his Sovereign Alfwold, king of Northumberland, and was, not long afterwards, slain himself by the Danes, (who miserably wasted and destroyed that rebellious kingdom of Nor∣thumberland with fire and sword) as a condigu punish∣ment for their treasons, Rebellions and Regicides of their Kings.

t Anno 792. there was a Council held at a place called Fincale, where the Archbishop with his Suffra∣gan Bishops, and many others were present: What the occasion of it was, appears not: only our Histori∣ans relate, That Osred king of Northumberland, was this year chased out of his Kingdom by his rebellious sub∣jects, when he had reigned but one year, and Ethelred, son of Mollo substituted King in his place. Whereupon Osred gathering forces together to expel Ethelred, which had expulsed him out of his Realm, was in his march into it again taken prisoner and slain by this Usurper at Tymmouth. Upon occasion of which Insurrections and Wars, I conceive this Council was most probably sum∣moned. Soon after this usurping Regicide Ethelred, was slain himself, even by those seditious Subjects who expelled and slew Osred, to advance him to the Throne. The common fate of bloody Usurpers, espe∣cially in this kingdom of Northumberland, as our Hi∣storians observe.

u King Offa, in the year 793. called a Provincial Parliamentary Council, where Archbishop Humbert, and his Suffraga••s, with all the Primates and No∣bles were present; wherein he treated with th••m a∣bout founding the Monastery of St. Albane, the first Martyr, in the place where his Corps was found▪ ••n∣dowing it with lands and Privileges. Placuit omnibus Regis propositum. Whereupon they concluded, the King should go to Rome in person, and procure from the

Pope the Canonization of St. Albane, and a Confirmation of Privileges to the Abbey he intended to build. He re∣pairing to Rome accordingly, the Pope commending his Devotion, gave him his full a•…•…ent, both to found a Monastery, and endow it with all such Privileges as he desired: enjoyning him, that returning to his Coun∣try, ex Consilio Episcoporum, & Optimatum suorum, by advice of his Bishops 〈…〉〈…〉 he should confer to the Monastery of St. Albane, what Possessions or Privileges he would; which he 〈◊〉〈◊〉 grant or con∣firm to it by his special Charter first, and afterwards he would confirm his original with his Privilege and Bull. The king hereupon receiving the Popes Benediction, returned home, and held two great Councils for the set∣liug of the Lands, Privileges and Liberties of St. Albanes▪ The one at Celcyth, where were present, 9 Kings, 15 Bishops, and 20 Dukes (as John Stow relates in his Chro∣nicle) who all subscribed and ratified his Charter 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Lands and Privileges granted to St. Albane. The o∣ther Council was held at Verolam, which Matthew Westminster thus expresseth. Congregato apud Verola∣mium Episcoporum & Optimatum Concilio, unanimi omni∣um consensu & voluntate, beato, Albano Amplas contu∣lit terras, & possessiones innumeras, Quas multiplici Li∣bertatum privilegio insignivit. Monachorum vero con∣ventum ex Domibus bene Religiosis ad Tumbam Martyris congregavit, & Abbatem eis Nomine Willegodum prae∣fecit, cui cum ipso Monasterio, Jura Regalia concessit. This king then reigning over 20 Shires, at the same time (by the unanimous assent of the Bishops and No∣bles) (z) gave out of all those Counties to the English School at Rome, Peter-Pence, in English called Romes∣cot. Yet he privileged the Church of St. Albane with so great Liberty, that this Church alone should be quit of the Apostolical Custom and Tribute called Romescot, when as neither the King nor Archbishop, nor any Bishop, Abbot, or Prior, or any other in the Realm was exempted

frow this payment. And likewise granted, that the Church of St. Albane should faithfully collect the said Romescot, from all the County of Hertford, wherein the said Church is situated, and receive the money col∣lected to that Churches own use. And that the Ab∣bot thereof, or a Monk constituted his Archdeacon under him should exercise Episcopal Authority over all the Priests & Laymen within the possessions belonging to the Abbey, and that he should make subjection to no Archbishop, Bishop, or Legate, but only to the Pope himself. So as that Church hath omnia jura Regalia; and the Abbot thereof for the time being, Pontificalia ornamenta. And that by the great Charter of this king then made, with the una∣nimous consent of all his Bishops and Nobles in this great Council. What Lands he gave to the Monastery of St. Augustines and Christ-church in Canterbury, and the Archbishops there, you may read at large in the Chronicles of William Thorne, col. 1775. and Evidentiae Ecclesiae Christi Cantuariensis, col. 2203, 2219.

y King Offa deceasing An. 797. his Son Egfrid, so soon as he was settled in his Fathers kingdom, imita∣ting the pious footsteps of his Father, devoutly confer∣red many Lands and possessions on the Church of St. Albanes, and confirmed them by his Charter and Pri∣vilege; with all those other Lands, Privileges and Royal Liberties which his Father had conferred on the said Church, to enjoy them in the freest manner. Et ejus Do∣natio, ut perpetuae firmitatis Robur obtineret, jux∣ta morem Romananae Ecclesiae, omnium Episcoporum Comitum et Baronum totius imperii sui (assembled in a general Council of the Realm) Subscriptionem, & signum crucis apposuit, Causing all his Bishops, Ear••s, and Barons of his whole Realm to subscribe and ratifie his Charter and Donation with the sign of the Cross, after the manner of the Roman Church, That it might be of perpetual force and validity. Moreover declining his Fathers covetousness in all things, whatever he for

the exaltation of his Kingdom, had diminished out of the possessions of divers Monasteries, he, out of a pious devo∣tion, restored and confirmed with his Privilege (or Char∣ter) to all who desired it.

This pious King Egfrid, (as our Historians observe) and let others note it who gain their Kingdoms, Pow∣ers, Possessions by Bloodshed and Treason (was taken away by sudden death on the 141 day after his Fathers de∣cease (which gave great cause of grief to all the people of his Realm) not for his own sins, which is not to be sup∣posed; but because his Father (pro Regni sui confir∣matione sanguinem •…•…ffudit▪ for the confirma∣tion of his Kingdom shed much blood. For he z came to the Crown by the slaughter or King Bernred, fore∣mentioned; deposed and slain by him for his usurpati∣on, Tyranny, and Mis-government, then he invaded and ••••ew with his own hand Alrick King of Kent, routed his forces, and reduced that kingdom under his own: After this, marching from South to North, even be∣yond Humber, he made Havock of all that stood in his way: Whence returning in Triumph, he set upon the West-Saxons, and vanquished them, forced their king Kenwolf to fly into Wales to the Britons for aid; then entred into Wales, routed their King Mar∣modius, for breaking his Truce; made a great slaughter of the Britons & after ten years prosperous wars to conquer others, returned victoriously into his own territories. After his return thither, to compleat his bloody Tragedies, E∣thelber•• King of East-Angles coming upon solemn invi∣tation to his Court in great state, to marry his Daugh∣ter, was there treacherously murdered by his Wife Quen∣dreda's solicitation and practice, with his privity and con∣sent, who caused a deep pit to be digged in his Bed cham∣ber, under his Chair of State, or Bed, into which he fal∣ling was there treacherously murdered, and his head cut off by Gaymbertus, who presented it all bloody to King Offa; who (to colour the business) seeming to be sor∣rowfull

for this murder, shut himself up in his Chamber, and there fasted 8 days space, but then, sending a great Ar∣my into the Kingdom of this murthered Prince, seised on & united it to his own Empire. But Gods exemplary venge∣ance pursued this hainous bloody Treachery (not∣withstanding all his feigned magnified Saintship, and works of Charity and Piety) for, within one year after this bloody fact committed, both Queendreda, Offa, and their Son Egfrid (the only joy and pride of his Pa∣rents) all died, and his very kingdom it self was translated from the Mercians to the West-Saxons, whom he •…•…∣quered and oppressed, O that all men of blood, and un∣just invaders of others Crowns, Realms, Possessions by war, bloodshed and Treachery, would seriously consider this President, with all others of this nature both at home and abroad, collected to their hands by Sir Walter Raughly, in his excellent Preface, before his famous History of the World.

About the year of Christ 797. a Cynwolfe (or Ke∣nulph) King of West-Saxons held a Council, wherein he with his Bishops, una cum caterva Satraparum, and likewise with a great company of his Nobles, there as¦sembled, writ a Letter to Lullus Bishop of Mentz▪ touching some matters of Religion then in Debate.

In the b year 798. (the third of King Kenulph his reign) there was a great Parliamentary Synod assem∣at Pinchamhalch, wherein Eanbaldus, or Embaldus, Archbishop of Yorksate President, with very many wise and great Men; by whose Wisdom and Justice the King∣dom of Northumberland was then much advanced and re∣nowned: Who after they had debated many things con∣cerning the benefit of holy Church, and profit of all the Pro∣vinces of the People of Northumberland; the observation of Easter, and of Divine and secular Laws, the increase of Gode service, and the honours and necessities of the ser∣vants of God, rehearsed and ratified the faith of the 5 first General Councils, concerning the Trinity, in brief and pi∣thy

expressions, sit now to be revived in these times of Heresie and Blasphemy.

The c same year, there was another Great Council held at Bacanceld, wherein Kenulph King of Mercians sate President, Athelardus Archbishop of Canterbury, 17 other Bishops, sundry Abbots, Arch-deacons, and other fit persons being there likewise present; Wherein, by the command of Pope Leo, it was decreed; That from thence∣forth no Laymen should exercise Dominion over the Lords Inheritance and Churches; but that they should be govern∣ed by Holy Canons, and the Rules of their first founders and possessors, under pain of Excommunication: and that Christ-church in Canterbury, should be restored to its an∣tient Metropolitan Jurisdiction. Which all the Prelates and Abbots confirmed with their Subscriptions. And this year this King consecrated the Church of Winchel∣cumbe, endowing it with great gifts and possessions, in a kind of Parliamentary Assembly of 13 Bishops, and 10 Dukes, where he manumitted and set free at the high Altar, Edbert King of Kent, surnamed Pren, whom he had taken prisoner in Battel. Moreover Eanbaldus Archbishop of York, this year assembled a Synod at Fin∣chale; most likely for the assistance of Eardulfus King of Northumberland against Duke Wadus, and other Con∣spirators, who rose up against him, whom he vanquished and utterly routed, after a long and bloody battle at Bilin∣geho, where many were slain on both sides; which Hi∣story Matthew Westminster couples with this Synod, An. 798.

d King Kenulph in the year 799. By the con∣sent of his Bishops and Priuces, at the request of A∣thelardus Archbishop of Canterbury, restored to Christ-Church in Canterbury, four parcels of Land which king Offa had formerly taken from it, and gave to his Ser∣vants, free from all secular service and Regal Tribute: ra∣tifying this restitution by his Charter, signed with the Cross, that it might remain inviolable by their concurrent as∣sent.

There was a Provincial Council held at Clovesho (or Clyffe) In the year of our Lord 800. by Kenulf king of Mercians, Athelwerdus Archbishop of Canterbury, and all the Bishops, e Dukes, Abbots & ••••juscunque dignita∣tis vi••os, and men of all sorts of dignity; where after some inquiry, how the Catholique Faith was kept, and Christian Religion practiced amongst them? The Lands which king Offa and king Kenulph had forcibly taken away from Christ-Church, with the Nunnery of Cotham, and the Hides of Land called Burnam, were Synodali Judicio, by the Judgement of the Council, resto∣red to Christ-Church. Et omnium voce Decretum est, and, It was decreed by the voice of all the Council, upon sight of the Books and Deeds there produced before them by the Archbishop, that it was just Cotham should be resto∣red to Christ-Church (being given to it by King Aethel∣bald, by his Charter) of which it had, for a long time unjustly been spoiled, notwithstanding the frequent com∣plaints made by Archbishop Bregwin and Iambert in every of their Synods. In hoc Concilio annuente ipso Rege, Athe∣landus recuper avit dignitates & possessiores quas Offa Rex Merciorum abstulerat Iamberto: writes Gervasius. Af∣ter which the Archbishop in this Council made this Ex∣change with Cynedritha, then Abbess of Cotham; that she and her successors should enjoy all the Lands, and Nunnery of Cotham, in lieu whereof she should give to him one hundred and ten Hydes of Land in Kent, lying in Fleot, Tenaham, and Creges, together with all the writings thereto belonging, which exchange was made before, confirmed and attested by this Noble Synod; that so no Controversie might arise between them, their Heirs and Successors, or King Offa's, in future times con∣cerning the same, but that they might peaceably injoy them without interruption, for ever. And more over the Archbi∣shop gave unto Cynedrytha the Monastery called Preta∣nege, which king Egfrid gave to him & his heirs. Which proves the G••eat Councils and Synods in that age to be 〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

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Parliaments; and that they judicially restored Lands ••••justly taken away by Kings, upon complaint, exami∣nation an•• due proof made thereof, as well as inqui∣red of errors and abuses in religion,

In this Council•…•… conceive i was, that f Kenulph, with his Bishops, Dukes, et omni sub nostra Ditione Dignatis gradu, compiled and ••••n•• a Letter to Pope Leo the third; promising obedience to his commands; requesting, that the ancient Canons might be observed, and the Jurisdiction and Power of the See of Canterbury (which King Offa and Pope Adrian had diminished and divided into two Provinces or Archbishopricks) might be restored and united again thereto, to avoid Scisms: and craving the Popes answer to these their requests: which he re∣turned in a special Letter to the King, restoring to Athe∣lardus and his successors the Bishopricks substracted from his Province, with the Metropolitan Jurisdiction over them, as amply as before.

g Hereupon, in the year 802. or thereabouts, there was another Parliamentary Council assembled at Clove∣sho; wherein the Archbishoprick of Litchfield was dis∣solved, the See of Canterbury restored to its former ple∣nary Metropolitical Jurisdiction (according to Pope Leo his Decree) By the advice and Decree of the whole Coun∣cil: which commanded in the name of God; That no Kings, nor Bishops, nor Princes, neque ullius Tyrannicae pote∣statis Homines, should diminish the honour of the Me∣tropolitical See, or presume to divide it in any particle what∣soever, under pain of an Anathema Maranatha; which Decree the Archbishop, wirh 12 other Bishops, subscri∣bed and ratified with the sign of the Cross (as they formerly did in the Council of Bechanceld, An. 798.) And in this Council divers controversies concerning the Lands, Limits and Jurisdictions of other Bishops & Bishopricks were likewise decided and setled; as you may therein ••ead at large.

h Eadburga Daughter to King Offa married Bri••h∣ric King of the West-Saxons: proud of her parentage and match, she grew so ambitions, •…•…solent, and Tyrannical that she became od••ous, not only to all the Prelates, No∣bles, and Courtiers, but to the people l••kewise. For be∣ing incited with malice and tyranny, she usually accused and execrated to the King all the Nobles of the Realm, Or∣dinaries, Bishops, and Religious persons, and so overcame him by her flatteries, that those whom she began to accuse, ant vitâ a••t Regno privaret, she would either deprive of Life, or banish them the Realm; and if she could not ob∣tain this from the King against them, she accustomed to destroy them privily with poison. At last, An. 802. She preparing poison, to destroy a rich and noble Favourite of the Kings, whom he extraordinarily lov'd; so as she could not banish or destroy him by her false accusati∣ons; the King casually drinking of the Poison (contra∣ry to her intention) as well as his Favourite, they were both therewith suddenly poisoned and destroyed. Where∣with this wicked woman being terrified, sled with all her invaluable Treasures beyond the Seas to Charles the Great: who for her Lasciviousness, in making choice of his Son for her Husband before himself, (though much inamoured with her transcendent beauty) thrust her into a Monastery, where soon after, she abusing her bo∣dy by uncleaness, in lying with a lewd man, was expelled thence, forced to beg her bread, and ended her days in ex∣treme misery. A just judgement of God, both upon a Tyrannical Queen, and unrighteous King, seduced to banish and condemn his Nobles and Subjects unjustly by her solicitations. For this her most hainous crime the West-Saxons ordained a Law, to the Grand preju∣dice of all their succeeding Queens: That none of them should have either Title, Majesty, or place of Royalty or Queen:

Non enim West-Saxones Reginam, vel juxta Regem sedere, vel Reginae appellatione insigniti pari∣untur, propter malitiram Badburga, quae vir••m

suum Brithicum veneno perdidit, & juxta Regem se∣dens, omnes Regni Nobiles accusare solebat, & quos accusare non potuit, potu eos venenifero necare consu∣evit. Itaque pro Reginae maleficio omnes conjurave∣runt, quod nunquam se regnare permitterent, qui in praedictis culpabilis inveniretur:

as William of Mal∣mesbury, Asserius Menevensis, Matthew Westminster, Florentius Wigorniensis, and others out of them re∣late,

i There was a Parliamentary Synod, or Council, held at Celichuh, in the year 816. at which, not only Wulfred Archbishop of Canterbury, with all his Suffra∣gan Bishops, but likewise Kenulf king of Mercians, with his Princes, Dukes, and Nobles, and sundry Abbots, Priests, Deacons, and other sacred Orders were present, wherein they enacted 11 Constitutions, the 6th. where∣of was this in substance. That the Judgements and De∣crees of Bishops made in Synods should not be infringed, but remain firm and irrefragable, being ratified with the sign of the holy Cross (by the Kings and Nobles Subscriptions) un∣less perchance the King or Princes deemed the subscriptions of their Antecessors of no force, and feared not to reform, or cease from this error, which shall rest and bring a Curse on them and their heirs. The 7th. That no Bishops, Ab∣bots or Abbesses shall alienate or part with the Lands, wri∣tings and evidences of their Churches and Monasteries, which they are intrusted to keep, nisi rationabilis can∣sa poposcit adjuvari, contra invasionem samis, & De∣praedationem Exercitus, & ad Libertatem obtinendam which causes they reputed reasonable.

In the year of our Lord 822. there was a Parliamen∣tary Council assembled at Clovesho, wherein Beornulph King of Mercians sate President, at which Wulfred Arch-bishop of Canterbury, with the rest of the Bishops, Ab∣bots, omniumque dignitatum Optimatibus, Ecclesi∣asticarum scilicet & saecularium personarum, were pre∣sent,

debating things both concerning the benefit and re∣gulation of the Church, and defence and safety of the Realm (the proper subjects of our present English Par∣liaments) as these words import,

Utilitatem & ne∣cessitatem Ecclesiarum, Monasterialisque vitae Regu∣lam et observantiam, stabilitatem quoque Regni pertractante••.

In this Parliamentary Council, the Proceedings in 3 precedent Councils, touching the Com∣plaints of the Archbishops of Canterbury, of the Injuries done unto them, in taking away the Lands of the Church by their Kings and Officers, with the proceedings thereupon are at large recited, which I shall here transcribe, be∣cause generally unknown to most, and best discove∣ring the proceedings of our antient Parliamentary Councils in Cases of this nature; of any Council I have met with in that Age, and those which next pro∣ceeded, or succeeded it.

All the said persons in the said Council sitting down quietly together, it was inquired by them; quomodo quis cum Justitia sit tractatus, seu quis injustè sit spoliatus? In what manner any one had been handled with justice? or if any one had been unjustly spoiled? Whereupon, amids other things there acted and spo∣ken, it was shewed, That Archbishop Wulfred by the mis-information, and enmity, and violence and a∣varice of king Kenulph, had suffered many injuries, and was most unjustly deprived of his just dominations, as well by those things which were done unto him amongst us here in England, as by those things which were brought against him to the See Apostolick, by the procurement of the fore∣said King Kenulph: by which accusations and discords, not only the fore-named Archbishop, but also the whole English Nation, for almost six years space, was deprived of its primordial authority, and of the Ministry of sacred Baptism. Above all these things, the said king Ke∣nulph at a certain time with his Council, coming to the City of London, appointed a day (with great in∣dignation)

wherein the Archbishop should come un∣to him: whither when he came, the King commanded, that relinquishing all his goods, he should speedily depart out of England, without hopes of returning any more, nei∣ther by the command of our Lord the Pope, neither by the intreaties of the Emperour, nor of any other person, unless he would consent to his will, in demising to him a farm of 300 Hides of Land, called Leogene••ham, and moreover would give to the said King one hundred and twenty pounds in money; This reconciliation the said Wulfred refusing, long contradicted; and when the friends of the man of God, and Nobles of the King, who loved him very much, perceived the rapacity and violence of the King, they importuned the Arch-bishop, that he would consent to the Kings will, upon this condition; that the King should relinquish the difference which he had raised between the Pope and Archbishop, by his Messengers, and should restore to the said Father all the power and dignity which belonged to the said Pri∣mates See, according to the authority which his Pre∣decessors most amply enjoyed in former time. But if the King could not do this, that he should then restore the mo∣ny and Land, which he exacted of the Arohbishop to him again. Upon this condition therefore, the said re∣verend Father gave his assent: But nothing of the aforesaid condition was performed: For three whole years after the said agreement, he remained deprived of the power which his predecessors and himself had before that difference over Suthmenstre, as well in pasture, mony, vestments, as obedience, which belon∣ged to the Metrapolitical See.

But after the death of King Kenulf, when Beornulf reigned; the said Archbishop Wulfred invited Ab∣bess Kenedrytha, Heir and Daughter of King Kenulf, to the foresaid Council; whither when she came, the Archbishop complained in the audience of all the Council, of the injuries and troubles offered and done to him, and

to Christs Church, by her Father; and required repara∣tion from her, if it were Just: Then all the Council found it to be Justice, et hoc unanimi consensu De∣crevit, and Decreed it by a unanimous consent, That all those things which her Father had taken away from the Archbishop, she ought justly to restore unto him, and to give him so much again for reparation. And moreover should restore all the use (or profit) the fore∣said Father had lost in so long a space: which she hum∣bly promised to do.

It seemed good therefore to king Beornulf, with his Wisemen, for friendship sake, most diligently to make a reconciliation and amends for the said Lands, between the heirs of King Kenulf and the Archbishop; and because this pleased the king, and he humbly intreated it; out of Love and Friendship to the King the Archbi∣shop consented thereto; for the heirs of the said king Kenulf often desired to have the said Father to be their Patron and intercessor; And they intreated him with humble devotion, that for a full reconcili∣ation, he would receive in four places one hundred Hides of Land; to wit Herges, and Herfording Land, Wamdel••a, and Gedding. Then the Archbishop for the love of God, and the amiable friendship of Beornulf, consented to this accord; upon this condition; that the foresaid Abbess should deliver to the said Archbi∣shop, the foresaid Lands of one hundred Hides, with the Books which the English call Landbor, and with the same liberty which he had before, for a perpetual inher••nace: Whereupon king Beornulf, with the testimony of the whole Council, proclaimed it to be altogether free.

But this Agreement was not all this time ratified, because after these things, the promise remained un∣fulfilled for 12 Moneths: for three Hides (or tene∣ments) of the foresaid Lands, were detained; and the Books of 47 tenements; to wit, the Book of Bockland, the Book of Wambelea, and also the Book

of Herfocdingland, But in the year following she the said Ahbess desired a Conference with the foresaid Archbishop, who at that time was in the Country of the Wicii, at a place called Ostaveshlen, where he held a Council: where, when she had found the man of God, she confessed her folly in delaying her former agreement: upon which the Archbishop with great sweetness shewed; that he was altogether free from the foresaid a∣greement, and that of her part there were many things wanting which she ought to have restored; but she being brought before the Council••, greatly blushing, hum∣bly promised, that she would restore all those things that were wanting, and with a willing mind restored to the Archbishop the Books of certain Lands, which before she had not promised, with the Lands (adjudged to him, as Sir Henry Spelmans Margent supplies the defect) in the same Council. She likewise added thereto a farm of 4 tenements in Hevgam for his favour; likewise She gave to the Archbishop 30 Hide land (or tenements) in Cumbe, with a Book of the said Lands, that a firm and stable friendship and accord might remain between all the heirs of King Kenulf and the Archbishop.

To all which things the Arch-bishop gave his consent, upon this Condition, that the names of the afore said Lands should be rased quite out of the An∣cient Privileges which belong to Wincelcumbe, lest in after times some controversie should be raised, De hoc quod Sy∣nodali authoritate decretum est, et signo crucis firma∣tum: concerning this which was ended by authority of the Council, and confirmed with the sign of the Ctoss, By this, and the precedent Councils of Clove∣sho, it is apdarent; first, That the Injustice, Rapine, and oppression of our Saxon Kings themselves, was then examined and redressed in and by our Parliamen∣tary Councils: 2ly. That Tittles to Lands, Jurisdicti∣ons, Privileges unjustly taken from the Church and o∣ther men, by our kings, or other great persons and

complaints touching the same, were usually heard, determined and redressed in the great Parliamentary Councils of that Age, upon complaints made thereof, and that to and before the whole Council, not to any pri∣vate Committees, not then in use. 3ly. That restitution, reparations and damages in such Cases, were usually awarded in such Parliamentary Councils, not only a∣gainst the Kings & Parties that did the wrong, but like∣wise against their heirs; as here against AbbessCenedritha, Daugher and heir to king Kenulph, After the decease ofher father the Tort Feasor. 4ly. That the same cause and complaint was revived, continued, ended in suc∣ceeding, that rested undecided, and unrecompense•• in former Councils. 5ly. That Agreements, Exchan∣ges, and Judgements given upon Complaints in Parli∣amentary Councils, were conclusive and final to the Parties and their Heirs. 6ly. That Injuries done by the power of our Kings or great Men in one Parlia∣mentary Council (as in dividing the Archbishoprick of Canterbury, &c.) were examined & redressed by ano∣ther subsequent Council. 7ly. That Parliamentary Councils in that Age, were very frequently held, at¦least once or twice a year (if not interrupted by wars) and that usually at Clovesho, according to the l De∣cree of the Council of Heartford under Archbishop The∣odor, That the Bishops once a year should assemble together in a Council at Clovesho; as Gervasius Doroberniensis records; there being 4 Councils there, and elsewhere, held in King Beornulfs 4 years reign.

I find (m) another Council held at Clovesho, in the year 824 the 3. of the Calends of November, under Be∣ornulf King of Mercians and Wulfred Archbishop of Can∣terbury, where this King, which all his Bishops and Ab∣bots, and all the Princes, Nobles, and many most wise men were assembled together. Amongst other businesses debated therein, there was a sure between Heabere Bishop of Worcester, and the Nuns of Berclea concerning the inheritance of Aethelfrick Son of Aethelmund,

to wit the Monasterie called West-Burgh, the Lands whereof, with the Books, the Bishop then had, as Ae∣thelfrick had before commanded, that they should be restored to the Church of Worcester. This Bishop, with 50 Mass Priests, and 160 other Priests, Deacons, Monks and Abbots (whose names are recorded in the Manuscript) swore, that this Lana and Monastery were impropriated to his possession and Church; which Oath with all these fellow swearers, hewas ordered to take at Westminster, and did it accordingly, after 30 nights re∣spite. Whereupon. It was ordained and decreed by the Archbishop, & all the Council consenting with him; that the Bishop should enjoy the Monastery, Lands, and Books to him and his Church; and so that sute was en∣ded, and this Decree pronounced thereupon.

Quapropter, si quis hunc agrum ab illâ Ecclesiâ in Ceastre nititur eve••lere, contra Decreta sanctorum Canonum sciat se facere; quia sancti Canones decer∣nunt, Quicquid Sancta Synodus universalis cum Catholico Archiepiscopo suo adjudicaverit, nullo mo∣do fractum vel irritum esse faciendum. Haec autem gesta sunt. Hi sunt Testes & Connrmatores, hujus rei, quorum nomina hic infra notantur, à die tertio Ca∣lend. Novembrium.

Ego Beornulf Rex Merciorum hanc chartulam Synodalis decreti signo sanctae, Christi Crucis con∣sirmavi.

Then follows the Archbishops Subscription and con∣firmation in like words; with the subscriptions of sun∣dry Bishops, Abbots, Dakes and Nobles, being 32 in number, all ratifying this Decree.

An. 833. n Egbert, King of West-Saxons, Athel∣wulfe his Son, Witlasius king of Mercians, both the Arcbbishops, Abbots, cum Proceribus majoribus toti∣us Angliae, with the greatest Nobles of all England, were all assembled together at London (in a National

Parliamentaty Council) pro consilio capiendo contra Danicos Piratas Littora Angliae assidne infestantes: to take Counsel what to do against the Danish Pirates, dayly infesting the Sea-Coasts of England.

In this Council the Charter of Witlasius king of Mer∣cians, to the Abbey of Croyland (where he was hid and secured from his enemies) was made and ratified; where∣in he granted them many rich gifts of Plate, Gold, Sil∣ver, Land, and the Privilege of a Sanctuary, for all offenders flying to it for shelter; which grant could not be valid without a Parliamentary confirmation, for he being elected King, omnium consensu, after the slaughters of Bernulf and Ludican (two invading Ty∣rants cut off in a short time; qui contra fas purpuram in duerent, & regno vehement••t oppres••o, totam militi∣am ejus, quae quondam plurima extiterat, & victorio sissima, sua imprudentia perdiderant, as Ingulphus writes) was enforced to hold his kingdom from Eg∣bert king of West-Saxons under a Tribute. And there∣upon conferring divers Lands by his Charter to this Ab∣bey for ever, to be held of him, his heirs and Successors, Kings of Mercia, in perpetual and pure Frankalmoigne quietae & solutae ab omnibus oneribus secularibus, ex∣actionibus, & vectigalibus universis quocunque nomi∣ne censeantur. That his grant might be sound and valid, he was necessitated to have it consirmed in this Parlia∣mentary Council, by the consent of King Egbert and his Son, and of all the Bishops, Abbots et Proceribus Ma∣joribus Angliae, and the greater Nobles of England there present; most of them subscribing and ratifying this Char∣ter with the sign of the Cross, and their names.

About the year of Grace 838. there was a Parliamen∣tary Council held at o Kingston, in which Egbert king of the West-Sa••ons, and his Son Aethelwulfe, Ceol••eth Archbishop of Canterbury, with the rest of the Bishops and Nobles of England were present. Amongst many things there acted and spoken, Archbishop Ceolnoth shewed be∣fore

the whole Council, That the foresaid Kings Egbert and Ae••hel wulfe had given to Christchurch the Mannor called Malinges in Sudex, free from all secular service and Regal Tributes, excepting only these three, Ex∣pedition, building of Bridge and Castle: which foresaid Mannor and Lands King Baldred gave to Christchurch; Sed quia ille Rex cune••is Principibus non placuit, no∣luerunt donum ejus permanere r•…•…m; But because this King pleased not all his Nobles, they would not that this his gift should continue firm: (To which Sir Henry Spelman adds this Marginal Note, Rex non potuit distrahere pa∣trimonium Regni, sine assensu Procerum) Wherefore the foresaid Kings (in this Parliamentary Council, with their Nobles assent) at the request of the said Archbishop, regranted and confirmed it to Christchurch; with this A∣nathema annexed against the infringers of this grant, If any shall presume to violate it, on the behalf of God, and of us Kings, Bishops, Abbots, and all Christians, let him be separated from God, and bet his portion be with the Devil and his Angols.

o Polydor Virgil, records, that King Athelwulfe, in the year 847. going in pilgrimage to Rome, repaired the English School (there lately burned down) and in i∣mitation of King Ina, made that part of his Kingdom which Egbert his Father had added, Tributary towards it; Legeque sancivit, and enacted by a Law (made in a Parliamentary Council) that those who received 30 pence rent every year out of their possessions, or had more houses, should pay for those houses they inhabited, every of them a penny a peece to the Pope (for the maintenance of this School) at the Feast of Peter and Paul, or at least of St. Peters bonds; which Law some (writes he) though false∣ly, ascribr to his Son Alfred; which act others refer to the years 855, or 857, and that more truly.

p Abbot Ingulphus in his Hist. of the Abby of Croyland, records; that Bertulf usurping the Crown, by the trea∣cherous

murder of his Cosen St. Westan (tantà ferebatur ad regnandum ambitione) passing by the Abbey of ••roy∣land, most wickedly and violently took away all the Jew∣els, P••ate and ornaments of the Church, which his Brother Withlasins and other Kings had given to it; together with all the mony he could find in the Monastery; and hiring Souldiers therewith against the Danes, then wasting the Country about London, he was vanquished and put to slight by the Pa••ans; Whereupon this King soon after, holding a great Council at Benningdon, An. 850. with the Pre∣lates and Nobles of his whole Realm of Mercia there as∣sembled (about the Danes invasions, how to rai••e ••or∣ces and monies to resist them, as is most probable by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Historians.) Abbot Siward, and the Monks of Croy land therein complained before them all, by Askillus then fellow Monk, of certain injuries malitiously do••e unto them by their Adversaries, who lying in wat in the utter∣most banks of their Rivers, did seise upon their servants (being such as fled thither for Sanctuary) in case at any time they went out of their precincts never so little way (ei∣ther to fish, or bring back their stragling Sheep, Oxen, or other Cattle) as infringers of their Sanctuary, and subject∣ed them to the publick Laws, to their condemnation and de∣struction; to the great dammage of the Abbey, by the loss of their service; Of which complaint, the King and all the Council being very sensible, and desirous to provide for the peace and quiet of the Abbey, and to declare and en∣large their Privileges; The King thereupon comman∣ded Radbott Sheriff of Lincoln, and the rest of his Offi∣cers in those parts, to go round about, describe and set forth the bounds of their Isle of Croylan, and of the Mari∣shes thereunto belonging, and faithfully and clearly to de∣monstrate them to him and his Council, wherever they should be, the last day of Easter next ensuing; Who ful∣filling his command, openly presented an exact description of their Boundaries to the King and his Council, (which bounds are recited at large in Ingulphus,) keeping their Easter at Kingsbury.

Anno 851. Whereupon the king in this Parliamen∣tary Council at Kingsbury, in Hebdomada Paschae. pro Regni negotiis congregati; In Recompensationem tamen aliquam pecuniae direptae; to make some kind of Recompence of the Mony he had formerly taken from the Abbey, by the Common Council of his whole Realm, by his Charter made and ratified in this Council (wherein he makes this recital touching this money, as if they had freely ••ent it to him in his necessities; though the Hi∣storian relates he took it away by for•…•…:

Gratias Debitas ••••obis omnibus dignissimè red••o pro pecuniâ quâ me pe•…•…os dudum praetereuntem, in me à maximâ indigen 〈…〉〈…〉 contra Paganorum violentiam gratissimo & libe∣ralissimo animo defovistis) granted unto them,

That the bounds of their Sanctuary and liberties should extend 20 foot in breadth beyond the farthest banks of their grounds compassing their Iland; And 20 foot from the water it self; where ever their fugitive servants should ascend, to draw their nets, or do their other necessary businesses; and that this Sanctuary for fugitives should extend to all the Marishes where they had Common for their Cattle; and that if their Cattel through tempest, theft, or other misfortune, stray∣ed beyond these limits into the fields adjoyning, their fugi∣tive servants might pursue and fetch them back thence, without any seisure or danger;

sub mutilatione membri magis dilecti, si quis istud privilegium meum in ali∣quo temerè violaret.

After which, he confirmed all the Lands and privileges formerly granted to this Abbey, by Kings, Earls, or other persons, particularly recited in this Charter; which was made & granted by the common consent, sent and advice of this whole Parl. Council, & of the Bishops and Nobles of the Realm, as these Clauses in the Char∣ter abundantly attest.

Cum communi concilio toti∣us Regni mei concedo. Consentientibus omnibus Praelatis & Proceribus meis concedo; cum communi Concilio, gratuitoque consensu omnium Magnatum Regni mei concedo; complacuit unanimiter mihi, ac

universo Concilio vestra omnia loca mei authoritate Regii Chirograpi confirmare. Unanimo consensu to∣tius presentis Concilii, hic apud Kingsbury, Anno in∣carnationis Christi Dom. 855. feria sexta in hebdo∣mada Paschae, pro Regni negotiis congregati, istud meum Regium Chirographum sanctae crucis signo sta∣biliter & immutabiliter confirmavi.

After which the Archbishop of Canterbury, with other Bishops, 3 Abbots, 2 Dukes, 3 Earls, with Oslat Ambassadour of King E∣thelwulf and his Sons, in their Names, and the Name of the West-Saxons, subscribed and ratified this Charter, affixing the sign of the Cross, and their names thereto, as you may read at large in Ingulphus.

That this Parliamentary Council, and the former at Beningdon were principally summoned for the defence of the Realm against the invading Danes, who r then incessantly molested it; and that this was the chief of those Regni negotiis for which they were assembled, is evident by this publick prayer of the Kings, then sub∣scribed under this Charter.

Ego Bertulphus Rex Merciorum palam omnibus Praelatis & Proceribus Regni mei, divinam deprecor Majestatem, quatenus per ••intercessionem sanctishmi Confessoris sui sancti Guthlaci, omniumque sancto∣rum suorum, dimittat mihi, & omni populo meo, peccata nostra, & sicut per aperta miracula sua digna∣tus est misericordiam suam; sic super Paganos hostes suos dare nobis dignetur omni certamine victoriam & post praesentis vitae fragilem cursum in consortio san∣ctorum suorum gloriam sempiternam, Amen.

After which s Ingulphus subjoyns this Monkish miracle, relating the order of the proceedings in this Council, the sole end for which I cite it.

God wrought in this Council to the honour of his most holy Confessor Guthlac, a most famous miracle, whereby the devotion of the whole Land, now more lukewarm than ordinary, to goe in pilgrimage to

Croyland, might thenceforth become more frequent, and by all ways, through all Counti••s might day∣ly be revived; for whereas a certain disease like to a Palsie, this year afflicted all England; the Nerves of Men, Women, and Children, being smitten with a sudden and excessive cold (their veins swelling and growing harder, the which no remedy of cloathes could prevent) and especially the Arms and hands of men being made useless, and altogether withred; in which disease, like a fore-running most certain Messenger thereof, an intollerable pain pre-occupa∣ted the Member so growing ill. It hapned in this Council, that many, as well of the greater as lesser ranck, were sick of this Malady, & cum regni nego∣tia proponerentur,

and when as the businesses of the Realm were to be proposed, Lord Celnoth Archbishop of Canterbury, who was vexed with this disease, openly counselled; Divina negotia deberi primitus proponi, & sic humana negotia Christi suffragante gratia, finem prosperum posse ••ortiri; Assentientibus universis, &c. That Divine businesses ought first of all to be proposed, and so humane business, through the suffrage of Christs grace, might obtain a prosperous end. All assenting thereunto, when Lord Siward, then Abbot of Croyland was inquired for; because in Councils and Synods for his great eloquence and holy Religion, he had been, as it were, a divine inter∣preter for many years, and the most gratious Expositor and Promotor of innumerable businesses of the whole Clergy; who by reason of his great old age, was not present; but by Frier Askillus, his fellow Monk, he excused his absence with a most humble Letter, by the burden of his long old age; King Bertulph himself remembring the former com∣plaint of the Church of Croyland, openly related before the Council, the Injuries frequently done to the Lord Abbot Siward, and to his Monastery of Croyland, by the foolish fury of their Adversaries; and commanded, that Remedy should be provided and Decreed by com∣mon

advice. When as therefore this business was in agi∣tation amongst them, & Petitio Domini Siwardi, (the first Petition I meet with of this Nature to and in our Parliamentary Councils) and the Petition of the Lord Abb••t Siward concerning the same, delivered by the foresaid Frier Askillus, had run from hand to hand of the Prelates and Nobles of the whole Council, and one advised one thing, another another: Lord Ceolnoth Archbishop of Canterbury cried out with a loud voice, that he was healed of his disease, and perfectly recovered by the me∣rits of the most holy Confessor of Christ, most bles∣sed Guthlac, whose businesses were then handling in their hands: likewise many other most potent men in the said Council cryed out, as well Prelates as Nobles that they had been sick of that disease, but now by Gods Grace, and the merits of most holy Guthlac, they felt no pain in a∣ny of their Members, through the said malady: And all of them presently bound their Consciences with a most strict vow, to visit the most sacred Tomb of most holy Guthlac at Croyland with devout pilgrimage, so soon as they could. Wherefore our Lord King Bertulf, commanded the Bishop of London (who was then accounted the best Notary, and most eloquent speaker, who being more∣over touched with the same disease, now predicated, with greatest joy, that he was healed) to take the Privi∣leges of Croyland into his hands, and that he should insist to honour his Physicitian S. Guthlac with his hand writing, prout consilium slatueret, as the Council should ordain; which also was done; Therefore in the Subscriptions of the Kings Charter (afore-mentioned) the Archbishop of Canterbury, Coolnoth, confesseth himfelf whole and sound: St. Swithin Bishop of Winchester, rejoyceth con∣cerning the Lords Miracles. Alstan Bishop of Sher∣burn, and Orkenwald of Lichenfeld, give thanks for the successes of the Church; and Rethunus Bishop of Leice∣ster, professeth himself a Servant to St. Guthlac so long as he lived: Uuniversique Concilii Optimates, And

all the Nobles of the Council, with a most ardent affection, yeelded obedience to the Kings benevolent affection towards St. Guthlac In all things.

From all which precedent passages in these two Coun∣cils, it is apparent.

First, That the Parliamentary Councils of that Age, consisted only of the King, spiritual and tempo∣ral Lords and Peers, without any Knights of Shires, or Burgesses, of which we find no mention in this, or any other former or succeeding Councils, in the Sax∣ons times; though sometimes Wise-men of inferior quality, both of the Clergie and Laity, were particu∣larly summoned to them, without any popular electi∣on, by the Kings special direction, for their advice.

2ly. That all Divine and Ecclesiastical matters, touching God, Religion, and the Church, and all af∣fairs of the Realm of publique concernment, relating to war or peace, were debated, consulted of, & setled in Parliamentary Councils. 3ly. That the businesses of God and the Church, were there in usually first deba∣ted and setled, before the affairs of the kingdom, of which they ought to have precedency. 4ly. That all private grievances, injuries and oppressions done by the King, his Officers, or other private persons, to the Church, or other men, were usually complained of, and redressed in Parliamentary Councils, by the ad∣vice and judgement of the King and Peers; and that either upon the parties Petition, setting forth his grievances, or a relation made thereof by the King, or some other Prelate or Nobleman, before the whole Council. 5ly. That what could not be redressed in one great Council, was in the next succeeding Coun∣cil revived and redressed, according to the merits of the cause. 6ly. That no Peer nor Member of the great Coun∣cil might absent himself in those times, but upon just and lawfull excuse, which he ought humbly to signifie to the King and Council by a special Messenger, and

Letter, as Abbot Siward did here. 7ly. That all Mem∣bers of the Council had free liberty of Debate and Vote, in all businesses complained of, or proposed to them; and a negative, as well as an affirmative voice. 8ly. That all businesses then were propounded and debated before all the Council, and resolved by them all, not in private Committees. 9ly. That our Kings in those days, in Cases of necessity, could not lawfully seise their subjects monies and plate against their wills, to raise Soldiers to resist invading forein Enemies, but only borrow them by their free consents, and held them∣selves bound to restore or recompence the monies lent or taken by them in such exigencies, with thankfull ac∣knowledgement. 10. That our Kings in that age, could not grant away their Crown lands, create or in large San∣ctuaries, or exempt any Abbies from Taxes and pub∣lique payments, or impose any publique Taxes on their Subjects, but by Charters, or grants made and ra∣tified in and by their great Councils.

Anno 854. t King Aethelulf gave the tenth part of his Realm to God and his Saints, free from all secular ser∣vices, exactions and Tributes, by this Charter, made and confirmed, by the advice and free assent of all the Bishops and Nobles throughout the Realm then assembled in a Great Council, to oppose the invading plundering Danes.

Regnante in perpetnum domino nostro Jesu Chri∣sto, in nostris temporibus bellorum incendia, & di∣reptiones opum nostrarum, & vastantium crudelissi∣mas hostium barbarorum paganorumque gentium multiplices tribulationes, affligentium usque ad in∣ternecionem cernimus, tempota incumbere pericu∣losa; Quamobrem ego Aethelulfus, Rex Occidentali∣••m Saxonum. cum Consilio Episcoporum, ac Prin∣cipum

meorum, Consilium salubre arque uniforme re∣me i••m •…•…avi, ut aliquam portionem Terrae meae Deo & beatae Mariae & omnibus sanctis. Iure perpetuo possidendam concedam, Decimam scilicet partem terrae meae, 〈…〉〈…〉, et libera ab omni∣bus servitiis secularibus, nec non Regalibus Tributis Majoribus et Minoribus, seu Taxationibus, quae nos 〈…〉〈…〉 appe•…•…amus, Sitque omnium rerum libe∣ra, pro remissione apimarum & preccarorum meorum: •…•…erviend••m soli Deo, sine expeditione, et pontis constructione, arcis munitione, ut ••o diligentius •…•…o nobis preces ad Deum ••••e cessatione fun∣••an••, quo eorum servitutem in aliquo levigamus.

The Copies in our Historians vary in some expressi∣ons, and in the dare of this Charter; some placing it in Anno 855. others Anno 865. This Charter as Ingul∣phus records, was made at Winchester, Novemb. 3. Anno. 855. praesentibus & subscribentibus Archiepiscopis Angliae universis, nec non Burredo, Merciae, & Edmun∣di East-Anglorum rege, Abbatum, & Abbatissarum Du∣cum, Comitum, Procerumque totius terrae, aliorum{que} fidelium infinita multitudine. Dignitates vero sua nomi∣na subscripserunt. After which, for a greater Confirma∣tion the King offered the Written Charter up to God upon the Altar of St. Peter, where the Bishops recei∣ved it, and after sent it into all their Diocesses to be pub∣lished: and hereupon the Bishops of Sherburne and Winchester, with the Abbots and religious persons, on whom the said benefits were bestowed, decreed, That on every Wednesday, in every Church, all the Fri∣ers and Nuns should sing 50 Psalms, and every Priest 2 Masses; one for the King, and an other for his Captains. It is observable, first, That the Parliamentary Coun∣cil wherein this Charter was made and ratified by common consent, and this exemption and tenth gran∣ted, was principally called to resist the invading plunde∣ring Danes. 2ly. That this King and Council, in those

times of Invasion and necessity, were so far from 〈…〉〈…〉 away the Lands and Tithes of the Church, for 〈…〉〈…〉 of the Realm, or from imposing new unusual 〈…〉〈…〉 and Contributions on the Clergy for tha•• end, tha•• they granted them more Lands and Tithes than for∣merly, and exempted them from all former ordinary Taxes and Contributions, that they might more cheer∣fully and frequently pour forth prayers to God for them, as the best means of defence and security, against these forein in••ading enemies.

u Mr. Selden recites another Charter of this King of the same year (different from it in month and place) out of the Chartularies of Abbington Abbey to the same effect, made by Parliamentary consent of that time, & per consilium s••••ubre cum Episcopis, Com••••bus, ac cun∣ctis Optimatibus mois, which Charter is subscribed by this King and his two Sons, with some Bishops and Ab∣bots; ratified with their signs of the Cross, and this an∣nexed curse, Si quis vero minuere vel mutare nostram donationem praesumpserit, noscat se ante tribunal Christi redditurum rationem, nisi prius satisfactione omendaverit, usual in such Charters.

After x which, this King going to Rome, carried Alfred his youngest Son thither with him (whom he most loved) to be educated by Pope Leo; where con∣tinuing a year, he caused him to be crowned King by the Pope, and returning into his Country married Judith, the King of France his Daughter, bringing Alfred and her with him into England. In the Kings absence in forein parts, Alstan Bishop of Sherburne, Eandulfe Earl of Somerset, and certain other Nobles making a Con∣spiracie with Ethelbald the Kings eldest Son, conclu∣ded, he should never be received into the Kingdom, upon his return from Rome, for two Causes: One, for that he had caused his youngest son Alfred, to be crowned King as Rome, excluding thereby, as it were, his eldest Son, and others from the Right of the Kingdom. Another, for that

contemning all the women of England, he had married th•• Daughter of the King of France. an alien et contra mo∣rem et Statuta Regum West-Saxonum, ••nd against the use and Statutes of the Kings of the West-Saxons, called Judith, (the King of France his Daughter, whom he lately ••spoused) Queen, and caused her to sit by his side at the Ta∣ble, as he easted; For the West-Saxons permitted not the Kings Wife to sit by the King at the Table, nor yet to be cal∣led Queen but the Kings Wife: y Which Infamy arose ••••om Eadburga, Daughter of King Offa, Queen of the same Nat••on, who destroyed her Husband King Brith∣r•…•…c with poison, and sitting by the King, was wont to accuse all the Nobles of the Realm to him, who thereupon de∣prived them of life or banished them the Realm, & whom she c••uld not accuse, she used to kill w••th poison: Therefore, for this mis-doing of the Queen they all conjured and swore, that they would never permit a King to reign over them who should be guilty in the premi∣ses: W•…•…e eupon King Aethelulfe returning peaceably ••rom Rome, his Son Aethelbald, with his Complices, attempted to bring their conceived wickedness to effect, in excluding him from his own Realm and Crown. But Al∣mighty God would not permit it; for lest peradventure a more than civil war should arise between the Father and the Son, the Conspiracie of all the Bishops and No∣bles ceased, though the King Clemency, who divided the Kingdom of the West-Saxons (formerly undivided) with his Son, so that the East pa••t of the Realm should go to his Son Ethelbald, and the West-part remain to the Father. And when tota Regni Nobiliras, all the Nobility of the Realm, and the whole Nation of the West-Saxers, would have fought for the King, thrust his Son (Etheibald) from the right of the Kingdom, and 〈…〉〈…〉 him and ••is Complices out of the Realm, qui tantum facinus perpetrare ausi sunt & Regem à regno •…•…epe••••erent (which Wigorniensis, Anno 855. ••il Facinus, et inauditum omnibus saeculis ante in∣fortunium) if the Father would have permitted them to do

it. He out of the nobleness of his mind, satisfied his Sons desire; so that where the Father ought to have reign∣ed by the just judgement of God, there the obstinate and wicked Son reigned. This King z Aethelulfe before the death of Egbert his father, was ordained Bishop of Win∣chester, but his Father dying, he was made King by the Prelates. Nobles, and People, much against his will, cum non esset alius de Regio genere qui regnare de∣buisset; because there was none other of the Royal Race who ought to reign: Haeredibus aliis deficientibus, post∣modum necessitate compulsus, gubernacula Regm in se suscepit, as Bromton and others expresse it.

At his death (Anno 857.) he did by his will (lest his Sons should fall out between themselves after his decease) give the kingdom of Kent, with Sussex and Essex, to Ethelbert his second son, and left the kingdom of the West-Saxons to his eldest son Aethelbald; then he de∣vised certain sums of Money to his Daughter, Kindred, Nobles, and a constant annuity for ever, for meat, drink, and cloths to one poor man or pilgrim out of every 10 Hides of his Land, & 300 marks of mony to be sent yearly to Rome, to be spent there in Oyl for Lamps, & Almes: which sums I never find paid by his Successors, as he prescribed by his Will and Charter too, because not confirmed by his great Parliamentary Councils, of Prelates and Nobles, as his forcited Charter, and a Peter-pence (likewise grant∣ed by him) were; upon this occasion (âs some record) that he being in Rome, and seeing there out lawed men doing penance in bonds of Iron, purchased of the Pope, that Englishmen after that time should never on•• of their Country, do penance in Bonds.

About the year of our Lord 867. b Osbrith King of Northumberland (as Bromton records) residing at York, as he returned from hunting, went into the house of one of his Nobles called Bruern Bocard; to eat; who was then gone to the Sea-coasts, to defend it & the Ports against Theeves and Pirates, as he was accustomed; His Lady

being extraordinarily beautifull, entertained him very honorably at dinner; The K. enamored with her beau∣ty, after dinner taking her by the hand, leads her into her Chamber, saying he would speak with her in private; and there violently ravished her against her will: which done he presently returned to York, but the La∣dy abode at her house, weeping and lamenting the deeds of the King; whereby she lost her former colour and beauty. Her Husband returning, and finding her in this sad condition, inquired the cause thereof; where with she fully acquainting him; he thereupon cheered her up with comsortable words, saying, that he would not love her the lesse for it, since her weakness was unable to resist the Kings power; and vowed by Gods assi∣stance, speedily to avenge himself & her of the King, for this indignity. Where upon, being a Noble and very po∣tent man, of great Parentage, he called all his kins∣men, and the chief Nobles of his Familie to him, with all speed, and acquainted them with this dishonour done to him by the king, saying, he would by all means be avenged thereof; and by their Counsel and Consent, they went all together to York, to the king, who when he saw Bruern called him courteously to him; But he, guarded with his kinred and friends, presently defying the King, resigned up to him his Homage, Fealty, Lands, and what ever he held of him, saying, that he would never hold any thing of him hereafter as of his Lord: And so without more words, or greater stay, instantly depar∣ted, and taking leave of his friends, went speedily in∣to Denmark, and complained to Codrinus king there∣of, of the Indignity done by King Osbrith to him and his Lady, imploring his aid and assistance, speedily to revenge it, he being extracted out of his Royal blood. The king and Danes hereupon, being exceeding glad that they had this inducing cause to invade England, pre∣sently gathered together a great Atmy to revenge this Injury done to Bruern, being of his Blood, appointing his

two Brothers, Inguar and Hubba most valiant Souldi∣ers, to be their Generals; who providing Ships and o∣ther Necessaries, transported an innumerable Army into England, and landed them in the Nothern parts; This being the true Cause why the Danes at this time invaded England in this manner. In the mean time, the Parents, Kindred, and Friends of Bruern, expelled and rejected King Osbrith, for this Injury done to him and his Lady, refusing to hold their Lands of, or to obey him any longer as their Soveraign, and advanced one Ella to be King, though none of the Royal bloud. Our other c Historians, who mention not this fact of Osbrith, and occasion of these Danes arival to revenge it, write, that the Danes upon their Landing marched to the Ci∣ty of York, wasting all the Country before them with fire and Sword unto Tinmouth. At that time (they write) by the Devilsinstinct, there was a very great discord raised between the Northumberlanders, Sicut semper populo qui odium incurrerit evenire solet: For the Northumberlanders at that time had expelled their lawfull King Osbrith out of the Realm, and advanced one Ella, a Tyrant, not of the Royal bloud, to the Regal Soveraignty of the Kingdom: By reason of which division, the Danes taking York, ran up and down the Country filling all places with bloud and Grief, wasting and burning all the Churches and Monaste∣ries far and near, leaving nothing standing but the Walls and ruines of them; pillaging, depopulating, and laying waste the whole Country. In which great necessity and distress the Northumberlanders reconciling their two Kings, Osbrith and Ella, one to another, gathered a great Army together against the Danes; which their two Kings and eight Earls marched with to York; where after a long fight, with various success, both the said Kings with most of the Northumberlanders were all stain April 11. Anno 867. The City of York consumea with fire, and the whole Kingdom made tributarie to the Danes: d Simeon Dunelmensis relates, that both

these kings had violently & sacrilegiously taken away cer∣tain Lands from S. Cuthberts Church in Durham for Os∣brit had by a sacrilegious attempt taken away Wircewood and Tillemouth; and Ella, Billingham, Heclif and Wigeclif & Creca from S. Cuthbert: tandem cum maxi∣mâ parte suorum ambo praefati Reges occubuerunt, & In∣jurias quas Ecclesiae sancti Cuthberti aliquando irrogave∣rant, vitâ privati, & regno persolverunt; Which the Author of the History of St. Cuthbert, observes and re∣cords more largely, as a punishment of their sacrile∣gious Rapine: The Danes hereupon made Egbert king of Northumberland, as a Tributary and Viceroy un∣der them: Sic Northumbria bellieo jure obtenta barbaro rum dominium multo post tempore pro conscientiâ liber∣tatis Ingemuit, writes Malmesbury de Gestis Regum Angliae, l. 2. c. 3. p. 42.

These rebellious Northumberlanders about 7 years after, uno conspirantes consilio, expelled Egbert the Realm by unanimous consent, together with Archbishop Wilfer, making one Richius King in his Place; the Danes both then and long after possessing and wasting their Coun∣try, and slaughtering them with fire and sword (as the Marginal Historians record) more than any other parts of the Iland, by a just divine punishment for their manifold Treasons, Seditions, Factions, Rebellions against, and Murders of their Soveraigns.

In the year e 868. a great Army of these vi∣ctorious plundering Danes, marched out of the King∣dome of Northumberland to Nottingham, which they took, and there wintered; Whereupon Beorred (or Brithred) King of Mercians, omnesque esusdem gentis Optimates, and all the Nobles of that Nation as∣sembled together, Where the King, Consilium habu∣it cum suis Comitibus, & comilitonibus, & omni po∣pulo

nbi subjecto, Qualitèr inimicos bellicâ virtute exuperaret, sive de Regno expelleret; held a Council with his Earls and fellow Souldiers, and all the people sub∣ject to him, how he might vanquish these Enemies with mi∣litary power, or drive them out of the Realm: By whose advice, he sent Messengers to Ethelred King of the West-Saxons, and to his Brother Elfrid, humbly re∣questing them, that they would assist and joyn with him against the Danish Army; which they easily condescen∣ing to, gathered a very great Army together out of all parts, and joyning all together with Beorred and his forces, marched to Nottingham, unanimously, with a a resolution to give the Danes battel; who sheltering themselves under the works of the Castle and Town, refused to fight with them; whereupon they besieged them in the Town, but being unable to break the Walls, they concluded a Peace at last with the Danes, upon condition, that they should relinquish the Town, and march back again into Northumberland, which they did; where their Army continued the whole year following, in & about York, debacchans & insaniens, oc∣cidens & perdens perplurimos viros & mulieres.

f Abbot Ingulphus records; that during the siege of Nottingham, King Beorred, (as he stiles him) at the re∣quest of Earl Algar the younger (who was very gracious with him and the other Kings: causâ suae nobilis militiae) granted a Charter of Confirmation, not only of all the Lands, Advowsons, Possessions, which this Earl, with other particular persons and Kings had given to the Abby of Croyland, but likewise of all their former Privileges, confirming all their Ilands, Marishes, Churohes, Chapels, Mannors, Mansions, Cottages, Woods, Lands, Meadows, (therein specified) to God and Saint Guthla•• for ever, Libera & Soluta, & emancipata ab omni onere terreno, & servitio seculari, in Eleemo∣fynam aeternam perpetuo possidendam. Which Char∣ter hath this memorable exordium, expressing the mo∣tives

inducing this King to grant it.

Beorredus largiente Dei gratiâ Rex Merciorum, om∣nibus provinciis, & populis earum universam▪ Mer∣ciam inhabitantibus, & fidem Catholicam conser∣vantibus salutem sempiternam, in Domino nostro Jesu Christo. Quoniam peccatis nostris exigentibus, manum Domini super nos extensum, quotidiè cum virgâ▪ ferreâ▪ cernimus cervicibus nostris imminere, Necessarium nobis & salubre arbitror, piis sanctae matris ecclesiae precibus Eleemosynarumque liberis largitionibus iratum Dominum placatum reddere, et dignis devotionibus ejus gratiam in nostris necessita∣tibus auxiliariam implorare, Ideoque et ad petitionem strenui Comitis, mihi meritoque dilectissimi, concessi regio Chirographo meo Theodoro Abbati Croyland, Tam donum dicti Comitis Algari, quam dona aliorum fi∣delium praeterit orum ac praesentium, &c. And it concludes thus. Istud Regium Chirographum meum, Anno Incarnationis Domini nostri Jesu Christi, 868. Calendis Augusti apud Snothingham coram fratribus, & amicis, & omni populo meo in obsidione Paga∣norum congregatis, sanctae crucis munimine confir∣mavi,

Then follow the subscriptions and confirmati∣ons of Ceolnoth Archbishop of Canterbury, 5 Bishops, 3 Abbots, Ethelred king of West-Saxons, and Alfred his Brother, Edmund kingof East-Angle, 2 Dukes, and twelve Earls, who all ratified this Charter.

After which Charter confirmed, this king Beorred renders special thanks to all his Army, for their assistance against the Danes, especially to the Bishops, Abbots, and other inferior Ecclesiastical Persons, for their voluntary assistance of him in those wars against these Enemies, nor∣withstanding his Fathers exemption of them by his Char∣ter from all military expeditions and secular services: thus recorded by g Ingulphus, and most worthy ob∣servation.

Ego Beorredus Rex Merciorum, Intimo animi af∣fectu,

totisque praecordiis gratias exolvo specia∣les, omni exercitui meo; maximè tamen Viris Ec∣clesiasticis, Episcopis & Abbatibus, aliis etiam in∣ferioribus status & dignitatis. Qui licèt piis∣simae memoriae, Rex quondam Ethelwulfus pater meus, per sacratissimam Chartam suam, ••ab omni ex∣peditione militari vos liberos reddiderit, & ab omni servitio saeculari penitus absolutos; digniss••mâ ta∣men miseratione super oppressiones Christianae ple∣bis Ecclesiarumque, & Monasteriorum destructio∣nes luctuosas, benignissimè compassi, contra nefan∣dissimos Paganos in exercitum domini prompti & spontanei convenistis, ut tanquam Martyres, Chri∣sti cultus sanguine vestro augeatur, & barbarorum superstitiosa crudelitas effugetur.

From these last Passages, it is apparent: first, That in those days our Saxon Kings made War and Peace by the advice and consent of their Nobles and Parliamen∣tary great Councils. 2ly. That in cases of common in∣vasion and danger by forein Enemies, all the for∣ces raised, and ways and means to resist them, were concluded on by advice and consent of these great Councils, and not by the kings absolute power. 3ly. That all, or most Church-men and their Church-lands, in those days, were absolutely freed and discharged from all military expeditions, Contributions, Aids and Assistance against Enemies, by express Charters, but only such as themselves voluntarily and freely contri∣buted in cases of incumbent great Danger and Necessi∣ty, without compulsion; for which their kings ren∣dred them special and hearty thanks; acknowledging and confirming these their Immunities, not violating them upon such Necessities, as this Notable passage of Ingulphus attests, together with that of h Mat. West. An. 867. Concerning Alstan Bishop of Sherborne,

a man of very great Power and Counsel in the Realm: Contra Danos quoque qui tunc primò insulam infestabant, Regis Aethelulfi saevitiam exacuit; Ipse ex fisco pecuni∣am accipiens, ipse excercitum componens, Martiis felix eventibus contra hostes bella plurima constanter peregit: receiving Mony out of the Kings Exchequer (not the Peoples Purses or Conrributions) to manage these Wars and not warring on his own expences. 4ly. That the Nobles, Gentry, and People of the Realm, were the only standing Militia in that Age, to defend it against forein Enemies in times of danger or actual invasion; when they marched out of their own Coun∣ries against them, voluntarily and freely adventuring their lives for defence of their King, Country, Religi∣on, Liberties, Properties; as they did at this siege of Nottingham, and during all the long-lasting Danish Wars, Invasions, and Depredations both by Land and Sea. 5ly. That our Christian Kings, Nobles, and great Councils of those days, in times of greatest danger, Invasion and Wars, held it most seasonable and neces∣sary to confirm and enlarge the Churches Patrimony, Liberties, and Privileges, thereby to stir up their Clergy-men more earnestly to assist them with their Prayers; not to diminish, invade or infringe them, un∣der pretext of Real inevitable necessary and danger (the practice of late and present times) Whereupon they granted and, confirmed this forecited Charter in the very Armie during the siege of Notingham, be∣fore all the Kings, Princes, Prelates, Dukes, Earls, and people there present.

l In the year 870. Inguar and Hubba, with the rest of the Danes comming into Kesteven in Lincoln-shire, wasting and slaying all the Country with fire and sword, thereupon Earl Algarus, Osgot Sheriff of Lincoln, and all the Gentry and People in those parts, with the Band of the Abby of Croyland (under the Command of T•…•… a Monk, formerly a Souldier) consisting of 200 stout

men, (most of them Fugitives thither for Sanctuary) uniting all their forces together in Kesteven, on the Feast of St. Maurice, fought with the Danes, and slew 3 of their Kings, with a great multitude of their for∣ces. That night the other Danish Kings (dispersed abroad to pillage the Country) with a great booty & many cap∣tains, coming to the tents of their routed Companions, with a numerous Army, were inraged with the slaugh∣ter of their Confederates, in their absence: Whereup∣on most of the English secretly fled away from the Earl and their Captains in the night through fear: who early in the morning having heard divine Offices, and recei∣ving the Sacrament, resolved not to retreat, but manfully to fight with the Danes (though not above 700 to their many thousands) being most ready to die for the defence of the faith of Christ and of their Country: Whereupon the Danes assailing them with great mul∣titudes and fury, they all standing and fighting close together, valiantly susteined their assaults from morning till evening, without giving ground. Upon which the Danes to sever them, purposely feigned a Flight, and began to leave the Field: Hereupon the English, contrary to the commands of their Captains, dissolving their Ranks, and dispersing themselves to pursue the Danes, they suddenly returned and slew most of the English, who fought gallantly with them to the last gasp, some few of them only escaping; After which the Danes marching to the Abby of Croyland, put the Abbot with all the Monks and Persons they there found (one Child excepted) to the Sword, after they had extremely tortured them to discover where their Trea∣sures were; broke up all the Tombs, pillaged and burnt the Abby, with all the Edifices thereof, leaving it a meer ruinous heap; then marching on, laying all the Country waste before them with fire and Sword, spa∣ring neither person, age, nor sex, they cast down, burnt, destroyed, and levelled to the Ground the goodly

Monasteries of Bradney, Peterborough, Huntingdon, E∣ly, with sundry others, murthering as well all the Monks as Nuns therein, which their merciless Swords, after they had first polluted them. To avoid whose barbarous rape, m Ebba Abbess of Coldingham and her Nuns (by her example and perswasion) cut off their upper Lips, and Noses, to deform themselves to their lasci∣vious eyes; which bloody Spectacle preserved their Chastity from their Lust; but not their Monasterie or bodies from their Cruelty, they burning them and their Nunnery to Ashes.

After which, the same year Inguar and Hubba mar∣ched against St. Edmund, who in the year 855. was chosen King of the East-Saxons Ab omnibus Regionis illius magnatibus et populis, by all the Nobles and People of that Realm (being sprung from the antient Royal blood of the Saxons) and compelled to take the Government on him much against his will, being then but 13 years old, and consecrated King by Bishop Humbert in the Royal Town called Bury. The reason of their malice to this King, (as some of our Historians write) was this, that he was maliciously accused to have murthered the ir Father Lothbroc, driven by a sudden storm in a small boat into England as he was hawking at Fowl, by this Kings Faulkoner: who ha∣ving murthered himself out of meer malice, was by judgement of the Knights and Lawyers banished the Realm, and put alone into Lothbrocs Boat, without Oare or Sails for murthering him, and so sent to Sea; being driven in it into Denmark, to excuse himself, he maliciouslie accused the King of this Murther, to these his Sons; Who thereupon invaded England with an Army to revenge their Fathers death. And the Reason why they at this time so ex∣traordinarily prevailed, and over-run the Land, was the Civil Discords, Wars, and Emulations amongst the Saxon kings; who either out of Malice or Ambition to advance their own Dominion, or base unworthy

fears, would rather induce these common Enemies to over-run them, than assist one another against them; which n William of Malmesburie thus expresseth. Me∣minerit interea lector, quod interim Reges Merciorum et Northanimbrorum, captata occasione adventus Dano∣rum, quorum bellis Ethelredus insudabat, a servitio West-Saxonum respirantes, dominationem suam penè asseruerant. Ardebant ergo cunctae saevis popularibus provinciae, unusquisque Regum inimicos magis in suis sedibus sustinere, quam compatriotis Laborantibus o∣pem porrigere curabat: Ita dum mal••it ••••vindicare, quam praevenire injuriam, socordiâ suâ exanguem red∣diderunt Patriam. Dani sine obstaculo succressere; dum et provincialibus timor incresce ret, et proxima quae{que} victoria per additamentum Captivorum, instru∣mentum sequentis fieret, &c. Northanimbri jamdudum civilibus dissentionibus fluctuantes, adventante hoste correxerunt discordiam. Itaque Osbirthum Regem quem expulerant, in solium reformantes, magnosque mo∣liti paratus, obviam procedunt; sed facilè pulsi, infra Urbem Eboracum se includunt: quâ mox à victoribus succensâ, cum laxos crines ••ffusior flamma produceret, tota depascens maenia, ipsi quo{que} conflagrat••, patriam ossibus texêre suis, Mercii non semel obtriti, obsidatu miserias suas levaverunt. At vero Ethelredus multis laboribus infractus obiit: Orientalium Anglorum pagi, cum ur∣bibus et vicis à praedonibus possessi; Rex corum sanctus Edmundus, ab eisdem interemptust Anno Dominicae In∣carnationis 870. 12 Calendas Decembris, temporaneae mor∣tis compendio regnum emit aeternum.

The manner of King Edmunds Martyrdom o Histo∣rians thus relate. An. 870. Hinguar King of the Danes invading King Edmunds Realm with a great Power sent a Messenger to King Edmund to demand the half of his Treasure and Wealth, and that he should hold his Realm under him; threatning otherwise to waste his Kingdom and extirpate him and his People. Sed nimis fraudulen∣tèr

Hinguar the sauros exigebat, qui Clementissimi Regis caput potius quam pecunias sitiebat, writes q Matthew Westminster. Where upon Bishop Hum∣bert advising him to fly from the Danes (who approach∣ed with their forces towards him) to save his life, The King wished; Would to God that I might preserve the lives of my Subjects, for whom I desire to lay down my life; for this is my chiefest wish, that I may not survive my faithfull Subjects, and most dear friends, which this Cru∣el Pirate hath the evishly slain; neither will I stain my glory by fl••ght, who never yet sustained the reproaches of Wa••re. The Heavenly King also is my Witness, that no fear of the Barbarians shall separate me from the Love of Christ, whether living or dead. Then turning to the Messenger of Hinguar, he said, Thou art worthy to suffer the punishment of death, being wet with the blood of my people; But imitating the example of my Christ, If it should so happen, I am not afraid wil∣lingly to die for them; Return therefore speedily to thy Master, and carry my answers to him: Although thou takest away my Treasures and riches which the Divine Cle∣mency hath given me, by thy power; yet thou shalt never subject me to thy infidelity: for it is an honest thing to de∣fend perpetual liberty, together with purity of Reli∣gion for w•…•… also, if there be need, we think it not un∣profitable to die: Therfore, as thy proud cruelty hath begun, after the servants slaughter cut thou the Kings throat; because the King of Kings seeing these things, will translate me into Heaven, there to reign eternally. The Messen∣ger departing, the King commanded his Souldiers to run to their Arms, affirming that it was a worrhy thing to fight both for their Faith and Country est they should prove deserters of their Realm, and betray∣ers of the people. And being incouraged by Bishop Humbert, his Nobles, and fellow Souldiers, he march∣ed against the Enemy, and near Thedford fought a bloody battel with the Danes, from morning to night,

the place being all dyed red with the blood of the slain. At which grievous sight King Edmund was much grieved, not only for the great slaughter of his own Souldiers fight∣ing for their Country & native liberty, & the faith of Jesus Christ, & so already Crouned with Martyrdome: But likewise for the death of the Barbarous Infidels, sent down to Hell in great numbers; which he overmuch lamented. After which battel, retiring to Hegels∣dun with his forces that were left, he immutably re∣solved in his mind, never to sight battel w••th the Enemies more saying only this; that it was necessary that he a∣lone should die for the People, and not the whole Na∣tion perish. Soon after Hinguars Army being recru∣ted by the access of Hubba to him, with ten thousand men, he marched to Hegelsdun, and surrounded it, that none might escape thence; Whereupon King Edmund flying to the Church, and casting down his temporal Armes, humbly prayed the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost to give him constancy in his passion: Then the Danish Souldiers seising on him, brought him from the Church before Hinguar; by whose command he was tyed to a tree hard by, cruelly whipped a long time, then shot through with Darts, wherewith his Body was stuck full; after which, being taken from the tree, his Head was cut off from his Body, with a bloody sword by the Barbarous Executioner appointed for that purpose; and so he died a most glorious Martyr for his Kingdom, Country, Subjects, and Religion: to whose memory a famous Monastery was after built; Of which William of Malmesbury de Gestis Regum, l. 2. c. 13. p. 89. gives this Relation;

Quibus Artibus Edmundus ita sibi omnis Britanniae devinxit incolas, ut beatum se in primis astruat, qui Coenobium illius, vel nummo vel valenti illustraret. Ipsi quoque Reges aliorum Domini, servos se illius gloriantur, & coronam ei re∣giam missitant, magno si uri volunt redimentes com∣mercio. Exactores vectigalium qui alibi Bacchan∣tur

fas nefasque juxta metientes ibi supplices, ci∣ra ••ssa um sancti Edmundi, litigationes sistunt, ex∣perti multorum paenam, qui perseverandum puta∣runt;

which I wish our Tax-Exactors, and Excisers would now remember.

Whiles the Danes were thus wasting the Kingdoms of Northumberland and the East-Saxons with Fier and Sword, and martyring King Edmund x Beorred king of Mercians was busied in warring against the Britains, who infested the Western parts of his Realm: But hearing the Danes had invaded the Eastern part of his Kingdom, he came to London, and gathering a great Army together, matching with it through the Eastern quarters of his Realm, he applyed the whole Isle of Ely to his Exchequor, taking into his hands all the lands formerly belonging to the Monastery of Medehamsted, lying between Stamford, Huntindon and Wisebeck, assigning the Lands more remote, lying scattered through the Country, to his Souldiers. The like he did with the Lands of the Monastery of St. Pega of Rikirk; retaining certain of them to himself, and giving some of them to his Souldiers. And the like did he with the Lands of all other Mona∣steries, destroyed totally by the Danes: whose Lands by Law escheated to the Crown, and those Lords, whose predecessors founded and endowed them, by the slaughter and chasing away of all the Monks & Nuns & burning of the Monasteries; whose Lands thereupon were resumed and confilcated to the Kings Exche∣quer: Et cum caetera Monasteria per Danorum ferocita∣tem funditus destructa, Regali fisco fuerant ascripta, denuo et assumpta. omnibus Monachis eoru 〈◊〉〈◊〉 neca∣tis, perditis, seu penitus fugatis, as Ingulphus in∣forms us of the Reason; yet many of the Monks of Croyland escaping the Danes fury, and returning soon after thither again, electing a new Abbot, and repair∣ing their Monastery by degrees, as well as that exi∣gency would permit, thereupon they enjoyed the sight

of the whole Abby, and the Isle of Croyland, with the self same Liberties and Privileges they had from the be∣ginning, aischardged from all secular services, during all the time of this their desolation, & the Danish wars, till the time of its restoration; & after that till Ingulphus time, as he records. Notwithstanding, because many of the Monks were slain, and the Abby burnt down & demolish∣ed by the Danes, King Reorred thereupon seised some of their lands into his own hands, & gave other of their Lands more remote from the Abby to his stipendiary Soldiers.

And although venerable Abbot Godric, took very much paines, frequently demanding restitution of them both from King Beorred & his Souldiers, and very often shewed the Charters of the Donors, & the confirmations of former Kings, together with, his own proper Charter, to this Kings, yet he received always nothing but empty words, from & him them: whereupon he at last utterly despaired of their restitution. Perceiving therefore the overmuch malice of the times, et Militiam Regis Terrarum cupidissimam, and the Kings Militia, and Soldiers most covetous of Lands, he resolved with himself in conclusion to passe by these Royal Donations Surdo Tempore, in a deaf time; being over-glad & re∣joycing, that the Kings grace had granted the whole Island lying round about the Monastery unto it, free and dischar∣ged from all Regal exactions, much more specially to him then at that time, which had not happened to many othe•• Monasteries. There departed therefore at that time from the Monastery of Croyland these possessions which never retur∣ned to this present day: The Mannor of Spalding given to Earl Adelwulfe, with all its appurtinances: The Mannor of Deeping given to Langfer a Knight, (or Souldier) and the Kings Baker, with all its appurtenances; The Mannor of Croxton given to Fernod a Knight (or Souldier) the Kings Ensign-bearer, with all its appurtenances; The Mannors of Kerketon and Kimerby in Lindesy, with all their appurtenances, given to Earl Turgot; but Bukenhale and Halington, then appropriated to the Exchequer,

were afterwards restored to the said Monastory by the In∣dustry of Turketulus Abbot of Croyland; and the gift of most pious King Edred, the Restorer of them with 12 other Mannors (named by Ingulf.) belonging to Croyland; quas Rex Beorred us Fisco suo assumserat, Which King Beorred had then assumed in his Exehequor. After which K. Beorred passing with his Army into Lindesey, Latissimas Terras Monisterio Bardney (totally ruined by the Danes) Du∣dum Pertinentes Fisco suo accepit, remotas vero in diversis patri••s divisas jacentes, Militibus suis dedit. But mark the issue. At last s the Danes returning into Mercia Anno 874. wasting and spoiling all the Country with fire and sword, and destroying all Churches and Monasteries, King Beorred, when he beheld all the Land of England, in every corner thereof, wasted with the slaughters and ra∣pines of these Barbarians, vel de victoriâ desperans, vel tot laborum Labyrinthum fastidiens, either despairing of victory, or loathing the labyrinth of so many troubles, left the Kingdom, and went to Rome, where he died few days after, and was there buried in the English School, and his Wife following after him, died in her way to Rome; Some write, he was driven out of his kingdom by the Danes.

Here upon the t Danes, Anno 874. substituted in his place in the Realm of Mercia, one Ceolwulfus, a servant of King Beorreds, an Eglishman by Nation, sed Barbarus impietate; but a Barbarian in impiety. For he swore fealty, and gave pledges to the Danes, Quod tri∣buta imposita eis fidelitèr persolveret, that he would faithfully pay unto them the Tributes they imposed, and that whensoever they would redemand the Kingdom committed to him, He would resign it without any Resistance, under pain of losing his Head. Whereupon he (as Ingulphus records) going round about the Land, paucos Rusticos relictos excoriavit, Mercatores absorbuit, Viduas & Orphanos oppressit, religiosos omnes tanquam con∣scios thesanrorum innumeris torment is afflixit; plucked off the Skins of the few Countrymen that were left; swallowed

up the Merchants, oppressed the Widows and Or∣phans, and afflicted all Religious Persons, as con∣scious of hidden Treasures, with innumerable tor∣ments: whence amongst very many evils he did, Impo∣posing a Tribute of a thousand pounds upon Godric, the venerable Abbot of Croyland, and his miserable Freers, he almost undid the Monastery of Croyland.

For no man after that, by reason of the overmuch Poverty of the place, would come to conversion; Yea Abbot Go∣dric being unable to sustain his professed Monks, disper∣sed many of the Monks amongst their Parents and other Friends of the Monastery through all the Country, very few remaining with him in the Monastery, and protra∣cting their life in greatest want. Then all the Cha∣lices of the said Monastery except 3. and all the silver Vessels, besides the Crucible of King Withlasius, and other Jewels very precious, being changed into Mo∣ny, or sold for Mony, were scarce able to satisfie the unsatiable covetousness of Ceolwulfe, the Vice-roy: who at last, by his Lords the Danes, most just in this, (after all his Rapines and Oppressions of the People by un∣just Taxes and imposts) was deposed and stripped na∣ked of all his ill-gotten Treasure, even to his very Privities, and so ended his life most miserably.

And the Kingdom also of the Mercians at this very time, (King Alfred prevailing against the Danes) was united to the Kingdom of the West-Saxons, and remained so united ever after, when it had continued a Kingdom from the first year of Penda (the first King thereof) to the last times of this miserable Viceroy Ceolwulph, a∣bout 230 years: Of which Kingdom q William of Malmesbury thus concludes; Ita Principatus Merci∣orum, qui▪ per tumidam gentilis viri insaniam subitó efflo∣ruit, tunc per miseram semiviri ignaviam omninó emar∣cuit, Anno Dom. 875. though Speed post-dotes its pe∣riod in the year 886. Whence it is observable, that unjust Rapines, Taxes, Oppressions speedily & sud∣denly destroy both Kings and Kingdoms.

The next year following Anno 876. b Halden king of the Danes, seising upon the seditious kingdom of Northumberland, sibi eam, suis{que} Ministris distribuit, illam{que} ab exercitu suo coli fecit auobus Annis; totally dispossessing the seditious, murtherous Northumber∣landers thereof; who but a little before had expelled both their King and Archbishop out of their Realm. This Halden and his Souldiers miserably wasted and destroyed the Churches of God in those parts, for which the wrath of God suddenly f••••ll upon Halden; who was not only struck with madnesse of mind, but with such a most loathsome disease in his body, which much torment∣ed him, that the intollerable stink thereof made him so odious & loathsome to his whole Army, that being contem∣ned and cast out by them all, he fled away from Tine, only with three Ships, and soon after perished with all his Plundering, Sacrilegious Followers; The Danes elected Guthred king in his stead, possessing this seditious Realm of Northumberland till dispossessed of it by king Edmund An. 944. who then annexed it to his kingdom.

Our Noble Saxon King c Alfred the first anointed king of England, (as glorious for his most excellent Laws, transcendent Justice and civil Government, as for his Martial Exploits, Victories; and for his incom∣parable Piety and extraordinary bounty to the Cler∣gy and Learned men) comming to the Crown Anno Dom. 871, in the years 873, 874, and sundry years fol∣lowing, by common consent of his Wise men, com∣manded long Ships and Gallies to be built, throughout the Realm, and furnished with Mariners, to guard the Se as and encounter the Danish Ships and Pirates, which then infested and wasted the Realm, from time to time: whose forces he often encountred, as well by Sea as by Land, with various success. At last having obtained the

Monarchy of all England, and received their Homages and Oaths of Fealty to him, he appointed special Guar∣dians to guard the Seas and Sea-costs in all places; Where∣by he very much freed the Land from the Danes devasta∣tions. Abour the year 887. (even in the midst of his wars, when Laws use to be silent) he compiled a body of Ecclesia∣stical and Canon Laws out of the sacred Scriptures, and the Laws which his pious predecessors, Ina, Offa, and Ethel∣bert had religiously made and observed; antiquating some of them, retaining, reforming others of them, and adding some new Laws of his own, by the advice and counsel of his wisemen, & of the most prudent of his Subjects; the obser∣vation of which Laws was enjoyned by the consent of them all. Wherein certain fines and penalties were prescribed for most particular offences, which might not be altered or exceeded: Amongst other Laws, (as d Andrew Horn, and others record) this King and his Wisemen ordain∣ed: That a Parliament twice every year, and oftner in time of Peace, should be called together at London, that therein they might make Laws and Ordinances to keep the People of God from sin, that they might live in peace, and receive right and Justice by certain customs and Holy Judgements; and not be ruled in an arbitrary manner, but by stable known Laws.

And it was then agreed, that the King should have the Soveraignty of all the Land unto the midst of the Sea invironing the Land, as belonging of Right to the Soveraign Jurisdiction of the Crown.

This King, e by appointing Hundreds and Tithings through∣out the Realm, with Constables and Tithing men, who were to take sureties, or pledges for the good behaviour of all within their Jurisdictions, or else the hundred to answer all offences & injuries therein committed, both to the party and king, caused such a general peace throughout the Realm; and such security from Robbers and plunderers even in those times of war, That he would hang up golden bracelers in the

High-ways, and none durst touch them, and a G••ri might have travelled safely, laden with Gold, from one end of the Realm to the other, without any vi∣olence, f Matthew Westminster, and Florence of Wor∣cester record,

That he spent a great part of his time in Compositione legum, Quibus Milvorum Rapacita∣tem Reprimeretur, & simplex ••nde••••um devotio ••ir∣maretur; And amongst many other memorable acts of his Justice, as he frequently examined the Judgements and Proceedings of his Judges and Justices, severely checking them when they gave any illegal Judgement a∣gainst Law and Right, meerly out of Ignorance, of which they were to purge themselves by Oath, that they could judge no better: so he severely punished them when they thus offen∣ded out of Corruption, Partiality and Malice. g An∣drew Horn in his Mirrour of Justices records, That he hanged up no less than 44 of his Judges and Justices in one year, as Murtherers and Capital Offenders, princi∣cipally, for their false Judgements, in condemning and ex∣ecuting sundry of his people against Law, without any lawfull tryal by their Peeres, or Verdict and Iudge∣ment by a sworn Iury; or upon in sufficient evidence, or for Crimes not Capital by the Laws. The names of these Judges with their several offerces, you may read at large in Horn. Had those pretended Judges of a new edi∣tion, who of late arraigned, condemned, executed the King, Nobles, Gentlemen and Freemen of England in strange new arbitrary Courts of high Iustice, without any legal Indictment and Tryal by a sworn Jury of their peers; and many of them, for offences not Capi∣tal by any known Lawes or Statutes of the Realm, and upon very slender evidence, lived in this Just Kings reign, they might justly fear he would have hanged them all up, as Murtherers and Capital Malefactors, as well as these 44 Judges, not altogether so peccant in this kind as they: this form of tryal by sworn Juries of their Peers then in use, being since confirmed by the

Great Charters of King John and King Henry the 3, some hundreds of subsequent Statutes, and the Petition of Right not known in Alfreds days.

I sind in the Preface to King Alfreds Laws (of which Laws Abbot Ethelred gives this rrue encomium, Leges Christianissimas & scripsit, & promulgavit, in quibus sides ejus et devotio in deum, sollicitudo in subditos, misericordia in pauperes, Iusticia circa omnes cunctis legentibus patet) this observable passage: That the A∣postles & elders assembled in a Synod at Jerusalem, Acts 15. in their Epistle to the Churches of the Gentiles, to ab∣stain from things offered unto Idols; added this Summa∣ry of all Laws: And what ye would not to be done to your selves, that doe ye not to others: from which one precept it sufficiently appeareth, unicuique ex aequo jus es∣se reddendum; that right or Law is of Justice to be ren∣dred to every one; neither will there be need of any other Law or Law-book whatsoever, if he who sits Judge upon others, shall only remember this, that he would not himself should pronounce any other sentence against others than what he would should be passed against himself in their Case. But when the Gospel was propa∣gated, many Nations, and amongst them the English, em∣braced the faith of Gods word, there were then held some Assemblies and Councils of Bishops, and other most il∣lustrious Wise men, throughout the World, and like∣wise in Eugland: and these being throughly instructed by Gods mercy, did now first of all, Impose a pecunia∣ry Mulct upon Offenders; and without any Divine Of∣fence, delegated the Office of exacting it to Magistrates, leave being first granted: Only on a Traitor and Deser∣ter of his Lord (or King) they decreed, that this Milder punishment (by pecuniary Mulcts) was not to be in∣flicted: because they thought just, that such a man was not at all to be spared; both because God would have Contem∣ners of him unworthy of all mercy, and likewise because Christ did not at all compassionate them who put him to

death, but appointed the King to be honoured above all others: These therefore in many Councils▪ singu•…•…m scele∣rum paenas constituerum, ordained the punishments of every kind of offences, and comm••t••ed them to writing.

From whence it is apparent, First, That all capital, corporal, and pecuniary Mulcts and penalties for any ci∣vil or Ecclesiastical offences whatsoever, inflict∣ed on the Subjects of this Realm, in that and all former ages since they embraced the Gospel, were only such as were particularly defined and prescribed by their Parliamentary Councils, and the Laws there∣in enacted, and not left arbitrary to the King, Judges, or Magistrates, as it appears by the forecited passages of Beda, Malmesbury, Huntindon and Bromton concern∣ing King Ethelberts Laws, part 2. p. 50. by the Laws of King Ina, Lex 2, 3, 4, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 21, 22, 25, 26, 27, 30, 31, 32, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 46, 47, 48, 49, 54, 57, 58, 64, 73, 75, 76, 80. & more specially by the Laws of King Alfred him∣self, Lex 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 20, 21, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 44, 45, 46, 48, 51. with the Laws of our other Saxon kings, prescribing particular fines, pecuniary, corporal and capital punishments for all sorts of offences and injuries, to avoid all arbitrary proceedings and censures in such Cases. 2ly. That no imprisonment Corporal, Capital, or pecuniary Mulcts, or punishments whatsoever, justly might, or legally ought to be then inflicted upon any Malefa∣ctors or Trespassers whatsoever, but when, where, and for such offences only, as the known Parliamentary and common Laws then in force, particularly warrant∣ed and prescribed: which penalties and Laws could not be altered nor abrogated, but by Parliamentary Councils only. 3ly. That Common right and Justice, were then to be equally dispensed to all men, by our Kings, Judges, and other Magistta••es, according to the Laws then established, in such sort as they would

have them administred to themselves in the like Cases. 4ly. That wilfull Traitors and Deserters of their law∣full Lords & Soveraigns, were not to be spared or par∣doned by the Laws of God or Men, nor yet punished only with fines, but put to death without Mercy: Whence this Law was then enacted by king Alfred and his Wisemen. i Lex 4. Si ••••i•• vel per se vel susceptam vel suspectam personam. De morte Regis tractet▪ vitae suae reus fit, et omnium quae habebit; and if any fought or drew any weapon in the Kings house, and was ap¦prehended, sit in arbitrio Regis, sit vita, sit mors, sic•••• ei condonare voluerit, Lex 8. because it might endan∣ger the kings person.

This king Alfred made two special Laws for secu∣ring even Leets, and Inferiour Courts of Iustice from armed violence and disturbances by fighting, which I shall recite.

k Lex 41. Si quis coram Aldermanno Regis pug∣net, In publico, emendet Weram & W••tam sicut rectum sit, & supra hoc CXX s. ad Witam.

Lex 42. Si quis Folemot id est populi placitum Ar∣morum exercitione turbabit, emendet Aldermanno CXX s. W••••ae, id est foris factu••ae.

What Fines and punishments then do they deserve, who not only fight before, and disturb Aldermen and Leets with their Armes, but even disturb, fight, and use their Armes against our Aldermen themselves, yea, all the Aldermen, Peers, and Great men of the Realm, assembled in the highest, greatest Parliamentary Coun∣cils, and over-awe, imprison, secure, seclude, and for∣cibly dissolve them at their pleasures? as some of late times have done, beyond all former Presidents.

During the reign of this Noble king Alfred, Gythro the Dane, (sometimes stiled Godrin, or Guthurn) l Anno 878. with an invincible Army running over

all the Coasts of England, wasting the Country, and de∣populating all sacred places wheresoever he came, quicquid in auro et argento rapere potest, Militibns e∣rogavit, and ••ei••ing upon loca quaeque m••nita, for∣ced King Alfred (being so distressed that he knew not what to do, nor whither to turn himself) to retire and save himself in the Isle Aethelingie, for a season; till recol∣lecting his scattered Subjects and Forces together, he vanquished Githro and his Army in a set battel at E∣thendune, and then besieging him and his remaining forces 15 dayes in a Castle, to which they fled, com∣pelled them by Famine and the Sword, to make peace with him upon this Condition; ut Regni et Regis infe∣stationem perpetuo abjurarent; That they should per∣petually abjure the infesting of the King and Realm, and that they should turn Christians: which they accordingly performed, Githro, with 30 of the choicest men in his Army being baptized at Alve, 15 days after, king Alfred being their Godfather, and giving him the name of Aethelstane. After which Alfred feasting him and his Captains 12 days in his Court, gave Gi∣thro Eastengland to inhabit, wherein king Edmund reigned, to be held of and under him: Whereupon Gi∣thro and his Danes An. 879. leaving Cirencenster marched into the East parts of England, which he divided a∣mongst his Souldiers, who then began to inhabit it by Alfreds donation.

Upon this accord, or some time after, King Alfr and Gythro, by the Common consent of their Great Councils and wise men, made and enacted certain civil and Ecclesiastical Laws, for the government of their People and Realms, recorded in Bromton, Lambert, and Spel∣man, where those who please may peruse them: the Prologue and 2 first Laws whereof, I shall only re∣cite, as both pertinent to my purpose, and seasonable for our times, much opposing the Magistrates coer∣cive power in matters relating to God and Religi∣on.

m

Hoc est consilium quod Alredus Rex et Godrinus Rex eligerunt, et condixerunt, quando Angli et Dani ad pacem et concordiam plenè convenerunt, et Sapientes, et qui posteà successerunt, saepiùs. Hoc est assid•• renovantes, in bonum semper adduxe∣runt.

Cap. 1. Inprimis est, ut unum Deum diligere velint, et omni Paganismo sedulo renunciare: et instituerunt se∣cularem ••ustitiam, pro eo quod sciebant, quod non po∣terant multos alitèr castigare: plures ve••ò Nolebant ad Dei cultum sicut deberent ali••è▪ Inclinari; et secu∣larem emendationem instituerunt, communem Chri∣sto, et Regi, ubicunque Recusabitur Lex Dei justè ser∣vari secundum dictionem Episcopi. Et hoc est primum edictum Ecclesiae, Pax intra parietes suos, ut Regis Hand∣grith, semper inconvulsa permaneat.

Cap. 2. Siquis Christanitatem suam malè mutat, vel Paganismum veneretur verbis vel operibus, reddat sic Weram, sic Witam, sic Lashlyte, secundum quod factum sit: that is, Let him be fined, and ransomed accor∣ding to the quality of his offence.

This Noble King Alfred (who fought no lesse than 46 bloody Battels with the Danes by Land and Sea for his Countries Liberties) Although he was in∣volved in perpetual Wars and Troubles with the Danish Invaders all his daies, as our Historians and this his n Epitaph Demonstrates,

Nobilitas innata tibi, probitatis Honorem Armipotens Alurede dedit, Probitas{que} laborem; Perpetuumque Labor nomen; cui mixta dolori Gandia semper erant, spes semper mixta timori; Si modò victus erat, ad crastina bella parabat: Si modò victor, erat, ad crastina bella pavebat, Cui vestes s••dore jugi, cui sica cruore Tincta jugi, quantum sit onus regnare probarunt▪ Non fuit immensi quisquam per climata mundi

Cui tot in adversis vel respirare liceret. Nec tamen aut ferro contritus ponere Ferrum Aut Gladio potuit vitae fiuisse Labores. Iam post transactos Regni vitaeque Labores Christus ei fit vera quies sceptrumque perenne.

Yet o these things are remarkable in him. 1. That he most exactly and justly governed his people by and according to his and his Predecessors known Laws, in the midst of all his Wars; not by the harsh Laws of Conquest and the largest Sword. 2. That he advanced Learning and all sorts of Learned Men, erecting Schools of Learn∣ing, and the famous University of Oxford; which he founded, or at least refounded when decayed, in the heat of all his Wars and Troubles. 3. That he was so far from spoyling the Church and Churchmen, or any o∣ther his Subjects of their Lan••s, Tithes or Reve∣nues to maintain his perpetual Wars against the im∣pious Pagan Danes, who destroyed all Churches, and Religious, as well as other Houses, where ever they came; that he not only repared, adorned, endow∣ed many old deo••yed Churches and Monasteries, but likewise in the year 888, he built two new Mona∣steries of his own, at Ethelingei and Shafftesbury, and en∣dowed them with ample riches and possessions; and by sundry Charters gave several Lands to the Churches of Durham, Worcester, and Canterbury. Moreover he not only duly paid Tithes and other Duties to the Church himself, but also by his Laws, enjoyned all his Subjects under sundry ••••lcts, justly to pay Tithes and Churchels to their Priests and Ministers, with all other Duites and Oblations belongiug to the Church for the maintenance of the Ministers and Gods worship: together with Peterpence for the maintenance of the Eng∣lish School at Rome; prohibiting all men to invade the Churches Rights and Possessions under severe penal••ies. 4.

That he equally divided all his annual Revenues in∣to

two equal parts: The first moity was for Pious u∣ses, which he subdivided into three parts. The first parcel he bestowed in Almes, to relieve the poor both at home and in forein parts; The second, he be∣stowed on Religious Houses and Persons; The third, he gave towards the maintenance of Schools, Scho∣lars, Doctors, and learned Men of all sorts, resort∣ing to and liberally rewarded by him according to their merits. The other moi••y was for civil uses, which he likewise divided into 3 equal portions The first he gave unto his Souldiers; whom he divi∣ded into 3 Squadrons: The first Squadron, which were Horse, waited one month on him at his Court, (as his Life-guard) whiles the other two were im∣ployed in military expeditions in the Field: And when their month expired, they all returned from the wars, and then another new Company succeed∣ed them; And when their Month was ended, they returning to their Houses, the other Company succeed∣ed them. And so they successively kept their monthly courses during all his Reign, being one month in actu∣al service, and two months at home about their own affairs. The second part he gave to his Workmen and Artificers of all sorts, skilfull in all Worldly af∣fairs. The third part he gave to Strangers in Royal Gifts and Presents, and that as well to the Rich as Poor. Besides, he had a very great Care Ne à Vicec••∣mitibus et Ministris pauperes opprimere••tur, et indebi••is exactionibos gravarentur; That the poor people should not be oppressed by Sheriffs and other Offi∣cers, nor burthened with unjust ••xactions or Con∣tributions; Yea by his large A••mes and Gi••rs he ••ent to Rome, he procured the English School to be fréed from all Taxes and Tributes by the Popes special Bull.

And we never read he imposed the least pub∣lick Tax upon his Subjects during all his wars and Ex∣igences, by his own Regal Power, upon any pretext 〈1+ pages missing〉〈1+ pages missing〉

pell the Enemies, whereby the Common people were so incou∣raged, and became such good Souldiers, that if they heard of the Enemies approach, they would fight and rout them, Rege etiam & Ducibus inconsultis in certamen rue∣rent, eisque semper numero & scientia praeliandi prae∣s••arent, ita hostes contemptui militibus, Regi ris••i e∣rant, as Malmesbury writes. The Country people themselves fighting with the Danes at Ligetune, put them to ••light, recovered all the prey they had taken, and likewise the Danes Horses, as they likewise did in some other parts. Amongst other places, this King re••aired the walls of Colchester, put warlike men in it, & certum eis stipendium assignavit; and assigned them a certain stipend, as Mat, Westm. records, neither he, no•• other our Historians making mention of assigned wa∣ges, to any other Garrisons or Souldiers in that age; At last the Danes in most places throughout England, per∣ceiving King Edwards power and wisdom, submitted themselves unto him, elected him for their King and Pa∣tron, and swore homage and fealty to him; as likewise did the Kings of Scotland, Northumberland, and Wales.

In the year of Grace 905. This t King Edward assembled a Synod of the Senators of the English Nation, as Malmesbury, or a great Council of Bishops, Abbots, and faithfull people (as Matthew Westminster, and others stile it) in the Province of the Gewisii; which by reason of the Enemies incursions had been desti∣tute of a Bishop for 7 years space. Whereupon the King and Bishops in this Council, taking good advice, made this a holsom constitution; That instead of 2 Bishops, whereof one had his Sea at Winchester, the other at Schireburn, 5 Bishops should be created; ne Grex Domini, absque cu∣ra Pastorali, luporum incursionibus quateretur: Where∣upon they in this Council elected 5 Bishops; to wit Frithstan, for Winchester; Athelin for Schireburn; Aedulfe for Wells; Werstan for Crideton, and Herstan for Corn∣wal; assigning them their several Sees and Diocess; and

two other Bishops for Dorchester and Cirencester, all consecrated by Archbishop Plegmond at Canterbury in one day. Wil. of Malmesb. and some others write, that this Council was summoned upon the Letter of Pope ••ormosus who excommunicated king Edward with all his Subjects, for suffering the Bishopricks of Winton and Scireburn to be void for 7 years space together: But this must needs be a great mistake, since Pope ••ormosus was dead ten years before this Council, and before these Bisho∣pricks became void, and his pretended Epistle to the Bishops of England makes no mention at all of the king, as Sir Henry Spelman well observes.

In the year 906. u king Edward made a Peace and firm agreement with the Danes of Northumberland▪ and East-England, at Intingford, when (as some think) he and Guthurn the Dane reconfirmed the Civil and Eccle∣siastical Laws formerly made and ratified by his Father King Alfred and Guthurn. But Guthurn dying in the year 890, full eleven years before this Edward was king, could not possibly ratifie these Laws at the time of this Accord, being 16 years after his decease, as the Title and Prologue to those Laws in Mr. Lambard and Spel∣man erroneously affirm; wherefore, I conceive, that this confirmation of these Laws was rather made in the year 921. when all our Historians record; that after king Edward (Anno 910. had sent an army into Nor∣thumberland, against the perfidious and rebellious Danes, slain and taken many of them Prisoners, and miserably wa∣sted their Country for 4 days space, for breaking their for∣mer Agreement with him: after his Sister Aegel••led, An. 919. had forced the Danes at York to agree, and swear, that they would submit to her and her Brothers pleasure in all things; and after Edward had vanquished the other Danes, Scotch and Welsh in many Battles; thereupon, in the yeat 921. the king of Scots, with all his Nati∣on, Stredded king of Wales, with all his people, et Reg∣naldus (or Reginaldus) Reginald King of the Danes, with all the English and Danes inhabiting Northumber∣land

(of which Reginald then was King) comming to King Edward, An. 921. submitted themselves unto him, elect∣ed him for their Father and Lord, and made a firm Cove∣nant with him, And therefore I conjecture that Gnthur∣nus in the Title and Preface of these Laws, is either mistaken, or else mis-written for Reginaldus▪ then King of these Northern Danes, who had, no King in the year 906, that I can read of in our Historians.

x Abbot Ethelred, gives this Encomium of this Kings transcendent modesty and justice, Rex Edwar∣dus, vir mansuetus et pius, omnibus amabilis et affabilis, adeò omnium in se provocabat affectum, ut Scotti, Cum∣bri, Walenses, Northumbri, et qui remanserant Daci, eum non tàm in Dominum ac Regem, quam in Patrem eum omni devotione eligerent. Tanta dehinc Modestia regebat Subditos, tanta Justitia inter proximum et proximum ju∣dicabat, ut contra veritatem non dico nihil velle, sed nec pos∣se videretur; unde fertur quibusdam iratus dixisse; di∣co vobis, si possem vicem vobis redidissem, Quid non posset Rex in Subditos, Dominus in Servos, Potens in infirmos, Dux in milites? Sed quicquid non di∣ctabat aequitas, quicquid veritati repugnabat, quic∣quid non permittebat Justitia, quicquid Regiam mansuetudinem non decebat, Sibi credebat impossi∣bile.

I wish all our modern domineering Grandees would imitate his presidential Royal Example. Yet I read of one injurious Act done by him, y After the decease of his renowned Sister Elfleda, Queen of Mer∣cia, Anno 920. he dis-inherited her only Daughter Alfwen (or Elwyn, his own Neece) of the Dominion of all Mercia, who held that Kingdom after her Mother, seising and Garrisoning Tamesworth, and Nottingham first, and then disseising her of all Mercia, uniting it to his own Realms, and removing her thence into West-Sex. Magis eurans an utilitèr vel inutilitèr, Quan an justè vel injustè: Writes Henry Huntingdon.

which innrious action, Si violanda sit fides regni cau∣sâ violandae, will not excuse.

The Chronicle of Bromton records, that King Edward as he inlarged the bounds of his Kingdom more than his Father; So Leges condidit, he likewise made Laws to govetn it: which are there registred to Posterity in two parcels, as made at several times, but in what year of his Reign this was, it informs us not, The first of these Laws, declaring his zeal to publick Justice, according to the Laws then in Force, is this.

Edwardus Rex mandat et praecipit omnibus Praefectis et Amicis suis, ut Justa judicia judicent, quam rectio∣ra possint, Et in judicia••t Libro stant; nec parcant nec dissimulent pro anqua Re Populi Rectum et jus publicum recitate; et unum quodque placitum terminum habeat quando peragatur, quod tunc recitabitur.

The first Chapter of the second part of his Laws inti∣mates, that they were made by his Wtse men assembled in a Parliamentary Council at Exeter; witness the con∣tents thereof.

Edwardus Rex admonuit Omnes Sapientes quando fuerunt Exoniae, ut investigarent simul et quaererent; quomodo pax eo rum melior esse possit quàm ante à fuit; quia visumest ei, quod hoc impletum sit aliter quam deceret, et quam ante àpraecepisset, Inquisivit itaque qui ad emendationem velint redire, et in societate permanere quâ ipse sit, et a∣mare quod amat, et nolle quod nolit, in Mari & in Terrâ. Hoc est tunc, Ne Quisquam rectum difforceat alicui. Siquis hoc faciat, emendet sicut supra dictum est (In his first Laws then either made or rehearsed) prima vice 30 s. secundâ similitèr, ad tertiam vicem 120 s. Re∣gi.

The last Chapter, being the VIII in Bromtons translation, (but the XI. in the Saxon Coppy) is this. Volo ut omnis Praepositus habeat Gemotum (an Hun∣dred Court) semper ad quatuor hebdomadas; et efficiat

ut omnis homo rectum habeat, et omne placitum capiat terminum quando perveniat ad finem; Siquis hoc excipiat, emendet, sicut antè dictum est.

King Edward deceasing, a Aethelstan his eldest Son (designed by his Fathers Will to succeed him) was elected King at Winchester in the year 924. Magno Optimatum consensu et omnium favore; and so••emn∣ly Crowned at Kingston, only one Alfred, and some factious ones opposed his election, pretending he was illegitimate and born of a Concubine, whereupon they would have set up his Brothet Edwin being legitimate and next heir as they pretended; whom the Generali∣ty of the Nobles rejected, nondum ad regnandum prop∣ter teneros Annos Idoneo. Aethelstan after his Coro∣nation knowing his Brother to be born in lawfull Ma∣trimony, and fearing Ne per ipsum quando{que} Regni solio privaretur, lest he should be some time or other deprived of his kingdom by him, hated him extreme∣ly; and at the sollicitation of some Parasites, where∣of his Cup-bearer was the chief, to be rid of him and this his fear, he caused young Edwin, attended only with one Page, to be put into an old broken Boat in the midst of the Sea, without Sail, Oare, or Pilate, that so his death might be imputed to the waves; out off which Boat the young Prince in discontent cast himself head-long into the Sea (or rather the Page threw him head-long over-board,) and so was he drowned: But the Page recovering his body, by rowing with his hands and feet, brought it to Land where it was in∣terred. The King was hereat so troubed with a real (or feigned) contrition for this barbarous bloudy fact, that he did seven years voluntary penance for this his fra∣tricide, and adjudged his Cup-bearer to a cruel death, who gave him this ill advice; and to pacifie his Brothers Ghost and his own Conscience, built two new Mo∣nasteries at Middleton and Michelresse, and there

was scarce any old Monastery in England which he a∣dorned not either with buildings or Ornaments, or Books or Lands, to expiate this his bloody crime.

In this king Aethelstans reign In the year 927.

There were fiery Beams and Meteors seen throughout all the Northern parts of Eng∣land; soon after which Athelstan resolved utterly to extirpate the perfidious Nation of the Danes, and treacherous Scots, which had violated their Agree∣ment made with his Father, whereupon he marched with a great Army by Land, and Navy by Sea into Northumberland and Scotland, wasted and harrowed the Country without resistance, forced Guithfrith King of Northumberland out of his kingdom, uniting it to his own Realm, vanquished and overcame Howel king of Wales, Constantine king of Scots, Anlafe the Dane, and others in a set battel, drove them out of their Realms, and forced them to submit to him: Who upon their submission, knowing the chance of war to be variable, and pitying the Cases of these down-cast Princes, restor'd them presently to their former estates, with this Princely Speech. That it was more honour to make a King, than to be a King: yet these petty Kings, Princes rebelling afterwards, & siding with Anlafe against him, were all routed by A∣thelstane, King Constantine of Scotland, with five more of these Kings, 12 Dukes, and most of their Army slain in one battel, principally by the valor of Turketulus, and the Londoners, An. 837: Whereupon the petty Kings of Wales, contracted to pay him a yearly tribute of 20 pound weight of Gold, and 300 of Silver, and 25000 head of Cattel, with a certain number of Hawks and Hounds, which no King of England, ever exacted or received from them before.

b William of Malmeshury (who exceeds in his praises) writes, that it was truly reported of him amongst the English, Quod nemo Legalius vel literatius rem∣publicam

administraverit▪ That no king governed the Com∣monweal••h more legally or learnedly than he, being as c In∣gulphus records, guided and directed by Turketulus, his Chancellour, a man of great integrity, honesty and piety, of pro••••und judgement whose decrees upon debate were irrefra∣g••ble. This king Athelstan, for the better admini∣stration of Justice, enacted sundry excellent, civil, and ecclesiastical Laws, recorded in Bromt. Lamb. & Spelm.

The first of these his Laws, were made and enact∣ed in the famous d Council of Grately, about the year 928, in which the king himself, Wulfehelm Arch-bishop of Cante b••ry, and the rest of the Bishops, and all the Nobles and Wisemen which King Ethelstan could assemble, were present, who all ordained and confirm∣ed these Laws in this great Coun••il, as the last Chap∣ter there o•• informs us in these words.

Totum hoc institutum est et confirmatum, In magno Synodo apud Grateleyam, c••i Archiepisco∣pus Wol••••nus ••e•…•… et omnes Optimates, et Sapi∣entes, quos Adelstanus Rex potuit Congregare: O••, Cum▪ Optimates et Sapientes ab Aethelstano evo∣ca•••• frequentissimi, as another Copy renders it▪ which proves, that all the Members of this Council were summoned to it by this kings writ, and not elected by the peoples suffrages. And although the Archbishops, Bishops, and other Clergy men were the chief advisers of the Ecclesiastical L••ws, made in this Council, as this Pro∣logue to them attests: Ego Aethelstanus Rex ex pru∣denti Ulfnelmae Archiepiscopi, aliorumque Episcoporum et Servorum Dei consilio mando; yet they were all ena∣cted and confirmed by all the Nobles and Wisemen in the Council, as the premises evidence. In this Council, the king commanded by his Laws, all his Officers, that they should demand and exact from his Subjects such things and duties only as they might justly and lawfully receive, adding this memorable reason for it;

Nunquam enim erit populo bene consultum, nec digne Deo conser∣vabitur,

ubi Lucrum impium et magis falsum dili∣gitur, Ideo deben•• omnes am•••••• Dei quod iniquum e••••, enervare, quod jnstum est elevare; non pa••i ut propter falsum, et pecuniae quaestum, se forisfaciant homine••, ergà vere sapi••n••em Deum cui displice•• omnis injustitia:

Which I wish all our unrighteous cov••••ous ••ax-masters, Excisers and Exacters would now seriously consider: After which it follows••,

Christianis autem omnibus necessarium est, ut re∣ctum diligant, ut iniqua condemnent, et saltem sa∣cris Ordinibus erecti justum semper erigant et pra∣va deponant: Hinc debent Episcopi cum saec••li Judi∣cibus interesse Judiciis, ne permittant, si possint, ut illinc aliqua pravi••atum germina pullulaverint.

And to avoid all arbitrary proceedings, oppressions, and In∣justice in all things, this Council by positive Laws as∣certains all sines, amerciaments, imprisonments, and cor∣poral punishments for criminal o••fences, from which the Judges might not vary. And withall defines, what Armes every man should find in those times of war, against the Danes and other Enemies by his positive Law, Lex 21. (Sax. 16.) Omnis homo habebit duos homines cum bo∣nis equis de omni Carucâ.

King Ethelstane after this Council at Grately (what years is not expressed) assembled several other Parlia∣mentary Councils at Exeter, Fevresham, and Thunder∣feld; wherein he and his Wisemen, by common consent, confirmed the Laws made at Grately, altering some of them in certain particulars, and adding some new Laws un∣to them, as you may read at large in Bromton, and as the first Chapter, and this Prologue to those Laws as∣sure us.

e Haec sunt Judicia quae Sapientes Exoniae consi∣lio Adelstani Regis instituerunt, & iterum•• ••••ud Fe∣vresham▪ et tertia vice a••ud Thundresfeldiam ubi hoc de∣••••nitum stmul et con••••ematum est; et hoc imprimis

est, ut observentur omnia Judicia quae apud Grateley∣am

imposita fuerint, praeter mercatum Civitatis, et Die•• Dominicae.

The Cause of making these new Laws, and confirm∣ing the old, was, a Complaint ••o the King in the Coun∣cil at Exeter, that the Peace and Laws made at Grate∣ley, were not so well kept as they should be; and that The••ves and Malefactors abounded; as this Prologue manifests, f

Ego Adelstanus Rex notifico vobis, sicut dictum est Michi, quod pax nostra pejus obser∣vata est quam Michi placet, vel apud Grateleyam fue∣rit institutum: Et Sapientes Michi dicunt, quod hoc∣diutius pertuli quàm debueram; Nunc inveni cum il∣lis Sapientibus, qui apud Exoniam fuerint mecum in sancto Natali Domini, quod parati sunt omninò quando velim, cum seipsis & uxoribus, & pecunia, & omni re suâ ire quo tunc voluero, nisi malefacto∣res requiescant eo tenore quo nunquam deinceps in patriam istam redeant, &c.

In the Council of Fevresham in Kent, the King by some of his Wise-Counsellors sent thither to it, propoun∣ded some things for the weal and peace of the Country, to∣gether with his pardon for fore-past offences; which they upon debate assenting to, and drawing up into sundry heads, returned to the King for his Royal assent, with this me∣morable Gratulatory Prologue; which most truly re∣presenting unto us the proceedings in the great Coun∣cils of that Age, I thought meet entirely to tran∣scribe.

g Karissime, Episcopi tui de Kent, & omnis

Ken∣tescire, Thayni, Comites, & Villani, tibi Domino dile∣ctissimo suo gratias agunt, quod nobis de pace nostra praecipere voluisti, & de commodo nostro perquire∣re & consulere, quia magnum opus est inde nobis di∣vitibus & Egenis. Et hoc incepimus quanta diligentia potuimus, consilio horum Sapientum quos ad nos misisti, unde Karissime Domine, primum est, de nostra decima, ad quam valdè cupidi sumus & voluntarii, & tibi sup∣plices

gratias agimus admonitionis tuae. Secundum est, de pace nostrá quam omnis populus teneri desi∣derat, sicut apud Grateleyam Sapientes tui posuerunt, et sicut etiam nunc dictum est in Concilio apud Fef∣resham. Tertium est, quod gratiant omnes miseri∣corditur Hermerum dominum suum, de dono quod forisfactis hominibus concessisti; hoc est, quod pardo∣natur omnibus forisfactura de quocunque furto quod antè Concilium de Fefresham factum fuit, eo tenore quo semper deinceps ab omni malo quiescant, et om∣ne latrocinium confiteantur, et emendent hinc ad Augustum. Quartum, Ne aliquis recipiat hominem al∣terius sine licentia ipsius, cui prius folgavit, nec in∣tra marcam, nec extra, et etiam ne Dominus libero homini hlasocnam interdicat, si rectè custodierit eum Quintum, Qui ex hoc discedat sit dignus eorum quae ••in scripto pacis habentur, quod apud Grateleyam insti∣tutum est. Sextum, si aliquis homo sit adeo dives, vel tantae parentelae quod castigari non possit, vel il∣lud cessare nolit, ut efficias qualiter abstrahatur in a∣liam partem regni tui, sicut dictum est in occiduis partibus, sit alterutrum quod sit, sit Comitum, sit Villanorum. Septimum est, ut omnis homo tenea•• homines suos in side jussione suâ, contrà omne fur∣tum. Si tunc sit aliquis qui tot homines habeat quod non sufficiat omnes custodire, praepositum talem prae∣ponat sibi singulis villis qui credibilis ei sit, & qui concredat hominibus. Et si praepositis alicui eorum hominum concredere non audeat, inveniat XII ple∣gios cognationis suae qui ei stent in side jussione, Et si Dominus vel praepositus, vel aliquis hoc infringat, vel abhinc exeat, sit dignus eorum, quae apud Gra∣teleyam dicta sunt, nisi Regi magis placeat alia justitia. Octavum, Quod omnibus placuit de scutorum opere, sicut dixisti. Precamur Domine misericordiam tuam, sit in hoc, sit in alterutrum, velnimis, velminus, ut hoc e∣mendare Jubeas juxta velle tuum. Et nos devotè parati

sumus ad omnia quae nobis praecipere velis, quae unquam a∣liquatenus implere valeamus.

After this there was another kind of Parliamentary Council held at London, & not long after that, another at Thithamberig, wherein many consultations were had, & propositions made for suppression & punishment of Theeves and keeping of the peace, which the Justices, Commissio∣ners, and others appointed to keep the peace, and to take sureties of all men to the keeping thereof, concluded up∣on at London, and after submitted to the Kings Council, to enlarge or alter, as he should see cause; Who thereup∣on made some alteration and mi••igation at Thithamberig, of what the King thought over-severe, in putting to dea h those who were above 12 years of Age, for 12d. value, as these passages attest, declaring the proceedings of that Parliamentary Council.

(h)

Hoc consultum est, quod Episcopi et praepositi qui Londoniensi Curiae pertinent, edixerunt, & jure∣jurando confirmaverunt in suo Fridgildo; Comites & villani in adjectione judiciorum, quae apud Gra∣teleyam & Exoniam instituta sunt, & iterum apud Thundresfeldam.

Cap. 1.

Et est imprimis haec, non parcatur alicui la∣troni supra 12 Annos et supra 12 d. de quo verè fu∣erit inquisitum quod reus sit, quin occidatur, & capi∣atur omne quod habet, &c.

Cap, 14.

Nec tacendum est vel praetereundum, si do∣minus noster vel praepositorum, nostrorum aliquis ul∣lum Augmentum excogitare possit, ad nostrum Frid∣gildum; ut hoc gratanter excipiamus, sicut nobis om∣nibus convenit, & nostrum necesse sit, & in Deo con∣fidimus, et regni nostri Domino.

Cap. 15.

Si totum hoc ita complere volumus, res totius populi meliorabitur contra fures quam antea fuit, & si remissius egerimus de pace & vadiis quae si∣mul dedimus, & quam Rex nobis praecipit, timere possumus, vel magis scire quod fures isti regnabunt,

plus quam antè fecerunt, si fidem teneamus, et pa∣cem sicut domino nostro placeat, quia magnum opus est ut insistamus et peragamus quo•• ipse velit, et si amplius praecipiat cum omni jocunditate et de votione parati sum us.

Cap. 17. Item quod Sapientes omnes dederunt vadium suum, insimul Archiepiscopo apud Thundresfeldam quando Ealpheagus, Scyb, et Brithnodus Odonis filius veneruut ad Concilium ex ore Regis, ut omnis praepositus vadium capiat in suo comitatu de pace servandâ sicut A∣delstanus Rex apud Fefresham, et quartâ vice apud Thun∣dresfeldam coram Archiepiscopo, et Episcopis, et Sa∣pientibus, quas ipse Rex nominavit qui interfuerunt et judicia conservaverunt Quae in hoc Concilio fue∣runt instituta, &c.

Cap. 18. Item quod Adelstanus Rex praecepit Episcopis suis et praepositis omnibus in toto Regno suo, ut pacem ita custodiant sicut recitavit; et Sapientes sui.

Cap. 19. Item Rex dixit nunc iterum apud Thitlan•• birig Sapientibus suis, et praecepit ostendi Atchiepiscopo et caeteris Episcopis, quod ei miserabile videtur, quod ali∣quis tàm juvenis occidatur, vel protàm parvâ re sicut inno∣tuit ei quod ubique fiebat; dixit itaque, Quod ei vide∣batur et eis cum quibus hoc egerat, ne aliquis occida∣tur junior quam quindecim Annorum, nisi se defende∣re velit, vel aufugere, et in manus ire velit, ut tunc deducatur, sic major sit minor, qualiscunque sit, si se de∣derit ponatur in Carcere, sicut apud Greateleyam dictum est, et per idem redimatur &c. Praecepit Rex ne aliquis occidatur pro minori precio quam 12 d. nisi fugiat vel repugnet, ne dubitetur tunc licet minus. Si haec ita conservemus, in Domino Deo confidimus quod pax nostra melior erit quam antea fuit.

As these passages demonstrate the proceedings of the Parliamenrary Councils in that Age, (unknown to most, for which end I have transcribed them at large)

so they clearly prove, that Theeves or Felons (much lesse other English Freemen) could not be imprisoned, killed, put to death, fined or ransommed, but by speci∣al Acts, and Laws made in General Parliamentary Councils, nor any Laws made, enacted, or altered in such Councils, but by the Kings Royal Assent thereto, who then frequently summoned them, and all the Mem∣bers ofthem, by writ and nomination, without the Peoples Election.

Henry de Knyghton, de Eventibus Angliae l. 1. c. 5. and i some other fabulous Authors relate, that in the eighth year of King Aethelstans reign, Olaus King of Denmark, Golanus King of Norwey, and the Duke of Normandy, with 8 Dukes and▪ 5 hundred thousand Soul∣diers, arived in England, bringing with them out of Africa, A Giant called Colybrand, the strongest and most famous at that time throughout the World; Whereupon King Aethelstan hearing of their com∣ming, Congregavit Magnates, assembled his Noble∣men at Winchester, to advice with them, how they might resist the Enemies and fight with them in Battel; Thar whiles king Aethelstan vacaret tali Coneilio et congrega∣tione populi sui in Wintonia, the foresaid kings came up∣on him with their Army, and besieged him Cum Baro∣nia sua with his Batons, in that City for two years space. Neither durst the English sight with them by reason of their multitude and Power. In the mean time they made this Agteement, that king Aethel∣stan, should find out one Champion to fight a single Duel with Colybrand; that in all future times the Realm of England should be held of the King of Denmark under a Tribute, and if Colybrand were conquered by Aethelstans Champion, rhen Olaus should forfeit and disclaim the Realm of England for him and his Heirs for ever, and no King of Denmark should afterwards lay claim to the Realm of England, nor yet molest it. That the king in near one whole years space, could not find

out a Champion to encounter Colybrand; whereupon he and his Nobles were very much troubled. At last, God by an Angel from Heaven, directed the King to sind out Guy of Warwick, comming thither as a Pil∣grim, who undertook to encounter Colybrand; and af∣ter a sharp battel with him in the view of both kings and their Armies, cut off one of his hands, and after that his head.

By which Victory the whole Land of Eng∣land enjoyed the unviolated privilege of rest and Li∣berty from the Danish king, untill Cnute king of Denmark gained the Realm of England from Edmund Ironside.

But this Relation being contrary to the truth of History, and the Stream of all our Historiogra∣phers, I shall repute it meerly fabulous; though I could not well omit it, for that Relation it hath to this my Theame and precedent Propositi∣ons.

k William of Malmesbury and others out of him re∣cord, that Elfrid (a Noble man) who opposed Aethel∣stans Title to the Crown, though in vain, intended to have seized on him at Winchester, and put out his eyes; but his Treason being discovered before it came to the Accomplishment, he was taken and sent to Rome to purge himself by Oath; where before the Altar of St. Peter and Pope Iohn the 10th, he abjured the fact, and thereupon fell suddainly down dead to the Earth, and being carried from before the Altar by his Ser∣vants to the English School, he there died within three daies after. Upon this the Pope sent to the king, to advise what he should do with him, and whether he should allow him burial with other Christian Corps?

The king hereupon assembling a Council of his Nobles, to ad∣vise about it; Optimates Regionis, the Nobles of the Realm with a great Company of Elfrids kindred, ear∣nestly requested of the King with great humility, that his body might be committed to Christian Burial.

The King consenting to their Request, acquainted the

Pope therewith; who granted him Christian Burial, though unworthy. Hereupon the Nobles adjudged all his Lands and Possessions great and small, to the King; who by their consent, granted and confirmed them all to the Ab∣by of Malmesbury by his Charter, wherin he recites; Sci∣ant Sapientes regionis Nostrae, non has praefatas terras me injustè Rapuisse, Rapinam{que} Deo Dedicasse, sed sic eas accepi Quemadmodum judicaverunt omnes Optimates Regni Anglorum. Insuper et Apostolicus Papa Romanae Ecclesiae Johannes; After which, reci∣ting the Treachery, perjury and death of Elfred, with his Condescention to his Nobles and friends request aforesaid, he concludes thus.

Et sic Adjudicata est mihi tota possessio ejus in magnis et modicis. Sed et haec Apicibus praenotamus literarum, ne quamdin Chri∣stianitas regnat, aboleatur; unde mihi praefata pos∣sessio, quam Deo et Sancto Petro dedi, donatur; nec Justius novi quam Deo et sancto Petro hanc possessio∣nem dare, q••i aemulum meum in conspecta omnium cadere fecerunt, et mihi prosperitatem Regni largiti sunt.

To which Malmesbury subjoyns. In his Verbis Regis sa∣pientiam, et piotatem ejus in Dei rebus suspicere par est: Sapientiam, eo quod animadverterat, juvenis presertim, non esse Dei Gratiosum de Rapinâ Holocaustum. Pietatem, eo quod Munus ultione divinâ collatum, Deo potissimum non ingratus rependeret.

From whence I shall only observe, that Elfrid be∣ing a Peer of the Realm, dying perjured as asoresaid, was adjudged to forfeir all his Lands for Treason after his death only by his Peers in a Parliamentary Council, and that if the king had seized on them without their judgement, it had been an unjust Rapine, by his own Confession; but being legally confisca••ed to him by their Judgement, it was no Rapine, but Justice for him to seize, and Piety to dispose of them at his pleasure to this Church. What Churches and Monasteries

he built and repaired throughout the Realm; What Lands he restored to St. Augustines Church at Canterbury on the day of his Coronation (by the Assent of his Bishops and Nobles) though long detained from it; and how he gave the Lands of Folcastan, in Kent, e••cheated by the Danes destruction of the Nunnery there, to Christ-church in Canterbury, you may read in the l Margi∣nal Authors.

m William of Malmesbury informs us, that Bald∣win Earl of Flanders, sent Embas••adour by Hugh King of France, to King Ethelstan, to demand his Sister for his Wife, brought over with him divers rich presents, and Reliques (Amongst others, the Sword of Constan∣tine the Great, the Lance of Charls the Great, and one of the 4 Nails that pierced our Saviours body, set in plates of Gold; A piece of our Saviours Cross inclosed in a Christal Case &c. all which he presented to the King and Lady) cum in Conventu Procerum, apud Abin∣donium proci postulata exhibuisset: Which intimates, that this King consulted with an assembly of his Nobles a∣bout his Sisters Marriage to the King of France, as a mater of Parliamentary consideration.

Ingulphus Hist. p. 876, 877, 878. records, that Tur∣ketulus was his Chancellor and chief Counsellour, who affected not Honors and Riches, refused many Bishop∣ricks offered him by the King, Tanquam tendiculas Sa∣tanae ad animas ever••endas; and would never accept of any Bishishoprick all his life, being Content only with his own Lands and Wages: That all his Decrees were so just and legal, that they remained irrevocable, when once made: That he was a great Souldier, and fought most valiantly against the Danes, and often gloried and said, He was most happy in this, that he had never murdered nor maimed any one, Cum ••ug•…•… pro patria, & maxi∣mè contra Paganos licite quisque possit; He esteem∣ing the slaughter of such ••agan Enemies in defence ef his Country, lawfull, and no murther nor maim.

King Aeckelstan, deceasing without i••ue, his Bro∣ther Edmund succeeded him An. 940. who upon the false suggestions of some of his Souldiers and Courtiers, de∣deprived Dunstan (whom he had made his Chancel∣lour, and one of his privy Con••cil, yea ranked amongst the Royal Pala••ines and Princes of his Realm) of all his digni∣ties and Offices. The very next day after, being like to break his Neck as he rod a hunting over a s••eep Rock, had not his horse miraculously stopped at the Rocks brink in his full carier, he immediatly sent for Dunstan, and to repair the injury done him, rod pre∣sently to Glastonbury, and made him Abbot thereof. Presently after, Anlaffe King of Norwey, whom Ae∣thelstan had driven out of the Kingdom of Northumber∣land, came with a great Navy and Army to York, being called in by the perfidious and rebellious Northumberlan∣ders, who instantly revolted to him, and elected him for their King. Whereupon he marching Southward with a puissant Army, purposing to subjugate the Realm of England to himself, King Edmund gathering his forces together, encountred him, and after a bloody battel fought a whole day between them at Leicester, with great loss on both sides, Odo Archbishop of Canterbury and Welstan Archbishop of York perceiving the danger on both parts, and the Destruction of the Realm, made this A∣greement between them; that Anlaffe should quietly enjoy the whole Northeast part of England lying North of Wa••∣lingstreet; and Edmund all the Southern part thereof, du∣ring their joynt Lives, and the Survivor of them enjoy the whole Realm after the others decease: But Anlaffe soon after wasting the Church of St. Balter, and burning Tivinagham with fire, was presently seised on by Gods a∣venging Judgement, and miserably ended his life.

About the year 940. o Hoel Dha, Prince of all Wales, sent for six Laymen, eminent for authority and knowledge, out of every Kemut, or hundred of his Realm, and all the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, & Priors of his Realm, dignified with a Pastoral staff; who continuing all together,

in prayer, fasting and consultation all the Lent, did in this Welsh Pa••liament, make and enact many Civil and Ec∣clesiastical Laws, which they divided into 3 parts and books, for the better Government of the Realm and Church; which you may read in Spelman. In the 22 Law whereof they thus determine: Tres autem sunt homines quorum ••ullus potest per Legem impignorare contra ali∣quod Iudicium: Primus est Rex, ubi non poterit se∣cundum Legem in Li••e stare coram judice ••uo agendo vel respondendo, per dignitatem naturalem, vel per dig∣nitatem terrae, ut Optimas, vel alius. So that by the Laws of those times, not only the Kings of England, but even the petty Kings of Wales were by their very Natural and Royal Dignities, exempted from all per∣sonall Tryals and Judgements against them in any Courts of Justice, seeing they had no Peers to be tryed by.

In the year 940 p Reingwald (or Reginald) the Dane comming with a great Navy into Northumber∣land, slew most of the best Inhabitants of that Realm, or drove them out of it. He likewise seized upon all the Lands of St. Cutbert, and gave his Lands to two of his Souldiers; one of them called Scula, who afflicted the mi∣serable Inhabitants with Grievous and intollerable Tri∣butes; whence even unto this day, the Yorkshire-men as often at they are compelled to pay Tributum Regale, A Royal Tribute, endeavour to impose a pecuniary Mulct on the Land which this Scula possessed, for the easing of themselves. Scilicet Legem deputant, quod Paganus per Tyrannidem fecerat, qui non legitimo Regi Ang∣lorum, sed barbaro et aliegenae Et Regis Anglo∣rum hosti militabat. Nec tamen quamvis multum in hoc Laboraverint, Pravam Consuetudinem huc usque Sancto Cuthberto resistente Introducere potuerunt; writes Simeon Dunelmensis.

The other part of those Lands one Onlasbald seised upon; who was much more cruel and oppressive to all men than Scula, extra∣ordinarily vexing, the Bishop, Congregation, and

People of Saint Cutbert, and particularly seising upon the Land belonging to the Bishoprick;

Whereupon the Bishop oft endeavouring by perswasion to draw him to God, and entreating him to lay aside the obstinate ri∣gor of his mind, and refrain himself from the unlaw∣full Invasion of the Churches Lands, else if he con∣temned his admonitions, God and St. Cutbert would severely avenge the Injuries done by him to them, and others.

He with a diabolical mind contemning his admonitions and Threats, swore by his Heathen Gods, that he would from thenceforth be a more bit∣ter Enemie towards St. Cuthbert and them all, than e∣ver he was before; Whereupon the Bishop with all his Monks falling prostrare on the earth, earnestly prayed to God and his holy Confestor, to annul those proud Tyrants Threats; who was then comming into the place where they were praying, having one foot within the Door, and the other without; in which posture he stood there immovably fixed, as if both his feet had been nayled, being able neither to go out nor come in, but standing immovable, till being long thus tortured, he there gave up his mise∣rable soul in the place: with which example all others being terrified, would no further pres••me by any means to invade the Land, nor any thing else belon∣ging of right to the Church.

q Anno 941.

the Rebellions o Northumberlan∣ders preferring disloyalty before the Fea••ty which they owed unto Magnificent Edmund King of England, elected Anlaff (King of the Norwegi••ns) for their King, Son to the former Anlaff; who pe∣rishing suddenly for his Sacrilege (as aforesaid•• he and Reginald▪ the Son of Garthfrith, after their Bap∣tism, breaking their faith and Agreement with

King Edmund, by invading his Dominions. Edmund thereupon by force of Armes expelled them both out of the Realm of Northumberland, and united it to his own kingdom; and wrested Lincoln, Nottingham, Dorby, Leicester, and Stamford out of the hands o•• the Usurping, insolent, oppresting Danes, with all Mer∣cia; subduing and reducing the Monarchy of all Eng∣land unto himself; ex••irpating all the Pagan Danes with their infidelity; restoring Christianity to its Lustre, and the English to their Possessions and Liberties.

The year following he wasted and subdued all Cumberland, and pillaged the people of all their goods: And because the people of that Country were perfi∣dam & legibus insolitam, perfidious and unaccustomed to Laws, so that he could not totally subdue and civilize them, having harrowed it with his Army, and put out the eyes of the two sons of Dummail, King thereof, he gave the Country to Malcolm King of Scots, to be held of him∣self, upon this Condition, that he should assist him, and de∣fend the Northern parts of England by Land and Sea from the Incursions of invading Enemies.

This King Edmund after the Conquest and Expulsi∣on of his Enemies, by the advise of Dunston and his Chancellour Turketulus, r made good Lawes, and ordi∣nances, Ecclesiastical and Civil, for the Government of his Realm; for which purpose, about the year of our Lord 944, he assembled a Parliamentary Council of the Clergy & Laity at London, to consult and advise with them in the making of his Lawes. Which the Proems to them, thus expres••e. Edmundus Rex ipso solenni Pascatis festo Fre∣quentem Londini tam Ecclesiasticorum quam Laicorum Caetum celebravit, as one version out of the Saxon; Or▪ Congregavit magnam Synodum Dei ordinis et saeculi; as another translation renders it, cui interfuit, Odo, et VVulstanus Archiepiscopi, et alii plures Episcopi▪ ut a∣nimorum suorum, et eorum omnium, qui eis curae sunt, con∣suleretur saluti; And this Proem of King Edmund, him∣self

thus seconds, s Ego Edmundus Rex omnibus qui in ditione ac potestate meâ sunt, senibus & juvenibus, clarè sig∣nisico, Me à scientissimis Regni mei in celebri Ecclesi∣asticorum quam Laicorum frequentiâ, studiosè requisi∣visse, quo tandem pacto Christiana proveheretur sides, &c. Or, Mando, & praecipio omni populo Seniorum & Junio∣rum qui in Regione measunt, Ea quae Investigans Investi∣gavi cum Sapientibus Clericis & Laicis: In this Coun∣cil there were three parcels of Laws made; the one, meerly Ecclesiastical; the other, meerly Civil; the third, mixt of bo••h. And in this Council, I conceive, the Constitu∣tions of Archbishop Odo were read and ratified. The greatest par•• of the Civil Laws there made, were a∣gainst Murder, bloodshed, fighting, breach of Peace, Thef•• and Perjury: In the last parcel of these Laws, cap. 5. The King gives God and them thanks, for assisting him in making these Laws, in these words; Maximas au∣tem & Deo & vobis omnibus ago gratias, Qui me auxilio vestro in hac pacis quam nunc ad profligandos sures sancivimus, Lege adjuvistis; ac vehementèr con∣sido, eo vos propensius Nobis in posterum opitulatu∣ros, quo hujus Decreti observatio magis videbitur ne∣cessaria.

About the same year, 944. t this King assem∣bled another Parliamentary Council of his Bishops and Wisemen at Culinton, where they enacted 7 other Laws, Principally against Theeves, together with an Oath of Allegiance to king Edmund, thus prefaced. Haec est Institutio quam Edmunds Rex, & Episcopi sui, cum Sa∣pientibus suis instituerunt apud Culintoniam de pace & Juramento faciendo. The two first of these Laws I shall transcribe as pertinent to my Theam.

Cap. 1. Imprimis, ut omnes jurent in nomine Do∣mini, pro quo sanctum illud sanctum est, fidelitatem Edmuudo Regi, Sicut Homo debet esse fidelis Domi∣no suo, sine omni controversiâ & seditione, in mani∣festo, in occulto, in amando quod amabit, Nolendo

quod, noluit; et antequam Iuramentum hoc dabitur, ut ne∣mo concelet hoc in fratre vel proximo suo plus quam in ex∣traneo.

Cap. 2. Vult etiam, ut ubi sur pro certo cognoscetur Twelfhindi et Twifhindi (that is meu of 600 or 200 s. Land by the year) consocientur et exuperent eum vivum, vel mortuum, alterutrum quod pot••runt; et qui aliquem eorum infaidiabit, qui in câ quaestione suerint, fit inimicus Regis et omnium Amicorum ipsius. Et si quis adire negaverit, et coadjuvare nolit, emendat Regi cxx s, vel secundum hoc pernegat quod nescivit, et hundredo xxx s.

From whence it is apparent, That all Oaths of Al∣legance; and Laws against Theeves and other Malefa∣ctors, were then made and enacted in Parliamentary Council s assembled for that purpose, and all fines, for offences imposed, and reduced to a certainty only by Parliament. And by the last parcel of King Ed∣munds Laws in Bromton, it seems, the manner of contra∣cting Marriage was then prescribed and setled by a Par∣liamentary Council.

This King u Edmund, as he gave and restored by his Charters to Christ-Church and St. Augustines in Canterbury several Lands unjustly taken away from them by his Predecessors, free from all secular services, except expedition and building of Bridge and Castle; and ratified the Laws and Privileges of St. Cutberts Church at Durham, by consent of his Bishops and Nobles; So likewise, x Anno 944. he gra••ted by his Charter (written in golden Characters) ••••dry large Liberties, together with the Mannor of Gl••st••••bury to the Ab∣bey of Glustonbury, Consi••io et co••sen 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Op••imatum meorum (then assembled in a Paliamentary Council at London) ratifying the Privileges grant••d to the Mo∣nastery by King Edmund his Father, E••frid, •…•…twine, Ina and Cuthred; et nè quisquam mortal•…•… seu E∣piscopus, vel Dux aut Princeps, aut quilibet ministrorum

eorum audeat eam omnino intrare causa placitandi, vel ca∣piendi, vel quidquam faciendi, quod contrarium fore possit inibi Deo Servientibus, Dei indictone prohibuit.

y In the year 945. this King Edmund gave many Lands and Privileges tothe Monastery of St. Edmunds∣bury, by his Charters; quam subscriptione Episco∣rum, Comitum et Baronum piâ devotione roboravit, (most probably in the Parliamentary Council, of London, at Culington where they were all assembled.)

z King Edmund, in the year 946. celebrating with great Solemnity the Feast of St. Augustine (which the English accustomed to celebrate every year) at Can∣terbury, as some; or at Pulcherkirke (now at Puckel-Church in Glostershire) as others, or Michelesberith, as Matthew Westminster stiles it) as he was sitting at Dinner in the Hall amidst his Nobles and Courtiers espyed a notable Thief called Leoff (whom he formerly banished for his theft) stand in the Hall: Whereupon he not enduring his sight, commanded his Butler to thrust that Thief presently out of the Palace: who refusing to depart upon the Kings Command and resisting the Butler, the King therupon in a rage rising suddenly from the Table, took the Thief by the Hair, and threw him to the Ground: whereupon the Traitor feeling himself hurt, and the King lying upon him, presently drew out his Knife; which he carried secretly about him, ript up the Kings bowels and slew him with it; which the Knights and Souldiers perceiving, rushed all upon the Thief, and with their Swords and Knives chopped all his flesh and bones into small pieces. Some ••istorians write, that he slew some of the Kings followers like∣wise, and wounded more of them, and so escaped in the midst of the Tumult, Sicque clarum regalis Convi∣vii principium, nebulosus rerum Gestarum exitus termi∣navit. Communi ergo decretum Concilio: It was thereupon decreed by a Common Council, that his Body should be interred in Glastonbury Abby. Abbot Ethel∣red

gives this Encomium of him. a Erat autem pauis

Edwardi in omnibus imitabitor, homo simplex & re∣ctus, et timens Deum, et usque ad finem vitae suae permanens in innocentiâ suâ.

b Edred his Brother, succeeded him the same year in the Throne, and was crowned King at Kingston by O∣do Archbishop of Canterbury; Edwin and Edgar King Edmunds Sons, being put by, because of their Infancy; quia••tepugnante legitimâ aetate patri succedere non valebant, as Matthew Westminster renders the reason.

No sooner was he crowned, but entring into Nor∣thumberland, with a great army, he subdued the rebelli∣ous Northumberlanders, who refused to bear the yoak of his government, reducing them all under his obedience. Wher∣upon Wulstan Arcbbishop of York, and all the Nobles of the Northumberlanders swore fealty to King Edred, which they did not long observe. After which King E∣dred entred with Banners displayed into Scotland, whereupon the Scots, strucken with a fear, without any resistance, or war, swore homage and fealty to him as to their true Lord, as well as the Northumberlanders; which Oath they soon violated: For no sooner was Edred returned with his Army into the Southern parts, but Anlaff who was chased out of Northumberland, retur∣ning thither again with a great Fleet, was joyfully recei∣ved by the Northumberlanders, and restored by them to the Throne of the Kingdom, which he kept by force near four years. But in the fourth year the Northumberlanders using their accustomed treachery and disloyalty, ch••sed away their King Anlaff, and received Hire or E••icus▪ son of Harald, for their king, who held the kingdom but a short time;

for the People of the Country, not long enduring any king as they ha•• lightly received Hire for their king▪ so in the third year of his Reign, they as lightly rejected him and calling king Edred to them of their own accord, received him again for their Soveraign, and set him in the Throne, as Humin∣don records.

But Malmesbuty, Roger Ho••eden and,

others relate;

That king Edred Anno 948 was soin∣censed with the Northumberlanders for their treache∣ry towards him, in chusing Hirc for their king, against their Oath of Allegiance sworn to him; that he wa∣sted all Norshumberland with fire and sword and famine, et penè ex hominibus delevit;

But some of the Northumberlanders in his return from thence, sal∣lying out of York with their forces, cut off some of the Rear of his Army ar Cesterford; wherwith king E∣dred was so enraged, that he resolved presently to re∣turn, et totam illam terram penitus desere, and ut∣utterly to destroy all that Country. Which the Nor∣thumberlanders hearing, they were so terrified, that they rejected their new King Hirc, and received Edred for their Soveraign, satisfying the King with Honors, and the Damages and Wrongs they had done unto him, with Gifts, and no small Sums of Mony. These treacherous Rebellious Northumberlanders after E∣dred and Hirc, had no particular King at all to rule over them, but only Dukes, whose names and successions (with their Treachery towards and Rebellions against them) you may read at leisure in Roger Hoveden, who sub∣joyns the History of them immediately to this relati∣on.

This King Edred (about the year 951. c close imprisoned Wulstan Archbishop of York in Withau∣brig, and suspended him from his Archbishoprick, near a whole year, for certain causes of which he had been frequently accused to him; but especially for coun∣tenancing and harbouring the rebellious perjured Northumberlanders and the Danes, a Heathen people, who not only sought to destroy his Native Country, but also to root out Christian Religi∣on, for which he deserved a thousand deaths: and exciting them both against his Soveraign King Edred, contrary to their Oath; and for killing the Citizens

of Thetford in a tumultuous manner, in revenge of the death of Abbot Adelm, whom they had causelesly murdered.

Norwithstanding all which, about a year after he was enlarged and restored to his Bishop∣rick; Malmesbury and Abbot Ethelred, record of king Edred, that he made his Palace altogether a School of Vir∣tues, obeying Dunstans Counsels in all things, et Justissi∣mis Legibus subditos Regens, and governed his Sub∣jects by most just Laws.

I read only of one Great Parliamentary Council held under King Edred, and that was at d London, in the year 948. in the Feast of the Virgin Maries Nativity; Cui Universi Magnates Regni, per Regium edictum Summoniti, tàm Archiepiscopi, & Episcopi, & Ab∣bates, quam Caeteri totius Regni Proceres & Optima∣tes, Londini convenissent, ad tractandum de negotiis publicis totius Regni; as Ingulphus and others re∣cord.

In which Parliamentary Council, when all the pub∣like affairs were finished (which as it seems concern∣ed the making and carrying on of that war against the Rebellious, Treacherous Northumberlanders, who brake their faith with King Edred, and set up a King of the Danish race, as aforesaid,) the King in the presence, and by the consent of them all, restored, granted and re-confir∣med by his Charter (dictated by Abbot Turketulus here∣rofore his Chancellour) all the Lands and Liberties for∣merly granted by Kings and others to the Abbey of Croy∣land, with sundry Mannors then given to it by Turketu∣lus himself: wherein (amongst other Liberties) he granted to the Monks; quodsint quieti & soluti ab omni Scotto, Geldo, auxiliis Vicecomitum, Hydagio, & ab Secta in Schiris, Wapuntakis, Hundredis, Thrichingis & omnibus omnibus aliis curis & saeculi oneribus universis. This Charter was subscribed and ratified with the sign of the Cross, by all the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots a••d No∣bles, who gave both their Counsels and Assents thereto, as

their subscriptiens testifie, that so it might be firm and perpetual. In the beginning of which Charter, this King, to shew, that he held his Crown only from and un∣der God, thus stiles himself. Ego Edredus Rex terre∣nus sub imperiali potentia Regis saeculorum aetern••∣que Principis, Magnae Britanniae gerens Imperium, &c.

About the year of Christ 950, e Nogui a Welsh King, being overmuch incensed with one Arcoit, wa∣sted his Lands, and with too much fury, violated the Sanctuary, to which he fled. Whereupon Pater Bishop of Landaffe assembled all the Clerks of his Diocess in a Synod, to punish this Sacrilege and breach of Sanctuary: Which the King hearing of, desired pardon of the Bishop and whole Synod, for these offences in the Church of Main∣non, restoring all the things of the Church he had taken a∣way, with satisfaction, and effusion of Tears. Whereup∣on, to obtain pardon and absolution for the penance they enjoyned him, he gave the parish of Guidcon, with all the Lands, Liberties and Commons appertaining there unto, to God, and the Bishops of Landaffe for ever, to be held in Frankalmoighne. Some five years after (Anno 955.) Ily a Deacon, slaying one Merduter, and flying into a Church for Sanctuary; there upon his kins∣folk, and some of king Nogui his family, forcibly en∣tring into the Church, flew Ili before the Altar, sprink∣ling his blood both upon the Altar and Walls of the Church; Whereupon Pater Bishop of Landaffe, assembled a Sy∣nod of all the Priests, Deacons, and Ecclesiastical persons within his Diocess, to excommunicate the Delinquents; which King Nogui and his Nobles hearing of, fearing the Malediction of the Church, the weight whereof they durst not undergoe, sent for the Bishop, and upon con∣sultation, by advice of the Doctors of both sides, delivered up the Murderers into the Bishops hands, who sent them to the Monastery of St. Teliavi, where they were kept 6 Moneths in Iron Chains. After which they were excom∣municated.

Synodo quoque Judicante definitum est, unusquisque eorum suum agrum, suamque totam sub∣stantiam, insuper & pretium animae suae (id est) sep∣tem Libras Argenti, redderet Ecclesiae quam macula∣verat, determinantibus omnibus Divino Judicio, &c.

The Bishop rising up in the midst of them, holding the Gospel in his hand, said to Nogui, lay thy hand upon this Gospel: Whereupon Nogui laying his hand upon it, said;

Sit haec terra cum incolis suis, in sem∣piterna consecratione Deo, &c. & Patri Episcopo, & omnibus Episcopis Landaviae, Libera ab omni Laicali servitio, nisi tantum in oratione quotidianâ in per∣petuo.

It seems the petty Welsh Kings, and their Courtiers, were all subject in those dayes to the Cen∣sures and excommunications of their Synods, for their Sa∣crilege, and other unrighteous Actions infringing the Churches Liberties. That their Synods had a Judiciary Power, and that they could not convey Lands to the Church, but by the Consent and Judgement of their Synods, which attested and ratified the same, as you may read in Spelman. Who likewise informs us, of another Welsh Synod held at Landaffe, about the year 988. wherein Arithmail Son of Nogui, King of Guenti, slaying his Brother Elised, was for this execrable Fratricide ex∣communicated by Gucan, Bishop of Landaffe, and all the Synod, who thereupon submitting to the penance therein enjoyned him, gave certain Lands for ever in Frankal∣moighne to God and all the Bishops of Landaffe, to purchase his absolution.

King f Edred deceasing to the great grief of all his

Sub ects, his Nephew Edwin (formerly put by the Crown for his Nonage) was thereupon though young) crowned King at Kingston by Archbishop Odo, An. 955. but in the second year of his reign 957. the Mer∣cians and Northumberians wholly cast off their obe∣dience to him, and conspiring alltogether by unanimous con∣sent, rejecting him from being their King, elected his Brother Edgar for their Sovereign Lord, Deo dictante & annuente populo: VVhereupon the kingdom was di∣vided between them by the bounds of the River of Thames.

VVhat was the true Cause of this deposition and re∣jection of Edwin is very doubtfull: William of Malmes∣bury, Hovedeu, Matthew Westminster, Dunelmensis, Brom∣ton, Henry de Knighton, Abbot Ethelred, Hygden, Florence of Worcester, and most of our old Historians being Monks, and over-much devoted to their Arch-Patron Dunstan, record: That the true Causes thereof were, First, His ill lascivious Life and Incontinency with Alfgiva his Concubine (as they write) and near kins••oman, from whom Archbishop Odo divorced him; and likewise with sundry other Concubines which he entertained in his Court, whom Odo excom∣municated and banished thence. 2. His Indiscret and Tyrannical Gvernment contrary to his Laws. 1.

In slight∣ing, depressing and destroying the Nobles and Wisemen of the Realm, who disgusted his lascivious Courses, and in favouring ignorant, unjust, vicious persons, and following their most wicked Counsels. 2. In banishing Abbot Dunstan, and seising upon all his Goods, only for Justice sake, because he reprehen∣ded him for his exorbitant vicious Courses (being then the chief swaying Grandee, and head of the Monkish faction.) 3. In forcibly thrusting out by Armed Souldiers all the Regular Monks throughout England, and casting them forth of the Monasteries, there being then no Regular Monks in any Monaste|

but only in Glastonbury and Malmesbury as the Chro∣nicles of Winchester, and others record:) then seizing upon all their wealth, and bestowing their Lands and Monasteries on secular and maried Priests, and afflicting these Monks in sundry other kinds.

But g Henry Arch-Deacon of Huntington, an antient, judi∣cious, impartial old Historian, slourishing in the year 1148, mentions none of these particulars, in his life, but gives this honorable Testimony of his Govern∣ment, that it was both prosperous, slourishing and lau∣dable. Rex Edwi non illaudabiliter Regni infulam tenu∣it; Anno Regni sui Quiuto, cum in principio Regnum ejus decentissmè sloreret, prospera et laetabunda ex∣ordia mors immatur a perrupit. And therefore Archbi∣bishop h Parker, i Bishop Godwin, k Speed, and l others conceive, that the true cause why the Merci∣ans and Northumbrians, (& those only, not the rest of his subjects and king om) rejected him, and set up his Bro∣ther Edgar (whose lasciviousness was more excessive, and vices more extorbitant in some degrees than Edwins▪ which yet our former Monkish Historians blanch or excuse) was the Malice of Dunstan, and Odo (the Pil∣lars and Oracles of the Monkish Clergy;)

who stirred up the Merciaus and seditious rebellious Northumbri∣ans, against him, to set up Edgar in his stead, who was totally devoted to them and Dunstan, by whose Coun∣••els he was afterwards wholy guided, and built no less than 47 new Monasteries for the Monks, besides all those he repaired, incending to build three more had he lived, to make them 50 compleat;,

and likewise cast out the secular and maried Priests out of all Mona∣steries and Churches unless they would become Monks, re••lenishing all Monasteries & Churches with Monks alone. They likewise inform us, that the true causes of kings Edwins banishing Dunstan, ejecting the Monks, and seising their Lands and Treasures was,

That Dunstan had so bewitched Edmund, Edward, Athelstan, and Aedred his Predecessors, with the

love of Monkery, as that they not only took violent∣ly from maried Priests their livings to erect monaste∣ries, but also lavishly wasted much of their own Roy∣al Treasures, Lands and Revenues upon them, which they should have rather employed in resisting the common Enemies of God and their Country, the Danes: whereupon Edwin perceiving that all the wealth of the Land was crept into Monasteries, not on∣ly refrained to beslow more on them, but recalled di∣vers of those prodigal Gifts his Predecessors had gran∣ted them, which the Monks refusing to render upon demand, he seized upon them by armed Officers, as ha∣ving indeed cheated his Predecessors and defrauded the Kingdom of them. They adde hereunto, that King Edrid had committed all his chief Houshold-stuff, Plate, Records, and the Treasures of all the Realm, with all the Magazines he had gotten, to D••nstans custody, and laid them up in the Monastery at Gla∣stonbnry; yea, he committed his Kingdom, body and Soul unto him, So as all was wholly in Dunstans pow∣er, who alone managed all the publick affairs of the Realm, and exercised Regal Authority. And when King Edred in his sicknesse demanded all his Hous∣holdstuff, Jewels, Monies and Treasures from him, Dunstan pretending to fetch them, before he return∣ed with them, Dustan heard a voice (as our Monkish Writers fable) that Edred was dead in the Lord; and thereupon detained them in his and his Monks custo∣dy, being unwilling to part with them to young King Edwin his Successor, whereupon he seised on them by force, as of right belonging to him, and expelled Dunstan with his Monks. And so much the rather, because Dunstan presumed most impudently and vio∣lently, to rush into his Bed-chamber, and pull him out sorcibly thence on the very day of his Coronation (contrary to all Christian and Princely Modesty) from the embraces of his beautifull and beloved Alfgina,

which some Monks and these Historians report, to be his lawfull wife not his Concubine, and not coment there∣with, he excited Odo Archbishop of Canterbury, pub∣lickly to divorce her from him; some say, for con∣sanguinity only, and others for other Reasons. Whereupon the king betaking himself to his Concu∣bines, Odo suspended him from the Church, ex∣communicated all his Concubines, caused one of them whom the king best affected, to be violently fetched out of the Court with armed Men, branded her in the forehead with an hot Iron, and then bani∣shed her into Ireland.

After which she returning into England, Odo apprehen∣ded her the second time, and cut off her Sinews at the Hock∣bone. All which intollerable Affronts so incensed Edwin, that he banished and spoyled Dunstan with his Monks as aforesaid, and threatned Odo with severe punishments; none others in the Realm but these daring then to oppose him: hereupon they formerly and then bearing the greatest sway, by way of revenge, and to prevent Edwins further fury against them, stirred up the Mercians and Northumbrians to reject him, and that in a tumultuous manner, by force of Arme, in which Uproar Edgar gained possession of half his Kingdom. m Matthew Parker and Sir Henry Spelman out of him, subjoyns, that by these civil dissentions raised between King Edwin and his Brother Edgar, they much weak∣ned the forces of the Realm in many set Battels fought between them; till at last Edgar getting the better; Con∣vocato ad Branfordiam Regni concilio, Fratris Ed∣wini acta et decreta rescendit. Assemblong a Council at Brandford, he repealed all the Acts and Decrees of his Brother King Edwin, restored to the Churches and Mo∣nasteries the Treasures he had taken from them, recalled Dunstan from his former banishment, and made him first Bishop of Worcester, then of London, and last of all of Canterbury.

n Henry de Knyghton, a Canon of the Abbey of Lei∣cester, relates, out of the History of Leicester Abbey;

That Edwin being expulsed and shamefully thrust out of his kingdom, for his evil life, and exorbitant acti∣ons done against the Church, the Monarchy of Eng∣land continued void above a year. Whereupon, many murders and wickednesses were committed, and infinite mischiefs happened amonst the people for want of Government, until holy men, both of the Clergy and People deeply affected therewith, hum∣bled themselves, and uncessantly repented of their sins, and prayed day and night to God, that he would hear them, and mercifully relieve them in so great necessity, giving them such a King who might govern the Realm of England in such sort, as might redound to the honour of God, and profit of the Realm. That God beholding their prayers from on high, in the night silence, this voice was heard from God;

That they should crown Edgar King, though but then a youth; who rejoyced with this Divine Oracle, (most likely by the Monks and Dunstans Legerdemain, the Divine Oracle that uttered it) spcedily advanced Edgar to be King, being but 16 years old; and so he was elected and crowned King by a divine Oracle, which never hapned to any King of England in former times.

Upon Edgars Coronation o and Dunstans re•…•…tion, An. 959. K. Edwin reigning in a decayed Estate, living in little Esteem and without being desired, for very grie•• thereof (as some write) he died, after he had for 4 years space, Libidinosè simul & Tyrannicè, ••ustfully, and also Tyrannically depressed the Realm of England: Others affirm, that he was deprived both of his Life and Kingdom, by the Rebellion of his Subjects: But his Monkish O po∣sites record, that he was taken away by an untimely Death by Gods Just Judgement, in the year of our Lord 959. Whereupon his Brother Edgar, ab omni populo electus, being elected king by all the people, united

the kingdom into one, and obtained the intire Monar∣chy of the Realm, the kings of Cumberland, Scotland, and Wales, voluntarily submitting, and doing homage to him, without any effusion of blood, or war.

King Edgar p About the year of our Lord 963. contrived the death of Earl Ethelwald, who (as some Authors aver) against his trust, had cheated him of Elfrida, only Daughter of Ordgarus, Duke of Devon∣shire, the Paragon of her Sex, by disparaging her bean∣ty to the king, and marrying her to himself. After which the king being extraordinarily ravished with the true report and sight of her transcendent beauty, thereup∣on (as Bromtons Chronicle relates) statim post octo dies, Rex Parliamentum suum apud Sarisberiam convocavi••▪ Ubi cunctis suis Proceribus congregatis, de custodia terrae Northumbriae qualiter contra ingressum Danorum melius posset custodiri, tractaverunt; inter quos Ethel∣wolfus ad Custodiam Eboraci & parriae adjacentis, in illo erat Concilio deputatus. A clear Evidence, That Matters of defence against Common Enemies, and Guar∣dians of the Sea-coasts against the Danes Invasions, were then debated and setled by the King and his Nobles in Parl. then usually summoned by our Kings for that end. Hereup∣on Earl Ethel wolfe travelling through the Forrest of Werewell towards his new VVardship, was there cru∣ely assaulted and murdered by some unknown armed per••ons, there placed in ambuscado by the king, as was commonly reported, and as some relate by king Ed∣gar himself, who shot him through with an Arrow, as they were there hunting together. The slain Earls Ba∣stard-Son being there present, beholding hi•• dead Corps, the king demanded of him, how such a hunting pleased him? who answered, very well my Lord and King; for that which pleaseth you ought not to displease me: which answer so pacified this king s••ve•…•…ing mind, that he loved no person more entirely all his life than this Young man. Tyrannici facti offensam in Patrem se∣dulitate

Regiâ in filium allevans, writes Malmesbury. This being done, the king with great joy bringing Alfrida to London, there espoused her, and the same day both of them wore a golden Crown, adorned with precious pearls, on their heads. Hereupon Arch-bishop Dunstan, the next morning, boldly rushing in∣to the kings Bedchamber, whiles they were both in Bed together, demanded of the king; what Woman he had lying in bed with him? who answered, that it was his Queen; Dunstan by way of rebuke replyed;

That he could not marry or retain her as his wife, with∣out offending God, and the Laws of the Church, be∣cause he had been Godfather to her Son, often admo∣nishing the king, that he would put her away, and be divorced from her:

VVhich he by reason of his ar∣dent love towards her, and unsatiable lust with her, would by no means hearken to.

Anno 964. King Edgar heating of a Nun of incom∣parable beauty in the Monastery of Wilton, named Wil∣frida, a Dukes Daughter, took her out of the Nun∣nery, and frequently admitted her to his Bed: VVich being commonly blazed abroad, Arch bishop Dunstan understanding of it, with great passion, and indignation of mind came to the king; who seeing the Archbishop, arose from the Royal Throne to take him by the hand, and give him place. But Dunstan refused to take him by the hand, and with a stern countenance, bending his Browes, spake thus unto him.

Thou that hast not feared to corrupt a Virgin, espoused to Christ, presumest thou to touch the consecrated hands of a Bishop? Thou hast defiled the Spouse of thy Maker, and thinkest thou by flattering service to pa∣cifie the Friend of the Bridegroom? No Sir, his Friend will not I be, who hath Christ for his Enemy, &c.

The king terrified with these and other thundering words of Dunstan, and compuncted with inward re∣pentance for his perpetrated sin, fell down at Dun∣stans

feet weeping: who raising him up again from the ground, began to relate unto him the hainousness of the fact: And finding the king ready to undergoe what ever satisfaction he should lay upon him, injoyned him this following Penance for 7 years space.

That during these seven years he should wear no Crown; That he should fast twice every VVeek; That he should liberally distribute the Treasures left him by his Ancestors, to the poor; That he should build a Mo∣nastery of Nuns at Shastesbury; That as he had robbed God of one Virgin, through his transgression, so should he again restore many to him in time to come. Moreover, That he should expel Clerks of evil lives, (meaning secular Priests who had VVives and Chil∣dren) out of Churches, and place Covents of Monks in their room; That he shoulo enact just Laws, & such as were acceptable to God: and command the people to observe them through all parts of the Realm.

VVhich the king promising effectually to perform, was there upon absolved, and vigorously set himself to execute what he had promised.

Hereupon, in the year 966. s King Edgar foun∣ded the Monastery of Hyde near Winchester, filled it with Monks, endowed them with large privileges and possessions, exempting them from all secular services whatsoever, but these; rata expeditione, Pontis Arcis∣ve constructione; praescribed several Laws and Canons for the Monks thereof to observe, made by advice and consent of his Bishops and Nobles, and ratified by his Royal Charter, subscribed by himself, his two sons Prince Edmund and Edward, his Queen, Grandmother, both the Archbishops, 9 Bishops, 5 Abbots, 3 Dukes, and sundry others, with the sign of the Cross annexed to their names. In which Charter there is this solemn curse donounced against all the infringers and perver∣ters thereof.

Si quis autem hanc nostram Donatio∣nem in aliud quam constituimus transferre voluerit,

privatus consor••io sanctae Dei Ecclesiae, aeternis Ba∣rathri incendiis lugubris jugiter cum Juda Christi pro∣ditore, ejusque complicibus puniatur, si non satisfa∣ctione emendaverit congrua, quod contra nostrum deliquit decretum.

The same year King Edgar by his regal Charter (re∣corded at large by t Abbot Ingulphus) confirmed all the Lands and Privileges of the Abby of Croyland, formerly grante•• and confirmed to them by King E∣dred and his Nobles, in the presence of both the Archbishops 〈…〉〈…〉 Bishops, an•…•… Nobles assembled in a Council at London: who ra•…•… it wi••h their ••ub••c••ip••ions, the ••••gn of the Cross, and a solemn ex∣communication (denounced by the two Archbishops and three Bishops more in Pauls Church London, in the presence of King Edgar hi•• Prelates and Nobles, in Octavis Pentecostes against all Infringers of this Cha••∣ter and of their Liberties.

About the year 967 as some, or 969. as others compute, King Edgar in a Great Senate or Council, by advise of his Wisemen, enacted divers civil & Ecclesiastical Laws and Canons, for the Government of the St•…•… Church, thus prefaced. Leges quas ••or, hoc est Institutum quod) Edgarns Rex, freqenti Senatu, Consilio Sapi∣entum snorum, 〈…〉〈…〉 gloriam 〈…〉〈…〉 orn•…•…, et Reipublicae utilitatem sancivit, or constituit. The 7 and 8 of his secular Law•• in the Lat•…•… ••••r 1, 2, 3. in the Saxon Copy, I shall only transcribe.

Hoc est institutio secularis quam volo per omnia ••ene••i. Volo•• omnis homo sit dignus juris publi∣et, 〈…〉〈…〉 quicunque ••it; et ei•• justa judicia judicentur. Et ••it in emendationibus re∣m•…•… vema••is apud Deum. Et apud seculum tolera∣bi••is. Et nemo requiret Regem pro aliqua causa, ni••i domi negatur ei omne dignum recti, vel rectum impetrare non possit. Et de nulla emendabili re foris

faciat homo plusquam Weram suam (agreeable to our Kings Coronation oath, and Magna Charta) Et ju∣dex qui injustum judicium judicabit alicui, det Regi Cxx s. nisi jurare audeat, quod ••ectius judicare ne∣scivit. Et qui aliquem injuste superdicere praesumat, Unde vita vel commodo pejor sit, linguae suae reus e∣rit, &c.

Anno 969. there was x a general Council assembled at London by king Edgar, at the instigation of Pope Iohn, and Archbishop Dunstan; wherein (as I conceive) the King made that elegant Oration, a∣gainst the vicious lives of the Clergy; thus expressing his own duty and supremacy over all Persons and cau∣ses both Civill and Ecclesiastical.

Justum proinde est, ut qui omnia subjecit sub pedibus nostri••, subjici∣amus illi et Nos et animas nostra••; et ut hi, quos nobis subdidit ejus subdantur Legibus, non segniter elaboremus Et meae quidem in••ere•…•… Laicos cum aequi∣tatis fure tractare; inter virum et proximum suum justum judicium facere, punire sacrilegos, rebel∣les supprimere, eripere •…•…opem de manusortiorum ejus, egenum et pa••perem à deripientibus eum. Sed et meae ••ollicitudinis est, Ecclesiarum Ministris, &c. et necessaria procurare et paci eorum et quieti con∣sulere. De quorum omnium moribus ad No•• spe∣ctat examen: si vivunt continenter, si honeste se ha∣bent ad eosqui foris sunt; si in divinis officiis sol∣liciti, si in Docendo populo assidui, si victu sobrii si moderati habitu, si in judiciis sunt discreti, &c. Ego Constantini, vos Petri gladium habetis in mani∣bus; jungamus dextras, gladium gladio copu••emus ut ejiciantur ••extra castra leprosi, ut purge••ur san∣ctuarium Domini, et ministr••nt in Templo silii Le∣vi, &c.

After which directing his speech to Dunstan, Aethelwald, and Oswald, he concludes thus, Vobis istud committo negotium, ••t Episcopali censura et authoritate

Regia turpiter viventes de Ecclesiis ejiciantur, & ordinatè viventes introducantur. Herupon there was a Decree made in this General Council, That all Canons, Priests, Dea∣cons, and Sub-Deacons should live chastly (that is, put away their lawfull Wives, vow chastity, and become Monks) or relinquish the Churches they then held: The execution whereof was committed to Oswald and E∣thelwald; Who thereupon compelled the Clergy in Worcester, Winchester, and other Churches to become Monks, renuentes verò ab omni beneficio spoliarunt, de∣priving those who refused of all their Benefices, and putting Monks into them, qui novo quidem splendore vniversam Insulam illustrarunt, as our Monkish Wri∣ters record: or rather novo foetore contaminarunt, as o∣thers write y John Bromton informs us, that after the slaughter of the Nuns of Ely by Inguar and Hubba, the secular Priests enjoyed that Mona••••er•• one hun∣dred years space; whom King Edgar de Concilio be∣ati Dunstani Archiepiscopi, & dicti Ethelwardi, a•• m••gnatum Regni in the forementioned General Council) expulit & fugavit for their dishonest conver∣sation.

Bishop Oswald having ejected the married secular Priests out of his Church at Worcester, and introduced Monks in their places, did this year 969. as I conje∣cture from the premises (not 964. as Sir Henry Spel∣man computes it) z ••••ocure King Edgar by the Counsel and assent of his Princes, Nobles and Bi∣shops (most probably in the forementioned General Council, or that of London next ensuing) to ratifie this their ejection, and confirm the Church of Worcester, with all the lands, goods, ecclesiastical & secular things thereto belonging to the Monks of that Church for ever, free from all secular services and exactions, hard or easie, and from all fiscal duties great and small, known or unknown, as well of the King or Prince, as of their Officers, exceptis Ar∣cis, & Pontis extructione, et expeditione edntra ho∣••stem.

And that by the special Charter, called Os∣wald Law, subscribed by the King, Queen, both the Archbishops, and 3 Dukes.

a King Edgar, Anno 970. or 971. in the 12 ••ear of his reign held another Parliamentary Council at London, where himself, his Mother Alfgina, Prince Edward his Son, Kined King of Scots, Mascusius his Admiral, both the Ahchbishops, with the rest of the Bishops, and all the Nobles and great men of the Realm were present, By his Charters made in and ratified by this Council, this King granted and confirmed many and very magnificent Privileges to the Monastery of Gla∣stonbury communi Episcoporum, Abbatum, Prin∣cipu••••que concilio. et generali assensu, Pontificum, Abbatum, Optimatumque suorum, exempting the Monastery and Monks thereof, not only from all Episcopal Jurisdiction, but likewise all their Lands from all Tributes and Exchequer businesses for ever, Granting them

So∣cam & Sacam &c. Toll & Teame, Italibere et qui∣ete, sicut ego habeo in regno meo: Eandem quoque Libertatem & Potestatem quam ego in Curia mea ha∣beo, tam in demittendo, quam in puniendo, & in quibuslibet omnino negotiis Abbas & Monachi praefa∣ti Monasterii in Curia sua habeant.

And which is a Privilege beyond all president,

Si autem Abbas, vel quilibet Monachus loci illius latronem, qui ad sus∣pendium vel quodlibet mortis periculum ducit•••• in i∣tinere obvium habuerit, potestatem habeat eripiendi eum ab imminen i periculo in toto Regno meo.

The old Charter begins thus.

In nomine Domini nostri Jesu Christi. Quamvis Decreta Pontificum, & verba Sacerdotum inconvul∣sis ligaminibus, velut fundamenta montium fixa sunt, tamen plerumque tempestatibus & turbinibus saecula∣rium rerum Religio sanctae Ecclesiae maculis reprobo∣rum dissipatur ac •…•…itur. Iccirco profu•…•… succedenti∣bus posteris esse decrevimus ut ea quae salubri Consilio

et communi assensu definiuntur, nostris li∣teris roborata firmentur, &c. Hoc itaque Dun∣stano Doroberniensi, at que Oswaldo Eboracensi Epis∣copo adhortantibus, consentiente etiamer annuente Brithelmo Fontanensi Episcopo, caeterisque Episcopis, Abbatibus et Primatibus: Ego Edgar divina d••••po∣•…•…one Rex Anglorum, &c. And it concludes thus, Acta est haec Privilegii ••agin••, & confirmata apud Londonium Communi Concilio omnium Prima∣tum meorum:

Then follow the subscriptions of King Egar, Alfgina his Mother, Prince Edward, Kinred King of Scots, Mascusius the chief Admiral, both the Archbishops, 6 Bishops, 8 Abbots, 3 Dukes, and other Officers: Which Charter and Privileges at the Kings request were ratified by Pope John the 13 in a general Council at Rome, Anno Dom. 971. by a special Bull, that they might remain inviolable: yet both the Ab∣bey it self, Lands, Privileges are long since demolish∣ed, dissipated, annihilated, such is the mutabili∣unity of all sublunary things.

The self same year (Anno 970.) b King Edgar by his Charter granted and confirmed sundry Lands and Privileges to the Monastery of Medeshamsted formerly demolished by the Danes, which Bishop Aethelwold had repaired, and named Burgh, perpetually exempting it from all Episcopal jurisdiction, yoak, and exaction; Quatenus nec Rex, nec Comes, nec Episcopus, praeter Chri∣stian••••atem attinentium Parochiarum, nec vicecomes, nec ulla alia major minorve persona, ulla dominatione occupari praesumat, excepta moderata expeditione, & Pontis Ar∣cisve constructione. VVhich Charter was ratified by the kings own subscription, both the Archbishops, sundry Bishops, Abbots, Dukes, and other chief Offi∣cers, and the sign of the Cross after each of their Names.

In the year 973. c King Edgar after his seven

years penance expired, on the Feast of Pentecost in the 30th year of his age, was solemnly Crowned, and con∣secrated King and wore his Crown with great glory at Akemancester, alias Bath, both the Archbishops Dunstan and Oswald with all the rest of the Bishops of England, ac Magnatibus universis, and all the Nobles being there pre••ent at his Coronation, and received the accustomed Gifts usually given to the Nobles being at such inaugurations. Soon after the same year this King with a very great Fleet and Army sayling round about the Northern parts of England came to Westchester, where his eight tributary Kings or Vice-royes, (namely Kyneth king of Scots, Malcome King of Cumberland, Marcus king of Man, and many other Ilands, and the other 5 kings of Wales, Dufnall, Siferth, Howel, Iames, and Iu∣chill) met him as he had commanded them, and swore alle••i nce to him in these words; That they would be faithfull and assisting to him both by Land and Sea. Which done, he on a certain day entred with them into a Barge, and placing them at the Oares, himself took the Helm, and steered the Barge very skilfully whiles they rowed it down the River of Dee from his Palace to the Monastery of St. John Bapist, on the other side, all his Dukes and Nobles following and accompanying him in other Barges: where having made his Prayers, they all rowed him thence back again in like pompe to his Royal Palace; which when he had entred he said to his Nobles: That any of his Successors might then say he was King of England, when with so many Kings following and subject to him, he should enjoy the Prerogative of the like pompe and power. But Mr. Fox subjoyns; In my mind this king had said much better: God forbid that I should glory in any thing but in the Cross of our Lord Jesus Christ.

e The year following An. 974. Certain Merchants comming from York, arived in the Islle of Thanet in

Kent, where they were presently taken by the Ilan∣ders and spoyled of all their goods; which king Ed∣gar being informed of, was so far incensed against these Plunderers, that he spoyled them of all their Goods, and deprived some of them of their lives; Which Huntingdon and Bromton thus record. Rex Edga∣rus undecimo Anno Regni sui jussit praedari Insulam Te∣net, Quia jure Regalia spreverant: non ut host is in∣saniens, sed ut Rex malo mala puniens. The same year as f Malmesbury, g Ingulphus and h others write, king Edgar, by his regal Charter, caused the secular Priests to be removed out of the Monastery of Malmesbury and introducing Monks in their pla∣ces, restored to them the Lands and Possessions of the monastery, which the secular Priests formerly enjoy∣ed and had leased 〈◊〉〈◊〉; & that upon a full hearing before the Wise-men, Bishops & others in his presence, most likely in a Parliamentary Council, as this clause in his Charter intimates. Haec a praedictis accommodata Clericis, a contensioso possessa est Edebnoto: sed supersti∣tiosa, subtilique ejus disceptatione aSapientibns meis au∣dita, et conflictatione illius mendosa ab eisdem me prae∣sente convicta, Monasteriali a me rea••▪ ••a est usui. If the Council of Winchester (hereafter cited Anno 975.) was held in King Edgars life time, as h some af∣firm, most probably this debate here mentioned touch∣ing these Lands, was held in and before that Council, and this Charter therein made and ratified with the subscriptions of the Kings, Arch-bishops, Bishops, Ab∣bots and Dukes thereto annexed, according, to the custome of that age.

Although King i Edgar in his younger daies was subject to many Vices, and committed some injurious

Tyrannical Acts, recorded by Malmesbury, Fox, Speed, and others; yet repenting of these his youthfull, lust∣full Vices, he proved such a just and prudent King, that i our Historians of elder and later ages give these large Encomiums of his Justice, Prudence, Piety Vertues, and politique Government: wor••hy perpe∣tual memory and immitation. So excellent was he in Justice, So sharp was he in correction of Vices as well in his Magistrates, Officers, and other Subjects; that never before his days was less felony by Robbers, nor less extor∣tion or Bribery by false Officers: such as were wicked he kept under, them that were Rebels he repulsed, the godly he maintained, and the just and modest he loved; the learn∣ed and virtuous he encouraged: He would suffer no man of what degree or quality soever he were to elude or vio∣late his Laws without condigne punishment. In his time there was neither any private Pilferer, nor publike Theef, but▪ he that in stealing other mens Goods, would ven∣ture and suffer (as he was sure) the loss of his own Goods, and Life. He was no respecter of persons in judge∣ment; but judged every man according to the quantity of his Offence, and quality of his person. He united all the Nations under him which were divers, by the Covenan and Ob•…•… of one Law. Governing them all with such Justice, Equity, Integrity and Peace, that he was s••i••e•• Rex, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Edgarus Pacificus, the peaceable King Edgar. In his days, not Torments, not Gibbe••s, not Exile, not banishment were so much feared, as the offending of so good and gracious a King. He built and endowed no lesse than 48 Monasteries, and restored many more, endowing them with large possessions, privileges, (out of Piety and Devotion, as these times reputed it) & was a great honou∣rer, lover, promoter of the vertuous and learned Clergy, and suppressor of the vicious and scandalous. There was scarce one year throughout all his reign wherein he did not some great and memorable necessary thing for the good of his Country and people, the honour of God, and advancement of

Religion. All which made him so honoured and beloved by his Subjects at home, so far dreaded by his Enemies a∣broad; that Nullas Domesticorum insidias, nullum extermi∣nium alienorum sensit: He never felt any homebred treache∣ry, or forein invasion, but reigned peaceably all his days. without war or bloodshed, which none of his Predecessors ever did. He was so far from tollerating any violence or rapine in men towards each other, that he commanded all the Wolves and ravenous Beasts, greedy of blood, to be de∣stroyed throughout his Dominions: And such an Enemy was he to Drunkenness (the Mother of Vices, Murders Quarrels, Thefts,) wherewith the Danes had much infect∣ed the English, that to prevent and redress it, he caused Pins to be set in every Cup, prohibiting by severe Laws and Penalties, that none should force others to drink, nor yet d••ink below those Pins, in that moderate pro∣portion which he prescribed them. Among other his Politick deeds, for the peace and safeguard of his Realm a∣gainst pillaging Pirates, and Forein Invaders, he had al∣ways in readiness 3600 (as most) or 4800 strong ships of War (as others record) to secure the Seas in the Sum∣mer season, which he divided into three Squadrons or Fleets: whereof he placed 1200 in the East Seas to guard them; 1200 in the South Seas; 1200 in the West Seas, (and 1200 in the North Seas, as some write) to prevent Piracies, and repulse the invasion of Forein Enemies. These Ships immediatly after Easter met together every year at their several places of Rendezvous, wherewith the King sail∣ed round about the Island and Sea-coasts, with a great force, to the terror of Foremers, and exercising of his own subjects, sayling with the Eastern Navy to the Western parts of the Iland, and then sending them back with the Western Fleet to the Northern Coasts, and then sayling with the Northern Fleet to the South; pius s••i••icet explorator, ne quid Piratae turbarent. After his return from the Sea, in the Winter and Spring, he used to ride in Progress through all the Counties of the Realm, diligently to search and inquire

how his Laws, Statutes, Ordinances were kept and observed by his Princes, Great Men, and Of fi∣cers, lest the Poorer sort of people should suffer pre∣judice, or be oppressed by the Greater & Richer: And whether his Judges or Justices judged upright∣ly, according to the Laws, or injured any through Bribery Malice, or Partiality, Violati Juris severus Ultor, being a severe Revenger of his violated Laws, sparing neither Rich nor Poor, but judging him justly ac∣cording to the quality of his transgression. In hoc Justi∣tiae in il••o fortitudinis, in utr••que Reipublicae & Regni utilitatibus consulens, as Wiliam of Malmesbury, and Flor. of Worcester report of him. Et ideo tempore suo la∣trones nulli fuerunt, nec aliquis qui Guerram vel tur∣bationem in Regno movere audebat. Merito ergo non infirma inter Anglos fama est; nullum nec ejus, nec su∣perioris aetatis Regem in Anglia recto & aequabili ju∣dicio Edgaro comparandum: He being Flos et Decus antecessorum Regum, non minus memorabils Anglis, quam Romulus Romanis, Cyrus Persis, Alex. Macedoniis Arsaces Parthis, Carolus Magnus Francis, as Malmes∣bury, Abbot Ethelred, Florentius VVigorniensis, Simcon Dunelmensis, Henry Huntindon, Matthew VVestminster, and others record of him, who are much more copi∣ous in his prayses. k Mr. Fox closeth up his Encomi∣ums of him with this Speech: As I see many things in this worthy Prince to be commended; so this one thing in him I cannot but lament, to see him like a Phoenix to fly alone, that of all his Posterity so few there be that seek to keep him company.

Towards the end of his Reign the l Welchmen mo∣ving some rebellion, he thereupon assembled a mighty Army to suppress and prevent it; wherewith he en∣tring into the Country of Glamorgan, sharply puni∣shed the Ringleaders thereof: But his Souldiers doing great harm in plundering the Country, lading themselves

with spoyls; the King out of his bounty, commanded them to restore to the People all the spoyls they had gotten; and more especially St. Ellutus Bell, that was han∣ged about an Horses neck; whereby he purchased sin∣gular love and honor from the Inhabitants. At length after he had reigned thus, 16 years and two months in great tranquillity and honor totum reg∣num sanctis legibus st••enu•• gubernantem, as m Eadmerus rela••es of him, he died happily o•• ••uesday the 8 of July, Anno 975. Nec potuit malè mori qui benè vixerat, qui tot Ecclesias Deo fundaverat, qui tot bona pe∣rennia brevi tempore statuerat, as n Henry Arch-Dea∣con of Huntingdon observes, who bestowed this honourable Epitaph on him, remembred also by o o∣thers.

Auctor opum, vindex scelerum, largitor honorum▪ Sceptifer Edgarus Regna superna petit. Hic alter Solomon, legum Pater Orbita Pacis; Quod caruit bellis, claruit inde magis. Tem•••••• 〈◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊〉 dedit agros; Nequitiae lapsum, justiciaeque locum. Nov•••• enim Regno verum per qu••rere falso, Immensum modico, perpetuumque brevi.

Immediately after his death, Res et spes Anglo∣rum retro sublapsae sunt, totius Regni status est per∣turbatus; et post tempus laetitiae quod illius tempore vigebat pacificè, caepi•• tribulatio undique advenire,

as Malmesbury, Wigorniensis, Hoveden, Simeon Dunel∣mensis, and Bromton observe: such an incomparable lo••s was the death of so just, pious, and prudent a King to the whole Nation, qui juventutis vitia, posteà magnis virtutib••s delevit, when most others do quite contrary.

p King Edgar at the time of his decease leaving behind him two Sons by two venters, Edward his eldest Son by Queen Ethelfleda his first Wife, then but 12. years old, and Ethelred his second Son by his second Queen Elfreda, then not much above 7. years of age; T•…•… arose a great contention amongst the Nobles of the Realm about choosing of a new King. For Queen Elfreda, with Alferus Duke of Mercia and many o∣ther Nobles, siding with the maried Secular Priests a∣gainst the Monkish Clergy, combined to advance ••oung Ethelred, electing him unanimously for their King, disavowing Edward as illegitimate, and begotten of an harlot before mariage; as Malmesbury de Gestis Re∣gum, l. 2. c. 8. Osburn in the life of Dunstan, Nicholas Trivet, Johannis Parisi••nsis, Vincentius, Antoninus, Mat∣thew Parker in the Life of Archbishop Dunstan, Mr. Fox and others repute him: though Ingulphus, Huntindon, Hoveden, Mat: Westminster, Florentius Wigornensis, Bromton, Abbot Ethelred, Simeon Dunelmensis, Radul∣phus Cistrensis, and the generality of our modern Histo∣rians, repute him Edgars lawfull Son, and right heir to the Crown: Whereupon the most of the Nobles elect∣ed him to succeed unto his Father: The two Archbi∣shops, Dunstan, and Oswald, with all the Bishops, Ab∣bots, and Clergy of the Monkish faction, holding their new-gotten States dangerous, and their footing unsure, if in the nonage of the King, their Opposites should rule all under him, as they imagined they would, if Ethlred were elected by them; thereupon abetted the Title of Edward, as altogether wrought to their mould and treading in his Fathers footsteps, lawfully begot∣ten in the nuptial bed of Queen Ethelfleda, right heir to his Father, and by him designed to succeed him. Their claimes thus banded amongst the Nobles, Duu∣stan and O•…•… foreseeing the danger, prudently assem∣b•…•… all the Bishops, Abbots, and Nobles together in a Great Council, to debate their rights and settle the ti∣tle;

Where Archbishop Dunstan (as some write) com∣ming in with his Cross and Banner, dum consecrationis ejus tempore nonnulli Patriae Optimates resistere vo∣luissent; not staying for further debating de Jure, pre∣sented Prince Edward in the midst of them de Facto, for their Lawfull King, as his Father had declared him at his death. Upon which, the Major part of the Council, being Clergymen, elected, anointed and consecrated Ed∣ward for their King Quibusdam Optimatum murmu∣rantibus, some of the Nobles of the contrary party murmuring at it, especially Queen Elfrida, who thought to advance her young Son to the Throne, that so she might rule all things, and reign under the colour of his name, as Dunstan and the Monkish Clergy did under the colour of King Edwards, whose Counsels and admonitions he diligently followed in all things, and judgements acted by him.

During the Interregnum, and banding of these two parties about the right of the Crown, and immediate∣ly after Edwards coronation, q there arose great con∣troversies, tumults and civil Warrs between the Monkish Clergy, and maried Secular Priests, and the Nobles siding with both parties. The marie•• Priests presently upon Edgars death, complained to Queen Elfrida; Elfere, and the Nobles, That they were unjustly expelled out of their Churches by the Monks and their prevailing party; alle∣ging, that it would be a very great and miserable dishonour to the Nation, and shame to them; ut novus advena ve∣teres colonos migrare compelleret: hoc nec Deo gra∣tum putari, qui veterum habitationem concessi•…•…e•• nec alicui probo homini, qui sibi idem timere possit quod a∣liis praejudicio accedisse cerneret. Hereupon many clamours and tumults arising among the people, they went to Archbishop Dunstan; Praecipue Proceribus▪ ut Laicorum est, succlamantibus praejudicium, &c. but especially to the Nobles, as the manner of Laymen is, crying out unto them; that the Secular Clergy were pre∣judged,

and suffered unjustly, being expelled their 〈◊〉〈◊〉 posessions without cause: that they ought to be more mild••y dealt with, and restored to their Rights. Dunstan giving a deaf ear to these their just complaints, many of the Princes and Nobles thereupon, in a tumultuous man∣ner, expulsed the Abbots and Monks out of the Monaste∣ries wherein King Edgar had placed them, and brought in the maried Clerks with their wives in their places, as at first. Among others, Alfere Earl of Mercia, gathering great forces, and using much insolence, overturned almost all the Monasteries King Edgar and Bishop Ethelwold had built in the Province of Mercia; quorundam Potentum assensu ••t factione, placing maried Priests in them. This they did magnis occaecati muneribus by the maried Clergy, as Hoveden, Simeon Dunelmensis, Florentius Wi∣gorniensis, and our Monkish Historians as••ert. To which r Abbot Ingulphus subjoyns. Cujus (Regis Ed∣wardi) sancta simplicitate et innocentia tàm abusa est factio Tyrannorum, pe•• Reginae favorem et potenti∣am praecipue roborata, quod per Merciam Monachis de quibusdam Monastertis ejectis, Clerici sunt inducti: Qui statim Monasteriorum maneria Ducibus terrae distri∣buebant, ut sic in suas partes obligati eos contra Mo∣nachos defensarent. Tunc de Monasterio Eveshamensi Mon ••ch••s expulsis, Clerici fuerunt introducti; Terrae∣que Tyranni de terris Ecclesiae praemiati sunt: qui∣bus Regina cum novercali nequitia stans cum Clericis, in Regis opprobrium favebat. Cum Monachis Rex et sancti Episcopi persistebant: Sed Tyranni fulti Re∣ginae favore et potentia super Monachos triumpha∣bant. The Monks on the contrary to secure their in∣terest (by like Bribes and means as is most probable, though our Monkish Historians conceal it) stirred up Ethelwin Duke of the East-English, and Brithnorth Earl of Essex, (men of great dread and power) to appear in their quarrel and resist the opposite party. Qui in Sy∣nodo constituti; who assembled together in a Synod

or Council for that end, protested, That they would ne∣ver indure the Monks should be cast out of the Realm, who held up all Religion in the Kingdom. After which, they raised a mighty Army, defending with great valour the Monasteries of the Eastern English, keeping the Monks in possession of them. This fire between the Monks and maried Priests thus blown from a spark to a flame, was feared to mount higher, if not timely quenched. Wherefore by mediation of Wise men, arms being laid aside, the cause was referred to be heard and decided between them in a Great Council of the whole Kingdom. For which end there was a famous Council summoned and held at Winchester; (which some Historians antedate in Edgars life, others place in the Interregnum, after his death; but the series of Story, and most judicious Antiquaries, evince it to be after Edwards Coronation, Anno 975.) In this Great Coun∣cil, the King and Archbishop Dunstan sitting in their Thrones, as chief Judges of the Controversie, in the East-End of the Hall of the Refectory of Winchester Abby near the wall, (wherein there was a Crucifix immured just behind them▪) Duces cum torius Regni Magnatibus; the Dukes with all the Nobles of the Realm, and the expulsed maried Clerks standing on the left side of the Refectory, and pleading for themselves, that they might be restored; and Oswald Archbishop of York, Athelwold Bishop of Winchester, with the Monks stand∣ing all together on the right side of the Hall, plead∣ing for their continuance in their Churches (as the Au∣thor of the old Manuscript Chronicle of Winchester Ab∣by relates, though he misdates the time of this Council, as held Anno 968.) After much debate, the Nobles of the Realm fearing they should be overcome by dispute (••ay the Monks) promising reformation of life on the Clergies behalf, most humbly intreated the King and Arch-bishop▪ That they might be readmitted into Monasteries, out of which they had been ejected. With whose prayers, tears &

sighs the most merciful King being much moved, was in a great streight, ruminating in his min••, what he should doe in this▪ business. At last purposing, and be∣ing about to grant pardon to the Clerks, upon hope of their amendment, and to give them leave to return to the Monasteries and Churches whence they had been expelled; When he was ready to pronounce this his definitive Sentence; there was thi•• divine Voice uttered, by the Crucifix in the Wall, Cum plurium jam Suf∣fragiis de Presbyteris restituendis decernehatur, as Mathew Parker relates it; A•…•… ut ••o•• fi••••, &c. God forbid that this should be done; God forbid it should be done; You have judged well once, you would change again not well. Which articulate voice only the King and Archbishop who were the Judges of the cause, heard, if the Chro∣nicle of Winchester may be credited, when as another Monk relates, it was heard by all present; At which voice they being both astonied, fell to the ground on their faces; but all the rest hearing only the sound of the Voice as of a great Thunder, fell down flat to the Earth very much affrighted. Some write, that both sides by Dunstans policy appealed to the resolution of the Crucifix in this case, in which Dunstan had placed a man with a Trunk in the wall behind the Image, who uttered this voice in and by the mouth of the Rood: which is most probable. Soon after, ••he King and Dun∣stan heard this second voice from the Crucifix, Arise, be not afraid, because this day Righteousnesse and Peace have kissed each other in the Monks. In memory of this cheating Oracle and Monkish fable, (of which Hun∣tindon, Hoveden, Wigorniensis, Ranul••us Cistrensis, Fabi∣an, and other old Monastical Historians make no men∣tion, and Malmsbury slightly relates it as An hear∣say) the Monks of Winchester ingraved these Ver∣ses over the head of this Crucifix in their Refe∣ctory.

Humano more Crux praesens edidit ore; Coel••tus effata quae prospicis hic subarat••••.

writing the words for••ited under this Distick, as then uttered by the Crucifix, which asserted before all, That Dunstans way was true. Wherewith the Clerks and their Abettors were quite confounded, and put to silence. Sed adhuc non sedatis animis, &c. But the Nobles and Clerks minds being not as yet quieted by this Oracle (a clear evidence they suspected it as coun∣terfeit) our Historians inform us, there were three more great Councils soon after held to settle this Controversie between the married Priests and Monks. The first at Kerling, Kerding, or Cerding, or Kirking, as it is variously stiled, Anno 977. which s Wigorn. and Hoveden stile Magna Synodus, with∣out recording what was done therein. Sir Henry Spel∣man out of an old Saxon Note, calls it A great Coun∣cil, affirmes it was held after Easter, and that Sideman Bishop of Devonshire died in it. That King Edward and the Archbishop therein or∣dained; That every man should goe in pilgrimage to the Church of St. Mary at Abendune out of Devotion. And Matthew Parker Archbishop of Canterbury, in the life of Dunstan, superaddes:

Dunstanus ibi cum Mona∣chorum labenti conditioni succurrere voluit, nihil profecit, Itaque hoc dissoluto Concilio, aliud in Regia Villa Wilteria quae Calne vulgo appellatur coegit.

This Great Council held at t Calne (some stile it Cleve) was purposely called the same year, 977. to end the long continued Controversie between the

Monks and married Priests, which the seigned Oracle of the Crucifix at Winchester, and the Council of Ker∣ding could not determine. All the Senators and Nobles of England sitting together at this Council in an Upper room (the King being absent by reason of his tender age or sickness) the business being debated with great conflict and controversie; and the strong∣est wall of the Monkish Church, Archbishop Dunstan, being assaulted with the Darts of many revilings, re∣mained unshaken. The Disputants of both parties and orders defending their sides with greatest industry, in the midst of the dispute, the whole Floor, with the Rafters and Beams of the Room wherein they dis∣puted suddenly brake in peeces, and fell to the ground, with all the people in it, except Dunstan, who esca∣ped without any harm, standing firm on a beam that remained, of which he took hold-fast; the rest being either slain outright, or very much hurt and bruised with the fall, so as they languished ever after, hardly escaping present death. This miracle (as our Mon∣kish Authors stile it) gave peace to Archbishop Dun∣stan from the assaults of the English Clerks, and others, who thereupon from thenceforth submitted to his sen∣tence and judgement, if William of Malmesbury, and Mat. Westminster may be credited; Whereas Florentius Wigorniensis, John Bromton, and others out of them, assure us; that there was not long after another Parliamenta∣ry Synod or Assembly held at Ambresbery, upon the same occasion, without recording the Proceedings or Event thereof. Some conjecture that this fall was on∣ly a fiction of the Monkish VVriters, to adde reputa∣tion to their languishing cause, as well as that of the Crucifix Speech forecited. Others conceive, it was wrought by Duustans sorcery, or Policy. Others, that it was casual, by reason of the weight of the People. But Henry Huntindon Hist. l. 2. p. 357. Bromton, col. 876. and Sir Henry Spelman out of them, p. 496. record,

That this fall of the Nobles at Calne, was (not a Di∣vine Judgement on them for their Opposition against, and injury to the Monks as some interpreted it, but) signum videlicet Dei excel••i fuit quod Proditione et Interfectione Regis sui, ab amore Dei Casuri es∣sent, et diversis gentibus digna contritione conteren∣di; as they were soon after broke in pieces by the in∣vading conquering Danes and Normans: And whether the late violent falls and ruptures of our Parliaments and Nobles portend not the like fate to England, by some other forein Invasions for the like Treachery, Apostacy, Regicide, or far worse, let those who are guiltiest of it, and others determine at their lei∣sures.

King u Edward imitating the footsteps of his Fa∣thers Religion and Piety, was so circumvented by the flattering speeches of his Mother-in-law Queen Elfri∣da, that although she opposed his Title, Election, Coronation, all she could, to advance her own Son to the Crown: yet retaining only the name of a king to himself, he soon after permitted her and his Brother Ethelred, his Competitor, to order all affairs of the Realm as they pleased. VVhereupon (as the Chro∣nicle of Bromton relates) she began to plot how to de∣throne this Man of God King Edward, and advance her own Son Ethelred to the Throne; Which when she had a long time meditated upon, she opened the Secrets of her heart to some of her chief Counsellours, advising with them concerning it, and earnestly intreating, yea conjuring them to assent to her therein, and to find out some means to effect it; Cui protenus in necem illius omnes conseuserunt, who all forthwith consented to his Murder, and contrived how they might most speedily accomplish it by some fraudulent de∣vice, which they soon after executed in this manner.

King Edward hunting for his disport in the Forest near VVarham, hearing that his Brother Ethelred

whom he intirely loved) was near that place, residing then with his Morher at Corph-Castle,) some stile it Cornesgate) rode thither to vis••t him with very few at∣tendants, who either casually, or of see purpose lin∣gring behind him, sporting in the way, he came alone to the Castle gate. Queen Elfrida who had a long time waited for such an opportunity, being informed thereof, went presently to meet him with her bloody Assassinate, s and welcoming him with flattering Speeches, and a pleasant countenance, importuned him to lodge there that night, which o••••er he with thanks refused, saying he desired only to see and speak with his brother, but would not alight from his horse: Whereupon she commanded a Cup of Wine to be spee∣dily brought him to drink, appointing one of her boldest Souldiers to kill him whiles he was drinking▪ VVho kissing the king, like another Judas, under a pre∣text of love, to take away all suspition, so soon as the Cup was at his mouth, stabbed him presently into the Bowels with a knife. King Edward feeling himself wounded, set spurs to his Horse, thinking to escape to his own faithfull followers; but the wound being mortal, he fell from his Horse dead, and one of his feet hanging in the Stirrop, he was dragged up and down through the Mire and Fields, and at last left there dead near Cerf Gate. VVh••ch his wicked Stepmother hearing of, commanded her most wicked Servant to drag him by the Heels like a beast, and throw him in∣to a little Cottage hard by, that the fact might not be discovered. After which she commanded his Corps to be privily taken from thence, lest this her most execra∣ble work of darkness should be discovered, and buried in an obscure bushy morish place, where it should no more be found by any. Most of our Historians write, that he was obscurely buried at VVearham, without any Royal State; Ac si cum Corpore paritèr & Me∣moriam sepellissent, invidentes ei sespid••m, cui vivo

inviderunt decus Regium; So Malmsbury; or as Matthew Westminster descants on it, Invidebant enim mortuo Ecclesiasticam concedere Sepulturam Cni viden∣ti decus Regium auferebant. And not content here∣with, they made 〈…〉〈…〉 than which nothing could be more cruel; That no Man should lament or speak of his death, thinking thereby utterly to ••elete his memory. But contrary to their expectation, God by a superna∣tural light from heaven shining on the place, and sun∣dry Miracles there wrought (if our Monkish Hi∣storians may bee credited) frustrated this design. For though the Queen and her Complices out of their transcendent malice (which O that some of late times had not overmuch imitated,) Inimicitias quas viventi ingesserunt in mortuum protelantes, sepelierunt cum fine Re∣gio honore apud Warham, ut sicut vitam ejus extinxe∣rant ita et nomen ejus extinguerent: hic vero comper∣tum est contra divinam providentiam non sufficere pra∣••um cor hominis et inscrutabile: Quem enim perfidi terris abjicerant, Deus coelo gloriosè suscepit, et memoriae aeternae insignivit eum Dominus. cujus mentionem Proditores obnubulare studuerant. But mark the sad sequel of this prodigious Regicide, Proditione Gentis suae perfidae, thus registred by x Henry Huntindon, an impartial Historian. Inde Dominus iterum ad iram provocatus est, et plus solito irritatus, Genti pessimae malum inextri∣cabile conferre cogitavit, et quod facere paraverat non distulit. Veneruntque Dani, et operuerunt Angliam quasinubes coeli. To which y William of Malmsbu∣ry subjoyns. Creditumque et celebritèr vulgatum, quod propter Elfridae in Edwardum insolentiam multo post tempore tota patria servitutem infremuisset Barba∣ricam. Take the summ of his Reign, Murther, Saint∣ship in these words of * Abbot Ethelred. Translato ad coelestia Regna Rege ••adgaro▪ in regno terreno filius ejus Edwardus successit: Qui injuste ab impiis interfectus, tum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sanctitatem, tum ob mortis a••••••bitatem San∣cti

Nomen et Meritum Deo donante prom••ruit: being afterward translated to Shaftsbury, and there honoura∣bly enshrined.

King Edward being thus treacherously murdered on the 17th day of April, Anno 978. when he had reign∣ed only 3. years and 8. moneths by hereditary Successi∣on, thereupon on the 8. of May 979. his half-brother z Ethelred was crowned King at Kingston, by both the Archbishops, Dunstan and Oswald, and ten Bishops more, in the presence of the Nobles, much against Dun∣stans will. And although Ethelred so much lamented his Brothers murder, being then but a child of ten years old, not active to promote this Treacherous plot, and so detesting it, that his Mother Elfrida in a rage whipped him for it with candles for want of a rod, which made him abhor candles all his life; yet Dun∣stan full of a propheticall Spirit, at the very time of his Coronation told him, that he and his Posterity, toge∣ther with the whole kingdom, should suffer grievous tribulation all his reign, using these words then unto him; Because thou hast aspired to the Kingdom by the death of thy Brother, whom thy Mother murdered; therefore hear the word of the Lord; Thus saith the Lord. The Sword and Bloud shall not depart from thy House, nor from the Nation, but shall rage against thee all the days of thy Life, slaying thy séed, uutil thy King∣dom shall be translated to another Realm and Nati∣on, whose Customs and Language that Nation over which thou reignest knoweth not; qu eo•• in ultim••m red••gat serv••tutem▪ who shal•• reduce them into the ex∣tremest Bondage, for conspiring with thy ignomini∣ous Mother against the Bloud of thy Brother. Nei∣ther sha•• thy fin, nor the sin of thy Mother, Nor the sin of those who were privy to her wicked Counsell, that they might stretch ••ut an hand against the Lords a∣nointed to slay him, be expiated, but by a long Re∣venge, and much effusion of bloud. Which accor∣dingly

came to pass; and let all others whom it con∣cerns most nearly, with our whole English Nation now seriously reminde it. This Prophecie was presently after seconded, with a prodigious Cloud, spread and seen over all England sundry nights, which appeared sometimes bloudy, other times fiery, and then chan∣ging it self into divers sorts of flashings and colours, vanished about the morning. The very next year fol∣lowing the barbarous Danes invaded England, burnt Sonthampton, killing and carrying away Prisoners al∣most all the Inhabitants thereof; after which they in∣sested and wasted the Isle of Teneth, and City of West-Chester, invading England every year with new forces, til they had laid the whole kingdom desolate, expelled King Ethelred, with his Queen and Children, into fo∣reign patts, and possessed themselves both of the Crown and Realm, as absolute Soveraigns.

And here, before I proceed further, I cannot but take special Notice of Gods admirable retaliating Ju∣stice inflicted upon some of our Saxon usurping Regi∣cides and their Posterities, worthy our saddest con∣templation.

King Edgar (as I touched before) injuriously usurped upon his elder Brother King Edwyn; and by force of arms deprived him of half his Crown and king∣dom at first, and of his whole Realm, if not life too, at last. But within few years after by Gods avenging hand, his best beloved eldest Son and heir, King Edward, to whom he bequeathed the Crown at his death, was first op∣posed in his Succession, and soon after most treache∣rously butchered by his own Queen and younger Son, who invaded the Crown by his slaughter. King Ed∣gar treacherously slew Earl Ethelwold, (as you have read) to espouse his wife Elfredae, & Crown her for his best beloved Queen; who (no doubt) was consenting to, if not the contriver of his murder, as he was hunt∣ing in Worel Forest. And she to requite this murder, kills

his own Son and heir King Edward, as he came from hunting in a Forest, not very far distant from the same place. Elfere Earl of Mercia, the Queens chief Coun∣seller and Instrument to murther and dethrone King Edward, (whom he stabbed to death with his own hands, as Malmesbury records,) though to expiate this crime, he soon after honourably translated his Corps from Warham to Shafisbury-Minster; yet by Gods a∣venging wrath, about a year after his whole body was ea∣ten up of Lice and Worms, so that he died most miserably. Queen Alfrida the chief Plotter of this murder, soon af∣ter the fact, was struck with such horror of conscience for this bloudy Regicide, that to pacifie the pangs thereof, and expiate the guilt of his crying bloud, she built two Monasteries at Almesbury and Warwel, and casting off her royal robes and State, entred into the later of them, where she afflicted her self with sack∣cloth, fasting, weeping, and severe penance unto the day of her death, bewailing this bloudy crime all the remainder of her life. The whole English Nation, who were either consenters to, or overgreat connivers at their Soveraigns Murther (which they never publikely questioned nor revenged) were not only stricken, con∣sumed with all sorts of Plagues and strange diseases, but uncessantly invaded, oppressed, spoiled, captiva∣ted, conquered, murderated, and almost quite extirpa∣ted by the barbarous Danes, who usurped the Sove∣raignty over them for three Generations, being made a spectacle of divine Justice both to Angels and Man. As for King Ethelred himself, though then an infant, he purchased nothing else by his Brothers blood, but a Crown of Thorns and Cares, living in perpetual warrs, cares, fears, wants, distresses, being crossed in all his designs, warrs by Land and Sea, contemned, deserted, and frequently betrayed by his own Counsellers, No∣bles, Commanders, Souldiers, Subjects; forced out of the Realm with his Queen, children, by the conque∣ring

Danes, all living like exiles in forein parts; dy∣ing at last neither lamented nor desired; Some of his Sons after his death were treacherously murthered, (as Edmund Ironside by his own Brother-in-law, and E∣thelred his Son-in-law, Duke Edert) all his posterity renounced by the English, and the Danes preferred be∣fore them, banished, betrayed, devoted to ruine by the usurping Danes, and his own temporizing English Pre∣lates and Nobles. Of which more fully hereafter. Take but this brief Character of his unhappy reign out of a William of Malmsbury, and b Henry de Knyghton; Ethelredus post occisionem fratris sui Edwardi in Regem levatus 38. annis reguum potius obsidit, quam rexit. Nam vitae suae cursus saevus et infaustus fuit; in principio, miser; in medio et fine, turpis et reprobus,. Iste tenuit Regnum in magna angustia: Nes mirum, quia sic felonice et inju∣ste intrusus est in Regnum, Rex suorum per fidia Du∣cum avito ex terris solio, et opis egens alienae, in cujus ma∣nu aliorum solebat salus pendere. E Normannia accerci∣tus Londoniae agebat propter proditores, nunquam proce∣dens, ubi animam laboribus et miseriis natam efflavit. Post cujus mortem Proceres Regni, cum Clero stirpem e∣jus abhorrentes, Canutum recognoverunt Regem suum fore. All which calamities fell upon these Regicides, Traytors, and the whole English Nation, as our Hi∣storians observe, for the murder of their lawfull Sove∣raign. And have we not all now just cause to fear the very like, or some sorer Judgements for the selfsame cry∣ing Sin, and other transcendent, bloudy, traiterous violences, oppressions of all kinds, farr exceeding this, and all others in former ages? But to proceed from these Generals, to the most observable particulars du∣ring his reign.

Anno Dom. 980. being the second year of King E∣thelreds reign, the c Danes began their invasion and

persecution of the English, wasting, depopulating with fire and sword Southampton, Chester, the Isle of Teneth, Cornwall, Devonshire, and other places, continuing their depredations sundry years after, till they became Lords and Masters both of the Crown and Realm. All our Historians record, that the sins of the English Nation, (especially their Treason and Treachery against their in∣nocent murdered Soveraign) were the original cause of this Danish invasion, and most fatal Judgement: to which Bishop d Lupus in his Oration, subjoyns these other sins, pertinent to my Theam, of which I fear our Nation is now fart more guilty than their Ancestors in that age: Ecclesiae vastantur, ordo Clericalis ludibrio habetur et contemptui; ima plebs proditorie è regno sumpto pretio venundatur, infantes ab ipsis incunabilis ad mise∣ram servitutem sumpti et redacti sunt, omnisque benigni∣tas et eleemosyna perit. Ipsi denique liberi avita libertate frui, et in servili conditione constituti, bonis magnis par∣tis laboribus aut aliundè concessis, uti prohibentur. Et quia haec gens, perjuriis, Mendaciis Iuramenti, Fidei, Faederum atque Pignorum fractionibus crebris, homi∣cidio, turto, et quae ••d Rempublicam labefactandam summa sunt Proditione, falso atque Technis vaferrimis in ip∣sos Domiuos atque Heros multifariam deliquit, cujus fuit indicium, Edwardi regis ipsis hostibus traditio, &c. The external causes principally inviting, incouraging the Danes to this invasion, as e Matthew Parker, and f Mr. Fox conjecture, were these: Quod à segnibus et torpentibus Monachis Regni facultates essent ab∣sorptae; auctaque indies Dacorum vis ab Anglorum sub Monachis redactorum ignaviam, et civilia orta multa dis∣crimina; quae Dacos efferarunt victores. And that the Danes perceiving the discords that were then in the Realm, and the hearts of the Subject to be withdrawn from, and set against their Soveraign, they thought it a sufficient occasion and advantage to forward their intend∣ments, and omitting no time, arived on the Coasts of

Kent, and spoiled the Country as aforesaid.

About the year of our Lord 982. One Lefsi bought lands in the Isle of Ily of Adelwold Bishop of Winchester, and not only denied to pay for them, but likewise for∣cibly disseised the Bishop of 3. Manors, Burch, Undeles, and Kateringes, which the Bishop recovered by Judge∣ment of the Earldermen, and Thames in the WITE∣NAGEMOTE (Wittagemiot) or Parliamentary Assembly of that age, thus reported by the antient g Book of Ely, and by h Mr. Selden, out of it.

Edicitur placitum apud Londoniam, quo cum Duces, Principes, Satrapae, Rethores et Causidici ex omni parte confluxerant, beatus Aedelwoldus praefatum Lefsium in jus protraxit, et coram cunctis suam causam et injuri∣am, ac rapinam quam ipse Leofsius intulerat sanctae Ecclesiae ex ordine patefecit. Qua re benè ac a∣pertè ab omnibus discussa, omnes Deo et beato Aethelwaldo per judicium reddiderunt Burch, et Un∣deles, et Kateringes. Judicaverunt etiam ut Leofsius Episcopo totum damnum suum suppleret, et Mun∣dam suam redderet, de rapina verò Regis forisfactu∣ram emendaret, dato pretio genealogiae suae. Post haec infra octavum diem convenerunt iterum ad Northamtune, et congregata ibi tota Provincia, sive Vicecomitatu, coram cunctis iterum causam supradi∣ctam patefecerunt. Qua patefacta ac declarata, ut praejudicata erat apud Londoniam, judicaverunt et isti apud Northamtune. Quo facto omnis populus cum jurejurando in Christi Cruce reddiderunt Episcopo quae sua erant, scilicet, Burch, et Undeles, et Katerin∣ges.

By which President it is apparent, 1. That Par∣liamentary Councils in that age held Pleas, and gave judgements of Disseisins and Titles of Lands. 2. That they had Lawyers to assist them, and plead such cases before them. 3. That the Judgement gi∣ven in the Great Council at London, was confirmed, recited, and executed in the County-Court held at

Northampton, and possession of the Lands accordingly restored to the Bishop.

King i Ethelred being incensed against the Bishop of Rochester, Anno 983. as some, or 986. as others com∣pute it, besieged the City of Rochester for a long space; VVhereupon Archbishop Dunstan commanded him to give over the siege, lest he should provoke St. Andrew, Patron of that City, against him. The King notwith∣standing continued his siege till he extorted one hun∣dred pounds from the Bishop. VVhereupon Dunstan admiring at his covetousness, sent him this Message. Because thou hast preferred silver before God, Mony be∣fore an Apostle, covetousness before me, the evils which the Lord hath denounced shall violently come upon thee. Upon which Matthew Westminster makes this observa∣tion. Anno 986. Rex Anglorum Aethelredus qui pro∣hibente beato Dunstano Centum libras ab Episcopo Roffen∣si extorserat, pro pace brevissima pensionem 16 millium librarum persolvere compulsus est. VVhich fell not out till the year 994. as himself and others record: Mal∣mesbury referrs it to the Tax of 10 thousand pounds, paid by him to the Danes. Anno 991. In this year 986. Alfric Duke of Mercians, son of Duke Alfere was banished England crudeliter, cruelly, without just cause, as Bromton recites, which made him afterwards prove treacherous to the King, he being one of those English, quos nullis causis extantibus exhaeredabat Rex, et affecto crimine, opibus emungebat; which Malmesbury taxeth him for. His oppression and inju∣stice, being the chief causes of his miscarriage and ex∣pulsion by the Danes.

Anno 988. The Danes invading VVecedport, there∣upon Goda Earl of Devonshire, Strenwild, a most valiant Knight, and many others in defence of their Native Country and Liberties, fought with them, and were slain by them. And Anno 891. Brithnoth the most va∣liant Duke of the East English, and his forces, fought

a set battle with the invading Danes, who wasted Ipswich and the parts adjoyning: In which battel an innumerable multitude were slain on both sides, and this valiant Duke with many thousands of the English, in defence of their Country against these In∣vaders. After which, by the Counsel of l Syricius Arch-bishop of Canterbury, Duke Aethelward, Alfric, and other Nobles (assembled no doubt in a Parliamenta∣ry Council, as Malmesbury his Duces et Proceres si quando in Concilium venissent, pars hic, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 illud el•…•… &c. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Henry de Knyghton his Proceres Regni, si quando ad Concilium congregati, &c. import)

A Tribute of ten thousand pounds was given to the Danes, that they might desist from their frequenr ra∣pines, and slaughters of men, which they frequently exercised about the Sea-coasts, pacemque firmam cum iis tenerent, and might hold a firm peace with them.

Some of our Historians stile this m Infaustum Concilium, an unlucky Council. Eadmerus n gives this verdict of it.

Regis desidia circum circa inno∣tuit, Et ideo extevorum cupiditas opes Anglorum quam mortes affectans, hac & illac, per mare, terram invadere: & primo propinquas mari villas & urbes, deinde remotiores, ac demum totam Provinciam miserabili depopulatione devastare. Quibus cum ille nimio pavore perculsus, non armis occurrere, sed data pecunia pacem ab eis petere non erubuisset, ipsi suscepto pretio in sua revertebantur, ut, numero suo∣rum adaucto fortiores redirent, ac praemia iteratae irruptionis multiplicata reciperent; Unde modo de∣cem millia, modo sedecim millia, modo viginti quatuor millia, modo triginta millia librarum ar∣genti consecuti sunt: omnia illis largiente praefato Rege Edelredo. et gravi exactione totum Regnum opprimente. o VVilliam of Malmesbury pa••••eth this censure on it, and the unhappy consequence of it. Danis omnes portus infestantibus, & levitate pirati∣ca

ubique infestantibus, dum nesciretur, ubi eis oc∣currere debent decretum à Syriaco Archiepiepiscopo. &c. ut repellerentur argento qui non poterunt fer∣ro. Ita decem milli•• librarum soluta cupiditatem Danorum expl••••ere. Exemplum Infamiae et Viris indignnm, libertatem pecunia redimere, quam ab invicto animo nulla violentia possit excutere. Et tunc quidem palisper ab incur••••bus cestarunt, mox ubi vires otio resumpserunt, ad superiora reditum. Tantus timor Anglos invaserat, ut nihil de resisten∣do cogitarent. Si qui antiquae gloriae memores ob∣viare; & ••••gna colligere tentassent, hostium multi∣tudine, & sociorum defectione destituebantur

whereby they became Vassals and Tributaries to the insulting Danes.

Cujus Siricii consilio in gestis Regum dixi Ethelredum Regem animi libertatem Danis pretio ••endicasse. Ut eoru•• pacem argento redime∣rent, quod ferro repellere posse•••• nisi corde car••re••. Unde Importabilis Tributi pensio imposita Angliae, fortunas provincialium ad solum usque destruxit.

q Henry Huntindon, and the r Chronicle of Bromton pass this verdict against, and deduce this memorable observation from this Tribute.

Edelredi Regis, An∣no 13. Primo statuerunt Angli (which intimates it to be 〈…〉〈…〉 Parliamentary Council) Conci∣lio infausto Siricii Archiepiscopi, quod ipsi censum Dacis persolverent, quatenus à rapinis & caede ce••••arent, & •…•…eis decem mille libras. Hoc antem malum usque in hodiernum diem duravit, et diu, nisi Dei Pietas subveniat, durabit: Regibus namque nostris modo persolvimus, ex consuetudine quod Dacis persolvebatur ex ineffabili terrore.

To which Bromton, s Ranulphus Censtrensis, and t Hen∣ry de Knyghton immediately subjoyn.

Dacis Tribu∣tum annuum solvunt. Primo anno 10 milia librarum▪ Secundo anno 16 millia librarum, Tertio anno 20 millia librarum, Quarto anno 24 millia, Quinto

anno 40. millia librarum, d••nec tandem pecun••a de∣ficiente iterum tenderent ad Rapinas. Et tunc No•…•… depraeda••es, et Londoniam obsiden∣te••, Coegerunt regem tributum dare.

u Mat. Parker Archbishop of Cauterbury, thus censures this ill advice of his Predecessor; Siricius pacem Christianis ab infidelibus Dacis 10. librarum millibus redemit, Ad ignominiam sane, peneque perniciem totius Regni. x Mr. John Fox in••orms us, That King Ethelred be∣ing gl••d to grant the Danes great sums of money for peace, gave himself to polling of his Subjects, and disinheri∣ting them of their possessions; and caused them to re∣deem the same again with great sums of money; For that he paid great Tributes to the Danes yearly, which ••as called Danegelt. Which Tribute so increased, that from the first Tribute of 10000 l. it was brought at last in processe of 5. or 6. years, to 40000 l. The which yearly Tribute (until the coming of St. Edward and after) was levied of the people of the Land: Moreover, for lack of Justice, many Theeves, Rioters, and Bribers, were in the land, with much misery and mischief. To which sorrow moreover was joy••ed hunger and penury (besides a bloudy flux, feavers, mortality, murrain amongst cattel, &c.) amongst the Commons, insomuch that every one of them was constrained to pick and steal from others. So that what for the pillage of the Danes, and what by inward Theeves and Bribers, this Land was brought into great affliction: Albeit the greatest cause of this affliction (as it seemeth to me) is not so much to be imputed to the King as to the dissention among the Lords themselves, who d•• not agrée one with another; but when they assembled in Consultation together, either they did draw divers wayes, or if any thing were agreed upon any matter of peace between the parties, soon it was broken again; or else if any good thing were devised for the prejudice of the Enemy, e∣ven the Danes were warned thereof by some of the same Council. y John Speed, in his Hist: of Great Britain re∣lates,

That King Ethelred could not redress the evils oc∣casioned by the prosperous Danes successes, who lay in the land like unto Grashoppers, his strengths being small, and his Subjects affections l••ss. The••efor•• calling to counsell the Statesmen and Peers, demanded their Advics, what was best to be done? Some few of these profe••ed the King their assistance, but more of them perswaded to a composition, whereof Siricius Archbishop of Canterbury was chief; and in fine, ten thousand pounds paid to the Danes for their departure. This golden mine once entred, was more eagerly digged into by those still thirsting Danes, who finding the branch so beneficial at first, hoped the vein in following would prove farr more beneficial; and there∣fore, regardless of promise, the next year prepared them∣selves again for England, and with a great Fleet d••sp••••ch∣ed to Sea. The News whereof struck such terror into the English hearts, that despairing of hope they accounted themselves the Bondslaves of Misery, and were enfor∣ced to compound a peace with them, with the payment of 16000 pounds, which they at last mounted to 40000 (or 48000) pounds till it emptied the Land of all her coin, the Kingdom of her Glory, the Nobi••ity of their Cou∣rage, the Commons of their Content, and the Sove∣raign of his wonted Respect and Observation. (A pattern of our age and times.) z Samuel D••mel gives us this Censure of this first unworthy heavy Tax: E∣thelred in the end was fain, seeing he could not prevail with the sword, to assail them with money, and bought a peace for 10000 pounds, which God wot, proved after a very dear pen∣ny-worth to the Commonwealth: Shewing the seller thereof, how much was in his power, and the buyer, at how bad a rate, his necessity was to be served, and yet not sure of his bargain, longer than the Contractor would. Who having found the benefit of this market, raised the price therof al∣most every year. And yet had not Ethelred what he paid for, the land in one part or other being never free from spoil and invasion, but rather, were more oppressed both by

the Dane, and by this Taxation, which was the first we find in our Annals laid upon the Kingdom, and with heavy grievance raised in a poor distressed State, continuing many Ages after the occasion was extinct; And in the end (though in ano••her 〈◊〉〈◊〉) became the usual Supplement in the Dangers of the Kingdom, and the Occasions of Princes. And hereby Ethelred enlarged the means and desires of the Enemy, so that at length came Swaine King of Denmark, and Anlafe King of Norwey in person, as if likewise to receive him for com∣mitting outrage, and were both returned with great summs. And many years it was not ere Swaine returned again to raise new summs by new afflictions, and tormenting here this poor turmoiled people more than ever, receives a fee for bloudshed, to the summ of 48000 l. Granted in the General Assembly of the States at London; and a Peace, or rather paction of servitude concluded.

From these passages of our Historians it is most e∣vident. 1. That this Tax of ten thousand pounds to the Danes, was the very first we find imposed on the Eng∣lish Nation, An. Domini 991, being never subject to any publike Civil Tax til then, for ought appears by History. 2. That this Tax was then imposed, and after reimposed, augmented on the Nation, only by common advice, grant, and consent of the King, Prelates, and Nobles assembled in a publike and Parliamentary Council. 3. That the original ground of granting it was base degenerous cowardise, or unmanly fear, and sluggishness, both in the King, Nobles, and People, and that by the very unlucky, imprudent, ill Council and advice, of an Archprelate, Siricius Archbishop of Can∣terbury being the ptinciple adviser of it. 4ly. That it was originally paid, not to a lawfull Native Soveraign king, for defence of the Nation, but to a forein invading prevailing, victorious Danish Enemy, to purchase peace, and be quit of future troubles and Invasions. 5ly, That when this was first imposed, it was with a

belief and resolution never to reiterate or draw it a∣gain into custom or president in succeeding ages: and that only to satisfie a covetous invading Enemy for the present, without any thoughts that it would but strengthen or encourage their Enemies to new invasi∣ons and Tributes of this Nature, doubled and tre∣bled on the Nation afterwards. Yet loe the contrary sad effects of this ill president & advice. 1. It is within few years after, several times drawn into Use and Cu∣stom again. 2. It is every time increased, augmen∣ted more than other, till it amounted to 4 times as much as it was at first. 3. It did but impoverish, weaken the English themselves, and much strengthen, encou∣rage their Danish Enemies, and keep them still under their Vassalage. Whereas so much mony or less raised and spent for their own defence against the Danes, would probably have expulsed and beaten them home to their own Country with losse, and so have prevented their future invasion. 4ly After the Danes were quite expelled, and the occasion of this tax quite extinct, yet it then became a usual constant suppliment to our Kings for sundry ages after, upon all occasions, and was the only ground-work, pattern, of all the heavy publike Shipmony, Taxes, Aids, Impositions, Payments, under which the people have suffered in all succeeding ages, till this present. It is very dangerous therefore for Parliaments, or Statesmen, upon any extraordinary pressing Necessity, to lay any new Taxes, Tributes, or Imposts on the people, and most perillous for the people voluntarily to submit unto their payment; for being but once or twice granted, imposed, paid, and made a President, they are hardly ever abolished or conjured down again, but kept still on foot upon some pretext or other; yea oft doubled, trebled, and qua∣drupled by degrees, to the peoples grand oppression and undoing, as we may see by this old President of Danegelt; and the late sad Presidents of o••r new im∣posed

Excises, Imposts, Monethly Contributio••s, raised from 20 to 30, 40, 50, 60, 100, and 120 thousand pounds, amonth, and the Excise from thousands to Millions; and so continued for sundry years, without hope of end, or ease: the only blessed liberty which we have hitherto purchased with all our Prayers, Tears, Fasts, Counsels, Treasures, wars and whole Oceans of Christian blood. I shall therfore desire our late and pre∣sent Tax-Masters, Excisers, if they be not now past all shame, sadly to consider, how much more burthensome and injurious they have been & are now to their native Christian English Brethren, than the Barbarous Pagan, fore in invading Danes were then to their predeces••ors; in that they by their own authority, without any law∣full grant, or Act by a free Parliament, impose on their Brethrens exhausted purses and estates, no less than 60 or 120 thousand pounds every Moneth, besides Ex∣cises, Imposts, Customes, amounting to much more; when as the barbarous, fore in Danes exacted of them, only by their own common consent in free Parlia∣mentary Councils, only ten thousand pounds in one year at first, and then 16000, 24000, 30000, 40000, or 48000 l. at the utmost for several whole years Tri∣bute, without any Excise, Imposts, or other Customs. Which meditation me thinks should now induce them to mitigate, release, cease, our long continued unces∣sant Taxes, Excises, Imposts, or at least to reduce them to the Danes highest annual proportion, of 48000 thousand pounds, lest the whole Nation and Posterity repute them more oppressive, barbarous, ty∣rannical to their Christian Countrymen now; than the worst of the forein Pagan Danish Invaders were heretofore, and greater present Enemies to their Native Country, than the Danes then were to our Pro∣genitors.

The self same year a there being some difference

between King Ethelred and Richard Marquess of Nor∣ma••dy, he thereupon slew and pillaged all the English passing through his Country, and affronted King Ethel∣red with frequent injuries. Pope John the 15. hereupon sent Leo his Legate, with exhortatory Letters to make peace between them: who coming with them to King Ethelred on Christmass day, Anno 901. the King, ••••on receit of the Popes Letters, Accersitis cunctis sui Regni fidelibus, utriusque ordinis Sapientioribus, Assembling all the Wisest men of his Realm of both Or∣ders, for the love and fear of Almighty God, and St. Peter the Prince of the Apostles, granted and estabished a most firm peace with all his Sons and Daughters, present, and to come, and with all his Lieges, without guile. In pursuance whereof, the King sent Edelfinus Bishop of Sherburn, with two other persons of quality into Normandy to the Marquess: Who, upon receit of the Popes Admonitions, and hearing of the kings Decree, with a willing mind, confirwed the said Peace with his Sons and Daughters present and to come, and with all his Subjects, upon this reasonable condition, That if any os them, or they themselves should perpetrate any unjust thing against the other, it should be expiated with eondign reparation. Which Peace that it might remain perpe∣tually firm, was ratified by the Oaths of the Commis∣sioners of both parts, at Rhoan, in March following. Here we have a Peace advised, ratified by the directi∣on of a Parliamentary Great Council: recorded at large by Malmsbury: The last clause whereof was this, Et de hominibus Regis, vel de inimicis suis, nullum Ri∣chardus recipiat, nec Rex de suis, sine Sigillo eorum.

King b Ethelred in the year 992. hearing that the Danes intended a new invasion of England, and that they had sent a great Fleet to Sea, contrary to their former Agreement the year before, assembled a Council of his

Nobles to consult how to resist them. What the result of their consultation was, Florence of Worcester thus re∣cords Consilio jussuque Regis Anglorum Etheiredi, Procerumque suorum, de tota Anglia robustiores, Londoniae congregatae sunt Naves. By the Counsel and command of Ethelbert king of England, and of his No∣bles, all the strongest Ships were assembled together at London, out of all England; which the king furnish∣ing with choice Souldiers, made Duke Alfric, Duke Thorold; Alstan and Aescwi•• (two Bishops) Admirals over them; commanding them, if by any means they could, to take the Danish Army and Fleet by invironing them in some part. But Duke Alfric (formerly banished, for∣given, and now made chief Admiral) turning Traytor, both to his king and Country, first sends a secret Mes∣senger to the Danes, to acquaint them with the de∣signs against them, intreating them to prevent the am∣bushes prepared to surprize them, whereby they esca∣ped the hands of the English. After which, when the English and Danes were ready to encounter each other in a Sea-fight, Alfric fled secretly to the Danish Fleet the night before, and by reason of the instant danger, fled away shamefully with them. The kings Navy pursuing them, took and pillaged one of the Danish Ships, slaying all the men therein. But the London ships meeting with the other Danish Pirates, as they were flying, fought with them, slew many thousands of the Danes; and took Duke Alfric his Ship, with the Souldiers and Armes, himself hardly escaping, as Wigorniensis and Matthew Westminster relate. But Hun∣tind. & Bromton, write, that the Danes recruiting their Navy, met and fought with the kings Navy, flew ma∣ny of the Londoners, triumphantly took whole armed Ships, and Duke Alfric who was in them; whom the king should not have trusted, according to the antient saying: Quem femel gravitèr laeseris, non facile ti••i fide∣lem credideris. For this Treason of Alfric, the king

caused the Eyes of his Son Algar to be put out, Unae odium & infamia e••us crudelitatis adaucta est, as Hun∣tindon and others observe.

The next year 993. the c Danish Fleet entring Humber, wasted the Country of Northumberland and Lindesey, burning the Villages, slaying the people, and pillaging their goods. Whereupon great mul••itudes of the people of that Country, assembling together, resolved and hastned to fight with them: but when they were ready to give them battel, Frena, Frithgist and Godwin their Captains, being of Danish Progeny▪ proving treacherous to their followers perswaded them to fly, and fled first themselves. Notwithstanding the Country (as Malmesbury, Speed, and others write) being unable to digest their intollerable insolence and plunders, fell upon the Danes, slew many of them, and chased away the rest to defend their Lives, Liber∣ties, and Estates.

Anno 994. Swane king of Denmark▪ and Anlafe king of Norwey with 94 Ships sailed up to London, be∣sieged and fiercely assaulted the City, thinking to take it; but the Citizens so manfully defended it, that they repulsed the Danes thence with great loss. Who thereupon turning their fury upon the Counties of Es∣sex, Kent, Sussex, and Southampton, so greivously wa∣sted them with fire and sword, burning the Villages, and slaying the Inhabitants, that King Ethelred, Con∣••llio Procerum suorum, by the Council of his No∣bles (assembled together for that end, as Wigorniensis Matthew Westminster, Hoveden, Simeon Dunelmensis and others write) sent Embassadours to them, promising to give them Tribute and Wages, and Money, upon this condition, that they should desist from their cruelty. Who thereupon condescending to the kings request, returned to their Ships, and drawing all their Army together unto Southampton, wintered there: To

whom a Tribute of fixteen thousand pounds, was gi∣ven and paid out of all England, that they should cease from their rapines and slaughters of innocent persons. Af∣ter this agreement King Anlaf tepaired to Andover, to King Ethelred, where he received baptism, Ethelred being his Godfather: and bestowing great gifts upon him; Heteupon Anlaf entred into a League with him, promising, to return into his own Countrey, and ne∣ver after to return into England with an Army; Which promise he faithfully observed. The Articles of the Agreement between King Ethelred and him, are at large recorded in the Chronicle of Bromton, Col. 899, 900. being made by advice of all his Wisemen as••em∣bled in a Parliamentary Council, as this Title to them intimates. Haec sunt verba Pacis et Prolocutionis, quas Ethelredus Rex et omnes Sapientes ejus cum exer∣citu firmaverunt, qui cum Ana••an••, et Justino, et Gu∣dermundo Stegiar•• filio venit. The Articles of the Peace between them are X, in the Saxon, but XI, in the Latin Copy.

The perfidious Danes violating their former a∣greement, e Anno 997. came with a great Fleet and Army into the mouth of Severn, wasted and laid waste and desolate Northwales, and most of the West and South parts of England, no man resisting them, gain∣ing an extraordinary great booty and Wintring about Tavestock. The next year 998. They entring the river o•• Frome, wasted and spoiled Dorsetshire, the Isle of Wight, and Sussex over and over, living upon their spoils: whereupon the English many times assembled an Ar∣my to resist and expell them; but so often as they were about to give them battel, Angli aut insidiis, aut a∣liquo infortunio impediti, terga verterunt, et hostibus victo∣riam dederunt; most of the Nobles of England secretly favouring the Danes, and not loving Ethelred, quia Al∣frida mater sua pro ipso liberius in regno substituendo, san∣ctum Edwardum fratrem suum dolosè extinxerat, as

Bromton and others atte••. Anno 999. The Danish fleet entring the river of Medway, besieged Rochester, and wasted Kent. The Kentish men uniting their for∣ces fought a sharp battel with them, wherein many were slain on both sides, but the Danes winning the field, horsed their foot on the horses they gained, and miserably wasted all the West part of Kent. Which King Ethelred being informe•• of, suorum Primatum Consilio et classem et pedestrem congregavit exerci∣tum; by the advice of his Nobles, he as••embled a Navy and foot Army to encounter them. But whiles the ships were preparing, the Captains of the Army delaying from day to day their begun le••yes and un∣dertakings, Grievously vexed the People. In con∣clusion, neither the Navy nor Army did any thing at all for the peoples benefit or defence, prae••er populi laborem, pecuniae pe••ditionem, hostium incitationem, as Floren∣tius Wigorniensis, Roger Hoveden, and others ob∣serve.

Hereupon f King Ethelred, Anno 1000. for the better defence of his Realm, resolved to take to wi••e Emma daughter of Richard Earl of Normandy, who was then most valiant, and formidable to the whole Realm of France: For he saw himself and his Subjects very much weakned, and did not a little fear their future overthrow. Hoc autem Dei nu••u factum esse constat, ut veniret contra improbos malum. Genti enim Anglorum quam sceleribus suis exigentibus disterminare proposuerat, sicut et ipsi Brittones peccatis accusantibus humiliaverant, Dominus omnipotens duplicem contritionem proposuit, et quasi militares insidias adhibuit. Scilicet, ut hinc Daco∣rum persecutione saeviente, illinc Normannorum conjun∣ctione accrescente, si ab Dacorum manifesta fulminatione evaderent, Normannorum improvisam cum fortitudine cautelam non evaderent. Quod in sequentibus apparuit, cum ex hac conjunctione Regis Anglorum, et filiae Ducis Normannorum, Angliam, JUSTE, secundum jus Gen∣tium

Normanni et calumniati sunt, et adepti sunt. Prae∣dixit etiam eis quidam vir Dei, quod ex scelerum suorum immanitate, non solum quia semper caediet proditioni studuebant, verum etiam quia semper ebrieta•••• et negli∣gentiae domus Domini dediti erant, eis insperatum à Francia adventurum Dominium; quod et eorum excellentiam in ae∣ternum deprimeret, et honorem sine termino restitutionis e∣ventilaret. Praedixit etiam, quod non ea gens solum, ve∣rum et Scottorum, quos vilissimos habebant e••s ad emeri∣tam confusionem dominaretur. Praedixit nihilominus va∣rium adeò seculum creandum, ut varietas quae in mentibus hominum latebat, et in actibus patebat, multimoda varia∣tione vestium et indumentorum designaretur. Hac igitur providentia cum Legatoriis ad Ducem Normannorum missis, Rex Anglorum suae petitionis concessionem obtinuis∣set, Statut•• tempore tanto digno ministerio ad Dominam su∣am recipiendam et adducendam Proceres Anglorum mit∣tuntur in Normanniam, quae longo et digno regibus appa∣ratu dirigentur in Angliam. Thus Henry Archdeacon of Huntindon, Radulphus Cistrensis, Bromton, and others out of them, vrite of this Norman ma••ch, as the ground-work of translating the Goverment in succeeding times from the Saxons to the Normans, for the Saxons sinnes forenamed.

This same year, the Danish Fleet sailing into Nor∣mandy and pillaging it, King Ethelred hearing of it, marched with a great Army into Cumberland and the Northern parrs, which had revolted to the Danes, and where their greatest Colony was; where he van∣quished the Danes in a great battel, and wasted, pilla∣ged most of all the Country. Which done, he com∣manded his Navy to sail round about the North parts of Wales, and to meet him at an appointed place, which by reason of cross winds they could not doe: yet they wasted and took the Isle of Man; which success some∣what raised and encouraged the dejected spirits of the English, and encreased the Kings reputation with them.

In the years 1001. h The Danish Fleet returning from Normandy, entred the river of Ex, and besieged Exceter: which the Citizens manfully defending, re∣pulsed them with great loss from their walls. Where∣with they being extremely enraged, marched through all Devonshire, burning the villages, wasting the fields, and slaying the people, without distinction of age or sex, after their usual manner. Whereupon the in∣habitants of Devon, Somerset, and Dorsetshires, uniting their forces in a Body in a Place called Penho, gave them battel: but being overpowred by the multitude of the Danes, who farr exceeded them both in number and mi∣litary skill, they were forced to slie, and many of them slain. The Danes there upon getting their horses, har∣rowed Devonshire farr worse than before, and returned with a great booty to their ships: Whence steering their conrse to the Isle of Wight, they preyed sometimes upon it, sometimes upon Hampshire, other times upon Dorsetshire, no man resisting them. Destroying the men with the sword, and the Villages and Towns with fire, in such sort, ut cum illis nec classica manus navali, nec pedestris exercitus certare audeat praello terrestri: for which cause the King and People were overwhelmed with unspeakable grief and sadness. In this sad per∣plexity, King Ethelred, Anno 1002. Habito consilio cum regni sui Primatibus (as Florentius Wigorniensis, Simeon Dunelmensis, Radulphus de Dicet••, Roger Hove∣den, and others express it; or Consilio Primatum su∣orum, as Mat. Westminster and his followers relate it:) By the Counsel of the Nobles of his realm, (assem∣bled together for this purpose at London) reputed it beneficial for him and his people to make an Agreement with the Danes, and to give them a Stipend, and Pacify∣ing Tribute, that so they might cease from their mischiefs. For which end Duke Leofsi was sent to the Danes, who coming to them, importuned them, that they would accept of a Stipend and Tribute. They gladly em∣bracing

his Embassy, condescended to his request, and de∣termined how much Tribute should be paid them for to keep the peace. Whereupon soon after A Tribute of 24000 pounds was paid them, pro bono Pacis, for the good of Peace.

In this Assembly and Council, (as I conjecture) i King Ethelred informed his COUNSELLERS, who instructed him both in divine and humane things, with the sloathfulness, negligence, and vicious lives of the Secular Priests throughout England, and by their advice thought meet to thrust them out, and put Monks in their places, to pour forth prayers and praises to God for him and his people in a due manner. Whereupon he confirmed by his Charter, the ejection of the Secu∣lar Priests out of Christs-Church in Canterbury, and the introduction of Monks in their places; and ratified all the lands and privileges formerly granted them; ex∣empting the Monastery and Lands thereof from all Se∣cular services, except Expeditione, Pontium operatione, et Arcium reparatione. Beseeching and conjuring all his lawfull Successors, Kings, Bishops, Earls, and peo∣ple, that they should not be, Ecclesiae Christi Praedo∣nes, sed sitis Patrimonii Christi defensores seduli, ut vita et gaudio aeternis cum omnibus Dei sanctis in aeternum fru∣a•…•…. Which Charter was ratified by the Subscrip∣tions of the King, Archbishop, Bishops, Abbots, and of several Aeldermen, Nobles, and Officers, and the sign of the Cross. This year, Duke Leofsi slaying Esric a Nobleman, the Kings chief Provost, was judicially ba∣nished the Realm by the King for this offence.

After this Peace made with the Danes, Anno 1002. Emma ariving in England, received both the Diadem and name of a Queen; whereupon King Ethelred puf∣fed up with pride, seeing he could not drive out the Danes by force of arms, contrived how to murder and

destroy them all in one day by Treachery at unawares, either by the sword or by fire; because they endeavou∣red to deprive him and his Nobles both of their Lives and the Realm, and to subject all England to their own Domi∣nion: The occasion, time, and manner of whose sudden universal Massacre is thus related by Mat. Westmin∣ster, An. 1012. (though acted An. 1002. as all accord) and by Mr. Fox and others. Huna General of King Ethelreds Militia, a valiant warlike man, who had ta∣ken upon him the managing of the affairs of the Realm under the King, observing the insolency of the Danes, who now after the peace made with them, did so proudly Lord it through all England, that they presu∣med to ravish the wives and daughters of Noblemen, and every where to expose them to scorn; by strength caused the English husbandmen to soyl and sow their land, and doe all vile labor belonging to the House, whiles they would sit idely at home, holding their wives, daughters, and servants at their pleasure; and when the husbandmen came home, they should scarce∣ly have of their own, as his servants had: So that the Dane had all at his will and fill, faring of the best, when the owner scarcely had his fill of the worst. Thus the common people being of them opprested, were in such fear and dread, that not only they were constrained to suffer them in their Doings, but also glad to please them, and called every one of them in the House where they had rule, LORD DANE, &c. Hereupon Huna goeth to the King much perplexed, and makes a la∣mentable complaint to him concerning these things. Upon which the King being not a little moved, by the Counsel of the same Huna, sent Letters (or Commissi∣ons) unto all the coasts of the Realm, commanding all and every of the Nation, that on one day after, to wit, on the Feast of St. Brice the Bishop, all the Danes throughout England should be put to death by a secret Massacre, that so the whole Nation of the English might

all jointly and at one time be freed from the Danish Oppression. And so the Danes, who by a firm cove∣nant, sworn unto by both sides a little before, ought to have dwelt peaceably with the English, were too op∣probriously slain, and the women with their children being dashed against the posts of the houses, miserably powred out their souls. When therefore the sentence of this decree was executed at the City of London without mercy, many of the Danes fled to a certain Church in the City, where all of them were slain with∣out pity, standing by the very Altars themselves. Moreover, that which aggravated the rage of this per∣secution, was the death of Guimild, Sister of King Swain, slain in this manner in England: she was lawful∣ly maried to Count Palingers, a Noble man of great power, who going into England with her husband, they both there received the faith of Christ and Sacra∣ment of baptism: this most prudent Virago being the mediatrix of the peace between the English and Danes, gave her self with her husband and only son, as Hosta∣ges to King Ethelred for the security of the peace, she being delivered by the King to that most wicked Duke Edric to keep, that Traytor within few days after com∣manded her husband, with her son, to be slain before her face with four spears, and last of all commanded her to be beheaded. She underwent death with a mag∣nanimous minde, without fear or change of counte∣nance; but yet confidently pronounced as she was dy∣ing, That the shedding of her bloud would bring great detriment to England.

l Henry Huntindon thus relates the story of this Massacre. In the year 1002. Emma the Jewel of the Normans came into England, and received both the Diadem and name of a Queen; with which match King Ethelred being puffed up with pride, bringing forth perfidiousness, caused all the Danes who were with peace in England, to be slain by clandestine Treason on

one and the same day, to wit on the feast of St. Brice, concerning which wickedness we have heard, in our infancy some honest old men say; that the said King sent secret Letters into every City, according to which the English on the same day and hour destroyed all the Danes, either cutting off their heads, without giving them warning, with swords, or taking and burning them suddenly together with fire. Ʋbi fuit videre miseriam, dum quisque charissimos hospites, quos etiam arctissima necessitudo dulc••ores effecerat, cogeretur prodere, et am∣plexus gladio deturbare, writes m Malmsbury.

The News of this bloudy Massacre of the Danes, be∣ing brought into Denmark to King Swain by some Youths of the Danish Nation who escaped and fled out of England in a ship, moved him to tears, n Vo∣catisque cunctis Regni Principibus, Who calling all the Princes of his Realm together, and relating the whole series of what was acted to them; he diligently enquired of them, what they would advise him to do? Who all crying out together, as with one mouth, DECREED, That the bloud of their Neighbours and Friends was to be revenged. Whereupon Swain, a cruel man, prone to shed bloud, animated to revenge, by his Messengers and Letters commanded all the Warriers of his Kingdom, and char∣ged all the souldiers in forein Regions, greedy of gain, to assist him in this expedition against the English, which they cheerfully did, he having now a fairer shew to do foully than ever, wrong having now made him a right of invasion, who had none before.

Anno 1003. King Swain ariving with a great Navy and Army in England, by the negligence and treachery of one Hugh a Norman, whom Queen Emma had made Earl of Devonshire, took and spoyled the City of Exeter, rased the wall thereof to the ground, and burnt the City to ashes, returning with a great prey to his ships,

leaving nothing behind them but the ashes. After which wasting the Province of Wiltshire: a strong Ar∣my congregated out of Hamshire and Wiltshire, went with a resolution manfully and constantly to fight with the Enemy; but when both Armies were in view of each other, ready to joyn battel, Earl Edric their Ge∣neral (a constant Traytor to his Country, and secret friend to the Danes) feigned himself to be very sick, and began to vomit, so that he could not possibly fight. Where upon the Army seeing his slothfulness and fear∣fullness, departed most sorrowfull from their Enemies, without fighting, being disheartned by the Cowar∣dise of their Captain: Which Swane perceiving, he marched to Wilton and Sarisbery, which he took, pilla∣ged, and burnt to the ground, returning with the spoil to his Ships in triumph.

The next year Swane (to whom God had designed the kingdom of England, as some old p Historians write) sailing with his Fleet to Norwich, pillaged and burnt it to the ground. Whereupon Ulfketel, Duke of East-England, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 man of great valour, seeing himself surprized, and wanting time to raise an Army to resist the Danes, cum Majoribus East-Angliae habito Consilio, taking Counsel with the Great men of East-England, made peace with Swane; which he treacherously breaking within three weeks after, suddenly issuing out of his ships, surprized, pillaged, and burnt Thetford to the ground; and covering the Country like Locusts, spoyl∣ed all things, and slaughtered the Country-men with∣out resistance. Which Duke Ulfketel being informed of, commanded some of his Country-men to break his ships in pieces, in his absence from them, which they not da∣red, or neglected to do, and he in the mean time raising an Army with as much speed as he could, bold∣ly marched against the Enemy, returning with great booties to their Ships; where after a long and sharp incounter on both sides, the English being over-pow∣ered

by the multitude of the Danes, were totally ron∣ted, and all the Nobles of East-England there slain in their Countries defence, who fought so valiantly, that the Danes confessed they had never an harder or sharper battel in England than this. The great loss the Danes sustained in it, though they got the field, and an extraordinary famine in England the year fol∣lowing, greater than any in the memory of man, caused Swane to return into Denmark to refresh and re∣cruit his Army.

King Ethelred quit of these Enemies, Anno 1006, deprived Wulfgate the Son of Leonne, whom he had lo∣ved more than all men, of his possessions and all his ho∣mours, propter injusta judicia, for his unjust judge∣ments and proud works; and likewise commanded the eyes of the two Sons of that Arch-Traitor Edric Strcona to be put out at Cocham, where he kept his Court, be∣cause Edric had treacherously inticed a bloody Butcher, Godwin Porthound (whom he corrupted with great gifts) to murder the Noble Duke Althelin at Scoborby∣rig, as he was hunting, whom Edric purposely in∣vited to a Feast, that he might thus treacherously mur∣der him. While these things were acting, in the month of July, the Danes returning with an innumerable Navy into England, landing at x Sandwich, consumed all things with fire and sword, taking great booties, sometimes in Sussex, sometimes in Kent: Whereupon King Ethelred gathered a great Army out of Mercia and the West-parts of England, resolving valiantly to fight with the Danes; who declining any open fight, and returning to their Ships, landed sometimes in one place, sometimes in another, and so pillaging the Country, returned with the booty to the Ships before the English Army could encounter them, which they vexed all the Autumn in marching after them from place to place to no purpose: The English Army re∣turning home when Winte•• began to approach the

Danes with an extraordinary booty sayled to the Isle of Wight, where they continued till the Feast of Christs Nativity, which Feast they turned into sorrow. For then they marching into Hampshire and Berkeshire, pillaged, and burnt down Reading, Wallingford, Colesey, Essington, and very many Villages, Quocunque enim per agebant, quae parata erant hilariter comedentes, cum dis∣cederent in retributionem procurationis reddebant hospiti cae∣dem, hospitio flammam, as Huntindon, Bromton, and o∣thers story. As they were returning another way to their ships with their booty, they found the Inhabi∣tants ready to give them battel at Kenet; whom the Danes presently fighting with, and routing, returned with triumph to their ships, enriched with the new spoils of the routed English.

King Ethelred lying all this time in Shropshire, una∣ble to resist the Danes, Anno 1007. cum Consilio Primatum suorum (as Florentius Wigorniensis, Sime∣on Dunelmensis, Polychronicon, and others express it) by the Counsel of his Nobles, sent Messengers to the Danes▪ commanding them to tell them, quod sump∣tus et Tributum illis dare vellent, that they would give them Costs and Tribute, upon this Condition; That they should desist from rapines, and hold a firm peace with them; to which request they consented, and from that time Costs were given them, and a Tribute paid them of thirty six thousand pounds out of all England, y Henry Huntindon, & Bromton, thus relate the busi∣ness. Rexet Senatus Anglorum, dubii quid age∣rent, quid omitterent, communi deliberatione, gravem conventionē cum exercitu fecerunt, & ad pacis observationē 36000 mil. librar. ei dederunt. A clear evidence that this Agreement and Peace was made, and money granted and raised in England, by common advice & consent in Parliament (or Council) Infrenduit Anglia tota velut arundinem Zephiro vibrante collisum. Unde Rex Ethel∣redus confusione magna consternatus, pecunia pacem ad

tempus, quam armis non potuit, adquisivit, writes z Matthew Westminster. Rex Anglorum Ethelredus, pro bono pacis Tributum 36 mil. librarum perselvit Dacis, as a Radulphus de Diceto words it. After which the King this year made Edric, (aforementioned) Duke of Mercia; and that by the Providence of God, to the destruction of the English, a man of base parentage, but extraordinary crafty, eloquent, witty, and uncon∣stant, surpassing all of that age in envy, persidiousness, pride, cruelty and Treason, who soon after maried the Kings daughter Edith: whereby he had the better op∣portunity to betray the King and kingdom, with less suspition.

b King Ethelred, though often vexed with the wars and invasions of these forein Enemies, yet he had a care to make good Laws for the benefit, peace and safety of his people; whereupon, having thus made Peace with the Danes, An. 1007. he summoned and held a Great Parliamentary Council at Aenham, on the Feast of Easter, at the exhortation of Aelfeag Archbishop of Canterbury, and Wulstan Archbishop of Yorke who to∣gether with the rest of the Bishops, and all the Nobles of England were present at it. Regis Aethelredi E∣dicto concrepante acciti sunt convenire. Where they all assembling together, de catholicae cultu Religionis reparando deque etiam rei statu publicae reparando vel consulendo, plura et non pauca, utpote divin••••us in∣spirati, ratiocinando sermocinabantur. In this Council they debated, resolved on divers things, and enacted many wholesom Laws and Edicts for the reformati∣on and setling of Religion, and Churchmen, the advancement of Gods worship; the Government of the Church and State, the advancement of civil Justice and honesty, and defence of the Realm by Land and Sea, beginning with the things of God and the Church in the first place; which you may read at large in Sir Henry Spelman. Some Laws where of I shall

here transcribe, being very pertinent to my sub∣ject.

Cap. 5.

Sapientes decernunt, Ut Leges quique coram Deo et hominibus aequas statuant et tueantur: iniquas autem omnino deleant: justitiam pauperi at∣que diviti, pari exhibentes lance: et pacem insuper et concordiam piè in hoc seculo coram Deo et ho∣minibus retinentes.

Cap. 6.

Sapientes etiam decernunt, Ut nemo Chri∣stianum et in••ontem pretio tradat extra patriam, praesertim in Pagani alicujus servitium.

Cap 7.

Sapientes etiam decernunt, Ut pro delicto modico nemo Christianum morti adjudicet, sed in mi∣sericordia potius Leges administret ad utilitatem po∣puli; et non pro modico eum perdat, qui est opus ma∣nuum Dei, et mercimonium ejus magno comparatum pretio. De quolibet autem Crimine acuratius decer∣nito, sententiam praebens juxta factum, mercedem jux∣ta meritum, ita scilicet, ut secundum divinam clemen∣tiam levis sit poena, et secundum humanam fragilita∣tem tolerabilis.

Cap. 9.

Nemo dehinc in posterum Ecclesiae servi∣tium imponat, nec clientelam Ecclesiae injuriis affi∣ciat, nec Ministrum Ecclesiae ejiciat inconsulto Epis∣copo.

Cap. 21.

Verba et opera rectè quisque dis••onat, et Jusjurandum pactamque fidem cautè teneat. Om∣nem etiam Injustitiam è patriae finibus quâ poterit in∣dustriâ quisque ejiciat, et perjuria formidanda.

Cap. 22.

Urbium, Oppidorum, Arcium atque Pon∣tium instauratio sedulo fiat, prout opus fuerit, restau∣rentur, renoventur: vallis et fossis muniantur, et circumvallentur; Militaris etiam et Navalis Pro∣fectio, uti imperatum est, ob universalem utique necessitatem.

Cap. 23. De Navali Expeditione sub Paschate.

Ca∣vendum etiam est, ut celerius post Paschatis festum

Navalis expeditio Annuo sit parata. Si quis Navem in Reipublicae expeditionem de••ignatum vitiaverit, damnum integrè restituito, et pacem Regis violatam compensato. Si verò eam ita prorsus corruperit, ut deinceps nihili habeatur, plenam luito injuriam et lae∣sam praeterea Majestatem.

So one translation out of the Saxon Copy reads it: but another thus.

Naves per singulos annos ob patriae defensionem et muni∣tionem praeparentur: po••••que sacrosanctum Pa••cha cum cunctis ut en••libus competentibus simul congre∣gentur. Qua etiam poena digni sunt qui Navium de∣trimentum in aliquibus perficiunt, notum cunctis esse cupimus. Quicunque aliquam ex Navibus per quam∣piam inertiam, vel per incuriam, vel neg∣ligentiam corruperit, et tamen recuperabilis sit; Is, navis corruptelam vel fracturam ejusdem, per soli∣dam prius recuperet, Regique deinde, ea quae pro e∣jusdem munitionis fractura, ••••bimet pertinet, ritè persolvat.

Cap. 24. De Militiam detractante.

Si quis de Profectione militari cui Rex intererit, sine licentia se substraxerit, in detrimentum currat omnium fortu∣narum.

These three last Lawes most clearly demonstrate, that the Militia and Military affairs of this age, with all their Provisions of Arms, Ships for defence of the Realm by Land and Sea, against the invading Danes, and other Enemies, with their Military Laws, and all other apurtenances thereto belonging, were ordered and setled in their General Councils by common con∣sent.

Cap. 26.

Si quis vitae Regis insidiabitur, sui ipsius vitae dispendio, et quas habet, rebus omnibus poenas luito: Sin negaverit, et purgatione qua licuerit, expe∣tierit, solemniori eam faciat juramento, vel Ordalio triplici, juxta legem Anglorum, et in Danorum lege, prout ipsa statuit.

Cap. 27.

Si quis Christi legibus, sive Regis se ne∣fariè opposuerit, capitis plectitor aestimatione, vel mulctâ aliâ, pro delicti qualitate. Et si is contrari∣us rebellare armis nititur, et sic occiditur, inultus jac eat.

Cap. 29.

Scrutari oportet diligentius unumquem∣que modis omnibus, quonam pacto illud ante omnia efferatur Consilium, quod populo habeat utilissimum, et, ut recta Christi re••gio•…•…xime provehatur, inju∣stumque quodlibet funditus extirpetur. Haec enim in rem fuerint totius patriae, ut injustitia conculce∣tur, et Institia coram Deo et hominibus diliga∣tur.

Cap. 32.

Ut quisquis fuerit potentior in hoc secu∣lo, vel per scelera evectus in altiorem gradum, ita gravius emendabit peccata sua, et pro singulis male∣factis poenas luet graviores.

Haec itaque Legalia Statuta vel Decreta in Nostro Conventu Synodali, à Rege nostro magnopere e∣dicta, tuncti tunc temporis Optimates, se observa∣turos fideliter spondebant.

The Invasions and Oppressions of the Danes, exci∣ted both the King, his Prelates and Nobles, in this Great General Council, not only to provide for their necessary defence against them by Land and Sea, but likewise to enact good Laws for the advancement of Gods worship and service, the good Government of the Republick••, the advancement of Justice, and Righteousnesse, the suppression of all Oppressions, Injustice, wickedness, and preservation of the Just Rights and Liberties both of the Church and Peo∣ple; as the most effectual means to unite and pre∣serve them against the Common Enemy, and to re∣move Gods wrath and judgements from them, as the other Statutes and Decrees of this Council more fully resolve, which you may peruse at leisure.

About the same year, (as I conjecture) or not

long after c King Ethelred having some breathing time from wars by his Peace concluded with the per∣fidious Danes, held three other great Parliamentary Councils, the first at VVoodstock, the second at Venetyn∣gum, the third at Haba, wherein He and his Wise-men made and published many excellent Civil and Ecclesiastical Laws, for the Good Government, Peace, VVelfare and happiness of his People, recorded at large in Bromton, Lambard, and Spelman, where you may read them. I shall insert only 3 of them made at Venetingum (VVan••ige, as some take it.)

Cap. 4. Habeantur placita in singulis VVapentakis, ut exeant seniores 12 Thayni & Praepositus cum eis, & jurent super sanctuarium quod eis dabitur in manus, Quod neminem innocentem velint accusare, vel noxi∣um concelare.

Cap. 23. Ad Bilynggesgate si advenisset una navi∣cula, unus obolus Thelonii dabatur: si major & habet siglas, 1 d. si adveniat Ceol, vel ulcus, & ibi jaceat 4 d. ad Thelonium dentur. De navi plena lignorum, unum lig∣num ad Theloneum detur. In ebdomada panum The∣loneum detur 3 diebus, die Dominica, die Martis, & die Jovis. Qui ad Pontem ventat cum Bato ubi piscis inest, u∣nus ob: dabatur in Theloueum, & de majori Nave 1. d. Homines de Rothomago qui veniebant cum vino vel cras∣pisce, Flandrenses & Pontrienses, & Normannia & Francia monstrabant res suas, & extolneabant. Hogge, & Leodium, & Nivella, qui per terras ibant, ostentionem dabant et Theoloneum. Et homines Imperatoris qui ve∣niebant cum navibus suis bonarum legum digni teneban∣tur, sicut & nos emere in suas naves: Et non licebat eis a∣liquod Forcheapum facere burhmannis, & dare Theo∣loneum suum. Et in sancto natali Domini duos Grisin∣gos pan••os, & unum Brunum, & 10 libras Piperis, & cirotecas 5 hominum, et duos cabillinos, colennos aceto pl••nos, & totidem in Pasca: de Dosseris cum Gallinis, una Gallina Thelon. & de uno Dosseto cum Ovis, 5 Ova Theolon. Si

veniat ad Mercatum, mongestre, Sinere qui mangonant in Caseo & Butiro 14 diebus ante Natale Domine, 1. d. & 7 diebus post Natale Domini, Unam alium denarium ad Theloneum.

Cap. 24. Si Portireu vel Tungravia, vel alius Praepo∣situs compellat aliquem quod Theolon. supertenuerit, & homo respondeat quod nullum Theloneum concelaverit quod juste debuit, juret hoc se s••xto, & sit quietus. Si ap∣pellet quod Theolonium dederit, inveniat cui dedit, & qu etus sit. S••tunc hominem invenire non posset cui dedit, reddat ipsum Theloneum, et persolvat 5 l. Regi. Si Cacepollum advocet, quod ••i Theoloneum dedit, & ille neget, perneget ad dei ud cium, et in nulla alia lada.

These-are the first Laws, (to my remembrance) wherein there is any mention of Toll, Tribute, or Cu∣stom, paid by any Natives or Foreiners for goods or merchandise imported or sold; or any forfeitures or pe∣nalty imposed for concealing or non-payment thereof, which it seems were imposed about this time by com∣mon consent in a Parliamentary Council, for the better maintenance of the Navy, and defence of the Realm against the Danes, the end for which I cite them.

The King having thus in the Great Councils of Aen∣ham and Wantige, by consent of his Nobles and Wise-men, provided a Navy to be annually set out for the defence of the Realm, in pursuance thereof the self-same year (as our d Historians joyntly attest) com∣manded one ship to be built, and furnished out of every 310 Hides, or Ploughlands, and a Buckler & Helmet out of eve∣ry 9 Ploughlands, throughout his Realm, The ships being accordingly provided, the King victualled and placed cho∣sen Souldiers in them, and assembled them all together to the port of Sandwich, that they might defend the Coasts of the kingdom from the irruptions of Foreiners. An. 1009. Puppes praedictae congregatae sunt apud Sandwic, & viri optime armati, Necfuit tantus numerus Navium tem∣pore alicujus in Britannia, writes Henry Huntindon. But

yet God frustrated and blasted all their designs, be∣yond expectation: For about, or a little before this time, Brithtricus a slippery ambitious proud man; bro∣ther to perfidious Duke Edric, injuriously accused Wul∣noth, a Noble young man of Southsex to the King, whose servant he was; who thereupon banished him. Wulnoth upon this fled away, lest he should be appre∣hended, and having gotten 20 Ships, exercised fre∣quent Piracies upon the Sea Coasts. The Kings Na∣vy being thereof informed, and that any man who would might easily take him, Brithtric hereupon, to get praise to himself, took 80 of the Kings Ships with him, and promised to bring Wulnoth alive or dead to the King. VVhen he had prosperously sailed a long time in pursute of him, a most violent tempest sud∣denly arising, shattered and bruised all the ships, dri∣ving them one against another, and forced them to run ashore upon the dry land, with great loss, where Wul∣noth presently coming upon them, fired and burnt them all. The rest of the Navy discontented with this sad news, returned to London: The Army likewise then raised was dispersed, Et sic omnis labor Anglorum cassatus est, writes Huntindon: or, as Wigorniensis and others express it, Sicque totius populi maximus labor pe∣riit, to their great grief and disappointment. Upon this disaster, in the time of Harvest, Earl Turkel a Dane arived with a great new Fleet of Danes, and an innume∣rable Army at Sandwich, whom another great Navy of Danes under the command of Hemmingus, Erglafe, & Tenetland followed in the Moneth of August. These all joyning together marched to Canterbury, aslaulted, made a breach therein, and were likely to take it. Whereupon the Citizens and Inhabitants of East-Kent were inforced to purchase a firm peace with them, ar the sum of 3000 pounds; which being paid, they returning to their ships pillaged the Isle of Wight; with the Counties of Sussex and Southampton, near the

Sea-Coasts, burning the Villages, and carrying away great booties thence. King Ethelred upon this, raised and collected a great Army out of all England, placing forces in all Counties near the Sea, to hinder the Danes landing and plundring. Notwithstanding they desisted not, but exercised rapines in all places where they could conveniently land. At last, when they had straggled further off from their Ships than they ac∣customed, and thought to have returned laden with spoils, the King with many thousands of Souldiers in∣tercepting their passage, resolved to die, or to con∣quer them. But perfidious Duke Edric, by his treach∣erous and perplexed orations, endeavored to perswade the King and Souldiers, not then to give the Enemies battel, but to suffer them to escape at that time. Sua∣sit & persuasit. And thus, (like a Traitor to his Coun∣try, as he ever had been) he then delivered the Danes out of the Englishmens hands, and suffered them to de∣part with their booty, without resistance. The Danes after this taking up their VVinter quarters in the Ri∣ver of Thames, maintained themselves with the spoils they took out of Essex, Kent, and other places on both sides of the River, and oft times assaulting the City of London, attempted to take it by assault, but were still valiantly repulsed by the Citizens with great loss.

In Jan. 1010. the e Danes sallying out of their Ships, marched through Chiltern Forest to Oxford, which they pillaged and burnt, wasting the Country on both sides the Thames in their return. Being then inform∣ed that there was a great Army raised and assembled a∣gainst them in London, ready to give them battel; thereupon that part of the Danish Army on the North∣side of the Thames, passed the River at Stanes, and there joyning with those on the South side, marched in one body to their Ships through Surrey, laden with

spoils, refreshing themselves in Kent all the Lent. After Easter they went into the East parts of England, marching to Ringmere near Ipswich, where Duke Ulfketel resided. On the first of May they fought a set battel with him, where, in the heat of the battel the East-English turned their backs on Turketel a Dane, beginning the fight: but the Cambridgeshire men fighting manfully for their Country and Liberty, re∣sisted the Danes a long time, but at last being over∣powred with multitudes, they likewise sled; Many Nobles and Officers of the King, and an innumerable multitude of people were slain in the fight. The Danes gaining the victory, and thereby East-England, turn∣ed all Horsemen, and running through the Country for three Months space, burnt Cambridge, Thetford, with all the Towns and Villages in those parts, slew all the people they met with, as well Women and Children, as Men; tossing their very Infants on the ••ops of their Pikes, wasted, pillaged all places, killing the Cattel they could not eat, and with an infinite rich booty their Footmen returned to their ships. But their Horsemen marching to the River of Thames, went first into Oxfordshire••, and from thence into Bucking∣ham, Hertford and Bedford Shires, burning Villages, and killing both Men and beasts, and wholly depopula∣ted the Country; then they retired laden with very great booties to their ships. After this, about the Feast of St. Andrew they rambled through Northamp∣tonshire, burning and wasting all the Country, together with Northampton it self; then marching Westward into Wiltshire, they burnt, pillaged, depopulated the Country, leaving all those Counties like a desolate Wilderness, there being none to resist or encounter them after their great victory at Ringmere.

The Danes having thus wasted and depopulated East-England, Essex, Middlesex, Hertford, Buck∣hingham, Oxford, Cambridge Shires, half Huntindon∣shire,

most of Northamptonshire, Kent, Surrey, Sussex, Southampton, Wiltshire, and Barkshire, with Fire and Sword. King Ethelred, et Regni sui Magnates, and the Nobles of his Realm, thereupon sent Ambassadors to the Danes, desiring peace from them, and promising them Wages and Tribute, so as they would desist from depopulating the Realm. Which they upon hearing the Embassadors consented to, yet not without fraud and dissi∣mulation, as the Event proved. For although provisi∣ons and expences were plentifully provided for them, and Tribute paid them by the English according to their desires, yer they desisted not from their rapines, but marched in Troops through the Provinces, wasting the Villages every where, spoiling most of the misera∣ble people of their goods, and some of their lives. At last, not satisfied with rapine and bloodshed, between the Feasts of St. Mary and St. Michael, they besieged Canterbury, (contrary to their dear bought peace,) and by the treachery of Archdeacon Almear took the Ci∣ty, which they pillaged and burnt to the ground, to∣gether with the Churches therein, burning some of the Citizens in the fire, slaying others of them, casting ma∣ny of them headlong over the Walls, dragging the VVomen by the hair about the streets, and ravishing, and murdering them. After which they decimated the Men, VVomen, Monks, and little Children that remained, leaving only the tenth of them alive, and murdering the rest, slaying no less than 900 Religious persons, and above 8000 others in this manner, as some of our Historians relate. Mr. f Lambard in his Perambulation of Kent, computeth, that ther were mas∣sacred 43 thousand and two hundred persons in this Decimation, there being only 4 Monks, and 4800 Lay∣people saved alive. The Archbishop g Alfege

they took prisoner, bound in chains, buffeted, grie∣vously wounded, and then carried to their Fleet, where they kept him prisoner 7 Moneths. At last they propounded to him, that if he would enjoy his life and liberty, he should pay them 3000 pounds for his ran∣som: which he refusing to do Week after Week; prohibiting any others to give them any thing for his ransom, they were so inraged with him, that bringing him forth publikely to their Council at Greenwich, they struck him down to the ground with their battel Axes, Stones, and the Bones and Heads of Oxen, and at last one Thrum, (whom he had confitmed but the day before) moved with an impious piety, cleft his head with an Axe, and so martyred him. The Londoners hearing of it, pur∣chased his dead corps with a great sum of money, and honourably interred it: But above 2000, of these bloody Villains were in short time after destroyed with grievous diseases. VVhiles these things were acted by the Danes in Kent. Anno 1012. perfidious Duke Edric h et omnes cujuscunque Ordinis et Dignita∣tis Primates Congregati, and all the Nobles of eve∣ry Order and Dignity assembled together at the City of London, continuing there til they had levied and paid to the Danes a Tibute of forty (as some) or forty eight thousand pounds (as others write) upon this condi∣tion; That all the Danes within the Realm should have every where a peaceable habitation with the English, and that there should be, as it were, one Heart, and one Soul of both people (as Matthew Westminster, Daniel, and some others record the Agreement.) Which Accord being ra∣tified on both sides with Pledges and Oaths (as Matthew Westminster and others relate,) King Swain (as some Historians write, though others mention not his be∣ing here in person, but only by his Commanders) re∣turned into his own Land, and so the rage of the Da∣nish persecution ceased for a short space. Upon this a∣greement 45 of the Danish ships under the command of

Turkill the Danish General, submitted themselves to King Ethelred, promising, That they would defend Eng∣land against strangers and forein invasions, upon this con∣dition, that the English should find them victuals and cloaths. Henry Huntindon censures this accord, with the Danes, as made overlate. Tunc vero Rex nimis serò pacem fe∣cit cum Dacorum exercitu, dans eis 8000 (misprinted for 48000) librarum; nunquam enim tempore opor∣tuno pax fi••bat, donec nimia contritione terra langue∣ret.

To what extremities King Ethelred was put to raise this and the other forementioned Tributes to the D••••nes, and to pay his own Captains besides; and how much the Monasteries were taxed, oppressed, ex∣hausted of all their moneys, plate, wealth by the King, his Officers and the Danes, during these wars, by force and menaces, this memorable passage of Abbot Ingul∣phus will best inform us, not mentioned by any other Historians, which I purposely reserved, as properest for this place.

k

In tempore itaque Domini Osketuli Abbatis Croylandiae, cum sic Dani totam terram inquietarent, indigenae ••e Villis & Vicis ad Civitates & Castella, & plurimi ad paludes, et lacum, loca invia refugien∣tes, Danorum transitum et discursum pro anima prae∣cavebant. Coeperunt tunc omnia terrae Monasteria a Rege Ethelredo, et Ducibus ejus ac Ministris Gra∣vissimis exactionibus subjici, et ad satisfaciendum Danicis Tributis pro immensis pecuniarum sum∣mis sibi impositis, supra modum affligi: Et direptis thesauris, ac monasteriorum tam sacris calicibus, quam al••••s jocalibus, etiam sanctorum Scrinia jubent ab exactoribus spoliari. Venerabilis ergo pater dominus Osketulus Abbas Croilandiae 400. marcas pro talibus Tributis variis vicibus exolverat: et tandem 12. an∣nis in officio pastorali sanctè ac strenuè consummatis, mortis sacrae compendio Regias exactiones, univer∣sosque

seculi timores cum carnis depositione finalitèr exuebat. 12. Cal. Novemb. Anno scil. Domini 1005. Cui successit ad Abbatis officium Venerabilis Pater Abbas Godricus, electus et effectus Abbas in diebus an∣gustiae, tribulationis et miseriae; laboriosissimeque rexit Monasterium 14. annis, sub praedicto rege Ethelredo: Hujus Abbatis tempore cum Dani totius terrae ferè obtinerent dominium, et tàm per Ethelredum regem et ejus Duces Edricum, Alf ••cum. Godwinum et ali∣os 〈◊〉〈◊〉 importabiles Impositiones pro Danorum tributis persolvendis, ac aliae Exactiones gravissimae ad eorundem Ducum expensas plurimas restauran∣das, quam per Analafum et Swanum, ac eorum exer∣ci••us depraedationes despoliationes et destructiones assidue fierent saepe multa Monasteria de omni De∣nario emuncta sunt. Non tamen exac•…•…r•…•…s ultimum quadrantem se extorsisse credere voluerunt. Ita hinc re∣ligiosi, quo magis premebantur magis putabantur ha∣bentes, magis putabantur abundantes. Hinc venerabi∣lis Pater Abbas Godricus solvit primo Anno Regi E∣thelredo, 200 marcas: Ducesque sui pro suis expensis similiter ducentas marcas extorquebant, praeter minores sumptus, qui quotidie Regis ministris irruentibus conti∣nue fiebant. Secundo, tertio ac quarto anno similiter actum est. Tertio enim anno pro Triremibus per omnes por∣tus Fabricandis, et Navali Militia cum victualibus, et aliis necessariis exhibenda, Ducentae Librae exactae sunt. Quarto etiam anno cum Turketulus, Danicus Comes cum fortissima classe appllc••isset. Procentum Libris missu••▪ et ad solutionem per exactores cru∣delissimos commissum est. Di currentesque Dani tunc per provincias, omnia mobilia diripientes, im∣mobilia cremantes, Draiton, Kotenham, et Hoketon maneria Croylandiae, cum toto Comitatu Cantabrigiae direpta, ignibus tradiderunt. Sed haec nuntia sunt malorum. Quippe cum quolibet anno sequente qua∣ter centum Marcae Regiis exactionibus et Ducum

suornm sumptibus communiter solverent, rex Swa∣nus veniens cum classe recenti exercitu ferocissimo tunc omnia depopulatur. Irruens enim de Lindesia, vicos cremat, rusticos eviscerat, religiosos omnes va∣riis torment is necat: tunc Baston et Langtoft flammis donat. Is erat annus Domini 1008. Tunc monasteri∣um Sanctae Pegae omniaque sua contigua maneria, sci∣licet Slinton, Northumburtham, Makesey, Etton, Ba∣dington, & Bernake, omnia una vice combusta, tota fa∣milia caesa, vel in captivitatem ducta. Abbas cum toto comitatu nocte fugiens et navigio in Croylandi∣am veniens, salvatus est. Similiter Monasterium Burgi, villaeque vicinae ac maneria sua, Ege, Thorp, Walton, Witherington, Paston, Dodifthorp, et Castre, pri∣us omnia direpta, postea slammis tradita sunt. Abbas cum majore parte conventus sui assumptis secum sa∣cris reliquiis sanctarum Virginum, Kineburgae, Ki∣neswithae ac Tibbae Thorniam adiit. Prior autem cum nonnullis fratribus, assumpto secum brachio sancti Oswaldi regis, ad insulam de Hely aufugit. Subprior vero cum 10. fratribus ad Croylandiam venit faelicitèr. Illo anno ex frequentibus fluviis inundationes excre∣verunt, et vicinas paludes, circum{que} jacentes mariscos immeabiles reddebant. Ideo totus mundus advenit, populus infinitus affluxit, Chorus et claustrum reple∣bantur Monachis, caetera Ecclesia sacerdotibus et cleri∣cis, Abbatia tota laicis, caemeterium{que} nocte ac die sub tentoriis mulieribus et pueris: fortiores quicunque inter eos ac juvenes in ulnis et alnetis ora fluminum observabant: erantque tunc quotidie (ut caetera one∣ra taceantur) 100 Monachi in mensa. Super haec om∣nia, per nuncium Rex Swanus Monasterio Croylan∣diae mille Marcas imposuit, et ••ub poena combustio∣nis totius Monasterii solutionem dictae pecuniae certo die apud Lincoln assignavit; infraque tertium mensem post solutionem hujus pecuniae, iterum pro victualibus suo exercitui providendis exactores nequissimi mille Marcas

minis maximis extorquebant. Ventilatum est tunc et ubique vulgatum crudele martyrium S. Elphegi Archiepiscopi Doroberniae, qui quia summam pecuni•• excessivam sibi impositam pro sua redemptione solvere de∣trectavit, belluina Dacorum ferocitas eum acerbissimo tormento crudeliter interemit. Omnes fera tempora fle∣bant, foelices qui quocunque modo in fata processerant. Abbas Godricus maximè, cui cura tanti populi incum∣bebat et quem Rex Ethelredus cumulos argenti habe∣re existimabat. Daniens vero Swanus, sunsque totus exercitus ei, tanquam Domino de manibus eorum re∣fugientium, juges insidias et minas semper maximas ingerebat. Demum expensis internis et exactionibus externis totus thesaurus Domini Turketuli Abbatis distractus est, horrea ••mborum Egelr••corum ••••m lita sunt, cum adhuc Regii exactores pro pecuniis quoti∣die irruerent. Et eum tanquam patriae proditorem, et Da∣norum provisorem regi in proximo cum dignis compedibus deducendum, et suppliciis tradendum pro suis demeritis af∣firmarent. Perculsus ergo venerabilis Pater Abbas Godricus dolore cordis intrinsecus pro tot minis terri∣bilibus, convocat totum suum conventum; et nun∣cians nummos Monasterio deficere, orat et exorat, quatenus doceant et decernant in medio, quid contra nequam seculum magis expediat faciendum? Tandem longo tractatu placet haec sententia cunctis, aliquem Ministrorum seu satellitum Edrici Ducis Merciorum conducere, et cum pecuniae deficeren••, terris et tene∣mentis ad terminum vitae concedendis, in suum defensorem contra imminentia pericula obligare. Erat enim ille Edricus potentissimus post regem in terra, et cum re∣ge Ethelredo, et cum Swano rege Danorum familiarissi∣mus, et postea cum Cnuto filio suo. Conductus est ergo quidam maximus satellitum dicti Ducis Edrici nomine Normannus, sanguine summe clarus, filius, vi∣delicet Comitis Lefwini, et Frater Leofrici nobilis Comitis Leicestriae, dato sibi (prout postulabat) ma∣nerio

de Badby, ad terminum 100. annorum. Ille di∣ctum manerium acceptans, tenere de Sancto Guthla∣co per firmam in grano piperis per annum in festo S. Bartholomaei singulis annis persolvendo, fideliter pro∣mittebat, et se futurum procuratorem ac protecto∣rem Monasterii contra omnes adversarios confecto inde chirographo obligabat. Valuit illud Monaste∣rio aliquanto tempore, scilicet omnibus diebus vi∣tae suae.

By which passages it is apparent, what Taxes, exacti∣ons, predures the Monasteries and others suffered both from King Ethelred his Captains and Officers on the one side, and from the Danes on the other side; and how they were enforced to hire and bribe great Souldiers and Courtiers, by leases and monies, to pro∣tect them from utter ruine.

l John Speed affirms, That the Clergy as backward as any, denied to King Ethelred their assistance, pleading their exemptions from warr, and privileges of the Church, when the land lay bleeding and deploring for help, and scan∣dalized all his other proceedings for demanding their aydes. But this passage of Abbot Ingulphus so near that age, out of the Register Books of Croyland (whereof he was Abbot not long after) proves they paid great annual contributions to the King and his Officers, which con∣sumed all their money, plate, Jewels, Chalices, and the very shrines of their Saints, notwithstanding all Charters and exemptions. And as for the Laity,

m William of Malmsbury, Radulphus Cistrensis, Mr. Fox, and others write. That King Ethelred had such a condition, that he would lightly dis-inherit English∣men of their lands and possessions, and caused them to re∣deem the same with great sums of money, and that he gave himself to polling of his Subjects, and framed Trespasses for to gain their money and goods, for that he paid great Tribute to the Danes yearly. Whereby he lost the af∣fections of the people, who at last deserted him, and sub∣mitted

themselves to the Danish Invaders, who usurped the Soveraign power, and forced him out of England with his Queen and Children. These Unrighteous Oppressions, Dis-inherisons, and Exactions of his were specially provided against by his Nobles, Prelates, and VVise∣men in the n Councils of Aenham and Habam foreci∣ted, by special Laws, and special excellent Prayers and Humiliations prescribed to be made to God to protect them from his judgements, and the invading, oppressing, bloody Danes, worthy perusal; yet pretended neces∣sities and VVar, laid all those Laws asleep.

In the year of Christ 1013. (the very next after the Englishmens dearest purchased Peace, which the perfidious gold-thirsty Danes never really intended to observe) King Swain, by the secret instigation of Tur∣kel the Dane (whom King Ethelred unadvisedly hired to guard him with his Danish shi••s from forein Invasi∣ons) who sent him this Message, o Angliam praeclaram esse patriam & opimam, sed Regem stertere illum Vene∣re Vino que studentem, nihil minus quàm bellum cogitare: Quapropter odiosum suis, ridiculum alienis, Duces invi∣dos, Provinciales infirmos, primo stridore Lituorum proelio cessuros, p arrived at Sandwich with a great Fleet and Army of Danes, in the Moneth of July; where resting themselves a few days, he failed round the East part of England, to the mouth of Humber, and from thence into the River of Trent, to Gainsborough, where he quitted his ships, intending to was••e the Country. Hereupon, first of all Earl Uhtred & the Northumbria••s, with those of Lindesey, presently without delay, and after them the Freelingers with all the people in the Northern parts of Watling street, having no man to de¦fend them, yeelded themselves up to Swain without striking one stroke: and establishing a peace with him, they gave him Hostages for their loyalty, and swore Fealty to him as their Soveraign. Where∣upon he commanded them to provide ho••ses and victu∣als

for his Army, which they did. William Malmes∣bury observes, that the Northumbrians thus unworthi∣ly submitted to Swane his Government; Non quod in eorum mentibus genuinus ille calor, & Dominorum im∣pa••iens refriguerie, sed quod Princeps eorum Uthredus pri∣mus exemplum defectionis dederit. Whose example drew on all other parts. Illis sub jugum missis coeteri quoque omnes populi qui Angliam ab Aquilone inhabi∣tant vectigal et obsides dederunt. A very strange and sudden change, conquest, without a blow. Swain committing his Navy and Hostages to his son Cnute, raised chosen Anxiliaries out of the English, who sub∣mitted to him, and then marched against the Southern Mercians. Having passed Watling street, he by a pub∣like Proclamation commanded his Soldiers, to wast the Fields, burn the Villages, cut down the Woods and Orchards, spoil the Churches, kill all the Males that should come into their hands, Old and Young, without shewing them any mercy, reserving only the Females to satisfie their lusts, and to do all the mischiefs that possibly they could act. Which they accordingly executed, raging with beastly cruelty. Marching to Oxford, he gained it sooner than he ima∣gined by surrender: taking Hostages of them, He posted thence to Winchester: Where the Citizens extraordi∣narily terrified with the excessiveness of his cruelty, immediately yeelded, and made their peace with him; they and the whole Country giving him such and so many hostages as he desired, for his security, and like∣wise swearing allegiance to him. Only the Londoners defending their lawfull King within their walls, shut the Gates against him. From Winchester Swain march∣ed with great glory and triumph to London, endea∣vouring by all means, either to take it by force, or sur∣prize it by fraud. At his first arrival he lost many of his Souldiers, who were drowned in the River of Thames through overmuch rashness, because they would neither seek for Bridge nor ford to pass over it.

King Ethelred being then within the City, and having no other refuge, the Citizens closing their Gates man∣fully defended their lawfull King and City against the assailants. Who encouraged with the hope of glory, and great booty, fiercely assaulted the City on all sides, but were all most valiantly repulsed by the Citizens, through the assistance of valiant Earl Turkel, then within it; the Danes sustaining great loss of men, who were partly slain, and partly drowned, the Citizens not only repulsing them from the Walls; but likewise sallying forth, and slaying them by heaps, so that Swain himself was in danger to be slain, had he not desperately ran through the midst of his Enemies, and by flight escaped their swords. q Malmesbury thus writes of the Citizens, Oppidani in mortem pro Liber∣tate ruebant, nullam sibi veniam futuram arbitrantes si Regem desererent, quibus ipse vitam suam commi∣serat. It aque cum ut ••nque acriter certaretur, Iustior causa victoriam habuit, Civibus magna ope conan••••bus, dum unusquisque s••dores suos, Principi ostentare, et pro eo pulchrum putaret emori: Hostium pars pro∣strata, pars in flumine Thamesi necata. Hereupon Swain despairing to take the City, marched with his torn shattered Army, first to Wallingford, plundering and demolishing all things they met with in their way; af∣ter their wonted manner, and at last they came to Bath; where Ethelmere Earl of the West Country, with all his people came and submitted to him, giving him hostages for their loyalty. Having thus finished all things according to his desire, he returned with his Hostages to his Navy▪ being both called and reputed King by all the People of England (Lord••n excep∣ted si Rex ••ure queat vocari, qui fere cuncta Tyran∣nice faciebat, write Florence of Worceste••▪ & Simeon Du∣nelmensis ver•• cau••elousl••, Nec adhuc flecterentur Lon∣dinenses tota jam Anglia in clientelam ejus inclina∣ta, nisi Ethelredus praesentia eos dest••ueret sua: as Malmesbury observes.

King Ethelred being a man given to sloathfullness, and through consciousness of his own demeri••s, very fearful (deeming no man faithfull to him, r by reason of the tragical death of his Brother Edwaod, for which he felt this Divine revenge, not daring to raise an Army, nor sight the Enemy with it when raised, Ne Nobiles Regni quos injuste exhaeredaverat, lest the Nobles of the Realm, whom he had unjustly dis-inherited, should desert and deliver him up to the Enemy;) de∣clining the necessity of war, and of a new siege, most unworthily deserted the Londoners (his faithfull valiant Subjects and Protectors in the midst of their dangers & Enemies, slying away secretly frō them to Hamshire, by secret journies, from wbence he sailed to the Isle of Wight. Hereupon the Londoners, s Laudandi prorsus vi••i & quos Mars ipse collata non sperneret ha∣sta, si Ducem habuissent, Cujus dum vel sola umbra pro∣tegerentur totius pugnae, aleam, ipsam ohsidionem etiam non paucis mensibus luserunt) Seeing themselves thus un∣worthily deserted by their Soveraign in their extremi∣ties, moved by the example of the rest of their Coun∣trymen, submitted themselves likewise to King Swain, sending Hostages to, and making their peace with him; the rather, for that they feared Swains fury was so much incensed against them, for his former shamefull re∣pulses by them, that if they submitted not to him of their own accords, he would not only spoil them of all their goods, but likewise command either all their eyes to be pulled out, or their hands and feet to be cut off, if he subdued them by force. t John Speed (a∣gainst the current of other Historians) informs us, That Swain after his repulse from London, having recei∣ved a certain sum of money, went back into Denmark, for want of victuals, and to recruit his shattered Ar∣my, whence returning soon after, he was immediatly met by the English, where betwixt them was struck a sore battel, which had been with good success, had

not the Treason of some hindred it, in turning to the Danes. King Ethelred therefore seeing himself and the Land betrayed on this manner, to those few true English that were left, used this Speech as fol∣loweth.

If there wanted in me a fatherly care, either for the de∣fence of the Kingdom, or administration of Justice in the Commonwealth, or in you, the carriage of Soul∣diers for defence of your Native Country, then truly silent would I be for ever, and bear those calamities with a more dejected mind: but as the case stands (be it as it is) I for my part am resolved, to rush into the midst of the Enemy, and to lose my life for my kingdom and Crown. And you (I am sure) hold it a worthy death, that is purchased for the Liberties of your selves and kinred; and therein I pray you, let us all die: for I see both God and destiny against us, and the name of the English Nation brought almost to the last period: for we are overcome, not by weapons and hostile warr, but by Treason and domestick falshood: our Navy betrayed into the Danes hands, our battel weakned by the re∣volt of our Captains, our designs betrayed to them by our own Counsellers, and they also inforcing compo∣sition of dishonourable Peace: I my self disesteemed, and in scorn termed, Ethelred the unready: Your va∣lour and loyalty betrayed by your own Leaders, and all our poverty yearly augmented by the payment of their Danegelt; which how to redress God only knoweth, and we are to seek, For if we pay money for peace, and that confirmed by Oath, these Enemies soon break it, as a people that neither regard God nor man, contrary to equity and the Laws of War, and of Nations; and so f••r off is all hope of better success, as we have cause to fear the losse of our kingdom, & you the extinction of the Eng∣lish Nations revenue. Therefore seeing our enemies are at hand, and their hands at our throats, let us by fore-sight and counsel save our own lives, or else by courage sheath

our swords in their bowels, either of which I am willing to enter into, to secure our Estate and Nation from an ir∣recoverable Ruine.

After which Speech he and his Army retreated, and gave way to the prevailing Ene∣my.

Swain herepon setling all things according to his own will, when as he knew, that no man durst resist him, commanded himself to be called King of England, Dum non fuit alius qui pro sure regni, decertare, vel se regem confiteri ausus fuisset, as u Matt. Westmin∣ster, and others write. Such a strange fear and stu∣pidity was then fallen upon Ethelred and the whole English Nation. After this Ethelred privily departed from London to Hampton, and from thence to the Isle of Weight as afore said, where advising with the Abbots, and Bishops there assembled in Council, what course was best to steer, he spake thus unto them, the History whereof I shall fully relate in x William of Malmes∣bury his words.

Ibi Abbates et Episcopos Qui nec in tali necessitate Dominum suum deserendum puta∣rent, in hanc convenit sententiam. Viderent quam in angusto res essent suae, et suorum se perfidia Ducum avito extorrem sol••o, et opis egentem alienae, in cu∣jus manu aliorum ••olebat salus pendere: quondam Monarcham et Potentem, modo miserum et exulem: dolendum sibi hanc commutationem, quia facilius to∣leres o••es non habuisse, quam habitas amisisse. Pu∣dendam Anglis eo magis, quod deserti Ducis exem∣plum processurum sit in orbem terrarum. I••os a∣more sui sine sumptibus voluntariam subeuntes sugam, domos et facultates suas praedonibus exposuisse, in arcto esse victum omnibus, vestitum deesse pluribus: probare se fidem illorum sed non reperire salutem, adeo jam subjugata terra, observari littora, ut nus∣quam sine periculo sit exitus. Quapropter conside∣rent in medium, quid censerent faciendum. Si ma∣neant, plus a Civibus cavendum quam ab Hostibus;

forsitan enim crucibus suis novi domini gratiam mer∣carentur; et cer•• è occidi ab hoste titulatur fortunae, prodi a Cive addicetur Ignaviae. Si ad exteras gentes fugi••ne gloriae fore dispendium; si ad notas, metuen∣dum ne cum fortuna colerent animum. Plaerosque e∣nim probos et illustres viros hac occasione caesos, ex∣periendum tamen sortem et tentandum pectus Richar∣di Ducis Normannorum, qui si Sororem et Nepotes non ingrato animo susceperit, se quoque non asper∣nanter protecturum. Vadabitur enim mihi meam sa∣lutem conjugi et liberis impensus favor. Quod si il∣le adversum pedem contulerit, non deerit mihi ani∣mus, planè non deerit, hic gloriosè occumbere, quàm illic ignominiosè vivere.

Hereupon he sends Emma his Queen and her chil∣dren in the moneth of August into Normandy, accom∣panied with the Bishop of Durham, and Abbot of Burgh, where they are joyfully received by Duke Richard, who invites Ethelred himself to honour his Court with his presence; who thereupon in January following passeth over into Normandy, and there solaceth his mi∣series with the curteous entertainment he there found. y King Swane in the mean time provokes invaded England with ruines and slaughters, playes the absolute Tyrant, commands Provisions to be abundantly provi∣ded for his Army and Navy, et Tributum fere impor∣tabile solvi praecepit, and likewise commanded an in∣supportable Tribute to be paid: And the like in all things Earl Turkell the Dane, commanded to be paid to his Navy lying at Greenwich, hired by King Ethelred to defend the English from Foreiners; yet both of them as often as they pleased preyed upon and pillaged the Country besides, first polling the inhabitants of their goods, and then banishing them. Provincialium sub∣stantiae prius abreptae, mox proscriptiones factae. In this sad oppressed condition under their New Soveraign, to whom they had submitted themselves, both Nobles

and people knew not what to do•…•… Haesitabatur totis ur∣bibus quid fieret: si pararetur rebellio, assertorem non ha∣berent; si eligeretur subjectio, placido rectore carerent. Ita privatae et publicae opes ad naves cum obsidibus deporta∣bantur. Quo evidenter apparet Swanum naturalem et legitimum non esse Dominum, sed atrocissimum Tyrannum, as Malmesbury, Matthew Westminster, and others record. But God who is propitious to people in their greatest extremities, suffered not England to lye long fluctuating in so many calamities. For this barbarous Tyrant Sw••ne, after innumerable evils and cruelties perpetrated in England and elsewhere, added this to the heap of his further damnation, that he Ex∣acted a great Tribute out of the Town of St. Edmonds∣bury, Anno 1014. which none ever before presumed to doe, since it was given to the Church wherein the body of the precious Martyr St. Edmond lieth intomb∣ed, all the lands thereof being exempted from Tributes. Beginning to vex the possessions of the Church, and threatning to burn the Town and destroy all the Monks unless they speedily paid him the Tribute he exacted, and using reproachfull speeches against St. Edmond, as having no holiness in him, he was suddenly struck dead and ended his life on the Feast of the Purificati∣on of the blessed Virgin, Anno 1014. Our Monkish Historians record; That on the Evening of the day whereon he held a general Court at Ge••gnosburgh; ••e∣iterating his menaces against the Town, and ready to put them in execution, for not paying the Tribute deman∣ded, he saw St. Edmond comming alone armed against him, whiles he was invironed in the midst of his Da∣nish Troops; whereupon he presently cried out with great affright and a lowd voice; Help O fellow Souldi∣ers, help, behold St. Edmond comes to slay me: and whiles he was thus speaking, being grievously woun∣ded with a spear by the Saint, he fell off from his horse, and continued in great torment till night, and so en∣ded

his life, with a miserable death.

z Swane being de••d, the whole Navy and Nation of the Danes, Elected and made •…•…te his son their King and Lord: 〈…〉〈…〉 Majores Natu totius Angliae; The Nobles and Senators of all England liking no∣thing ••e••s than bondages especially under such new ty∣rannizing forein Intr•…•…, thinking it now or never the time to shake of•• their new yoak, pronounced their Natural Lord, to be dearer to them than any Forei∣ner, Si regalius se quam consu••verat ageret. Whereup∣on with unanimous consent, and great joy and speed they sent messengers •…•…o Normandy to Ethelred to in∣form him; Nullum eo libentius se in Regem recepturos, si ipse vel rectius gubernare, vel mitius eos tractare vellet quam prius tractaverat: and to hasten his return unto them. Who thereupon presently sent over his son Edward, qui fidem Principum, favoremque vulgi praesens specularetur: who together with his Embassadors, as∣sured both the Nobles and Commons of the English Nation; That he would for time to come be their mild and devout Lord, consent to their wills in all things, acquiesce in their Counsels, and if he had offended in any kinde, he would reform it according as they should think fit, and with a ready mind pardon whatsoever had been contemptuously or disgracefully spoken or acted by them, against him or his, if they would all unanimously receive him again as their King into the Kingdom. To which they all gave a fa∣vourable and satisfactory answer: Whereupon a ple∣nary reconciliation was ratified between them on both sides▪ both by words and compact. Moreover a The Nobles unanimously and fréely agreed and voted, That they would never more admit a Danish King into England to reign over them. These things concluded, King Ethelred speedily returns into Eng∣land, where he was honourably and joyfully received

by the English. And that he might seem to cast off his former sloathfulness, he hastned to raise an Army a∣gainst Cnute, who remaining with his Navy in Lindesey, made an agreement with the inhabitants, exacting men and horses from them, that he might surprise Ethelred at unawares, and threatning grievously to punish all such as revolted from him. But Cnute being taken in his own craft, (Ethelred marching thither with a strong army before he was provided to receive him) fled from thence with his Hostages, Army and Navy to Sandwich; whereupon Ethelred depopulated all Lindesey, wasting the Country with fire and sword, slaying all the Inha∣bitants (as Traitors to him and their Native Country;) Cnute, by way of revenge, humano et divino Jure con∣tempto in insontes grassatus, cuts off the hands and ears, and ••••its the Noses of all the most Noble and beautiful Hostages throughout England, given to his father, and so dismissing them, sailed into Denmark to settle his af∣fairs and augment his sorces, resolving to return the year following. After his departure, b King Ethel∣red this very year, Super haec omnia mala Classi quae apud Greenwic ••acui•• Tributum quod erat 30. millia libra∣rum, pendi mandavit; to wit, to the Fleet under Turkell the Dane, who instead of defending, did but help to pillage and oppress the English: Huntindon writes, it was but 21 thousand pounds; and Bromton a∣vers that it was Cnute, not Ethelred, who commanded it to be paid to his Navy. Soon after which, the Sea rising higher than it was accustomed, drowned an in∣numerable Company of Villages, people, and car∣tel.

After Cnutes departure, c King Ethelred summo∣ned a Parliamentary Council at Oxford, Anno 1015, both of the Danes and English. Malmsbury expressly stiles it, MAGNUM CONCILIUM; Wigorniensis, Hoveden, Sim. Dunelmensis, MAGNUM PLACI∣TUM:

Matthew Westminster and others, MAG∣NUM COLLOQUIUM; our later English Histo∣rians, a Great Council and Parliament. The King by the ill advise of that Arch Traytor Duke Edric at this Great Council, commanded some Nobles of the Danes to be sodenly and secretly slain, quasi de Regia proditio∣ne notatos ac persidiae apud se insimulatos, the chiefest of them were Sygeforth and Morcar, whom Edric, trea∣cherously invited to his chamber, and there making them drunk, caused his armed guards there placed se∣cretly to murder them, which they did. Hereupon their Servants endeavouring to revenge their Lords deaths (being digniores et potentiores ex Seovengensibus) they were repulsed with arms, and forced to slye into the Tower of St. Frideswides Church for safety; whence when they could not be forcibly expelled, they were all there burnt together. The King presently seised up∣on their lands and goods (the chief cause of their mur∣der, as some conceived) and sent the relict of Sygeforth (a very Noble, beautifull and vertuous Lady) prisoner to Malmsbury: whither Edmond (the Kings base Son, as some affirm,) posted without his fathers privity, and being enamored with her beauty, first carnally a∣bused, then afterward maried her; and by her advice for∣cibly invaded and seised upon the Lands of her husband and Morcar, which were very great, and the Earldom of Northumberland, which his father denied him upon his request: Whereupon all the Inhabitants of that Coun∣ty readily submitted to him. Whiles these things were acting, (d) Cnute having setled his affairs in Den∣mark, and made a League with his neighbour Kings recruired his Army and Navy, and returned into Eng∣land with a resolution, either to win it, or to lose his life in the attempt. Ariving first at Sandwich, and sailing thence to the West, he pillaged Dorsetshire, Somerset∣shire, and Wiltshire, filling all places with slaughters and plunders. King Ethelred lying then sick at Cosham

his son Edmond Ironside, and Duke Edric, raised an Ar∣my against Cnute; but when both their forces were u∣nited to fight him, the old persidious Traytor Edric en∣deavoured by all means to betray Edmond to the Danes, or treacherously to slay him; which being discovered to Edmond, thereupon they severed their forces from each other, and gave place to the Enemies without gi∣ving them battel. Not long after Edric inticing to him 40 of the Kings ships furnished with Danish Mariners and Souldiers, openly revolted, and went with them to Cnute, subjecting himself to his dominion as his So∣veraign: by whose example all West-Sex submitted to him as their Ki••g, delivering him hostages for their fidelity, resigning up all their arms to him, and pro∣viding both horse and arms for his Danish Army. The Mercians offred themselves alone to resist the Danes, but through the Kings sloathfulness, the business of war received delay, and the enemies proceeded in their rapines without opposition.

In the year 1016. King Cnute, and treacherous Duke Edric, came with 200 sail of ships into the river of Thames, whence they marched by land with a great Army of horse and foot, and invaded Mercia in an ho∣stile manner, burning all the Towns and Villages, and slaying all the men they met with in Warwick∣shire and other places; whereupon King Ethelred (as Huntindon, Wigorniensis, and others record) made an Edict, Ut quicunque Anglorum sanus esset, secum in bello procederet, That every Englishman who was in health, should go with him in battel against the Danes. An innumerable multitude of people upon this assembled together to assist him: But when his and his son Edmonds forces were conjoyned in one bo∣dy, the King was informed, that some of his auxilia∣ries were ready to betray and deliver him up to the e∣nemies, unless he took care to prevent it and save himself: and as some write, the Mercians refused to

fight with the VVest-Saxons and Danes; whereupon the expedition was given over, and every man retur∣ned to his own home. After this Edmund Ironside rai∣sed a greater Army than before against Cnute, and sent Messengers to King Ethelred to London, to raise as ma∣ny men as possible he could, and speedily to come and joyn with him against the Danes; but he, for fear of being betrayed to the Enemy, presently dismissed the Army without fighting, and returned to London. Here∣upon Ed. Ironside went into Northumberland, where some imagined he would raise a greater Army against Cnute the Dane; but he and Ʋhtred Earl of Northumberland, instead of incountring Cnute, wasted the Counties of Stafford, Shrewsbury and Leicester, because they would not go forth to fight against the Danes Army, in defence of their Country and King. Cnute, on the other side wast∣ing with fire and sword the Counties of Buckingham, Bedford, Huntindon, Northampton, Lincoln, Nottingham, and after that Northumberland: Which Edmond being informed of, returned to London to his Father, and Earl Uhtred returning home, being compelled by ne∣cessity, repaired to Cnute, and submitted himself to him, with all the Northumbrians, making a Peace with him, and giving him hostages for performance thereof, and for his and their fidelity. Not long after Uhtred and Turketel, Earls of Northumberland, were both treacherously slain by Turebrand a Dane, by Cnutes command or Commission. Which done, Cnute made one Hirc (some stile him Egric) Earl of Nor∣thumberland in his place; and then returned with all his army to his Ships in triumph, a little before the feast of Easter, with a very great booty. Not long after, King Ethelred (born to troubles and mischief,) after manifold labours, vexations, treacheries, and incessant tribulati∣ons, ended his wretched life in London, where he di∣ed May 9th. Anno 1016. being there buried in St-Pauls Church, finding rest in his Grave by death,

which he could never find in his Throne all his life, having attained it by Treachery, and his Brothers, So∣veraigns murder whose Ghost (as Malmesbury and o∣thers write) did perpetually vex and haunt him all his reign, and made him so subject to, and fearfull of plots and treacheries, that he knew not whom to trust, nor ever deemed himself secure, even in the midst of his oft raised Armies, Nobles, People, though ready to ad∣venture their Lives for his defence.

I have related these Passages of the Danish wars, and invasions during Ethelreds reign, more largely than I intended. 1. Because on the Englishm••ns parts, they were meerly defensive of their Native Country, King, Laws, Liberties, Properties, Estates. Lives against forein Invaders and •…•…rpers. 2ly. Because they more or less relate to my forementioned Propositions, touch∣the fundamental Rights, Liberties, Properties, of the English Nation. 3ly. Because they shew forth unto us the true original grounds, causes, motives, necessi∣ties, and manner of granting the very first Civil Tax and Tribute mentioned in our Histories, by the King and his Nobles, in their General Councils, to the Da∣nish invaders, to purchase peace, and the true nature, use of our antient Danegelt, and rectifie some mi∣stakes in our common late English Historians.

Immediately after King Ethelreds decease e Epis∣copi, Abbates, Duces, et quique Nobiliores Angliae in unum congregati (as Wigornien•…•…s, Hoveden, •…•…n Dune•…•…s, R•…•…us de Dice••o▪ Bromton Or, Maxi∣ma pars Regni, tam Clericorum quam Laicorum in unum congregati (〈◊〉〈◊〉 Matthew VVestminster▪ Or, Proceres Regni cum Clero, (as Knyghton expresses it) Pari consensu in Dominum et Regem Cann∣tum eligere: All the Bishops, Abbots, Dukes and Nobles of England, and the greatest part of the chief Clergy and Laity, assembled together (in a kind of

Parliamentary Council) by unanimous conient elected Cnute for their Lord and King (notwithstanding their solemn Vow and Engagement but the year before, ne∣ver to suffer a Danish King to reign over them) Where∣upon they all repaired ••o Cnute to Southampton f om∣nemque Progeniem Regis Ethelredi, coram illo ab∣horrentes, et abnegando repudiantes (as Wigor••i•••• sis, Huntindon, Knyghton, and others record) and there in his presence abhorring and utterly renouncing and abjuring all the Progeny of King Ethelred, they submit∣ted themselves, and swore ••e••lty to him, as to their on∣ly King and Soveraign, he reciprocally then swearing unto them, That he would be a faithfull Lord unto them both in things appertaining to God and the World, which our Historians thus express. Quibus ille jurav••t, quoa & secundum Deum, & secundum seculum fidelis illis fo∣ret Dominus. Only the City of London, and part of the Nobles then in it, unanimously chose and cryed up Ed. ••ronside, King Ethelreds 3. son, by Elgina his first Wife, Daughter to Duke Thored, as Speed and others relate, though Matthew Westminster, and others re∣gister his birth, Non ex Emma Regma, sed ex quadam ignobili foemina generatus, qui utique matris suae ignobi∣litatem generis mentis ingenuitate & corporis str•…•…it te redintegrando redemit. After Edmonds election, he was crowned King by Liuing Archbishop of Canterbury, at Kingston upon Thames (where our Kings in that age were usually crowned.) No sooner was he thus advan∣ced to the Regal dignity, but he presently marched undauntedly into VVest-Sex, and being there received by all the People, with great gratulation and joy, he most speedily subjected it to his Dominion. Which being divulg'd in other parts, many Counties of England, deserting Cnute, voluntarily submitted themselves unto him, such is the sickleness of the People, & unconstancy of worldly power and affairs. g Cnute in the mean

time to be revenged of the Londoners for making Ed∣mond King, marched to London with his whole Army and Fleet, besieged and blocked up the City with his Ships, drawn up the Thames on the West-side of the Bridge, and then drew a large and deep trench round about the City, from the Southside of the River, whereby he intercepted all ingress and egress to the Citizens and others, whom he shut up so close, that none could go in or out of the City, and endeavoured by many strong assaults to force it: but being still re∣pulsed by the Citizens, who valiantly defended the walls, he left off the siege with great confusion and loss, as well as dishonor. Thence he marched with his Army into Dorsetshire, to subdue it: Where King Ed∣mond meeting him with such forces as he could sud∣denly raise, gave him battel at Penham near Gilling∣ham; where after a bloudy and cruel encounter, he put Cnute and his Army to slight, and slew many of them. Not long after, they recruiting their forces, both Armies meeting at Steorstan, King Edmond re∣solving there to give Cnute battel, placed the most expert and valiantest of his Souldiers in the front; and the rest of the English who came flocking in to him, he kept for a reserve in the rear. Then calling upon every of them by name, he exhorted and informed them, That they now fought for their Country, for their Children, for their Wives, for their Houses and Li∣berties, inflaming the minds of his Souldiers with his excellent Speeches; in this battel with the Enemy, he exercised the Offices of a valiant Soldier, and good General, charging very couragiously; But because that most persidious Duke Edric, Almar, and Algar, and others of the great men, who ought to have assisted him with the Inhabitants of Southampton, VViltshire, and innumetable other English, joyned with the Danes, the battel continued all day, from morning to night, with equal fortune, till both sides being tired out, and

many of each party slain, the night constrained them to march one from another. But their bloud not be∣ing cold, the next day they buckled together again, with no less courage than before; till at last, in the ve∣ry heat of the battel, the most perfidious Duke Edric perceiving the Danes like to be totally routed, and the English in great forwardness of victory, cut off the head of a Souldier named Osmeranus, very like to King Edmund both in hair and countenance, and sha∣king his bloody sword, with the half gasping head in his hand, which he lifted up on high, cryed out to the English Army: O ye Dorsetshire men, Devonshire men, and other English, flee and get away, for your head is lost; behold here is the head of your King Edmund, which I hold in my hand, therefore hasten hence with all speed, and save your lives. Which when the English heard and saw, they were more affrighted with the atrocity of the thing, than with the belief of the Speaker: where∣upon all the more unconstant of the Army were ready to fly away. But Edmond having present notice of this treacherous stratagem, and seeing his men ready to give over the fighr, hasted where he might be best seen, and posting from rank to rank, encouraged them to fight like Englishmen: who thereupon resuming their courage, charged the Danes more fiercely than before; and bending their force against the Traytor, had shot him to death, but that he retreated presently to the Enemy, the English reviving, and manfully con∣tinuing the battel again till the darkness of the night caused both Armies voluntarily to retreat, from each other into their Tents. When much of the night was spent, Cnute commanded his men in great silence to break up their Camp, and marched to his Ships, and soon after, whiles King Edmond was recruiting his Army in West-Sex, besieged London again▪ whereupon Edmond marching to London with a select company of Souldiers, chased Cnute and his Army to their ships,

removed the siege, and entred the City in manner of Triumph. Cnute and Edric perceiving the valour and good success of Edmond, conspired together, to over∣come him by Treason, whom they could not vanquish by Armes; for which end, Edric, before King Edmonds march to London (as some) or soon after, as others re∣late, feignedly revolted from Cnute, and submitted himself again to Edmond, as his natural Lord: and re∣newing his peace with him, fraudently swore that he would continue faithfull to him, only that he might betray him. Edmond, two days after he had chased the Danes from the siege of London, pursuing his victory, passed over the Thames at Brentford, where, though many of the English were drowned in passing over the River, through their carelesness, yet he there fought with the Danes the fourth (or tather fifth) time, routed them, and won the field. After which, Edmond, by the ad∣vice of Edric, marched again into West-Sex, to raise a more numerous Army, to supply those who were drowned and slain in this last battel: Upon which ad∣vantage, the Danes again returned to the siege at London, invironing, and fiercely assaulting it on every side; but being valiantly repulsed by the Citizens, they retired from thence to their ships, and sailed into the River of Arewe; where leaping out of their ships, they went a∣bout pillaging in Mercia, killing all they met, and burning the Villages, returning to their ships with a great booty: Another company of their foot sailing up the River of Meadway, pillaged Kent, their Horse marching thither by Land to meet them, doing the like, wasting all places with fire and sword. King Edmond having in the mean time raised a strong Army out of all England, passed over with them again at Brentford, to fight the Danes, and giving them battel near Oteford, routed the whole Danish Army, not able to endure his fierce charge, and pursued them as far as Ilesford, slaying many thousands of them in the pursute; and had

he followed the pursute futther, it was conceived that day had put an end to the war and Danes for ever. But perfidious Duke Edric by his most wicked Counsel (the worst ever given in England) caused him to give over the chace. Whereupon the flying Danes escaped into the Isle of Shepy. Edmond returning into VVest-Sex to observe Cnutes motion, he thereupon transpor∣ted his forces into Kent, who began to plunder and wast Mercia far worse than ever they had done before▪ VVhereupon King Edmond marching with his Army a∣gainst them, gave them battel the sixt time, at Eses∣dune, (or Assendune) now Ashdune in Essex; where af∣ter a long and bloody fight, with equall valour, and great loss on both sides: King Edmond seeing the Danes to fight more valiantly than ever before, leaving his place (which usually was between the Dragon and Standard) ran into the very front of the battel, and breaking in like thunder upon the Enemy, brake their ranks, pierced into the very midst of them, and made way for others to follow him, forcing the Danes to give back; VVhich the ever traiterous Edric percei∣ving, fled with the whole Squadron of Souldiers which he commanded, unto Cnute, as was formerly agreed between them; whereupon the Danes becoming the stronger, made an extraordinary slaughter of the Eng∣lish; as Matthew VVestminster and his followers story. Henry Huntindon relates, That Edric seeing the Danes going to ruine, cryed out to the English Army, Fly O Englishmen, fly Englishmen, for Edmond is dead (being not seen in his wonted place) and crying out thus, he and his Brigade first began the flight; whereupon the whole Army of the English following them, fled like∣wise. VVigorniensis informs us; that King Edmond before this battel, riding about to every Company, ad∣monished and commanded them, that being mindfull of their pristine valour and victory, they should defend them∣selves and the Realm from the avarice of the Danes, being

now to fight with those they had formerly conquered. That perfidious Duke Edric seeing the Danish army inclining to slight, and the English about to gain the victory, be∣gan to fly with the VVagesetensians, and that part of the army which he commanded, as he formerly promised to Cnute, that circumventing his Lord King Edmond and the English army with deceits, he gave the victo∣rie to the Danes by his treacherie; and by the con∣sent of all our VVriters, he here gave the greatest wound to the English Nobility and Nation that ever they received in any former battle, Duke Alfric, Duke Godwin, Duke Ulfketel, Duke Aethelward, Ailward son of Duke Alke, and all the flower of the English Nobility, together with Eadnoth Bishop of Lincoln, and Abbot VVulfius, (qui ad exorandum Deum pro milite bellum agente conve∣nerunt) with an infinite number of common Souldi∣ers being there slain in this fight and slight: qui nun∣quam ante in uno praelio tantam cladem ab hostibus accepe∣runt. Ibi Cnuto Regnum expugnavit, ibi omne decus An∣glorum occubuit, ibi flos patriae totus ••marcuit, VVrites Malmesbury, Cnute likewise on his side sustained an irreperable loss, both of his Dukes and Nobles.

After this lamentable loss, wherein so many Nobles fell, Cnute marching to London in triumph, took the Royal Scepters; whence departing into Glocestershire, in pursute of Edmond (who retreated almost alone to Glocester, and there recruited his broken forces) he wasted and pillaged the Country in his march. King Edmond resolved to give him another battel in a place called Dierhurst; where Edmond with his army being on the VVest-part of the River Severn, and Cnute on the Eastside with his army, both set in battel array, ready manfully to encounter each other, wicked Duke Edric, magnatibus convocatis, calling the Nobles of both parties together, spake unto them as followeth, as Mat∣thew VVestminster, and others accord, before a∣ny incounter; but Abbot Ethelred records, that

both Armies then fought a most bloudy battel for one whole day from morning to night, an innumerable Com∣pany being slain on both sides, without any Victory; the night only causing them to retire, ad similem ludum eundemque exitum die craestina reversuri. Both Armies being wearied with this bloudy sport, when they saw King Edmonds forces daily increasing, and Cnutes com∣pany likewise augmented out of foreign parts, by con∣stant recruits, which he caused to be sent from thence, Vterque Exercitus Proceres ad colloquium cogunt, both armies compelled their Nobles to a Conference; where one of them, being elder than the rest (which o∣thers affirm to be Duke Edric) requiring silence, spake thus unto them, as h Abbot Ethelred records his words.

I desire, O wise men, in these our dangers to give advice; who verily am inferiour to you in wisdom, but superiour to you in age, as these gray hairs restify▪ and peradventure what wisdom hath not, use hath taught me, and what science hath denied, experience hath conferred. Many things verily we have seen an•…•… known, many things moreover our Fathers have to•…•… us, and not without cause we require audience, tha•…•… we may utter no doubtful sentence of things certai•…•… and apparent. A perillous thing is acted; we suffe•…•… evil things, we discern worser, we fear the worst o•• all. We fight daily, neither do we overcom, nor yet are we vanquished; yea•• we are overcome, and yet no man vanquisheth. For how are we not over∣come, who are wounded, who are oppressed, who are wearied, who are distressed by forces, who are spoiled by arms? Neither flie we, since there is none who may assault us; neither do we assault, since courage fails on both sides. How long shall it be, ere we see an end of these wonderfull things? When shall there be rest from this labour, tranquillity from this storm, se∣curity from this fear? Certainly Edmond is invincible

by reason of his wonderful fortitude; and Cnute also is invincible by reason of fortunes favour. We are broken in pieces, we are slain, we are dissipated, we lose our dearest pledges, we expose our sweet friends and alliances to death. But of this labour what fruit? what end? what price? what emolument? what I pray, but that the souldiers being slain on both sides, the Captains at last compelled by necessity, may com∣pound? or verily fight alone, without a Souldier? Why then not now? Truly while we live, while we breath, whiles the Army remains this might be done more profitably, honestly, securely. I demand, what insolence yea violence, yea madness is this? England hereto∣fore when subjected to many Kings, both flourished in glory, and abounded in riches. O ambition! how blind is it alwaies, which coveting the whole, lo∣seth the whole? Why I pray, doth not that now suf∣fice two, which heretofore was sufficient for five Kings? But if there be in them so great a lust of do∣mineering, that Edmond disdains a Peer, Cnute a Su∣periour, PUGNENT, QUAESO, SOLI, QUI SOLI CUPIUNT DOMINA∣RI: CERTENT PROCORONA SOLI, QUI SOLI CUPIUNT INSIG∣NIRI; let them fight, I beseech you, alone, who desire to domineer alone; let them con∣tend for the Crown alone, who desire to be crow∣ned alone. Let the Generals themselves enter into the hazard of a Duel, that even by this means one of them may be vanquished; lest if the Army should fight more often, all being slain, there should be no souldiers for them to rule over, nor any who may de∣fend the Realm against Foreiners.

Whiles he was about to speak more, ALL THE PEOPLE, shut up his Speech in the midst of his Jaws, if I may so speak, crying out and saying, AUT PUG∣NENT IPSI AUT COMPONENT, let them fight

themselves, or let them compound. His Speech re∣corded in Bromton, Hen: de Knyghton, Speed and others, is much to the same effect, though different in some ex∣pressions.

(i) Matthew Westmininster brings in Edric speaking only, thus to the Nobles. O insensati Nobiles, et armis potentes! cur toties morimur in bello pro Regibus, cum ipsi nobis morientibus, nec regnum obtineant, nec avaritiae suae finem imponant. Pugnent consulto, singulariter, qui sin∣gulariter regnare contend••nt, Quae est ist a regnandi li∣bido, Quod Anglia modo duobus non sufficit, quae olim octo regibus satis fuit? Itaque vel soli componant, vel soli pro regno decertent. PLACUIT AUTEM HAEC SEN∣TENTIA OMNIBUS, ET AD REGES PROCE∣RUM DELATUM ARBITRIUM, ILLI CON∣SENTIENDO APPROBANT. Hereupon all the Nobles concurring in this opinion, both Kings ap∣proving their Determination, fought a royal single du∣el, first on horseback, then on foot, in the Isle of Ole∣renge, or Olney, (near Glocester) in the midst of Severn, in the view of both their Armies, with extraordinary courage, and equall success, till they were both quite tyred, but neither of them vanquished: At last upon Cnutes motion they began to parly in a friendly man∣ner; Cnute speaking thus to Edmond. Hitherto I have been covetous of thy Realm, now most valiant of men, I am verily more desirous of thy self, whom I see, art to be prefer∣red, I say, not before the Realm of England, but the whole world it self. Denmark hath yielded to me, Norwey hath subjected it self to me, the King of Swedes hath given me his hand, and thy admirable Valour hath more than once fructrated the force of my assaults, which I believed no mor∣tal man could have been able to sustain. Wherefore al∣though fortune hath promised that I should be every where a Conquerer, yet thy admirable valour hath so allured me to favour, that I above measure desire thee both for a friend and consort of my kingdome: would to God that thou also maist be as desirous of me, that I may reign with thee in

England, and thou maist reign with me in Denmark. Tru∣ly, if thy valour shall be united to my fortune, Norway will fear, and Sweden will quake: France it self; accustomed to warrs, will tremble. In brief, Edmond and Cnute both consent to divide the Kingdom: Edmond yielding to words, who had not yielded to swords, being overcome with this O∣ration, who could not be overcome with arms; whereupon, laying aside their arms, they run and mutually imbrace and kiss each other, both Armies rejoycing and the Cler∣gy singing Te Deum laudamus, with a lowd voice. After∣wards in testimony of Agreement, they change clothes and Arms with each other, and returning to their Ar∣mies, prescribed the manner of the Agreement and Peace. Wigorniensis, Simeon Dunelmensis, and Roger Hoveden add, that they ratified the agreement with Oaths, TRIBUTOQUE QUOD CLASSICAE MA∣NƲI PENDERETUR STATUTO; and appointed a Tribute which should be paid to the Sea forces, and then departed from each other. The Da••es returned with the great booty they had gotten to their ships, with whom the Citizens of London having made a peace, DATO PRECIO, which they paid a pr••ce for, they permitted them there to winter. The Realm was divided between them both, but the Crown remained to Edmond, with the City of London, Essex, East-England, and all the Land on the Southside the River of Thames, and Cnute enjoyed the North parts of England, by mutual consent and agreement of all the Nobles; and so this bloudy warr between them (after 7. or 8. battels, within so many moneths space) ceased.

Soon after this fatal Agreement and partition of the Realm, which made Edmond but half a King and Eng∣land half Denmark, that ever trayterous Duke Edric, to ingratiate himself the more with Cnute, treache∣rously murdered King Edmond at Oxford, of which there are 3. different relations in our Historians. l Some say that he corrupted the Kings Chamberlains with gifts

to murder him in his bed: and that King Cnute, in the first year of his Coronation, caused all of them who had conspired his death by Edric's exhortation to come be∣fore him, where they declared to the King the Trea∣son they had committed against King Edmond, expect∣ing a large reward for it. Whereupon the King sent for the Great Men and Nobles of the Realm, and made the Traitors to acknowledge their Treason before them, and a great assembly of people; fearing lest o∣therwise it should be believed that he had foreplotted the Treason aforesaid, and suborned them to execute it. After their publick confession thereof, he caused them all to be first drawn, and then hanged for it. (l) O∣thers write, that Edric himself, or his Son by his com∣mand, murdered him at Oxford on St. Andrews night as he was easing nature in an house of Office, stabbing him into the bowels with a two-edged knife through the hole of the privy, (in which one of them lay in wait to murder him) leaving the knife sticking in his bowels, and him dead in the place: And some write, that he placed an Image in his Chamber with a bow and arrow ready bent; which Edmond admiring at, touching the spring which held the bow thus bent, the arrow thereupon pierced & slew him in the place. That before his death was known, Edric went to Edmonds wife, and taking away her two young Sons from her, brought and deli∣vered them to Cnute; and then saluted him, saying; GOD SAVE THEE SOLE KING OF ENG∣LAND. Whereupon Cnute demanding, Why he sa∣luted him in this manner? He then informed him of King Edmonds death, and how he had murdered him of purpose to make him sole King of England. Speed adds, That he cut off his Soveraigns head, presenting it to Cnute with these fawning salutations, All hail thou sole Mo∣narch of England, for here behold the head of thy Copart∣ner, which for thy sake I have adventured to cut off: which no antient Historian mentions. Upon this, Cnute,

though ambitious enough in Soveraignty, yet out of a Princely disposition, sore grieved at such a disloyal treacherous act, presently replyed to him, I for reward of so great and meritorious a service done for me, will ••this day advance thee above all the Nobles of the Realm; After which he caused his head to be cut off, then fixed on an high poll, and placed on the highest Tower of London, for the birds to prey upon. m Others more agreea∣ble to the truth, relate; That Cnute in the first year of his reign depriving this Arch-Traitor Edric of the Dukedom of Mercia, which he had many years en∣joyed; thereupon Edric in the feast of Christs Nativi∣ty, repaired to Cnute at his Palace in London, to expo∣stulate with him about it: where checking the King over-harshly, he upbraided him with the many be∣nefits he had received from him, amongst which he mentioned two, wherewith he specially provoked him to anger; saying, Most dear King, you ought not to speak harshly to me, nor suffer any evil to be done unto me; for you had never enjoyed the Realm of England, but by my means. For out of love to thee, I have first betrayed King Ethelred; after that I deserted Edmond my proper and natural Lord; and afterwards I foreplotted his death, and murdered my just and true liege Lord, out of my fideli∣ty towards thee, to bring the whole kingdom unto thee: and dost thou so lightly vilify so great love conferred on thee, for which I never received any benefit or profit from thee? At which speeches, Cnute changing his countenance, ex∣pressing his fury by its redness, presently pronounced this sentence against him, saying: And thou shalt de∣servedly die, thou most perfidious Traitor, seeing by thy own confession thou art guilty of Treason both against God and me, who hast slain thine own Soveraign and natural King, and my dear confederate Brother. His bloud be upon thy head, because thou hast stretched out thy hand against the Lords anointed. And lest a tumult should be raised a∣mong the people, he commanded him to be there pre∣sently

strangled in his palace, and his body to be cast through a window into the river of Thames, to be de∣voured of the fishes, as some, or hanged upon London walls unburied, to be devoured by birds, as others sto∣ry. At which time n Duke Norman, son of Duke Leofwin, (Captain of Edrics guard) Aethelward son of Duke Agelmar, and Brihtricus son of Alphege Earl of Devonshire, with many others of Edrics followers were likewise slain without offence, together with Edric; because Cnute feared he should one time or other be circumvented by the treacheries of this old perfidious Traitor, hearing his former natural Lords Ethelred, and Edmond had frequently been betrayed by him, quo∣rum diutina proditione alterum vexavit, alterum interfecit; there being no trust to be reposed in such a Traytor to his Soveraigns. Thus this inveterate Arch-Traitor to his Natural Country, Kings, and bloudy Regicide, by Gods divine Justice received the just punishment of all his Treasons at the last, instead of expected great re∣wards, from that hand he least suspected. Whence (p) Matthew Westminster relating both the Histories of the manner of Edrics death, concludes thus, Sed sive sic, sive aliter vitam finierit Proditor Edricus, non multum ad rem pertinet; quia hoc liquido constat, Quod ille qui multos circumvenerat, tandem est justo Dei Iudicio circumventus, et proditionis suae meruit subi∣re talionem: And let all those who have or shall imi∣tare him in his Treasons against his native Country, Kings, and Regicide, seriously meditate on his tragical end, and expect the self same retribution in conclusion, though they escape as many years as he then did be∣fore final execution.

A third sort of Authors, as Marianus Scotus, Wigorniensis, Roger Hoveden, and Simeon Dunelmen∣sis, make no mention of King Edmonds murder by Edric his subordination, but only that he died at Lon∣don, (not Oxford) about the Feast of St. Andrew;

as if he had died of a naturall death; but the gene∣rality of Writers agree, he was murdered at Oxford, ambiguum quo casu extinctus, writes p Malmes∣bury; the common fame being he was murdered, by Edric as aforesaid. And Bromton, who recites all three opinions, concludes thus, Sed primus modus, videlice••, quod rex Edmundus, ad requiem naturae sedens, proditione dicti Edrici occisus fuit, verior aliis et autentici∣or habetur. The Author of the Encomium of Emma, concurring with Marianus, subjoynes this Obser∣vation touching his short reign and speedy death: That God, &c. minding his own doctrine, That a king∣dom divided in it self cannot long stand, and pity∣ing the English, took away Edmond, lest if the Kings had continued long together, they should have both lived in danger, and the Realm in continual trouble. His reign continued onely seven moneths, in which time he fought seven or eight battels in defence of his Country, People, and their Liberties, besides his single Duel with Cnute: and by his untimely death, the English - Saxon Monarchy was devolved to the Danes, who by Treachery and the Sword for three descents, deprived the English Saxons of the Crown and Kingdom, through divine retaliation, as they had unjustly by treachery and the Sword dispossess'd and disinherited the Britons thereof, about 450 yeares before, as q Henry Huntindon, r Brom∣ton, s Radulphus Cistrensis, t Mr. Fox, u Speed, and others observe. The Sinnes of the Saxons grown now to the full, (writes Speed) and their dreggs as it were sunk to the bottom, they were empti∣ed by the Danes from their own vessels, and their bot∣tles broken, that had vented their red and bloudy wines; in lieu whereof the Lord gave them the cup of wrath, whose dreggs he had formerly (by their own hands) wrung out upon other Nations. For the Saxons, that had enlarged their Kingdomes by the bloud of the Bri∣tons,

and built their nests high upon the Cedars of others, (as the Prophet speaketh, Habbak. 2.) committed an evil covetousness to their own habitations, and were stric∣ken by the same measure that they had measured to others, when as the Danes often attempting the Lands invasion, and the subversion of the English Estate, made way with their Swords through all the Provinces of the Realm, and lastly, advanced the Crown upon their own helmets, which they wore only for three Successions.

Notes

• See Mat. Westminst. An. 586, &c. Malmesbury, de Gest. Regum Anglorum. l. 1. Hen. Huntin∣don Hist. lib. 2. Ethelwerdi Hist. lib. 1. 2. Fox Acts and Monum. Vol. 1. p. 148. Speeds Hist. of Great Britain, p. 209, &c.
• a

  Chronic. Wil. Thorne: col. 1760, 1761 1762, 2123. Spelman Con∣cil. p. 118. to 129. Chronicon Johan. Brom∣ton, col. 733.
• An. Dom. 605
• Proposition 5. 6, 10.
• b

  Ecclesiast. Hist. lib. 2. c. 5.
• c

  De Gestis Reg. Angl. l. 1. c. 1.
• d

  Hist. l. 3. p. 226.
• e

  Chron. col. 738.
• f

  Mr. Sel∣dens Titles of Honour, part. 2. c. 5. p. 602.
• g

  Spelman. Concil. p. 127.
• h

  Beda Eccles. Hist. Gentis Anglo∣rum l. 2. c. 12, 13, 14. See Mat. Westm. An. 626, 627. Malmesb. de gest. reg. l. 1. c, 3. Hen. Huntindon, hist. l. 3. p. 327, 328. Chron. Johannis Bromton, col. 781, 782. Simeon Dunelmensis Epist. de Archiepiscopis Eborum, p. 77. Radulphus de Diceto, Abbreviationes Chron. col. 438. Gervasius Acta Pontificum Cantuar. col. 1634. Godwin in the life of Paulinus, Polychronicon, Fahian, Grafton, Holinshed, Speed, Fox in the life of Edwin. Seldens Titles of Honour, part. 2. c. 5. Sect. 6. p. 632.
• Proposition 5, 6.
• Fox Acts and Mon. Vol. 1. p. 156.
• i

  De Gestis Regum Anglor. l. 3. c. 2. p. 18. See Fox Acts and Mon. vol. 1. p. 157.
• Proposition 4.
• k

  Beda Ec∣cles. Hist. l. 4. c. 5. Mat. ••••estminst. & Florentius Wi∣gorniensis An. 673. Gervasi∣ns Doroberni∣ensts. Actus Pontif. Cantu∣ar. col. 1639. Matthew Par∣ker Antiq. Ec∣cles. Brit. p. 15. Spelmani Con∣•…•…. p. 152, 153. Fox Acts and Mon. vol. 1. p. 161. Proposit. 5, 6.
• Anno 673.
• l

  Evidentiae Ecclesiae Chri∣sti. Cantuar. col. 2207.
• Anno 680.
• Propos. 10.
• m

  De Gestis regum Angl. l. 1. c. 2. p. 14. Mr. Seldens ••istory of Tithes, c. 10. sect. 1. p. 269.
• n

  Bed•• Eccles. Histo∣riae l. 4. c. 16. Camdens Bri∣tannia. p. 275. Thomas Stubs Actus Pontif. Eboracenfium col. 1691. & Malmesbury de Gestis Pontificum Angliae. l. 3. in wilfrido. Chron. Johan. Bromton, col. 742. 757. Spelman. Concil. p. 181. Speeds Hist. p. 227.
• An. Dom. 616.
• o

  Evidentiae Ecclesiae Chri∣sti Cantuar. col. 2207. Propos. 1. 10.
• p

  See Chro∣nical VVil. Thorne, & E∣videntiae Ecclesiae Chri∣sti Cantuar. col. 2207. 2225. where all these Grants and Charters are recorded: & Monasticon Anglicanum, published by Mr. Doddes▪ wel, &c. since this was penned.
• An. 679.
• Proposit 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• q

  Simeon Dunelmensis Historia Du∣nel. Ecclesiae, l. 4. col. 57, 58. Gervasius Doroberniensis, Actus Pontif. Cant. col. 1639. Florentius Wi∣gorn. An. 684. p. 254. God∣wins Cata∣logue of Bi∣sho•…•… in the 〈…〉〈…〉 Culbert.
• Anno 685.
• Proposit. 10.
• Ethelwerdus Hist. l. 2. c. 8. calls it Leth∣lege.
• r

  Chron. Io∣hannis Brom∣ton col. 759. to 767. Lam∣bardi Archai∣on. Spelmanni Concil. Tom. 1. p. 122. to 136. Mr. Seldens Titles of Ho∣p. 632. Fox Acts and Mo∣numents, vol. 1. p. 164.
• Anno 692.
• Proposit. 〈◊〉〈◊〉, 2, 4, 5.
• s

  VVilliam Thorne Evi∣dentiae Eccle∣siae Christi Cantuar. col. 2208. Spelm. Concil. p. 189. to 199.
• Anno 694.
• Proposit. 4, 6, 10.
• t

  Spelm. Concil. p. 194.
• Anno 697.
• Proposit. 5.
• u

  Spelm. Concil. p. 198. Evidentiae Ec∣cles. Christi, Cant, col. 2208, 2209. Antiqu. Eccles. But. p. 34, 35.
• Anno 700.
• Proposit. 1. 10.
• Anno 678. ••o 706.
• x

  VVill. Malmes. de Gest. Pontif. Angl. l. 3. p. 264. to 269. Chron. Ioh. Brompt. col. 791, 792, 793, 794. Sim. Dunelm. de Archiepis. Ebor. col. 78▪ Spelman. Concil. p. 200. to 206. Mat. Parker, Tho. Stubs, Godwin in the lives of Archbishop Theodor, VVilfrid, and Britbwald. Mat. VVestm. Anno 692, 711. Hist. Anglicanae Scriptores antiq. An. 1652, col. 78, 294, 295, 296, 440, 441, 1691, 1741. Fox Acts and Monunments, vol. 1. p. 160, 161. Propos. 2, 4, 5, 7▪
• Proposit. 7.
• Anno 705.
• Proposit. 10.
• y

  De Stat. & Episcopis Hagus••aldensis Ecclesie, l. 1. c. 5. col. 292.
• An. 708, 709, 712.
• z

  Antiqu. Ecclesiae Brit. p. 20. Balaeus script. Brit. Centur. 1. c. 91, 94, 99. Centur. Magdeb. 8. c. 9. Sp••lm. Concil. p. 209. to 217.
• Proposit. 5, 6, 10.
• a

  Ingulph. Hist. p. 851, 852.
• An. 716.
• Proposit. 10.
• b

  Leges Ed. Confessoris c. 25. Spelman∣ni Concil. p. 219. See Polychronicon, l. 5. c. 28. Mat. VVestminst. An. 586.
• A••. ••20.
• Proposit. 5, 6.
• c

  Spelman. Concil. p, 227, 228, 229. &c. Chron. Johan. Bromton. col. 758. & Mo∣nasticon Angl.
• Anno 725.
• Proposition 6, 10.
• d

  Matthew westminst. An. 727. p. 765.
• An. 727.
• Proposit. 1, 5▪ 6.
• e

  Part. 2. p. 71. An. 742.
• f

  Eviden∣tiae Eccles. Christi Cantu. col. 2. 209. Spelmanni Concil. p. 230, 231. Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 21.
• Proposit. 5. 10
• g

  Ingulph. Histor. p. 853. will. Malmsb. de gest. Reg. l. 1. c. 4. p. 29. Antiqu. Eccl. Bri. p. 22. Spel. Conc. p. 242. to 258. Mat. westm. An. 748. Malmesb. de gestis Pont. l. 1. in Cuth. p. 197.
• An. 747.
• Proposit. 1, 5, 12▪
• h

  Chron. W. Thorne, c. 3. sect. 7. col. ••772.
• Proposition 5,
• Anno 752.
• i

  Matthew ••estm. p. 273. Chron. Johan∣nis Bromton, col. 769, Hun∣tindon. Hist. l. 4. p. 341. See H••linshed, Speed, Graf∣ton in their lives, VVil. Mal••esbury de gest. reg. l. 1. c. 4. p. 28.
• Proposit. 1, 2, 4.
• Anno 756.
• [k] Matthew westminst. An. 756. p. 274. Chron. Johan. Bromton, col. 77••, 796. wil. Malmesb. de Gest. Reg. l. 1. c. 2. p. 15. Hen. Humindon, Hist. l. 4. p. 341, 342, Florent. ••igorn. An. 755. p. 274. Poly chron, l. 5. c. 25. Ca••∣grave, Fah••an Hol••sh••d, Speed, Graf∣ton in his life••, and the life of K••nulphus, Ho••••den, An∣nal. pars prior. p. 408. Propos. 1, 2, 4.
• l

  Malmesb. de Gestis Reg. l. 1. c. 2. p. 16. Ethelwerdus Hist. l. 2. c. 17, 18. Hen. Hun∣tindon, Hist. l. 4. p. 343. Mat. Westm. An. 786. Sim. Dunelm. Hist. col. 110. Chron. Johan. Brom••. col. 770. Hove∣den Annal. pars prior, p. 409, 410. Po∣lychron. l. 5. c. 17. Fabian, Capgrave, Grafton, Ho∣linshed, and Speed in his life. Florentius Wigorn. p. 278. 279.
• Proposition 2.
• Proposit. 8.
• m

  Mat. West, An. 758. p. 274. VVil. Malmesb. de gest. reg. l. 1. c. 4. p. 28. Sim. Dunelm. Hist. col. 105. chron. Jo. Bromt. col. 770, 776, Hen. Huntind. Hist. l. 4. p. 342, 346. Hovedon, Annal. pars 1. p. 408. Speeds Chron. p. 254, 368. See ••olye. Fabian, Graft. Holinshed in his and Offa his life, VVi∣gorn. An. 755, p. 274.
• An. 758.
• Prop. 1, 2, 4, 5.
• n

  Mat. West. p. 278, 279, 290. VVil. Malmesb. de gest. reg. l. 1. c. 4. p. 32. Spel, Concil. p. 315.
• An. 775.
• Proposit. 1, 4.
• An. 780, 781
• [o] Mat. West. p. 280. Hen. Huntind. Hist. l. 4. p. 346, 347. Malmesb. de gest. reg. l. 1. c. 3. Hove∣den Annal. pars prior, p. 409. Polych••. l. 5. c. 17.
• Propos. 1, 2, 4.
• p

  Part. 2. p. 56 to 64.
• q

  In Hi∣storia d•• exordio Christianitatis & Religionis totius Northumbri••e, & Richard••s Hagustalden∣sis, de Stat. & Episcopis Haegustaldensis Ecclesiae, col. 300. See Antiq••. Ecclesiae Brit. p. 32, 33, 34. Sim. Dunelmensis▪ Hist. de Gestis Regum Angli••▪ col. 199. Chron. Joh. Bromton, col. 966. Tho. Stubs Acta▪ Pontif▪ Eboracensium, col. 1708. Hen. de Knyghton de Event. Angl. l. 2. c. 2. VVil. Malmesb. de Gest. reg••l. 3. p. 103. Hen. Huntind. Hist. l. 7. p. 306. Rog. Hoveden, Annal. pars prior, p▪ 452,
• r

  Hen. Hun∣tindon Hist. 4. p. 343. Matthew Westminster An. 789. p. 281. Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 26. Cent. M•…•… deburg. Cent. 8. c. 9. Hoveden Annal. pars prior, p. 410. Florentius VVigorn•…•…∣sis, An. 785. Spelmanni Concil. p. 292, to 395. Malmesbury de gestis regum, l▪ c. 4. & de gestis Pontif. l. 1. p. 198, 199. Matthew Parker, and Godwin in life of Jambert. Chronica VVil. Thorne, col. 1774. Gervasius Dorobern. Actus Pon¦tif. Cant. col. 1641. Radulphus de Diceto Abbrevi. Chron. col. 445. Polychron. 〈…〉〈…〉 c. 17. Proposit. 5. 6.
• Anno 787.
• Proposit. 5, 6.
• s

  Hen Hun∣tindon, Hist. l. 4. p. 349. Hoveden An∣nalium, pars prior, p. 409. 410. Florenti∣us VVigorni∣ensis, Anno 781, 787, 788, 789. Spelman. Concil. p. 303, 304. Simeon Dunelm. Hist. 110. Mat VVestm. Anno 789, 791. Richardus Prior. Ha∣gustald. de Stat. & Episc. Hagust. Eccl. l. 1. c. 17. col. 297.
• Anno 788.
• Proposit. 6, 9.
• t

  Matihew VVest. p. 282. Mamesbury de gest. reg. l. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. c. 3. Huntind, Hist. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 4. p. 343, 344. Hoveden An∣nal. pars prior, p. 410. Flo∣rent. VVigorn, An. 792. E∣thelredi Hist. l. 3.
• Anno 792.
• 〈…〉〈…〉. 8, 9.
• u

  Matthew VVesem. An. ••94. p. 28••, 288, 289. Spe••. Con•…•…l p. 300. to 316, Chron. Ioh. •…•…t col. 754, ••o ••57. Polychron. l. 5. c. 17. Proposit. 5. 1•…•…
• Anno 793.
• Proposit. 6, 10.
• (x) See Radol. de Diceto Ab∣brev. Chron. col. 446, & Spelm. Concil. p. 310. to 314.
• Proposit. 1. 6.
• y

  Mat. West. Anno 797, p. 290, 291. Alcuini Epist. Osbert. Speeds History p. 371. Chron. Iohan-Brom. col. 752, 754, 776.
• Anno 797.
• Proposit▪ 1••.
• z

  See Mat. VVestm. Mal∣mesbury, Hun∣tindon, Hoved. Radulph. Ca∣strensis, Ethel∣werdus, VVi∣gorn. Speed, Grafton, Ho∣linshed, Fab. in his life. Ch. 10. Brom. col. 750. 751, 752. Ra∣dulph. de Dice∣to Abbreviat. Chron. col. 445, 446. Pol••chron. col. l. 5. c. 16, 17.
• a

  Bonis. Mo∣gunt. Ep. 112. Mr. Seldens Titles of Ho∣nour, part 2. c. 5. p. 632.
• An. 797.
• Proposit. 5, 6.
• b

  Tho. Stubs, Actus Pontif, Ebo••. col. 1697, 1698. Simeon Dumelm. Hist, col. 114, 115. Rog. de Hove∣den, Annal. pars prior. p. 406.
• Anno. 798.
• Proposit. 5, 6.
• c

  Evidentiae Eccl. Christi Cantuar. col. 2211, 2212. Spelm. Concil. p. 317. Mat. VVest. Anno 798.
• Propos. 5, 8, 9. 10.
• d

  Evid. Ec∣cles. Christi Cant. col. 2212.
• An. 799.
• Proposit. 4, 10.
• An. 800.
• e

  Spelmanni Concil. p. 318, 319, 320. E∣vident. Eccl. Christi Cant. col. 2212, 2213 Gervasius Do∣ro•…•… Pontif▪ Can••u, col. 1642. and Godwin in 〈…〉〈…〉 life of •…•…∣dus.
• Propos. 4, 5, 6▪
• f

  Will. Malmsbury de gest. Reg. l. 1. c. 4. Spel. Conc. p. 320. to 324. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 27, 28, 29, 30. Mat. W••st. An. 797.
• g

  Spelman. Concil. p. 324, 325, 326. See Mat. Westm. An. 797, to 805.
• An. 802▪
• Proposit. 5, 6.
• h

  Matthew West. An. 802, 854. Asserius Mene. de gest, Alfredi Regis, Wil. Malmesb. de Gestis Reg. l. 2. c. 3. p. 46. Florentius Wi∣gorn. An. 855, Polychron. l. 5, c. 27. Speeds Hist. p. 230. Mr. Seldens Titles of Ho∣nour, part 1. c. 6. p. 166. Si•…•… Dunelm. Hist, de Gest. Reg. Angl. col. 118. Fox Acts and Monuments, vol. 1. p. 170, 171.
• Anno 80••.
• Proposit. 8, 4.
• i

  Spelman. Concil. p. 327, 328, 329.
• Anno 816
• Proposit. 4, 5, 6.
• Anno 822.
• (k) Evident. Eccles. Christi Cant. col. 2213, 2214. Spelm. Concil. p. 332, 333, 334. Flo∣rentius Wigorn. Anno 822. p. 287, Ethelwerdi Hist. l. 9. c. 2.
• Proposit. 5, 6.
• Proposit. 2. 4.
• Nota.
• N•…•….
• l

  Actus Pon∣tif. Cantu. col. 1639. Spelm. Concil. p. 334.
• Anno. 824. Spelm. Concil▪ p. 334, 335.
• Proposit. 5, 6.
• n

  Ingulphi Hisi. p. 855, 857. See Mat. Westm. Anno 833, 834, 835. Spelm. Concil. p. 337, 338, 339.
• An. Dom. 833.
• Proposit. 5, 9, ••0.
• Anno. 838.
• o

  Evident. Eccl. Christi Cantuar. col. 2217, 2218. Spelm. Concil. p. 340.
• Proposit. 5, 6, 10.
• o

  Hist. Angl. l. 5. Spelman. Concil. p. 343.
• Anno 847.
• Proposit. 1.
• p

  Ingulf. Hist. p. 858, 859. Spelm. Concil. p. 344. Mat. Westm. An. 849, 851.
• Anno 850.
• Prop. 2, 4, 5, 9. 10.
• Anno 851.
• [q] Ingulphi Histor. p. 858. to 863. Spelm. Concil. p. 344, &c.
• Proposit. 1, 4.
• Nota.
• Prop. 5, 6, 10.
• r

  See Ingulf. p. 858, 862, 863, 864, 865. Mat. Westm. Florent. Wi∣gorn. Ethel∣we•…•…dus, Ra∣dulf. de Dice•…•… Huntingdon, Hoveden. Brom. An. 851.
• Propesit. 9.
• s

  Hist. p. 861, 862.
• Nota.
• Prop. 5, 6.
• Propos. 6.
• t

  Mat West. An. 854, 878. Mr. Seldens Hist. of Tith••••∣ch. 8. p. 208, 209. Malms∣bury de Gest. Reg. Angl. l. 2. c. 2. Flo∣rentius Wigor∣niensis Anno 855. Ingulphē Hist. p. 862. Polychronicon, l. 5. c. 30. H••n. Huntindon, Hist. l. 5. p. 348, Ethelwerdi Hist. l. 3. c. 3, p. 841, Roger Hove••en Annal. pars prior, p. 413. Chronicon Johannis Bromton, col. 802. Ethelredus Abbas, de genealogiâ Regum Angliae, col, 351. Simeon Dunelm. de Gest. Reg. Angl. col. 121. Radulfus de Di∣ceto Abbrev. Chron. col. 450. Speeds Hist. p. 377. Spelmanni Concil. p. 348. to 353.
• An. 854.
• Proposit. 1, 5, 6, 9. 10.
• O•• winterd••n as ••ngulsus hath. it.
• u

  History of Tithes. ch. 8 p. 208, 209.
• x

  See Mal∣mesbury, Hun∣tindon, Hove∣den, Matthew Westm. Ethel∣werdus, Sime∣on Dunelmen∣sis, Wigornien∣sis, Speed, Po∣lychron. Fabi∣an, Holinshed, Grafton, and others in his life.
• y

  Mat. West. An. 802, 854. Huntindon, Hoveden, Bromton, Speed, Holin∣shed, Asser. Flor. Wigo••n. Radul••. de Di∣ce••••. Simeon Dunelm. Polycbronicon, Fabian, Mr. Seldens Titles of Honour, part. 1. c. 6. p. 116, 117, 118. See here p. 35.
• Proposit. 2, 4, 7, 8, 10.
• z

  Matthew VVestm. An. 857. Speeds Hist p. 376, 377. Chron. Jo. Bromton, cel. 820. and the rest foreci∣ted.
• Anno 857.
• a

  Radulph. de Diceto Ab∣breviationes Chron. col. 450. Chron. Johan. Brom. col. 802, 806. Polychron. l. 5. c. 30.
• b

  Chron. Jo. Bromton, col. 803. Speeds History.
• Anno 867.
• Proposition 8.
• c

  Florent. Wigorn. Mat. Westm. Anno 867 Sim. Du∣nelm. Hist. de Dunelm. Eccl. c. 6. Huntingd. Hist. l. 5. p. 349. Roger, Hoven∣den, An. pars prior, p. 415. Ethelwerdi Hist. l. 4. c. 2. p. 842. Poly∣chron. l. 5. c. 32. Hist. de Sancto Cuthberto col. 70. Sim. Du∣nelm. de gest. Reg. Ang, col. 123. 142. Tho. Stubs. A∣ctus Pontif. Ebor. col. 1608 Speeds Hist. p. 218. See Hol∣linshed, Fabian and Grafton.
• d

  Hist. de Dunelm. Eccles. c 6. col. 14. & Hist. de Sancto Cuthberto col, 70.
• Proposit. 3, 4.
• Proposit. 8.
• See [c] be∣fore p. 57.
• e

  Sim. Dunel. Hist. de Gest. Reg. Ang. col. 123, 124, 146. Mat. VVestm. & Florentius VVigorn. An. 868, 869. E∣thelwerdi Hist. l. 4. c. 2. Huntingd. Hist. l. 5. p. 349. Hoveden Annal. pars 1. p. 416. Ingulph. Hist. p. 863, 864. Chron. Joh. Bromtom, col. 807. Polych. l. 5. c. 32. Fabian, Holinshed, Graston, Speed in the life of ••eorced and Ethelred.
• Anno 868.
• Proposit. 5, 6, 9,
• f

  Hist. p. 863, 864.
• Proposit. 10. 1.
• g

  Hist. p. 864, 865.
• Proposit. 1, 3, 8.
• h

  Pag. 312. & Malmesb. de Gestis▪ Regum. l. 2. c, 2. p. 37.
• Proposit. 1. 3.
• An. 870.
• l

  Ingulphi Hist. p. 865 to 869, Mat. Westm. Wigorn. Huntingd. Ho∣veden, Brom. Radulf. de Di∣ceto. Sim. Du∣nel. Polychron. Fabian, Graf∣ton, Holinshed, Speed, Ethel∣werdus in the life of Ethel∣red and An. 870.
• m

  Mat. VVestm. An. 870. p. 313. Speeds Hist. p. 383.
• Anno 870.
• (n) Mat. VVestm. Anno 855. 870. VVil. Malm. de gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 3. v. 13. Hunt. Hist. l. 5. p. 349. Ho v. Annal. pars 1. p. 416. Ethel. Hist. l. 3. c. 1. Chron. Jo. Bromton. col. 745, 754. 804, 805, 806. Sim. Dunelm. Hist. de Eccl. Dunelm. l. 2. c. 6. et de gest. Reg. Ang. col. 124, 143. Po∣lychron. l. 5. c. 42. Fab. Graft. Hollinshed, Caxton, Speed in the life of St. Edmund. Fox Acts and Monuments vol. 1. p. 140. Proposit. 2. 4,
• n

  De gest. Reg. l. 2, 〈…〉〈…〉. p. 42.
• o

  See those forecited at
• (m) and Cap∣grave, Surius, and Ribadeni∣era, Antonius in the life of St. Edmund, Malm. De Ge∣stis Reg. l. 2. c. 3.
• q

  An. 870. p. 370.
• Proposit. 8.
• Nota.
• Proposit. 1.
• Anno 870.
• x

  Ingul phi Hist. p. 868, 869, 911.
• Proposit. 1, 4.
• 7 E. 4. 11, 12. Brook Escheat 19.
• Are not the Souldiers now sick of the same disease.
• Propos. 4.
• s

  Mattew Westm. Floren. VVigorn. An. 874. p. 313. Chron. Joh. Bromt. col. 779, 810. S••m. Dunelm. Hist. de Gest. Reg. Ang. col. 127. VVil. Malm. de Gest. Reg. l. 1. c. 4. p. 33. Huntin. Hist. l. 5. p. 349. Hove∣den Annal. pars prior, p. 417. Speeds Hist. p. 256.
• Anno 874.
• t

  Ingulphi Hist. p. 869, 870. Florent. VVigorn. An. 874. p. 313. Chron. Joh. Bromt. col. 810. Simeon Dunelm. de Gest. Reg. Ang. col. 127. VVil. Malmesbury de Gest. Reg. l. 1. c. 4. p. 33. Huntind. Hist. l. 5. p. 349. Hoveden Annal. pars prior p. 417.
• Proposit. 1. 4.
• q

  De Gest. Reg. l. 1. c. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• b

  An. 876. Mat. VVestm. & VVigorn. An. 876. Hun∣tingd. Hist. l. 5. p. 329. Hove∣den, Annal. pars prior p. 417. Ethel. Hist. l. 4. c. 3 p. 844. Sim. Du∣nel. Hist. de Dunel. Eccles. col. 14, 17, 21. Hist. de San∣cto Cuthherto col. 70. & de Gest. Reg. col. 155. Proposition 4.
• c

  Florentius Wigorn. & Mat. Westm. An. 871 to 900. See Malmes. Huntingd. As∣ser. Fab, Hol∣inshed, Speed, and others in his life. Lamb. Arch. Spelman concil. p. 360, 362. Ingulph. Histor. p. 870, 871. Chron. Io. Brom. col. 809 to 832. Proposit, 3, 5, 6, 7, 9.
• Anno 877.
• Anno 887.
• Propos. 5, 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• d

  Mirrour of Justices, c. 1. sect. 3. p. Io. c. 5. sect. 1. Cooks Preface to his 9 Reports 1 Institutes, 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 110. See Spel. Concil. p. 347.
• Proposit. 5. 6.
• e

  See Mat. VVestm: An. 892 Ingulphi Hist. p. 870. 871. Chron. Iohan. Bromp∣ton col. 818 819 Chron. VVill. Thorn cap. 5. Sect. 4 Col. 1777.
• f

  Mat. VVestmn. An. 888 Florent. VVigorn. An. 887 p. 326. 327.
• g

  Mirrour of Iust. cap. 5. Sect. 3. p. 296. to 301.
• Proposit. 2.
• * De Gen. Reg. Ang. col. 355.
• (h) Lambardi Archaion Spel∣manni Concil p, 362.
• Proposit. 5. 4. 7.
• i

  Chron. Io∣han Bromton, col. 822, and L••m••ard. ••r∣cha••on.
• k

  Chron. Ioh Bromt. col. 825, & Lam∣bardi Archai. Spelman ni Concil. p. 369, which, •…•…me∣what deprives the sense of it in the transla∣tion, and makes it Lex 51.
• Anno 878.
• l

  See Mat, Westm. Florent. VVigorn. Simeon Dunelm. Bromt. Huntindon, Hoveden, Polychronicon, Fabian, Holinshed, Speed, Asser. Ethelwerd, Fox an•• others, An. 878, 879,
• Proposit. 5.
• m

  Chron. Io. Brom. col. 829. Spelman. conc. p. 375. 376, 390, 391. Proposition 6.
• n

  Huntingd. Hist. l. 5. p. 352 Asser. Aelerce∣di Reg. Gest. Chron. Io. Br▪ col. 819. Camb. Britan. p. 224.
• o

  Mat west. wig. As. Men. An. 888, 898. Ae ••••l. Abbas de Gen. Reg. Ang. col. 355. Chron. 10. Brom col. 814, 818. Sim. Dune••••. Hist. de Gest. Reg. col. 132, 133. wil. Mal. de Gest. Reg. l. 25. c. 4. In∣gulph. Hist. p. 870. 171. Hov. Annal. pars 1. p. 420, 421. Ethelwerdi Hist. l. 4. c 3. Polychron. Fab. Caxton, Hol∣linshed, Gra••t∣on, Speed in the li••e Alfred. of Camd. Brit. p. 378, 379. Spel∣man concil. p. 354 to 380▪ Antiq. Eccl. But p. 43.
• Propos. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• Proposit. 3.
• t

  VVil. Malmesb. de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 5. p. 47, & 48. Mat. VVestm. An. 905. An∣tiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 45. Gervasius Do∣robern. Act. Pont. Cant. col. 1644. Godwin in the life of Plegmund, Spelm. Concil. p. 387, 388. Ingulphi Hist. p. 877. ••oposit. 5.
• An. 905.
• Propos. 5, 6.
• u

  Lambar di Archaion. Spel. Concil. p. 390, to 400. Mat. westminster, ••igorn. Huut. Hoveden, Sim. Dunelm. Brom. and others. An. Dom. 906, 910, 918, 921.
• An. 906, 921.
• Propos. 5.
• x

  De Gene∣alogia Reg. Ang. col. 358.
• y

  Huntingd. Hist. l. 5. p. 354 Hov. An. pars posterior. p, 422. Mat. VVestm. VVigorn. Sim. Dunel. Anno 920. Chron. 10. Bromton col. 835.
• Propos. 4.
• (z) Col. 831, 835, 836, 837.
• Proposit. 5.
• a

  wil. Mal. de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 6. Mat. VVestm. VVig. An. 925 to 940, ••unting. Hist. l. 5. p. 334. Hov. Annal. pars prior, p. 422. Ing. Hist. p. 877, 878. Chron. Johan. Brom. col. 838. Sim. Dunelm. Hist. Reg. Ang. col. 134. to 154. Ethelw. Hist. l. 4. c. 5. Aelr▪ Abbas de Ge∣neologia Reg. Ang. Pol. l. 6. c. 6. Henry de Knighton, de En. Ang. l. 1. c. 5. Speeds Hist. p. 393, 396, Fab. Holin∣shed, Grafton, Caxton in his life.
• Anno 9••4.
• Propos. 2.
• b

  De Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 6. p. 49.
• c

  Ingulphi Hist. p. 817.
• Anno 928.
• d

  Chron. Jo. Bromt. col. 840, to 856. Spelman. Con. cil. p. 396, 397, 405, 406. Lambardi Ar∣chaion.
• Proposit. 5. 6.
• Proposit. 1.
• Proposit. 〈…〉〈…〉
• Proposit. 5.
• e

  Chron. Joh. Bromt. col. 850.
• Proposit. 5, 6.
• f

  Chron. Joh. Brom. col. 850.
• Proposit. 5, 6.
• g

  Chronicon Ioh. Bromt. col. 850, 851.
• (k) Chron. Ioh Bromt. col. 852, 855, 856.
• Propos. 2, 4, 5, 6.
• i

  See the Hi∣story of Guy of Warwick.
• Anno 932.
• Propos. 5, 6, 9, 10.
• k

  De Gest. Reg. Ang. l. 2. c. 6. p. 52. Spel∣man. conc. p. 407, 408. Speeds Hist. p. 396. See In∣gulph. Hist. p. 378.
• Proposit. 〈◊〉〈◊〉, 4, 5, 6, 10.
• Propos. 2, 4, 5, 6. 10.
• l

  Ingulphi Historia. p. 878. Chronica VVill. Thorn, Col. 1778. Evi∣dentiae Eclesiae Christi, Cant. Col. 2220. &c.
• m

  de Gest: R. Ang. l. 2. c. 6. p. 51. See In∣gulp. Hist. p. 877, 878.
• Anno 940.
• (n) Malmesb. d•• Gest. Reg. Angl. l. 2. c. 7. Hoveden An∣nal. pars prior, p. 422. Ingulp. Hist. p. 878. Huntindon Hist. l. 5. p. 355. Ethelwer∣di Hist. l. 4. c. 6. Chron. Io∣han. Bromton, Col. 856, 857, 858. Mat. VVestm. et Wi∣gorn. ••n. 940. to 946.
• Proposit. 4. 8.
• o

  Spelman. Concil. p. 408, 411. &c.
• Anno. 940.
• Propos. 5.
• p

  Simeon Dunelm. Hist, de Dunel. Eccl, c. 16. col. 23, c. 24.
• Propos. 1, 4.
• q

  Mat. West. et wigorn. An. 941. to 946. Hu••t••ngd. Hist. l. 5. p. 355, Hov. Annal. pars prior p. 421. Ethelw. Hist. l. 4. c. 6. VVilliam Malmesbury, De Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 7. Simeon Dunelm. Hist. de Dunelm. Eccl. c. 18. col. 26. et de Gest. Reg. Angl. col. 134, 155, 156. Ethel••. Ahbas de G••n. Reg. Ang. col. 358. Pol. l. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. c. 7. Fab. Caxt. Gra••t. Holinsh. Speed in the life of King Edm.
• Anno 941.
• Proposit. 3, 7.
• An. 944.
• r

  Chron. Ioh. Bromt. col. 858. to 862. Spelm. Concil. p. 415. to 428. Lambardi Ar∣chaion, Poly∣chron. l. 6. c, 7. Malmesb. de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 7. In∣gulphi Hist. p. 878.
• Proposit. 5.
• s

  Bromt. Spel. Lamb. quo supra.
• oposit. 5.
• t

  Chron. Johan. Bromt. col. 859.
• Proposit. 5, 4, 7.
• Proposit. 7.
• u

  Chron. VVil. Thorn. col. 21. c. 25. E∣vid. Eccles. Christ. Cant. col. 2221. Sim. Du••••lm. Hist. de Eccles. Du∣n••lm. l. 2••. 19. col. 25.
• x

  Malm. de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 7. Sp••lma•• concil. p. 4. 27.
• Propos. 4. 10•…•…
• y

  An. 945. Mat. West. An. 945. p. 366. Chron. Ioh 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Brom. col. 8••8.
• Proposition 10.
• z

  Mat. West. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Malm. Hunt. Hov. In∣gulph. Sim. Du∣nelm. Brom. Wil. Thorn. Polch. Aelredus, Fab. Graft. Caxton, Holinsh. Speed, An▪ 946. and in the life of Edmund.
• Anno 946.
• Proposit, 2, 8.
• a

  De Gen. Reg. Ang. col. 358.
• Anno 946. &c.
• b

  Mat. West. VVig. Sim. Du∣nelm. Hunt. Hov. Malm. Brom. Aelred. Polyc. Fab. Ho•• Speed An. 946. and in the life Edred, Ethelw. Hist. l. 4. c. 8.
• Propos. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• Anno 951.
• c

  Mat. West. An. 951. p. 357. Malm. de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 7. Sim. Dunelm. Hist. col. 356. Flor. VVig. An. 952, 954. Ro∣ger Hov. An∣nal pars prior, p. 422, Thomas Stubs▪ Acta Pontif. Ebor. c. 1669. Godw. Catalogue of Bishops, p. 443. Anti{que} Eccles. Brit. p. 49. Propos. 2. 3.
• d

  Ingulphi Hist. p. 874, 875, 876. Hoveden An∣nal. pars prior. p. 423. Mat. Wesim. An. 948 Spelm. Concil. p. 428. Mr. Seldens Titles of Honour, part 2. ch. 5. p. 633.
• Anno 948.
• Propos. 5, 8, 9.
• Proposit. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• e

  Spelman. Concil. p. 429, 430, 502, 530.
• An. 950, 955.
• Proposit. 2, 4, 6, 10.
• Anno 957.
• f

  Wil. Mal∣mesbury de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 8. de Gestie Pontificum, l. 1. p. 20. Mat. Westminster, & VVigorn. An. 955, 957, 958, &c. Hoveden Annal. pars prior, p. 427. Ethel∣redus Abbas de Genealogia Reg. Angl. col. 358, 359. Chronicon Johannis Bromton, col. 862, 863. Simeon Dnelmensis de Gestis Regum Angliae, col. 156, 157. Hyg∣den Polychron. l. 6. c. 8▪ Fabian, Caxton, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed in the life of Edwin, Osburn, Gervasius Dorobern. Capgrave, Mat. Parker, and Godwin in the Lives of Odo and Dunstan. Fox Acts and Mon. vol. 1. p. 196. Antonini Chron. pars 2. Tit. 16. c. 6.
• Proposit. 2, 4.
• g

  Histor. l. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 p. 356.
• h

  Antiq. Ec∣cles. Brit. p. 47 to 54.
• i

  Catologue of Bishops in the lives of Odo & Dunst. p. 19, 20, 21, 22.
• k

  History of Great Brittain. p. 403, 404.
• l

  Spelm. con∣cil. p. 429, 430.
• m

  Anti{que} Eccl. Brit. p. 4. p. 153. Spelm. concil, p. 431. ••ntoniusin his life.
• Propos. 5.
• n

  De Even∣tibus Angliae, l. 1. c. 5. col. 2312, 2313.
• o

  Mat. West∣minst. Wigorn. Et Sim. Du∣uelm. Anno 859 VVil. Malmesb. de Gest. Regum Angl. l. 2. c. 8. Ethelredus Abbas de Ge∣nealogi•• Reg∣num Angl. col. 359, 360. Grast. Chron. p. 15••.
• Anno 959.
• p

  Chron. Jo∣han, Bromton, col. 867. Mal∣mesb. d•• G••st. Reg. Angl. l. 2 c. 8. Osburn. Ca••g••ave, Mat▪ Parker, & Godwin in the life of Archbishop Dunstan, Fox Acts and Mon. vol. 1. p. 200, 201. Speeds History, p. 407, 408.
• Anno 963.
• Proposit. 5, 9, 4.
• Anno 964.
• [r] Malmesb. de Gest. Reg. l. c. 8. Osburn, Capgrave, Surius, Matthew Par∣ker, and God∣win in the life of Dunstan, Fox Acts and Mon. vol. 1. p. 201, 202. Speeds Chron. p. 407, 408. Spelm. Concil. p. 481. 482.
• Anno 966.
• s

  S•…•…lman∣ni Concil. p. 435, to 444. Mat. VVe••m. & VVigorn. An. 963, 964, & Monasticon. Anglic.
• Proposi•…•… 1, 10.
• t

  Histor. p. 880, 881, 882.
• Proposit. 6, 10.
• Anno 967.
• [u] Chron. Io. Brom col. 870, 871. Lambardi A cha••on Spel∣man concil p. 443 to 476.
• Proposit. 5.
• Propos. 2, 3, 4.
• x

  Ethelre∣dus Abbas de Gen. Reg. Ang. col. 360, 361. Sim. Dunelm. De Gest. Reg. Ang. col. 158. Chron. Io. Brom. col. 768. Mat. VVestm. VVig. Hov. An. 963. 969. Polych. l. 6. c. 10. Os••. Ger. Surius. Mat. Parker, Godwin in the life of Dunstan, Oswald, & E∣thelwald. Fox Acts and Mon. vol. 1. p. 197 to 2••3. Spelm. conc. p. 476. &c. Baron. Anno 969.
• Anno 966.
• Proposit. 4.
• y

  Chron. col. 868.
• Propos. 4.
• z

  Spelman. Concil. p. 432 to 435. See Mat. Westm. VVigorn. and Hoveden, An. no 966. Sim. Dunelm. Hist. De Gestis Reg. Angl. col. 158.
• Proposit. 4, 6,
• a

  Molmesb. de Gestis Reg. Angl. l. 2. c. 8. p. 57, 58. Spelman. Con∣cil. p. 483. to to 488. Mo∣nast. Anglic.
• Anno 970.
• Proposit. 6, 10.
• b

  Ingulphi Historia. p. 883, 883.
• c

  Matt••hew VVestm. VVigorn. Sim. Dunelm, Hoveden, Bromt. and others, An. 973. Malmesb. de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 8, p. 10. Hen. Huntind. Hist. c. 5. l. 356. Hoved. annal. pars prior, p. 426,
• Anno 973.
• Malm. de gest▪ Reg. l. 2. c. 8. p. 56. Huntingd, Hist. l. 5. p. 356. Hov. Annal pars prior, p. 426. Mat. Westm. Flor. Wigorn. Simeon Dunel. An. 973, 974. Chron. Io. Brom. col. 869. Ethel∣••edus. Geneal. Reg. Ang. col. 362. Polychron l. 6. c. 10. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 238. Hen. de Knygh∣ton, De Even∣tibus Ang. l. 1. c. 1. VValsing. Hist. Ang. p. 51. Fox Acts and Mon. vol. 1. p. 200. Caxton, Grafton, Fab. Holinsh. Speed, Baker, and o∣thers in the life of Edgar. Mr. Seldens Mare Clausum. l. 2. c. 11, 12
• Anno 974.
• e

  Mat. West. An. 974. 374, 375. Hen. Hun∣tingd. Hist. l. 5. p. 356. Chron. Io. Brom. col. 867, De Gest. Ang. l. c. 8. p. 58. Iugulphus, Histor, p. 884.
• Propos. 2, 4.
• f

  De Gest. Reg. l. 5. c. 8 p. 28.
• g

  Histor. p. 883. &c.
• h

  Spelman. concil. p. 488, 489.
• Propos. 4, 6,
• h

  Chron. of VVinton Spel∣man concil. p. 491.
• i

  Malm. de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Athelredus. de Genealog. Reg. Ang. col. 359, &c. Polychron. l. 6. c. 9, 10, 11. Henry Knyghton de Eventi∣bus Ang. l. 1. c. 2. Mat. VVestm. VVigorn. Ingulphus, Huntingdon, Hoveden, Brom. Sim. Dunelm. wil. Thorn, Fab. Caxt. Holinsh. Grast. Speed, Baker in his life. O••. burn, Capgrave, Surius in the life of Dunstan. Spelman. concil. Mr. Seldens M••r•• •…•…sum. l. 2. 6. 11, 12. and others.
• i

  Malmesb▪ de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 8. E∣thelredus de Genealogia Reg. Angl. col. 359. &c. Po∣lich••on. l. 1. c. 9, 1, 11. Hen. Knighton de Eventibus Angliae, l. 3. c. c. 2. Mat. Westm. Wigorn. Ingulphus, Huntindon, Hoveden, Bromton, Si∣meon Dunelm. Wil. Thorn, Fabian, Cax∣ton, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed, Baker in his life, Os∣burn, Cap∣grave. S••rius in the life of Dunstan. Spel∣manni Concil. Mr. Selden. Mart. Clau∣sum, l. 2, c. 11. 12. Antonini Chron. p. 2. and others.
• Proposit. 3, 9.
• Polychron. i. 6. c. 11.
• k

  Acts and Mon. vol. 1. p. 200.
• l

  Polych. l. 6. c. 11. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 239. Chron. Joh. Bromt. col. 870. Speeds History, p. 406.
• m

  Histor. Novorum. l. 1. p. 1.
• n

  Histor. l. 5. p. 356.
• o

  Io. Brom. Chron. col. 870. Fox Acts and Monuments vol. 1. p. 202.
• p

  Ingulphi Historia, p. 889. will: Malmsb. De Gestis Re∣gum, l. 2▪ c. 9. Mat. VVestm. VVigorniensis, Simeon Dunel∣mensis, Huntin∣don, Hoveden, Anno 975, 976. Chron Iohan: Bromton, col. 871, 872. Hen∣ry de Knyghton de Eventibus Angliae, l. 1. c. 1. Col. 2313. Eadmerus Hist. Novorum, l. 1. p. 1. Polychro∣nicon, l. 6. c. 12. Fabian, Cax∣ton, Grafton, Holinshed, Speed, in the Lives of Edgar and Edward. Fox Acts and Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 203. 204. Mat. Par∣ker, in Archbi∣shop Dunstans life. Antonini Chron. pars 2, Tit. 16.
• Anno 975.
• Proposit. 5, 6, 8.
• q

  Malmsbur. De Gestis Re∣gum. l. 2. c. 9. p. 61. Mat. West∣min. Wigornien∣sis, Ingulphus, Simeon, Dunel∣mensis, Huntin∣don, Hoveden, Bromton, Ann. 975. Osburne, Capgrav; Mat. Parker, God∣win in the Life of Dunstan, Ba∣ronius & Spon∣danus, Annal. Eccl. An. 975. n. 12. Surius Concil. Tom. 2. Fox Acts and Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 202, 203, 204, 205.
• Proposit. 2. 4.
• r

  Historia, p. p. 889. See Fox Acts and Mon. Vol. 1. p. 203, 204.
• Proposit. 6.
• Proposit. 5, 6.
• s

  wigorn. An. 977. p. 360. Roger Hoveden An∣nal. pars prior, p. 425. Joh. Bromt. Chron. col. 870. Sim. Duuelm. Hist. de Gest. Reg. col. 160. An∣tiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 56. Spelm. Concil. p. 497.
• Anno 977.
• t

  Malmesh. de Gest. Reg. Angl. l. 2. c. 9. Mat. westmin. An. 975. VVigorniensis, Simeon Dunelmensis, Hntindon, Hoveden, Bromt. An∣no 975. Gervasins, Osburn, Capgrave, Matthew Parker, Godwin in the life of Dunstan, Polychronicon, l. 6. c. 12. Fabian, Caxton, Holinshed, Grafton, Ba∣ker in the life of King Edward, Fox Acts and Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 204, 205. Speeds Htstory. p. 411, 412. Baronius, & Spondanus An. 977. n. 2. Spelm. Concil. p. 494, 495. Camdens Britannia. p. 243.
• Proposit. 6.
• Proposit. 8.
• Anno 978.
• u

  Matt. VVestm. VVi∣gorn. Simeon Dunelm. Hun∣tind. Hoveden, Radul. deDice. Ethelr. Bromt. An. 977, 978. Malmes bury de Gest. Reg. l. 8. c. 2. Po∣lych. l. 6. c. 13. Antonius Chron. pars 2. Fabian, Cax∣ton, Holinshed, Graston, Speed, Fox and others in the life of King Edward.
• Proposit. 8.
• x

  Histor. l. 5▪ p. 357.
• y

  De Gestis Regum Ang. l. 2. c. 9. p. 61.
• De Genealog. Reg. Anglor. p. 362.
• Anno 979.
• z

  Ingulphi Historia p. 889, 890. Mat. VVestm. VVig. & Sim. Dunel. An 978, 979, &c. 1016. Chren. Inhannis Bromton, col. 877, 878. Will: Malmsbur. de Gestis Regum. l. 2 c. 18. Ead∣merus Hist. No∣vorum, l. 1. p. 1. Hoveden An∣nal. pars prior. p. 427. &c. Hen. de Knygh∣ton de Eventi∣bus Angliae, l. 1. c. 2. Polychron. l. 6. c. 12, 13. Caxton, Fabi∣an, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed, Stow & others in the life of K. Ethelred. Ra∣dulphus de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ce••o Abbrev. Chron. col. 46••▪
• Proposit. 8.
• See•• Mat. Westm. Malmsb. Huntindon, Hoveden, E∣thelwerdus, In∣gulphus, Wigor∣niensis, Simcon Dunelmensis, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Bromton, Poly∣chronicon, Hen. de Knyghton, Fabian, Speed, Holinshed, Graston, Dani∣el in their lives.
• a

  De Gestis Regum, 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 2. c. 10.
• b

  De Even∣tibus Angliae, l. 1. c. 2.
• Anno 980.
• c

  Mat. West. Malmsbury, Ingulphus, Huntindon, Hoveden, Simeon Dunelm. Bromton, Wigorn. Radulphus de Diceto, Polychron. Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. Fox, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed.
• d

  Mat. Par∣ker, Antiqu. Eccl. Brit. p. 63, 64.
• Proposit. 1. 4. 8.
• e

  Antiqu. Eccl. Brit. p. 62
• f

  Acts and Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 207. Speeds History.
• Anno 982.
• g

  Ms. de O∣peribus B. Edel∣woldi. Episco∣pi.
• h

  Titles of Honor, second part. c. 5. sect. 6. p. 693.
• Munda, Saxonice Pax dicitur: sed et Satisdatio, ut hic, ni fallor, interpretatur.
• Proposit. 4, 6,
• i

  Matthew Westminst. An. 983, 986. VVigorn. and Sim. Dunelm. An. 986. Ingul∣phi Hist. p. 8••0. Wil. Mal∣mesb. de Gestis Reg. l. 2. c. 10. Hoveden, An∣nal. pars prior, p. 427. Huntin∣don Hist. l. 5. p. 357. Chron. Jo▪ Bromton, col. 878. Hen∣ry de Knygh∣ton de Eventi∣bus Ang. l. 1. c. 2. col. 2515. Fox Acts and Monumeuts vol. 1. p. 207. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 61. Godwins Ca∣talogue of Bi∣shops p. 394. Speed p. 144.
• Anno 986.
• Propos. 2, 4.
• An. 988, 99••.
• [k] Mat. VVestm. VVi∣gorn. Huntin∣don, Ho••••den, Bromt. Speed, Holinsh. Fox, Grafton.
• l

  Gervasius Antiq. Ecclef. Brit. and God∣win in the lise of Spricius.
• Proposit. 1.
• m

  Huntind. Hist. l. 5. p. 357. Chron. Io∣han. Bromton, col. 879.
• n

  Hist. No∣voruml. 1. p. 1.
• Propos. 1, 5, 6, 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• o

  De Gestis Reg. Angl. l. 2. c. 10. p. 62.
• [p] De Gestis Pontif. l. 1. p 203.
• q

  Histor. l. 5. p 357.
• r

  col. 879.
• Proposit. 1, 6, 9.
• s

  Polychr. l. 6. c. 13.
• t

  De Even∣tibus Angliae, l. 1. c. 2.
• u

  Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 64.
• x

  Acts and Mon. Vol. 1. 207.
• Proposit. 1. 4.
• y

  Page 415, 416.
• Proposit, 1, 6, 9.
• z

  A Collecti∣on of the Histo∣ry of England. London 1634. p. 16.
• Propoposition 1, 6, 9.
• a

  william Malmsbur. De Gestis Regum. l. 2. c. xo. p. 64. Spelman. Concil. p▪ 503.
• Anno 991.
• Proposi•••• 6. 9.
• b

  Florenti∣us wigornien∣sis, Mat. westm. Simeon Dunel∣mensis, Hoveden, Huntindon, Hist. l. 5. p. 357. Chron. Johan. Bromton. col. 879. 880. Speed, Holinshed, Grafton, Fox.
• Anno 992.
• Proposit. 6, 9.
• c

  VVi••or∣mensis, Bromt. Huntindon, Hoveden, Mat. VVestminst. Malmes bury Simeon Du∣nelm. Radul∣phus ••••stren∣sis, Fabian, Ho∣linshed, Speed,
• Anno 993.
• Anno 994.
• [d] Florent. VVigorn. Stm. Dunelm. Mat. Westm. Anno 994. William Malmes, de Gest. Reg. l. 2. c. 10. Huu••in∣don Hist. l. 5. p. 358. Hove∣den, A••nal. pars prior, p. 428. Chron. Joh. Bromt. col. 880, Po∣lych. l. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. c. 13. Henry de Knyghton de Even••. Angl. l. 1. c. 2. Fabian, Grafton, Ho∣linshed, Stow, Speed, Spelm, Glossarium, Tit. Danegelt, Radulph. de Diceto Abbrevi. Chron. 461.
• Proposit. 1, 6, 9.
• An. 997, 998, 999.
• e

  Wigornien∣sis, Mat. VVes. Huntindon, Rad. de Diceto, Simeon Dunel∣mensis, Poly∣chron. Bromton, Hen. Knyghton, Malmsbury, Hoveden, Fab••∣on, Holinshed, Speed, Grafton, and others.
• Proposit. 1, 6, 9.
• f

  Hen. Hun∣tindon. Histor. l. 6. p. 359. Chro. Johau. Bromton Col. 883, 884, Polych••onicon, l. 5. c. 60.
• Anno 1000.
• [g] Mat. Westm. Hoveden, Wi∣gorniensis, Sim. Dunelmensis, Holinshed, Speed, and o∣thers. Anno 1000.
• h

  Wigorniens, Huntindon, Hoved. Ethel∣werdus, Ingul∣phus, Malmsb, Radulphus de Diceto, Radul∣phus Cistrensis, Simeon Du∣nelm. Bromton, Mat. VVestmin. Hen: de Knygh∣ton, Mat. Par∣ker, Fox, Fabi∣an, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed, Daniel.
• Anno. 1001. 1002.
• Proposit. 1, 6, 8, 9.
• i

  Chron. VVil. Thorn, col. 1780 Spelmanni Con∣cil. p. 504. to 510.
• Proposit. 6, 10.
• Proposition 2.
• •…•…ensis. and others.
• Anno 1002.
• (k) Huntindon, Hoveden, Malmsb. Mat. VVestm. Ra∣dulphus de Diceto, Simeon Dunelm. VVigorn. Bromton, Hen. de Knyghton, Fox Acts & Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 207. Polychron. Fabian, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed, Daniel.
• Proposit. 2.
• l

  Historia∣rum, l. 6. p. 360.
• Proposit. 2.
• m

  De Gest. Regum, l. 2. c. 10. p. 64.
• n

  Mat west∣min. An. 1012, p. 391, 392.
• Anno 1003.
• [o] Malmsbu∣ry, Huntindon, Hoveden, VVi∣gorniensis, Simeon Dunel∣mensis, [Radul∣phus de Diceto, Bromton, Henry de Knyghton, Polychronicon, Ingulphus, Mat. Westm. Fabian, Fox, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed, Daniel
• p

  VVigorn. Hoveden, Huntind▪ Hist. 1. 6. Speed, & others.
• Anno 1004.
• Proposit. 6, ••9.
• Ano 1006.
• (u) Florentius Wigorniensis, Mat. Westm.
• Propos. 2, 6.
• x

  Huntind, Hoveden, Malmesbury, S••m. D••••el∣mensis, VVi∣gorn. Mat. VVestm. In∣gulphus, Brom∣ton, Radul p••. de Diceto, Knyghton, Fo∣lych. Fabian, Holinshed, Grafton, Fox, Speed, Daniel.
• Anno 1007.
• Proposit. 1, 6, 9.
• y

  Historia∣rum l. 6. p. 360.
• z

  Anno 1007. p. 387.
• Anno 1007. 387.
• a

  Abbrev. Chron. col. 462.
• b

  Spelmann•• Concil. p. 510. to 531. Malms••. l. 2. c. 10.
• Anno 1007.
• Proposit. 5. 6.
• Proposit. 1, 2, 4, 5.
• Proposit. 1, 3, 6, 9.
• Proposit. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• Proposit. 1, 2, 4, 5.
• c

  Chron. Jo Bromt. col. 893. to 903. Lam∣bardi Archai∣on, Spelm. Con∣cil. p. 530, 531, 532, 533.
• Proposit. 5, 6.
• Proposit. 1, 9.
• Proposit. 1.
• Anno 1008, 1009.
• d

  Florentius Wigorn. Sim. Dunelm. Mat. Westm. Huntin. Hoved. Mal∣mesb. Ingulph. Radulph. de Diceto, Bromt. Polychron. Fab. Grafton, Fox, Holinsh. Speed, Daniel, Antiq. Eccles. Brit. Knyghton. Proposit. 2, 3, 6, 9.
• e

  Malmesb. Ingulph. Flor. Wigorn. Sim. Dunelm. Hun∣tind. Hoveden, Mat. Westmin. Bromt. Radul∣phus de Dice∣so. Polychroni∣con, Knighton, Fab. Holinsh. Speed, Fox, Grafton, Daniel, Antiq. Eccles. Brit.
• Anno 1010, 1011, 1018.
• Propos. 1, 6, 9.
• f

  See Speeds History, p. 419.
• g

  See Antiq. Eccles. Erit. Gervasius, Malmesb. and Godwin in his life. Huntind. Hist. l. 6. p. 361. Mat. VVestm. Hoveden, Bromt. Wigorn. Sim. Dunelm. Polychron. Grafton, Holinsh. Fab. Speed, Daniel, VVil. Thorn, col. 1782. Radulph. de Diceto Abbrev. Chron. col. 464, 465.
• Anno 1012.
• h

  Simcon Dunelm. Hist. col. 169. Hove∣den Annal. pars 1. p. 432. Florent. Wi∣gorn. p. 378. Mat Westm. An. 1012. Po∣lychron. Graft. Fabian, Speed, Daniel.
• Propos. 1, 6, 9.
• (i) Historiarum l. 6. p. 261. Chron. Johan. Bromton. col. 891.
• k

  Ingulphi Histor. p. 890, 891, 892.
• Proposit. 1, 9.
• l

  History of Great Britain, p. 416.
• m

  De Gestis Reg. l. 2. c. 10. Proposit. 1, 4.
• n

  Spelm. Concil. p. 530. 531. Chron. Joh. Bromt. col. 901, 902, 903.
• Anno 1013.
• o

  Malmesb. de Gestis Reg. l. 2, c. 10. p. 69.
• p

  Malmesb. Wigorn. Mat. Westm. Sim. Dunelm. Ra∣dulphus de Di∣ceto. Huntind. Hoveden, In∣gulphus, Poly∣chron Fabian, Grascon, Ho∣linshed, Speed, Daniel, Fox.
• q

  De gestis Regum l. 2. c. 10. p. 69.
• Proposit. 8.
• r

  Matthew Westmin••t. An. 1013. p. 393. Malmesbury, l. 2. c. 10. Hun∣tind. p. 432. Sim. Dunelm. p. 169.
• s

  Malmesb. de Gestis Reg. l. 1. c. 10.
• t

  History of Great Britain, p. 420, 421. & Edit. 1611. p. 378, 379.
• Proposit. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• u

  Ann. 1013. p. 393. Huntin∣don, p. 452.
• x

  De Gest is Regum, l. 2. c. 10. p. 69, 70.
• Proposit. 8.
• y

  Wigorn. Sim. Dunelm. Huntindon, Hoveden, Ra∣dul. de Diceto, Polychronicon, Malmesb. l. 2. c. 10. p. 70. Mat. Westm. p. 394. Bromton, Knyghton, Fa∣bian, Graston, Holinshed, Speed, Daniel.
• Propos. 1, 4.
• Proposit. 1.
• z

  Malmesb. Huntind, Hove∣den, Wigorn. Sim. Dunelm. Radulphus de Diceto, Mat. Westmin. Poly∣chron. Bro••••ton, Fabian, Graf∣ton, Speed, Da∣niel, Knighton,
• Anno 1014.
• Proposit. 1, 5, 6, 8.
• a

  Ad haec Principes, se non amplius Danicum Re∣gem admissuros in Ang••iam u∣nanimiter spo∣sponderunt. Florentius Wigorniensis, p. 381. Henry Huntindon, p. 433. Simeon Dunelmensis▪ Hist. col. 171.
• b

  Sim. Du∣nelmensis, Flo∣rent. Wigorn. p. 382.
• Proposit. 1.
• c

  Malmsbury l. 2. c. 10. p. 71. Wigorn. p. 382. Mat. Westmen∣ster, p. 395. Hoveden, p. 433. Polychronicon, Fabian, Grafton, Holinshed, Speed.
• Anno 1015.
• (c) Malmsbu∣ry, Wigorn. Sim, Dunelm. Ra∣dulphus de Di∣ceto, Huntin∣don, Hoveden, Bromton, Poly∣chronicon, Fa∣bian, Holinshed, Grafton, Speed, Daniel.
• Anno 1016.
• Proposit. 3, 8.
• Proposit. 8.
• Exagitabant illum umbrae fraternae, di∣ras exigentes inferias, &c. Malmesbury De Gestis Reg. l. 2. c. 10.
• e

  Florentius Wigorn. p. 384. Hun••ind. pars 〈◊〉〈◊〉. p. 434. Sim. Dunelm. Hist. col. 173. Ra∣dulph. de Di∣ceto Abbrev. Chron. col. 446. Chron. J Bromtor 903. 〈…〉〈…〉 de Knyght•…•… de Eventi••. Angl. l. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. c. 2. Polychron. Malms••. Mat. Westm. Fabian, Speed, Spelm.
• Anno 1016.
• f

  wigorn. c. 304, Hoved. Annal. pars 1. p. 434. Sim. Dun••lm. col. 173. Brom••. col. 903. Henry de Knyght. de Eventib. ••••gl, l. 2. c. 2. col. 2315. Ail∣redus de vita & mirac. Ed∣ward. col. 374. Se•• Po••yc. F••b, Hol••nshed. Graft. Speed.
• Proposit. 8.
• g

  Malmes••. Huntind. VV••∣gorn. Sim. Dunelm. Mat. VVestm. Radulph. de Diceto. Bromt. Polychron. Fab. Caxton, Graeston, Ho••insh. Speed, Daniel, and others in the life of Edmond Ironside & ••nut••.
• h

  Ethel••edus Abbas, De Ge∣neal. Regum Angl. coll. 363, 364. Polychro∣nicon, l. 6. c. 17.
• Anno 1016, p. 400.
• Annal. pars prior, p. 436.
• Proposit. 1, 9.
• l

  William Malmsbury, de Gestis Regum, l. 2. c. 10, 11. 〈…〉〈…〉 Hen. de Knygh∣ton, de Even∣tibus Angliae.
• (m) Hen. Hun∣tindon, Hist. l. 6. p. 363. Radul∣phus de Diceto, Ymagines Hist. & Mat. Westin. Flores Histor. Anno 1016. Polychron. l. 6. c. 17, 18. Chro∣nicon Johan. Bromton, col. 906, 907, 908.
• m

  Ingulphi Hist. p. 892. Florent. Wigorn. Mat. Westmin. Simeon Du∣nelm, Hoveden, Anno 1016, 1017. Chron. Iohan. Bromton col. 907, 908. Hen. de Knygh∣ton de Eventib. Angliae, l. 2. c. 2, 3. Radulphus de Diceto Ab∣breviationes Chronicorum.
• Proposit. 8.
• n

  Ingulphi Historia, p. 891, 892.
• (o) Anno 1017. p. 402.
• p

  De Gestis Regum, l. 2. c. 10. p. 72. Chron. Johan. Bromton col. 906, 907.
• q

  Histor. l. 6. p. 359.
• r

  Chron. col. 883.
• s

  Polychron. l. 1. c. 59 f. 56.
• t

  Acts and Monuments, Vol. 1. p. 222.
• u

  History of Great Britain, p. 394. to 398.