CHAP. X. Whether a Commonwealth that was not first broken by her self, were ever conquer'd by the Arms of any Monarch?

I Come in this Chapter to resume the discourse, where I broke off in the former, making good my assertion that a Commonwealth is the Goverment, which from the beginning of the world unto this day was never conquer'd by any Monarch; For if the Commonwealths of Greece came under the yoak of the Kings of Macedon, they were first broken by themselves.

When I speak of a Commonwealth, in relation to this point, I am no more to be argued against out of the Little Cities in Asia, or those of Ragusa, and San Marino, which cannot be shewn to have had the Command of any consi∣derable Army, then I argue against the Praevaricator, where he asserts Monarchy to consist of a mixture of Arms and of a Nobility, from the King of Yuetot who had neither.

This assertion in the judgement of any rational Man Page  75 ought not to be encountered, but where there was a Natu∣ral possbility of defence, in regard that a City which hath no Army at all, as Geneva (which yet being invaded by the Duke of Savoy found means to defend her self) or such an one as is not considerable, should be subdued by some potent Monarch (if we could find the Example) concerns the Government no more, then if it had been overwhel∣med by some inundation, or swallowed up by some Earthquake. And yet all that is Opposed by the Consi∣derer, amounts not unto thus much. The testimony he brings out of Pausanias comes far short; for it is recorded (saith the Author speaking of the Lucedemonians) that be∣ing corrupted by the bounty of Craesus, they were the first that* contracted Amity with the Barbarians at the time when that King added the Territories inhabited by the Dorians upon the border of Caria, with other Commonwealths in Asia unto his Empire. So that Craesus corrupted the Lacedemonians with gifts, Pausanias is express, but whether he obtain'd the Asiatick Cities (likely in this case to have been easilier corrupted then the Lacedemonians) by Arms or by Pur∣chase, he is not express; and the presumption of the later, as in other regards, so in this is the stronger; that Craesus by the te∣stimony of Solon, was more potent in Gold then in Iron. Now if it were so, (and if otherwise let the Considerer shew) that these Commonwealths, inveagled by the Trea∣sure of Craesus, came first under the Lydian, and fell with that under the Persian Empire, when Craesus was subdued by Cyrus; All I can learn by this example is no more than that Craesus, for ought that is perceivable, might have bought those Commonwealths as Cosimo of Medices did Florence; of whom it is affirm'd by Machiavel that there was not a considerable Man in the whole City that had not re∣ceived some considerable sum. So this Example presumes; but in the next (which is of Sicily) there is not so much as a Presumption in favour of the Assertor, The State of Si∣cily before that which the Romans call the first Carthagi∣nian war being clear in Story against his design. For that Africa for the generation of Monsters is not more famous* then Sicily for that of Tyrants, they who have passed their Novitiat in Story are not ignorant; nor how when Timo∣leon had freed her of this Vermine, and with Liberty she Page  76 had recovered some strength and virtue, she relapsed under Agathocles and his horrid violation of faith, while he was trusted with the Arms of her Citizens: how after him Pyrrhus was called in from Epirus, after Pyrrhus Hiero usurped; all, by the same Arts, getting first into Trust or Charge, and then recoyling upon them that would take no warning: by which it is apparent that the Common∣wealths of Sicily, like those of Greece, were ruin'd by them∣selves, and their own disorders; and no more subdu'd upon these changes by forraign Arms, then was Israel by the Canaanites, or Rome by the Gauls or Decemvirs.

Israel (having broken her orders) was indeed sometimes opprest by the Canaanites; Rome was sacked by the Gauls, and usurped by the Decemvirs, but as the Man that having gotten a fall in a Duel throws off his Adversary, recovers himself, and his sword, is not conquer'd, so neither the Com∣monwealth; wherefore neither Holland nor Genoa, though* they have been under, being yet standing, can be said to be conquer'd by the Arms of Spain or of France, but ra∣ther to the contrary, seeing the Liberty of Holland (in many Cities more Antient then any Records or other Mo∣numents there can witness, and in it self then that of Ta∣citus, whereby Civilis born of Princely bloud, is affirmed to have vindicated the Batavian freedome) is still the same; And Genoa though happy in her Doria, remaineth as she was before he was born. Nor did the Family of the Me∣dices banished out of Florence where by virtue of their pro∣digious wealth, and the inevitable consequence of the bal∣lance their Ancestors had been Princes many years before Charles the fifth was a Souldier, any more by the help of his Arms, those of the Pope (at that time of the same family) and their party at home, then get into their known saddle. To insist a little more at large upon the Stories of Genoa & Florence (because upon these the Prevanicator sets up his rest that Mr, Harrington must needs be afflicted) Genoa was and is an Oligarchy consisting of Twenty eight Families making the Great Council or Aggregation as they call it, none but these being capable of the Senate or of Magistra∣cy and if ever it could be said of a Commonwealth that she had broken her self, it might be said at the time rela∣ted to, of Genoa where not only the faction of the Guelphs and Gybelins, which had destroyed many Cities in Italy then Page  77 reigned, but the few'd between the People included, and the Subject excluded, was as great as ever had been between the Nobility and the People in Rome, besides that of the Fieschi and the Adorni two families, like Caesar and Pompey, which having many years together, as it were ingrost the Magistracy of Duke, were neverthelesse perpetually striving each with other, which should have it, and if one of these (as it did) brought in the King of France, there is nothing plainer then that this Common∣wealth, was subdued by her own sedition, nor is there a man knowing any thing of her affaires, that maketh any doubt of it. That of Florence in deed if the Praevari∣cator could shew it had been ever up, I should grant were down, but to relate the Story of this City, I must relate that of the House of Medices. From Cosimo, a* Citizen famous throughout Europe both for his wisdome and his riches, this family for the space of sixty years, ex∣ercised, under the praetext of some Magistracy, very great power in Florence. To Cosimo succeded Peter, to Peter Laurence a Man in Prudence and Liberality resembling his Grandfather, save that he used more absolute power in menaging the Common-wealth, yet with gentlenesse, and not altogether unto the suppression of Liberty. Neverthe∣less he obtained of the Siginory (which did for the most part as he would have them) some small guard for his person, he was a Man renowned through Italy, and looked up∣on by foreigne Princes with much respect. To him suc∣ceeded his Son another Peter who through youth and rash∣ness conceiving the power exercised by his Predecessors to be no more than his due, took upon him the Goverment as absolute Lord of All, and standing most formidably up∣on his Guard grew sottishly profuse of the Publick money, committed many absurdities and violences; By which means having incurred the hatred of the Citizens, he was banished by the Signiory, with Cardinal John and Julian his brothers. This John coming after to be Pope Leo the Tenth, required the revocation of his brothers banish∣ment, and the restitution of the House of Medices, to which finding the prevailing party of the Florentines to be refracto∣ry, He stirred up the Armes of the Emperor Charles the Page  82 fifth against them, by whose Joynt Ayd the City, after a long siedge, was reduced unto her Old Ward, and Alexander of Medices, Nephew unto the Pope and son in Law unto the Emperor, set in the known Saddle of his Ancestors. This is the Action for which the Praevaricator will have a Com∣mon-wealth to have been conquered by the Armes of a Monarch, though who reades the story may very safely af∣firm, First that Florence never attained unto any such Or∣ders as could deserve the Name of a Common-wealth; and next that the purse of Cosimo had done that long before, which is here attributed unto the Armes of the Pope and the Emperour. Reason and Experience (as I said) are like the roots and the branches of Plants and trees: as of bran∣ches fruits and flowers being open and obvious unto the eye, the smell, the touch, and tast every gyrle can skill; so examples unto vulgar capacity are the best Arguments. Let him that saith a Common-wealth hath been at any time conquer'd by a Monarch, to it gain, and shew us the Example. But though fruits and flowers be easily known each from other; their Rootes are latent, and not only so, but of such resemblance that to distinguish of these a man must be a Gardiner or an Herbalist. In this manner, the reason why a Common-wealth, hath not been overcome by a Monarch, hath been shewn in the distribution of Armes, those of a Prince consisting of Subjects or servants, & those of a Common-wealth rightly Order'd, of Citizens, which difference relates plainly unto the perfection or im∣perfection of the Goverment.

But, sayes the Prevaricator this seemes intended for a Try∣all* of our Noses whether they will serve us to discover the falla∣cy of an inference from the prosperous successe of Armes to the perfection of Government. If she who should have some care of the Vineyard of Truth, shall lye pigging of wide bores, to grunt in this manner and fear with the tush, and I happen to ring some of them (as I have done this Marcassin for rooring) there is nothing in my faith, why such tryall of their Noses should be sin; but for fallacions in∣ferrences such I leave unto them whose Capps are squarer then their play.

Page  77For all that, Great and well policyd Empires (saith he) have been subverted by People so eloigned from the perfection of government, that we scarce know of any thing to tye them together, but the desire of booty. Where, or how came he to know this? what reason or experience doth he alledge for the proof of it? May we not say of this, it is for the tryal of our Noses, whether they will serve us to discover that a Conclusion should have some Premisses? He gives us leave to go look, and all the premisses that I can finde are quite contrary.

The Arms of Israel were alwayes victorious, till the* death of Josua, whereupon, the orders of that Common∣wealth being neglected, they came afterwards to be sel∣dom prosperous. Isocrates in his Oration to the Areopa∣gites, speaks thus of Athens, The Lacedemonians, who when we were under Oligarchy, every day commanded us something; now while we are under popular Administration, are our Peti∣tioners that we would not see them utterly ruined by the The∣bans. Nor did Lacedemon ruine till her Agrarian, the foundation of her Government was first broken. The Arms of Rome (ever noted by Historians, and clearly evin∣ced* by Machiavil to have been the result of her policy) during the popular government were at such a pitch, as if Victory had known no other wings then those of her Eagles: nor seeing the Gothes and Vandalls are the Legisla∣tors from whom we derive the government of King, Lords, and Commons, were these when they overcame the Ro∣man Empire, a people so eloigned from the perfection of Go∣vernment, but their Policy was then farre better than that of the Emperors, which having been at first founded upon a broken Senate, and a few Military Colonies, was now come unto a Cabinet, and a Mercenary Army. The Judge∣ment of all ages and writers upon the Policy of the Ro∣man Emperors, is in this place worthy, and through the pains already taken by Erasmus and Sleiden, easie to be in∣serted. O miserable and deplorable State (saith Erasmus) the* Authority of the Senate, the power of the Law, the Liberty of the People being troden under-foot; to a Prince, that got up in this manner, the whole World was a servant, while he him∣self was a servant unto such, as no honest man would have Page  78 endured the like servants in his house! the Senate dreaded the Senate dreaded the Emperor, the Emperor dreaded his execrable Militia: the Em∣peror gave Lawes unto Kings, and received them from his Mercenaries. To this is added by Sleiden, That the con∣dition* of these Princes was so desperate, it was a wonderful thing, Ambition her self could have the courage to run such a hazard; seeing from Cajus Caesar slain in the Senate to Charles the Great, there had been above thirty of them mur∣thered, and four that had layd violent hands upon themselves; For there was alway something in them that offended the Soul∣diery which whether they were good or bad was equally sub∣ject to pick quarrels, upon the least occasion raised tumults, and dispatcht even such of them as they had forced to accept of that dignity, for example▪ Aelius Pertinax. But, if this be true, that of the Gothes and Vandalls, when they subdued this Em∣pire, must have been the better Government; for so ill as this never was there any, except that only of the Kings of Israel, which certainly was much worse. Those of the Britains and the Gauls, were but the dregs of this of Rome, when they were overcome by the Saxons and Franks, who brought in the Policy of the Gothes and Vandalls.

When Tamerlan overcame Bajazet, the Turkish Policy had not attain'd unto that extent of Territory, which is plainly necessary unto the nature of it, nor was the Order of the Janizaries yet instituted. The Hollander, who under a potent Prince, was but a Fisherman, with the restitution of the popular government, is become the better Soul∣dier; nor hath been matcht but by a rising Common∣wealth, whose Policy you will say was yet worse: but then her ballance (being that especially which produceth men) was farre better. For vastness, for fruitfulness of terri∣tory, for bodies of men, for number, for courage, nature never made a Country more potent then Germany: yet this Nation anciently the Seminary of Nations, hath of late years, meerly through the defect of her policy (which in tending one Common wealth hath made an hundred Monarchies in her bowels, whose crosse interests twist her gutts) been the theater of the saddest Tragedies under the Sun; nor is she curable unless some Prince alling to work with the Hammer of Warre, be able totally to de∣stroy Page  79 the old, and forge her a Government intirely new. But, if this come to be, neither shall it be said, that a well polycy'd Empire was subverted, nor by a people so eloigned from perfection of government, but theirs must be much better then the other. Let me be as ridiculous as you will, the World is (in faece Romuli) ripe for great changes which must come. And look to it, whe∣ther it be Germany, Spain, France, Italy, or England, that comes first to fix her self upon a firm foundation of policy, she shall give law unto, and be obey'd by the rest There was never so much fighting as of late dayes to so little purpose; Arms, except they have a root in poli∣cy, are altogether fruitless. In the Warre between the King and the Parliament, not the Nation only, but the policy of it was divided, and which part of it was upon the better foundation?

But saith he, Ragusa and San Marino are commended for* their upright and equal frame of Government, and yet have hardly extended their Dominion, beyond the size of an handsom Mannor.

Have Ragusa, or San Marino been conquer'd by the Arms of any Monarch? For this (I take it) is the Questi∣on; though, if they had, these being Common wealths unarmed, it were nothing to the purpose. The question of encrease is another point. Lacedemon could not increase (because her frame was of another nature) without ruine; yet was she not conquer'd by any Monarch.

Come, come says he for all this. It is not the perfection of* Government, but the populousness of a Nation, the natural va∣lour of the Inhabitants, the abundance of Horses, Arms, and o∣ther things necessary for equipping of an Army, assisted with a good Military Discipline, that qualifie a People for Con∣quest; and where these concur, Victory is intayled upon them, Very fine▪

As if these could concur any otherwise then by vertue of the policy. For example, there is no Nation under Hea∣ven more populous then France. Yet saith Sir Francis Ba∣con, If the Gentlemen be too many, the Commons will be base,* and not the hundredth Pole fit for an Helmet, as may be seen by comparison of England with France, whereof the former, Page  80 though far lesse in Territory and Populousness; hath been never∣theless the over-match; in regard the middle People in England make good Souldiers which the Paisants in France do not. This therefore was from the Policy, by which the one hath been the freest, and the other the most inslaved Subject in the World, and not from populousness, in which case, France must have been the Over match.

The like is observable in the natural valour of the people, there being no greater courage of an Infantry, then that of the middle people in England, whereas the Paisant having none at all, is never used in Arms. Again, France hath one of the best Cavalries in the World, which the English never had, yet it availed her not. Victory is more especially intayl'd upon courage, and courage upon liber∣ty, which groweth not without a root planted in the poli∣cy or foundation of the Government.

Alexander with an handful of freermen, overcame the greatest abundance of Horses, Arms, and other things necessa∣ry for the equipping of an Army, the hugest Armies, the most vast and populous Empire in the World; and when he had done, could not by all these subdue that handful of freer men (though he kill'd Clytus with his own hand in the quarrel) unto the servile customs of that Empire. And that the best Military Discipline derived from the policy of the Romans, I intimated before, and have shewn at large in other places.

But the Praevaricator neither mindes what is said, nor cares what he sayes; to affirm that a Common wealth was never conquer'd by any Monarch, and that a Common∣wealth hath conquer'd many Monarchs, or frequently led mighty Kings in triumph, is to run upon the foile, the se∣cond proposition being, with him, no more then, onely the conversion of the first. As if that, Rome was not conquer'd* by the World; and that the World was conquer'd by Rome, were but a simple conversion. So the World having not conquer'd Venice, it must follow, that Venice hath con∣quer'd the World. Do we take, or are we taken? Nor is he thus satisfied to burn his fingers, but he will blister his tongue.

Page  81Where I said that the COMMON-WEALTH OF VENICE, consisting of all them that first fled from the main Land, unto those▪ Islands where the City is now planted, at the institution took in the WHOLE PEOPLE, he would make you believe I had said that the SENATE OF VENICE at the first institution, TOOK IN THE WHOLE PEOPLE. It is matter of fact, and that in* which his integrity will be apparent unto every mans judgement. I pray you see the places. And yet when he hath put this—upon me, he tells me, perhaps it is not true, and this only I grant him, past peradventure is false, whe∣ther that I said it, or that the thing is possible. For how is it possible, that the Senate, which is no otherwise such▪ then as it consisteth of the Aristocracy, or select part of the People should take in the whole People? It is true, that good Authours, both ancient aud modern, when they speak of the Senate of Rome, or of Ve∣nice historically, imply the People. Machiavil, speaketh of the Magistracy of Publilius Philo as prolonged by the Se∣nate of Rome, without making any mention of the people, by whom nevertheless it was granted: the like is usuall with other Authours. Thuanus seldom mentioneth the Common wealth of Venice, but by the name of the Senate; which not understood by the learned Considerer, where Contarini speaks in the same manner, of the courses taken by the Common-wealth of Venice, for withholding the Subject in the City from sedition, he takes him to be speaking of the meanes, whereby the Senate (an't please you) keeps the People under: and so having put one trick upon me, and another upon Contarini, these two are his premisses, whence he drawes this conclusion, That Venice is as much as any in the World, an unequal Common wealth. Now the conclusion, you know no body can deny.