Purchas his pilgrimes. part 4 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

CHAP. V.

Good newes from New England: Or, A Relation of things remarkeable in that Plantation; written by E. WINSLOVV and here abbreuiated.

THe good Ship called the Fortune, which in the Moneth of Nouember 1621. (bles∣sed be God) brought vs a new supply of fiue and thirty persons, was not long de∣parted [ 60] our Coast, ere the Great people of Nanohigganset, which are reported to ••e many thousands strong, began to breath forth many threats against vs, not∣withstanding their desired and obtained peace with vs in the fore-going Summer. Insomuch as the common talke of our neighbour Indians on all sides was of the

preparation they made to come against vs, In reason, a man would thinke they should haue now more cause to feare vs than before our supply came: but though none of them were present, yet vnderstanding by others that they neither brought Armes nor other prouisions with them, but wholly relied on vs, it occasioned them to sleight and braue vs with so many threats as they did. At length came one of them to vs, who was sent by Conauacus their chiefe Sachim or King, ac∣companied with one Tokamahamon a friendly Indian. This Messenger inquired for Tisquantum our Interpreter, who not being at home seemed rather to be glad then sorry, and leauing for him a bundle of new Arrowes lapped in a rattle Snakes skinne, desired to depart with all expedition.

When Tisquantum returned, and the Arrowes were deliuered, and the manner of the Messen∣gers [ 10] cariage related, he signified to the Gouernour, that to send the rattle Snakes skinne in that manner, imported enmitie, and that it was no better then a challenge. Hereupon, after some de∣liberation, the Gouernour stuffed the skin with Powder and Shot, and sent it backe, returning no lesse defiance to Conauacus, assuring him if he had Shipping now present thereby to send his men to Nanohigganset (the place of his abode) they should not neede to come so farre by Land to vs: yet withall, shewing that they should neuer come vnwelcome or vnlooked for. This message was sent by an Indian, and deliuered in such sort, as it was no small terrour to this Sauage King, insomuch as he would not once touch the Powder and Shot, or suffer it to stay in his House or Countrie. Whereupon the Messenger refusing it, another tooke it vp, and hauing beene posted from place to place a long time, at length came whole backe againe. [ 20]

In the meane time, knowing our owne weakenesse, notwithstanding our high words and loftie lookes towards them, and still lying open to all casualty, hauing as yet (vnder God) no o∣ther defence then our Armes, we thought it most needfull to impale our Towne, which with all expedition we accomplished in the moneth of February, and some few dayes, taking in the top of the Hill vnder which our Towne is seated, making foure Bulwarkes or ietties without the ordinary circuit of the Pale, from whence we could defend the whole Towne: In three whereof are Gates, and the fourth in time to be. This being done, Captaine Standish diuided our strength into foure squadrons or companies, appointing whom he thought most fit to haue command of each: And at a generall Muster or Training, appointed each his place, gaue each his Company, giuing them charge vpon euery alarum to resort to their Leaders to their appointed place, and in [ 30] his absence, to be commanded and directed by them. That done according to his order, each drew his Company to his appointed place for defence, and there together discharged their Muskets. After which they brought their new Commanders to their houses, where againe they graced them with their shot, and so departed. Fearing also least the enemy at any time should take any aduantage by firing our houses, Captaine Standish appointed a certaine Company, that whensoe∣uer they saw or heard fire to be cryed in the Towne, should onely betake themselues to their Armes, and should inclose the house or place so indangered, and stand aloofe on their guard, with their backes towards the fire, to preuent trechery, if any were in that kinde intended. If the fire were in any of the houses of this guard, they were then freed from it, but not otherwise, without speciall command. [ 40]

Long before this time we promised the people of Massachuset in the beginning of March to come vnto them, and trade for their Furres, which being then come, we began to make prepa∣ration for that Voyage. In the meane time, an Indian, called Hobbamocke, who still liued in the Towne, told vs, that he feared the Massachusets or Massachuseuks (for they so called the people of that place) were ioyned in confederacie with the Nanohigganneucks, or people of Nanohig∣ganset, and that they therefore would take this opportunity to cut off Captaine Standish and his Company abroad: but howsoeuer in the meane time, it was to be feared that the Nanohigganeuks would assault the Towne at home, giuing many reasons for his iealousie, as also that Tisquantum was in the confederacy, who we should finde would vse many perswasions to draw vs from our Shallops to the Indians houses for their better aduantage. [ 50]

Notwithstanding the forenamed Captaine with ten men, accompanied with Tisquantum and Hobbamocke, set forwards for the Massachusets: but we had no sooner turned the point of the Harbour, called the Gurnets nose (where being becalmed we let fall our grapneli, to set things to rights, and prepare to row) but there came an Indian of Tisquantums family, running to certaine of our people that were from home with all eagernesse, hauing his face wounded, and the bloud still fresh on the same, calling to them to repaire home, oft looking behinde him, as if some o∣thers had him in chase, saying that at Namaschet (a Towne some fifteene miles from vs) there were many of the Nanobiggansets, Massassowat our supposed friend; and Conbatant our feared ene∣my, with many others, with a resolution to take aduantage on the present opportunity, to as∣sault the Towne in the Captaines absence, affirming that hee receiued the wound in his face for [ 60] speaking in our behalfe, and by sleight escaped, looking oft backward, as if he suspected them to be at hand. This he affirmed againe to the Gouernour, whereupon he gaue command that three peece of Ordnance should be made ready and discharged, to the end that if wee were not out of hearing, we might returne thereat. Which we no sooner heard, but we repaired homeward with

all conuenient speede, arming our selues, and making all in readinesse to fight. When wee entred the Harbour, we saw the Towne like wise on their guard, whither we hasted with all conueni∣ent speede. The newes being made knowne vnto vs, Hobbamock said flatly that it was false, as∣suring vs of Massassowats faithfulnesse; howsoeuer he presumed he would neuer haue vndertaken any such act without his priuitie, himselfe being a Pinse, that is, one of his chiefe Champions or men of valour, it being the manner amongst them not to vndertake such enterprises without the aduice and furtherance of men of that ranke.

The Gouernour caused Hobbamock to send his wife with all priuacie to Puckanokick the chiefe place of Massassowats residence (pretending other occasions) there to informe her selfe, and so vs, of the right state of things. When she came thither, and saw all things quiet, and that no such [ 10] matter was or had beene intended, she told Massassowat what had hapned at Plimoth (by them called Patuxet) which when he vnderstood, he was much offended at the carriage of Tisquantum, returning many thankes to the Gouernour for his good thoughts of him; and assuring him, that according to their first Articles of peace, hee would send word and giue warning when any such businesse was towards.

Thus by degrees we began to discouer Tisquantum, whose ends were onely to make himselfe great in the eyes of his Country-men, by meanes of his neerenesse and fauour with vs, not caring who fell, so he stood. In generall, his course was to pers wade them hee could lead vs to peace or warre at his pleasure, and would oft threaten the Indians, sending them word in a priuate man∣ner, we were intended shortly to kill them, that thereby he might get gifts to himselfe to worke [ 20] their peace, insomuch as they had him in greater esteeme then many of their Sachims, yea, they themselues sought to him, who promised them peace in respect of vs; yea, and protection also, so as they would resort to him. So that whereas diuers were wont to relye on Massassowat for protection, and resort to his abode, now they began to leaue him, and seeke after Tisquantum. But when we vnderstood his dealings, we certified all the Indians of our ignorance and innocen∣cy therein, assuring them till they begun with vs, they should haue no cause to feare. And if any hereafter should raise any such reports, they should punish them as liers and seekers of their and our disturbance, which gaue the Indians good satisfaction on all sides.

After this we proceeded in our Voyage to the Massachusets, where we had good store of Trade and (blessed be God) returned in safety, though driuen from before our Towne in great danger and [ 30] extremity of weather. At our returne, we found Massassowat at the Plantation, who made his seeming iust Apologie for all former matters of accusation, being much offended and inraged a∣gainst Tisquantum, whom the Gouernour pacified as much as he could for the present. But not long after his departure, he sent a Messenger to the Gouernour, intreating him to giue way to the death of Tisquantum, who had so much abused him. But the Gouernour answered; Although he had deserued to dye both in respect of him and vs; yet for our sakes he desired he would spare him, and the rather because without him he knew not well how to vnderstand himselfe, or any other the Indians. With this answer the Messenger returned, but came againe not long after, ac∣companied with diuers others, demanding him from Mass••ssowat their Master, as being one of his subiects, whom by our first Articles of peace we could not retaine: yet because hee would not [ 40] willingly doe it without the Gouernors approbation, offered him many Beuers skins for his con∣sent thereto, saying, that according to their manner, their Sachim had sent his owne Knife, and therewith, to cut off his head and hands, and bring them to him. To which the Gouernour an∣swered; It was not the manner of the English to sell mens liues at a price, but when they had de∣serued iustly to die, to giue them their reward, and therefore refused their Beauers as a gift: but sent for Tisquantum, who though he knew their intent, yet offered not to flye, but came and ac∣cused Hobbamocke as the author and worker of his ouerthrow; yeelding himselfe to the Gouer∣nour to be sent or not according as he thought meete. But at the instant, when our Gouernour was ready to deliuer him into the hands of his Executioners, a Boate was seene at Sea to 〈…〉〈…〉e before our Towne, and fall behinde a head-land not farre off: whereupon, hauing heard many rumours of the French, and not knowing whether there were any combination betweene the [ 50] Sauages and them, the Gouernour told the Indians, he would first know what Boate that was ere he would deliuer him into their custody. But being mad with rage, and impatient at delay, they departed in great heate.

Here let me not omit one notable (though wicked) practise of this Tisquantum, who to the end he might possesse his Countrimen with the greater feare of vs, and so consequently of him∣selfe, told them we had the plague buried in our store-house, which at our pleasure we could send forth to what place or people we would, and destroy them therewith, though wee stirred not from home. Being vpon the forenamed brabbles sent for by the Gouernour to this place, where Hobbamock was & some other of vs, the ground being broke in the middest of the house (where∣under [ 60] certaine barrels of Powder were buried, though vnknowne to him) Hobbamock asked him what it meant? To whom he readily answered; That was the place wherein the plague was buried, whereof he formerly told him and others. After this Hobbamock asked one of our people whether such a thing were, and whether we had such command of it? Who answered no; But

the God of the English had it in store, and could send it at his pleasure to the destruction of his and our enemies.

This was, as I take it, about the end of May, 1622. At which time our store of victuals was wholly spent, hauing liued long before with a bare and short allowance: The reason was, that supply of men before mentioned, which came so vnprouided, not landing so much as a barrell of Bread or Meale for their whole Company, but contrariwise receiued from vs for their Ships store homeward. Neither were the setters forth thereof altogether to be blamed therein, but rather certaine amongst our selues, who were too prodigall in their writing and reporting that plenty we en••oyed. But that I may returne.

This Boate proued to be a Shallop that belonged to a fishing Ship, called the Sparrow, set forth [ 10] by Master Thomas Weston, late Merchant and Citizen of London, which brought six or seuen pas∣sengers at his charge, that should before haue beene landed at our Plantation, who also brought no more prouision for the present then serued the Boats gang for their returne to the Ship, which made ••er Voyage at a place called Damarins Coue, neere Munhiggen, some forty leagues from vs North-east-ward; about which place there fished aboue thirty saile of Ships, and whither my selfe was imployed by our Gouernour, with orders to take vp such victuals as the Shippes could spare; where I found kinde entertainment and good respect, with a willingnesse to supply our wants: But being not able to spare that quantity I required, by reason of the necessitie of some amongst themselues, whom they supplied before my comming, would not take any Bils for the same, but did what they could freely, wishing their store had beene such as they might in greater [ 20] measure haue expressed their owne loue, and supplied our necessities, for which they sorrowed, prouoking one another to the vtmost of their abilities: which although it were not much a∣mongst so many people as were at the Plantation, yet through the prouident and discreete care of the Gouernours, recouered and preserued strength till our owne crop on the ground was ready.

Hauing dispatched there, I returned home with all speede conuenient, where I found the state of the Colony much weaker then when I left it: for til now we were neuer without some Bread, the want wherof much abated the strength and flesh of some, and swelled others. But here it may be said, if the Countrey abound with Fish and Fowle in such measure as is reported, how could men vndergoe such measure of hardnesse, except through their owne negligence? I answere: E∣uery [ 30] thing must be expected in its proper season. No man, as one said, will goe into an Orchard in the Winter to gather Cherries: so he that lookes for Fowle there in the Summer, will be de∣ceiued in his expectation. The time they continue in plenty with vs, is from the beginning of October to the end of March: but these extremities befell vs in May and Iune. I confesse, that as the Fowle decrease, so Fish increase. And indeede their exceeding abundance was a great cause of increasing our wants. For though our Bay and Creekes were full of Basse, and other fish, ye•• for want of fit and strong S••y••es, and other netting, they for the most part brake thorow and carried all away before them. And though the Sea were full of Cod, yet we had neither tackling nor harseis for our Shallops. And indeede had we not beene in a place where diuers sorts of Shel∣fish are that may be taken with the hand, we must haue perished, vnlesse God had raised some vn∣knowne [ 40] or extraordinary meanes for our preseruation.

In the time of these streits (indeede before my going to Munhiggen) the Indians began againe to cast forth many insulting speeches, glorying in our weakenesse, and giuing out how easie it would be ere long to cut vs off. Now also Massassowat seemed to frowne on vs, and neither came or sent to vs as formerly. These things occasioned further thoughts of Fortification. And whereas we haue a Hill called the Mount, inclosed within our Pale, vnder which our Towne is seated, we resolued to erect a Fort thereon, from whence a few might easily secure the Town from any assault the Indians can make, whilest the rest might be imployed as occasion serued. This worke was begun with great eagernesse, and with the approbation of all men, hoping that this being once finished, and a continuall guard there kept, it would vtterly discourage the Sa∣uages [ 50] from hauing any hopes or thoughts of rising against vs. And though it tooke the greatest part of our strength from dressing our Corne, yet (life being continued) wee hoped God would raise some meanes in stead thereof for our further preseruation.

In the end of Iune, or beginning of Iuly, came into our harbour two Ships of Master Westons aforesaid, the one called the Charitie, the other the Swan, hauing in them some fiftie or sixtie men sent ouer at his owne charge to plant for him. These we receiued into our Towne, affording them whatsoeuer curtesie our meane condition could afford. There the Charitie, being the big∣ger Ship, left them, hauing many passengers which she was to land in Uirginia. In the meane time, the body of them refreshed themselues at Plimoth, whilest some most fit sought out a place for them. That little store of Corne we had, was exceedingly wasted by the vniust and dishonest [ 60] walking of these strangers, who though they would sometimes seeme to helpe vs in our labour about our Corne, yet spared not day and night to steale the same, it being then eatable, and plea∣sant to taste, though green and vnprofitable. And though they receiued much kindnesse, s••t light both by it and vs. At length their Coast••rs returned, hauing found in their iudgement a place fit

for plantation, within the Bay of the Massachusets, at a place called by the Indians Wichagus∣cusset. To which place the body of them went with all conuenient speede, leauing still with vs such as were sicke and lame, by the Gouernours permission, though on their parts vndeserued, whom our Surgeon by the helpe of God recouered gratis for them, and they fetched home, as oc∣casion serued. They had not beene long from vs, ere the Indians filled our eares with clamours a∣gainst them, for stealing their Corne, and other abuses conceiued by them. At which we grieued the more, because the same men, in mine owne hearing, had beene earnest in perswading Cap∣taine Standish, before their comming to solicite our Gouernour to send some of his men to plant by them, alledging many reasons how it might be commodious for vs. But wee knew no meanes to redresse those abuses, saue reproofe, and aduising them to better walking, as occa∣sion serued. [ 10]

In the end of August came other two Ships into our harbour, the one (as I take it) was called the Discouerie, Captaine Iones hauing the command thereof, the other was that Ship of Master Westons, called the Sparrow, which had now made her Voyage of Fish, and was consorted with the other, being both bound for Uirginta. Of Captaine Iones we furnished our selues of such pro∣uisions as we most needed, and he could best spare, who as he vsed vs kindely, so made vs pay largely for the things we had. And had not the Almighty, in his All-ordering Prouidence, dire∣cted him to vs, it would haue gone worse with vs, then euer it had beene, or after was: for, as we had now but small store of Corne for the yeere following: so for want of supply, we were worne out of all manner of trucking-stuffe, not hauing any meanes left to helpe our selues by trade; but [ 20] through Gods good mercy towards vs, hee had wherewith, and did supply our wants on that kinde competently.

In the end of September, or beginning of October, Master Westons biggest Ship called the Cha∣ritie, returned for England, and left their Colony sufficiently victualled, as some of most credit amongst them reported. The lesser, called the Swan, remained with his Colony for their further helpe. At which time they desired to ioyne in partnership with vs to trade for Corne; to which our Gouernour and his Assistant agreed vpon such equall conditions, as were drawne and confir∣med betweene them and vs. The chiefe places aimed at were to the Southward of Cape Cod, and the more because Tisquantum, whose peace before this time was wrought with Ma∣sassowat, vndertooke to discouer vnto vs that supposed, and still hoped passage within [ 30] the Sholes.

Both Colonies being thus agreed, our Gouernour in his owne person supplied the Captaines place, and in the month of Nouember set forth, hauing Tisquantum for his Interpreter and Pi∣lot, who affirmed he had twice passed within the Sholes of Cape Cod, both with English and French. Neuerthelesse, they went so farre with him, as the Master of the Ship saw no hope of passage: but being (as he thought) in danger, bare vp, and according to Tisquantums directions, made for an harbour not farre from them, at a place called Manamoycke, which they found, and sounding it with their Shallop found the channell, though but narrow and crooked, where at at length they harboured the Ship. Here they perceiued that the Tide set in and out with more violence at some other place more Southerly, which they had not seene nor could discouer, by [ 40] reason of the violence of the season all the time of their abode there. Some iudged the entrance thereof might be beyond the Sholes, but there is no certainty thereof as yet knowne. That night the Gouernour accompanied with others, hauing Tisquantum for his Interpreter went ashoare: At first the Inhabitants plaied least in sight, because none of our people had euer beene there be∣fore; but vnderstanding the ends of their comming, at length came to them, welcomming our Gouernour according to their Sauage manner, refreshing them very well with store of Venison and other victuals which they brought them in great abundance, promising to trade with them, with a seeming gladnesse of the occasion: yet their ioy was mixed with much iealousie, as appea∣red by their after practises: for at first they were loath their dwellings should be knowne, but when they saw our Gouernours resolution to stay on the shoare all night, they brought him to their houses, hauing first conuaied all their stuffe to a remote place, not farre from the same, which one of our men walking forth occasionally, espied; whereupon, on the sudden, neither it nor [ 50] they could be found, and so many times after vpon conceiued occasions, they would be all gone, bag and baggage. But being afterwards (by Tisquantums meanes) better perswaded, they left their iealousie and traded with them; where they got eight hogsheads of Corne and Beanes, though the people were but few. This gaue our Gouernour and the Company good encourage∣ment. Tisquantum being still confident in the passage, and the Inhabitants affirming, they had seene Ships of good burthen passe within the Sholes aforesaid. But here, though they had deter∣mined to make a second assay, yet God had otherwaies disposed, who strucke Tisquantum with sicknesse, in so much as he there died, which crossed their Southward trading, and the more, be∣cause the Masters sufficiency was much doubted, and the season very tempestuous, and not fit to [ 60] goe vpon discouery, hauing no guide to direct them.

From thence they departed, and the winde being faire for the Massachusets, went thither, and the rather because the Sauages vpon our motion had planted much Corne for vs, which they

promised not long before that time. When they came thither, they found a great sicknesse to be amongst the Indians, not vnlike the Plague, if not the same. They renued their complaints to our Gouernour, against that other Plantation seated by them, for their iniurious walking. But in∣deede the trade both for Furres and Corne was ouerthrowne in that place, they giuing as much for a quart of Corne, as we vsed to doe for a Beauers skin; so that little good could be there done. From thence they returned into the bottome of the Bay of Cape Cod, to a place called Nauset, where the Sachim vsed the Gouernour very kindely, and where they bought eight or ten hogs∣heads of Corne and Beanes. Also at a place called Mattachiest, where they had like kinde en∣tertainment and Corne also. During the time of their trade in these places, there were so great and violent stormes, as the Ship was much endangered, and our Shallop cast away, so that they [ 10] had now no meanes to carry the Corne aboard that they had bought, the Ship riding by their re∣port well neere two leagues from the same, her owne Boate being small, and so leake (hauing no Carpenter with them) as they durst scarce fetch wood or water in her. Hereupon the Gouer∣nour caused the Corne to be made in a round stacke, and bought Mats, and cut Sedge to couer it, and gaue charge to the Indians not to meddle with it, promising him that dwelt next to it a re∣ward, if he would keepe vermine also from it, which he vndertooke, and the Sachim promised to make good. In the meane time, according to the Gouernors request, the Sachim sent men to seek the Shallop, which they found buried almost in sand at a high-water marke, hauing many things remaining in her, but vnseruiceable for the present; whereof the Gouernour gaue the Sachim speciall charge that it should not be further broken. And hauing procured a Guide, it being no lesse [ 20] then fiftie miles to our Plantation, set forward, receiuing all respect that could be from the In∣dians in his iourney, and came safely home, though weary and surbated, whether some three dayes after the Ship also came. The Corne being diuided which they had got, Master Westons Company went to their owne Plantation, it being further agreed, that they should returne with all conuenient speede, and bring their Carpenter, that they might fetch the rest of the Corne, and saue their Shallop.

At their returne Captaine Standish being recouered and in health, tooke another Shallop, and went with them to the Corne, which they found in safety as they left it: also they mended the other Shallop, and got all their Corne aboard the Ship. This was in Ianuary, as I take it, it being very cold and stormy, insomuch as (the harbour being none of the best) they were constrained to [ 30] cut both the Shallops from the Ships sterne, and so lost them both a second time. But the storme being ouer, and seeking out, they found them both, not hauing receiued any great hurt. Whilest they were at Nauset, hauing occasion to lye on the shoare, laying their Shallop in a Creeke not farre from them, an Indian came into the same, and stole certaine Beads, C••ssers, and other trifles out of the same, which when the Captaine missed, he tooke certaine of his company with him, and went to the Sachim, telling him what had hapned, and requiring the same againe, or the par∣ty that stole them (who was knowne to certaine of the Indians) or else he would reuenge it on them before his departure, and so tooke leaue for that night being late, refusing whatsoeuer kind∣nesse they offered. On the morrow, the Sachim came to their randeuow, accompanied with ma∣ny men, in a stately manner, who saluting the Captaine in this wise; He thrust out his tongue, [ 40] that one might see the roote thereof, and there with licked his hand from the wrist to the fingers end, withall bowing the knee, striuing to imitate the English gesture, being instructed therein formerly by Tisquantum: his men did the like, but in so rude and Sauage a manner, as our men could scarce forbeare to breake out in open laughter. After salutation, he deliuered the Beads, and other things to the Captaine, saying, he had much beaten the party for doing it, causing the wo∣men to make Bread, and bring them, according to their desire, seeming to be very sorry for the fact, but glad to be reconciled. So they departed, and came home in safety; where the Corne was equally diuided, as before.

After this, the Gouernour went to two other inland Townes, with another Company, and bought Corne likewise of them, the one is called Namasket, the other Manomet. That from Na∣masket [ 50] was brought home partly by Indian women; but a great sicknesse arising amongst them, our owne men were inforced to fetch home the rest. That at Manomet the Gouernour left in the Sachims custody: this Towne lieth from vs South well neere twenty miles, and stands vpon a fresh Riuer, which runneth into the Bay of Nanobigganset, and cannot be lesse then sixty miles from thence. It will beare a Boat of eight or ten tun to this place. Hither the Dutch, or French, or both vse to come, It is from hence to the Bay of Cape Cod about eight miles; out of which Bay it floweth into a Creeke some six miles almost direct towards the Towne. The heads of the Riuer, and this Creeke, are not farre distant. This Riuer yeeldeth thus high, Oysters, Muscles, Clams, and other Shel-fish, one in shape like a Beane, another like a Clam, both good meate, and great abundance at all times; besides it aboundeth with diuers sorts of fresh fish in their seasons. [ 60] The Gouernour or Sachim of this place, was called Canacum, who had formerly, as well as many others (yea all with whom as yet we had to doe) acknowledged themselues the Subiects of our Soueraigne Lord the King. This Sachim vsed the Gouernour very kindely, and it seemed was of good respect and authority amongst the Indians. For whilest the Gouernour was there within

night in bitter weater, came two men from Manamoick, before spoken of, and hauing set aside their Bowes and Quiuers, according to their manner, sat down by the fire, and tooke a pipe of To∣bacco, not vsing any words in that time, nor any other to them, but all remained silent, expecting when they would speake: At length they looked toward Canacum, and one of them made a short speech, and deliuered a present to him from his Sachim, which was a basket of Tobacco, and many Beades, which the other receiued thankfully. After which, he made a long speech to him, the contents hereof was related to vs by Hobbamock (who then accompanied the Gouernour for his Guide) to be as followeth; It hapned that two of their men fell out as they were in game (for they vse gaming as much as any where, and will play away all, euen their skin from their backs, yea and for their wiues skins also, though it may be they are many miles distant from them, [ 10] as my selfe haue seene) and growing to great heat, the one killed the other. The actor of this fact was a Powah, one of speciall note amongst them, and such an one as they could not well misse, yet another people greater then themselues threatned them with warre, if they would not put him to death. The partie offending was in hold, neither would their Sachim doe one way or other till their returne, resting vpon him for aduice and furtherance in so weightie a matter. After this there was silence a short time; at length men gaue their iudgement what they thought best. A∣mongst others, he asked Hobbamock what he thought? Who answered, he was but a stranger to them, but thought it was better that one should die then many, since he had deserued it, and the rest were innocent; whereupon he passed the sentence of death vpon him.

Not long after (••auing no great quantitie of Corne left) Captaine Standish went againe with a [ 20] Shallop to Mattachiest, meeting also with the like extremitie of weather, both of winde, S••ow, and Frost, insomuch as they were frozen in the harbour the first night they entred the same. Here they pretended their wonted loue, and spared them a good quantitie of Corne to confirme the same: Strangers also came to this place pretending onely to see him and his Companie, whom they neuer saw before that time, but intending to ioyne with the rest to kill them, as after ap∣peared. But being forced through extremitie to lodge in their houses, which they much pres∣sed, God possessed the heart of the Captaine with iust iealousie, giuing strait command, that as one part of his Companie slept, the rest should wake, declaring some things to them which he vnderstood, whereof he could make no good construction. Some of the Indians spying a fit op∣portunitie, stole some Beades also from him, which he no sooner perceiued, hauing not aboue six [ 30] men with him, drew them all from the Boat, and set them on their guard about the Sachims house, where the most of the people were, threatning to fall vpon them without further delay, if they would not forthwith restore them, signifying to the Sachim especially, and so to them all, that as he would not offer the least iniurie, so he would not receiue any at their hands, which should escape without punishment or due satisfaction. Hereupon the Sachim bestirred him to finde out the partie, which when he had done, caused him to returne them againe to the Shallop, and came to the Captaine, desiring him to search whether they were not about the Boat, who suspecting their knauerie, sent one, who found them lying openly vpon the Boats cu••dy; yet to appease his anger, they brought Corne afresh to trade, insomuch as he laded his Shallop, and so departed. This accident so daunted their courage, as they durst not attempt any thing against [ 40] him. So that through the good mercy and prouidence of God they returned in safetie. At this place the Indians get abundance of Basse both Summer and Winter, for it being now February they abounded with them.

In the beginning of March, hauing refreshed himselfe, he tooke a Shallop, and went to Mano∣met, to fetch home that which the Gouernour had formerly bought, hoping also to get more from them, but was deceiued in his expectation, not finding that entertainment he found else∣where, and the Gouernour had there receiued. The reason whereof, and of the trecherie inten∣ded in the place before spoken of, was not then knowne vnto vs, but afterwards: wherein may be obserued the abundant mercies of God working with his prouidence for our good. Cap∣taine Standish being now farre from the Boat, and not aboue two or three of our men with him, and as many with the Shallop, was not long at Canacum the Sachims house, but in [ 50] came two of the Massachuset men, the chiefe of them was called Wituwamat, a notable insulting villaine, one who had formerly imbrued his hands in the bloud of English and French, and had oft boasted of his owne valour, and derided their weaknesse, especially because (as he said) they died crying, making sowre faces, more like children then men. This villaine tooke a dagger from about his necke (which hee had gotten of Master Westons people) and presented it to the Sachim, and after made a long speech in an audacious manner, framing it in such sort, as the Captaine (though he be the best Linguist amongst vs) could not gather any thing from it. The end of it was afterward discouered to be as followeth: The Mas∣sacheuseuckes formerly concluded to ruinate Master Westons Colonie, and thought them∣selues, [ 60] being about thirty or forty men strong, enough to execute the same: yet they durst not attempt it, till such time as they had gathered more strength to themselues to make their partie good against vs at Plimoth, concluding, that if wee remained (though they had no other Arguments to vse against vs) yet wee would neuer leaue the death of

our Countrimen vnreuenged, and therefore their safetie could not be without the ouerthrow of both Plantations. To this end they had formerly solicited this Sachim, as also the other called I anough at Mattachiest, and many others to assist them, and now againe came to pro∣secute the same; and since there was so faire an opportunitie offered by the Captaines pre∣sence, they thought best to make sure him and his Company. After this message was deli∣uered, his entertainment much exceeded the Captaines, insomuch as hee scorned at their be∣hauiour, and told them of it: after which, they would haue perswaded him, because the weather was cold, to haue sent to the Boate for the rest of his Company, but he would not, desiring according to promise, that the Corne might be carried downe, and he would con∣tent the women for their l••bour, which they did. At the same time there was a lusty Indian of [ 10] Paomet or Cap: Cod then present, who had euer demeaned himselfe well towards vs, being in his generall carriage very affable, courteous, and louing, especially towards the Captaine. This Sauage was now entred into confederacie with the rest, yet to auoide suspition, made many signes of his continued affections, and would needes bestow a Kettle of some six or seuen gallons on him, and would not accept of any thing in lieu thereof, saying, he was rich, and could af∣ford to bestow such fauours on his friends whom he loued: also hee would freely helpe to car∣ry some of the Corne, ••ffirming he had neuer done the like in his life before, and the winde be∣ing bad would needes lodge with him at their Randeuow, hauing indeede vndertaken to kill him before they parted, which done they intended to fall vpon the rest. The night proued exceeding cold, insomuch as the Captaine could not take any rest, but either walked or tur∣ned [ 20] himselfe to and fro at the fire: This the other obserued, and asked wherefore he did not sleepe as at other times, who answered he knew not well, but had no desire at all to rest. So that he then mist hisopportunity. The winde seruing on the next day, they returned home, accompanied with the other Indian, who vsed many arguments to perswade them to go to Paomet, where himself had much Corne, and many other, the most wherof he would procure for vs, seeming to sorrow for our wants. Once the Captaine put forth with him, and was forced backe by contrary winde; which winde serued for the Massachuset, was fitted to goe thither. But on a sudden it altered againe.

During the time that the Captaine was at Manomet, newes came to Plimoth that Massasso∣wat was like to die, and that at the same time there was a Dutch Ship driuen so high on the shoare by stresse of weather, right before his dwelling, that till the tides encreased, she could not be got [ 30] off. Now it being a commendable manner of the Indians, when any (especially of note) are dan∣gerously sicke, for all that professe friendship to them, to visit them in their extremity, either in their persons, or else to send some acceptable persons to them, therefore it was thought meete (being a good and warrantable action) that as we had euer professed friendship, so we should now maintaine the same, by obseruing this their laudable custome: and the rather, because we desired to haue some conference with the Dutch, not knowing when we should haue so fit an opportu∣nity. To that end my selfe hauing formerly beene there, and vnderstanding in some measure the Dutch tongue, the Gouernour againe laid this seruice vpon my selfe, and fitted me with some cor∣dials to administer to him, hauing one Master Iohn Hamden a Gentleman of London (who then wintered with vs, and desired much to see the Country) for my Consort, and Hobbamocke for our [ 40] guide. So we set forward, and lodged the first night at Namasket, where we had friendly enter∣tainment.

The next day about one of the clock, we came to a ferrie in Conbatants Country, where vpon discharge of my Peece, diuers Indians came to vs from a house not far off. There they told vs, that Massassowat was dead, and that day buried, and that the Dutch would be gone before we could get thither, hauing houe off their Ship already. This newes strucke vs blanke; but especially Hob∣bamocke, who desired we might returne with all speede. I told him I would first thinke of it, con∣sidering now that he being dead, Combatant was the most like to succeede him, and that we were not aboue three miles from Mattapuyst his dwelling place, although he were but a hollow-hear∣ted friend towards vs, I thought no time so fit as this, to enter into more friendly tearmes with [ 50] him, and the rest of the Sachims thereabout, hoping (through the blessing of God) it would be a meanes in that vnsetled state, to settle their affections towards vs, and though it were somewhat dangerous, in respect of our personall safety, because my selfe and Hobbamocke had beene imploy∣ed vpon a seruice against him, which he might now fitly reuenge; yet esteeming it the best means, leauing the euent to God in his mercy. I resouled to put it in practise, if Master Hamden and Hob∣bamock durst attempt it with me, whom I found willing to that or any other course might tend to the generall good. So we went towards Mattapuyst. In the way, Hobbamocke manifesting a troubled spirit, brake forth into these speeches, Neen womasu Sagimus, neen womasu Sagimus, &c. My louing Sachim, my louing Sachim. Many haue I knowne, but neuer any like thee: And tur∣ning him to me said; Whilest I liued, I should neuer see his like amongst the Indians, saying, he [ 60] was no lyer, he was not bloudy and cruell like other Indians; In anger and passion he was soone reclaimed, easie to be reconciled towards such as had offended him, ruled by reason in such mea∣sure, as he would not scorne the aduice of meane men, and that he gouerned his men better with few stroakes then others did with many; truely louing where he loued; yea, he feared we had not

a faithfull friend left among the Indians, shewing how he oft-times restrained their malice, &c. continuing a long speech with such signes of lamentation and vnfeined sorrow, as it would haue made the hardest heart relent.

At length we came to Mattapuyst, and went to the Sachimo Comaco (for so they called the Sa∣chims place, though they call an ordinary house Witeo) but Combatant the Sachim was not at home, but at Puckanokick, which was some fiue or six miles off; the Squa-sachim (for so they call Sachims wife) gaue vs friendly entertainment. Here we enquired againe concerning Massassowat, they thought him dead, but knew no certainty; wherupon I hired one to goe with all expedition to Puckanokick, that we might know the certainty thereof, and withall to acquaint Combatant with our there being. About halfe an houre before Sun-setting, the messenger returned, and told vs that he was not yet dead, though there was no hope we should finde him liuing. Vpon this we [ 10] were much reuiued, and set forward with all speede, though it was late within night ere we got thither. About two of the clock that afternoone the Dutchmen departed, so that in that respect our iournie was frustrate. When we came thither, we found the house so full of men, as we could scarce get in, though they vsed their best diligence to make way for vs. There were they in the middest of their charmes for him, making such a hellish noise, as it distempered vs that were well, and therefore vnlike to ease him that was sicke. About him were six or eight women, who chafed his armes, legs, and thighes, to keep heat in him: when they had made an end of their charming, one told him that his friends the English were come to see him (hauing vnderstanding left, but his sight was wholly gone) he asked who was come, they told him Winsnow (for they cannot pro∣nounce the letter••, but ordinarily n in the place thereof) he desired to speake with me: when I [ 20] came to him, & they told him of it, he put forth his hand to me, which I took; then he said twice, though very inwardly, keen Winsnow, which is to say, art thou Winslow? I answered, a••••e, that is, yes; then he doubled these words, Matta neen wonckanet namen Winsnow; that is to say, O Winslow I shall neuer see thee again. Then I called Hobbamock, and desired him to tell Massassowat, that the Gouer∣nor hearing of his sicknes, was sorry for the same, & though by reason of many businesses he could not come himselfe, yet he sent me with such things for him as he thought most likely, to doe him good in this extremity, and whereof if he pleased to take, I would presently giue him; which he desired, and hauing a confection of many comfortable Conserues, on the point of my Knife I gaue him some, which I could scarce get thorow his teeth; when it was dissolued in his mouth, he swal∣lowed the iuice of it, whereat those that were about him much reioyced, saying, he had not swal∣lowed [ 30] any thing in two daies before. Then I desired to see his mouth, which was exceedingly fur∣red, and his tongue swelled in such manner, as it was not possible for him to eat such meat as they had, his passage being stopt vp. Then I washed his mouth, and scraped his tongue, & got abundance of corruption out of the same. After which, I gaue him more of the confection, which he swallow∣ed with more readines; then he desired to drinke, I dissolued some of it in water, and gaue him thereof; within halfe an houre this wrought a great alteration in him in the eies of all that beheld him; presently after his sight began to come to him. In the meane time I inquired how he slept, and when he went to stoole? They said he slept not in two daies before, & had not had a stoole in fiue; then I gaue him more, and told him of a mishap we had by the way in breaking a bottle of drink, which the Gouernour also sent him, saying, if he would send any of his men to Patuxet, I would [ 40] send for more of the same, also for Chickens to make him broth, & for other things which I knew were good for him, and would stay the returne of the Messenger, if he desired. This he tooke mar∣uellous kindly, and appointed some, who were ready to go by two of the clock in the morning, a∣gainst which time I made ready a Letter, declaring therein our good successe, the state of his body &c. desiring to send such things as I sent for, and such physicke as the Surgion durst administer to him. He requested me that the day following, I would take my Peece, and kill him some Fowle, and make him some English pottage, such as he had eaten at Plimoth, which I promised: after his stomacke comming to him, I must needes make him some without Fowle, before I went abroad, which somewhat troubled me; but being I must doe somewhat, I caused a woman to bruise some Corne, and take the flower from it, and set ouer the g••ut or broken Corne in a Pipkin (for they [ 50] haue earthen Pots of all sizes.) When the day broke, we went out (it being now March) to seeke hearbes, but could not finde any but Strawberrie leaues, of which I gathered a handful & put into the same, and because I had nothing to relish it, I went forth againe, and pulled vp a Saxafras root, and sliced a peece thereof, and boiled it till it had a good relish, and then tooke it out againe. The broth being boiled, I strained it thorow my handkerchiffe, and gaue him at least a pinte, which he dranke, and liked it very well. After this, his sight mended more and more, also he had three mo∣derate stooles, and tooke some rest: Insomuch, as we with admiration blessed God for giuing his blessing to such raw and ignorant meanes, making no doubt of his recouery, himselfe and all of them acknowledging vs the instruments of his preseruation. That morning he caused me to spend [ 60] in going from one to another amongst those that were sicke in the Town, requesting me to wash their mouthes also, and giue to each of them some of the same I gaue him, saying, they were good folke. This paines I tooke with willingnesse, though it were much offensiue to me, not being ac∣customed with such poisonous sauours.

The Messengers were now returned, but finding his stomacke come to him, he would not haue the Chickens killed, but kept them for breede. Neither durst we giue him any physicke which was then sent, because his body was so much altered since our instructions, neither saw we any neede, not doubting now of his recouery, if he were carefull. Many whilest we were there came to see him, some by their report from a place not lesse then an hundred miles. Vpon this his re∣couery, he brake forth into these speeches; Now I see the English are my friends and loue me, and whilest I liue I will neuer forget this kindenesse they haue shewed me. Whilest wee were there, our entertainment exceeded all other strangers. At our comming away, he called Hobbamocke to him, and priuately (none hearing saue two or three other of his Pueeses, who are of his Coun∣sell) reuealed the plot of the Massachenseucks before spoken of, against Master Westons Colony, [ 10] and so against vs, saying that the people of Nauset, Paomet, Succouet Mattachiest, Manomet Ago∣waywam, and the Ile of Capawack, were ioyned with them; himselfe also in his sickenesse was earnestly sollicited, but he would neither ioyne therein, nor giue way to any of his. Therefore as we respected the liues of our Countrimen, and our owne after-safety, he aduised vs to kill the men of Massachuset, who were the authors of this intended mischiefe. And whereas we were wont to say, we would not strike a stroke till they first began; if said he vpon this intelligence, they make that answer, tell them, when their Countrimen at Wichaguscusset are killed, they being not able to defend themselues, that then it will be too late to recouer their liues, nay through the multitude of aduersaries they shall with great difficultie preserue their own, & therefore he coun∣selled without delay to take away the principals, and then the plot would cease. With this hee [ 20] charged him thorowly to acquaint me by the way, that I might informe the Gouernour thereof at my first comming home. Being fitted for our returne, we tooke our leaue of him, who returned many thankes to out Gouernour, and also to our selues for our labour and loue: the like did all that were about him. So we departed.

That night, thorow the earnest request of Combatant, who till now remained at Sawaams or Puckanukick, we lodged with him at Mattapuyst. By the way I had much conference with him, so like wise at his house, he being a notable politician, yet full of merry iests and squibs, and ne∣uer better pleased then when the like are returned againe vpon him. Amongst other things he asked me, If in case he were thus dangerously sicke, as Massassowat had beene, and should send word thereof to Patuxet for Maskiet, that is, Physicke, whether then Master Gouernour would send it? [ 30] and if he would, whether I would come therewith to him? To both which I answered yea; whereat he gaue me many ioyfull thankes. After that, being at his house, he demanded further, how we durst being but two come so farre into the Country? I answered, where was true loue there was no feare, and my heart was so vpright towards them, that for mine owne part I was fearelesse to come amongst them. But, said he, if your loue be such, and it bring forth such fruits, how commeth it to passe, that when we come to Patuxet, you stand vpon your guard, with the mouthes of your Peeces presented towards vs? Whereupon I answered, it was the most honora∣ble and respectiue entertainment we could giue them; it being an order amongst vs so to receiue our best respected friends: and as it was vsed on the Land, so the Ships obserued it also at Sea, which Hobbamock knew, and had seene obserued. But shaking the head, he answered, that he [ 40] liked not such salutations.

Further, obseruing vs to craue a blessing on our meate before we did eate, and after to giue thankes for the same, he asked vs what was the meaning of that ordinary custome? Hereupon I tooke occasion to tell them of Gods workes of Creation, and Preseruation, of the Lawes and Or∣dinances, especially of the ten Commandements, all which they hearkned vnto with great at∣tention, and liked well of; onely the seuenth Commandement they excepted against, thinking there were many inconueniences in it, that a man should be tied to one woman: about which we reasoned a good time. Also I told them, that whatsoeuer good things we had, we receiued from God, as the Author and giuer thereof, and therefore craued his blessing vpon that we had, and were about to eate, that it might nourish and strengthen our bodies, and hauing eaten suffici∣ent, [ 50] being satisfied there with, we againe returned thankes to the same our God for that our re∣freshing, &c. This all of them concluded to be very well, and said, they beleeued almost all the same things, and that the same power that we called God, they called Kietitan. Much profitable conference was occasioned hereby, which would be too tedious to relate, yet was no lesse delight∣full to them, then comfortable to vs. Here we remained onely that night, but neuer had better entertainment amongst any of them.

The day following, in our iourney, Hobbamocke told me of the priuate conference he had with Massassowat, and how he charged him perfectly to acquaint me there with (as I shewed before) which hauing done, he vsed many arguments himselfe to moue vs thereunto: That night we lodged at Namasket, and the day following about the mid-way betweene it and home, we met [ 60] two Indians, who told vs that Captaine Standish was that day gone to the Massachusets: but contrary windes againe draue him backe, so that we found him at home; where the Indian of Pao∣met still was, being very importunate that the Captaine should take the first opportunitie of a faire winde to goe with him, but their secret and villanous purposes being through Gods mercy

now made knowne, the Gouernour caused Captaine Standish to send him away without any distaste or manifestation of anger, that we might the better effect and bring to passe that which should be thought most necessary.

Before this iourney we heard many complaints both by the Indians and some others of best desert amongst Master Westons Colony, how exceedingly their Company abased themselues by vndirect meanes, to get victuals from the Indians, who dwelt not farre from them, fetching them wood & water, &c, and all for a meales meate, whereas in the meane time, they might with diligence haue gotten enough to haue serued them three or foure times. Other by night brake the earth, and robbed the Indians store, for which they had beene publiquely stocked and whipt, and yet was there small amendment. This was about the end of February, at which time they had spent all their Bread and Corne, not leauing any for Seede, neither would the Indians lend or [ 10] sell them any more vpon any tearmes. Hereupon they had thought to take it by violence, and to that spiked vp euery entrance into their Towne (being well impaled) saue one, with a full re∣solution to proceede. But some more honestly minded, aduised Iohn Sanders their Ouer-seer first to write to Plimoth, and if the Gouernor aduised him thereunto, he might the better doe it. They sent, and our Gouernour writ diuers reasons of dislike. With these Letters wee dispatched the Messenger; Vpon the receipt whereof they altered their determination, resoluing to shift as they could, till the returne of Iohn Sanders from Munhiggen, who first comming to Plimoth, notwithstanding our owne necessities, the Gouernour spared him some Corne to carrie them to Munhiggen. But not hauing sufficient for the Ships store, he tooke a Shallop, and leauing others [ 20] with instructions to ouer-see things till his returne, set forward about the end of February, so that he knew not of this conspiracie of the Indians before his going, neither was it knowne to any of vs till our returne from Sawaams or Puckanakick: at which time also another Sa∣chim called Wassapinewat, brother to Obtakiest the Sachim of the Massachusets, who had for∣merly smarted for partaking with Coubatant, and fearing the like againe, to purge himselfe, re∣uealed the same thing.

The three and twentieth of March being now come, which is a yearely Court day, the Go∣uernour hauing a double testimony, and many circumstances agreeing with the truth thereof, not being to vndertake warre without the consent of the body of the Company; made knowne the same in publique Court. We came to this conclusion, That Captaine Standish should take so ma∣ny [ 30] men as he thought sufficient to make his party good against all the Indians in the Massachuset Bay; & because (as all men know that haue had to doe in that kinde) it is impossible to deale with them vpon open defiance, but to take them in such traps as they lay for others; therfore he should pretend trade as at other times: but first goe to the English, & acquaint them with the plot, & the end of his owne comming, that comparing it with their carriages towards them, he might better iudge of the certainty of it, and more fitly take opportunity to reuenge the same: but should for∣beare if it were possible till such time as he could make sure Wituwamat, that bloudy & bold villain before spoken of, whose head he had order to bring with him, that hee might be a warning and terrour to all that disposition. Vpon this, Captaine Standish made choice of eight men, and would not take more because he would preuentiealousie, knowing their guilty consciences would [ 40] soone be prouoked thereunto: but on the next day before he could goe, came one of Master We∣stons Company by land vnto vs, with his packe at his backe, who made a pittifull narration of their lamentable and weake estate, and of the Indians carriages, whose boldnesse increased abun∣dantly, insomuch as the victuals they got, they would take it out of their Pots and eate before their faces, yea if in any thing they gaine-said them, they were ready to hold a Knife at their breasts; that to giue them content, since Iohn Sanders went to Munhiggen, they had hanged one of them that stole their Corne, and yet they regarded it not: that another of their Company was turned Sauage, that their people had most forsaken the Towne, and made their randeuous where they got their victuals, because they would not take paines to bring it home: that they had sold their cloathes for Corne, and were ready to starue both with cold and hunger also, because they could not indure to get victuals by reason of their nakednesse: and that they were dispersed into [ 50] three Companies, scarce hauing any Powder and Shot left. As this Relation was grieuous to vs, so it gaue vs good encouragement to proceede in our intendments, for which Captaine Standish was now fitted, and the winde comming faire, the next day set forth for the Massachusets.

The Indians at the Massachusets missed this man, and suspecting his comming to vs, as wee conceiue, sent one after him, and gaue out there that he would neuer come to Patuxet, but that some Wolues or Beares would eate him: but we know not by our owne experience, and the re∣port of others, that though they finde a man sleeping, yet so soone as there is life discerned, they feare and shun him. This Indian missed him but very little, and missing him passed by the towne [ 60] and went to Manomet, whom we hoped to take at his returne, as afterward we did. Now was our Fort made fit for seruice and Iome Ordnance mounted; and though it may seeme long worke it being ten moneths since it begun, yet we must note, that where so great a worke is begun with such small meanes, a little time cannot bring to perfection: beside those workes which tend to

the preseruation of man, the enemy of mankinde will hinder what in him lieth, sometimes blin∣d〈…〉〈…〉 iudgement, and causing reasonable men to reason against their own safety. The Indian last mentioned in his returne from Monomet, came through the Towne, pretending still friendship and in loue to see vs, but as formerly others, so his end was to see whether wee continued still in health and strength, or fell into weakenesse like their neighbours, which they hoped and looked for (though God in mercy prouided better for vs) and hee knew would be glad tydings to his Countrie men. But here the Gouernour staid him, and sending for him to the Fort, there gaue the Guard charge of him as their prisoner, where he told him hee must be contented to remaine till the return of Captain Standish from the Massachusets, so he was locked in a chaine to a staple in the Court of guard, and there kept. Thus was our Fort hanselled, this being the first day as I take it, [ 10] that euer any watch was there kept.

The Captaine being now come to the Massachusets, went first to the Ship, but found neither man, or so much as a Dogge therein: vpon the discharge of a Musket the Master and some others of the Plantation shewed themselues, who were on the shore gathering ground-nuts, and getting other foode. After salutation, Captaine Standish asked them how they durst so leaue the Ship, and liue in such security, who answered like men senslesse of their owne misery, they feared not the Indians but liued and suffered them to lodge with them, not hauing Sword or Gunne, or nee∣ding the same. To which the Captaine answered, if there were no cause he was the gladder, but vpon further inquiry, vnderstanding that those in whom Iohn Sanders had reposed most speciall confidence and left in his stead to gouerne the rest, were at the Plantation: thither he went, and [ 20] to be briefe, made knowne the Indians purpose, and the end of his owne comming, as also (which formerly I omitted) that if afterward they durst not there stay, it was the intendment of the Go∣uernours and people of Plimouth there to receiue them till they could be better prouided: but if they conceiued of any other course that might be more likely for their good, that himselfe should further them therein to the vttermost of his power. These men comparing other circumstances with that they now heard, answered, they could expect no better, and it was Gods mercy that they were not killed before his comming, desiring therefore that he would neglect no oppor∣tunity to proceede: Hereupon he aduised them to secrecy, yet withall to send speciall command to one third of their Company that were farthest off to come home, and there enioyne them on paine of death to keepe the Towne, himselfe allowing them a pint of Indian Corne to a man for [ 30] a day (though that store he had was spared out of our Seede.) The weather prouing very wet and stormy, it was the longer befor•• he could doe any thing.

In the meane time an Indian came to him and brought some Furres, but rather to gather what he could from the Captaines, then comming then for trade; and though the Captaine carried things as smoothly as possibly he could, yet at his returne he reported he saw by his eyes that he was angry in his heart, and therefore began to suspect themselues discouered. This caused one Pecksuot who was a Pinese, being a man of a notable spirit to come to Hobbamocke who was then with them, and told him hee vnderstood that the Captaine was come to kill himselfe and the rest of the Sauages there; tell him, said he, we know it, but feare him not, neither will we shun him; but let him begin when he dare, he shall not take vs at vnawares: many times af∣ter, [ 40] diuers of them seuerally, or few together, came to the Plantation to him, where they would whet and sharpen the point of their Kniues before his face, and vse many other insulting ge∣stures and speeches. Amongst the rest, Wituwamat bragged of the excellency of his Knife, on the end of the handle there was pictured a womans face, but said hee, I haue another at home wherewith I haue killed both French and English, and that hath a mans face on it, and by and by these two must marry: Further he said of that Knife he there had; Hinnaim namen, hinnaim mi∣chen, mattacuts: that is to say, By and by it should see, and by and by it should eat•••• but not speake. Also Pecksuot being a man of greater stature then the Captaine, told him, though he were a great Captaine, yet he was but a little man: and said he, though I be no Sachim, yet I am a man of great strength and courage. These things the Captaine obserued, yet bare with patience for the pre∣sent. [ 50] On the next day, seeing he could not get many of them together at once, and this Peck∣suot and Wituwamat both together, with another man, and a youth of some eighteene yeares of age, which was brother to Wituwamat, and villaine-like trode in his steps, daily putting many trickes vpon the weaker sort of men, and hauing about as many of his owne Company in a roome wi••h them, gaue the word to his men, and the doore being fast shut, began himselfe with Peck∣suot, and snatching his owne Knife from his necke, though with much strugling, killed him there∣with, the poin•• whereof he had made as sharpe as a needle, and ground the backe also to an edge: Wituwamat and the other man, the rest killed, and tooke the youth, whom the Captaine caused to be hanged; but it is incredible how many wounds these two Pueeses receiued before they died, not making any fearefull noyse, but catching at their weapons and striuing to the last. Hobba∣mocke [ 60] stood by all this time as a spectator and medled not, obseruing how our men demeaned themselues in this action: all being here ended, smiling, he brake forth into these speeches to the Captaine; Yesterday Pecksuot bragging of his owne strength and stature, said, though you were a great Captaine, yet you were but a lttle man; but to day I see you are big enough to lay him

on the ground. But to proceede, there being some women at the same time, Captaine Standish left them in the custody of Master Westons people at the Towne, and sent word to another Com∣pany that had intelligence of things to kill those Indian men that were amongst them, these kil∣led two more: himselfe also with some of his owne men went to another place, where they kil∣led another, and through the negligence of one man an Indian escaped, who discouered and cros∣sed their proceedings.

Not long before this Execution, three of Master Westons men, which more regarded their bel∣lies then any command or Commander, hauing formerly fared well with the Indians for making them Clanoes, went againe to the Sachim to offer their seruice, and had entertainment. The first night they came thither within night late came a Messenger with all speede, and deliuered a sad [ 10] and short message: Whereupon all the men gathered together, put on their Bootes and Breeches, trussed vp themselues, and tooke their Bowes and Arrowes and went forth, telling them they went a hunting, and that at their returne they should haue Venison enough. Being now gone, one being more ancient and wise then the rest, calling former things to minde, especially the Captaines presence, and the strait charge, that on paine of death none should got a Musket-shot from the Piantation; and comparing this sudden departure of theirs therewith, began to dislike and wish himselfe at home againe, which was further of then diuers other dwelt: Hereupon he moued his fellowes to returne, but could not perswade them: so there being none but women left, and the other that was turned Sauage, about midnight came away, forsaking the paths lest he should be pursued, and by this meanes saued his life. [ 20]

Captaine Standish tooke the one halfe of his men, and one or two of Master Westons, and Hobba∣mock, still seeking to make spoyle of them and theirs. At length they espied a file of Indians which made towards them amayne, and there being a small aduantage in the ground by reason of a Hill neere them, both Companies stroue for it. Captain Standish got it, whereupon they retrea∣ted and tooke each man his Tree, letting flie their Arrowes amayne, especially at himselfe and Hobbamocke, whereupon Hobbamocke cast off his coate, and being a knowne Pinese, (theirs being now killed) chased them so fast, as our people were not able to hold way with him, insomuch as our men could haue but one certaine marke, and then but the arme and halfe face of a notable vil∣laine as hee drew at Captaine Standish, who together with another both discharged at him, and brake his arme; whereupon they fled into a swampe, when they were in the thicket they par∣lied, [ 30] but to small purpose, getting nothing but foule language. So our Captain dared the Sachim to come out and fight like a man, shewing how base and womanlike hee was in tounging it as he did: but he refused and fled. So the Captaine returned to the Plantation, where hee released the women and would not take their Beauer coates from them, nor suffer the least discourtesie to bee offered them. Now were Master Westons people resolued to leaue their Plantation and goe for Munhiggen, hoping to get passage and returne with the Fishing Ships. The Captaine told them, that for his owne part hee durst there liue with fewer men then they were, yet since they were otherwayes minded, according to his order from the Gouernours and people of Plimouth, hee would helpe them with Corne competent for their prouision by the way, which hee did, scarce leauing himselfe more then brought them home. Some of them disliked the choice of the bodie [ 40] to goe to Munhiggen, and therefore desiring to goe with him to Plimouth, hee tooke them into the Shallop: and seeing them set sayle and cleere of the Massachuset Bay, he tooke leaue and re∣turned to Plimouth, whither hee came in safetie (blessed be God) and brought the head of Witu∣wamat with him.

Amongst the rest, there was an Indian youth that was euer of a courteous and louing dispositi∣on towards vs, hee notwithstanding the death of his Countrimen, came to the Captaine without feare, saying, His good conscience and loue towards vs imboldned him so to doe. This youth con∣fessed that the Indians intended to kil Master Westons people, and not to delay any longer then till they had two more Canoes or Boats, which Master Westons men would haue finished by this time (hauing made them three already) had not the Captaine preuented them, and the end of stay [ 50] for those Boats, was to take their Ship therewith.

Now was the Captaine returned and receiued with ioy, the head being brought to the Fort and there set vp, the Gouernours and Captaines with diuers others went vp the same further, to examine the prisoner, who looked pittiously on the head, being asked whether he knew it, he an∣swered, yea: Then he confessed the plot, and that all the people prouoked Obtakiest their Sachim thereunto, being drawne to it by their importunitie: Fiue there were (he said) that prosecuted it with more eagernesse then the rest, the two principall were killed, being Pecksnot and Witu∣wamat, whose head was there, the other three were Powahs, being yet liuing, and knowne vnto vs, though one of them was wounded, as aforesaid. For himselfe hee would not acknowledge that hee had any hand therein, begging earnestly for his life, saying, Hee was not a Massachuset [ 60] man, but as a stranger liued with them. Hobbamock also gaue a good report of him, and besought, for him, but was bribed so to doe it. Neuerthelesse, that wee might shew mercy as well as extrea∣mitie, the Gouernour released him, and the rather because we desired he might carry a message to Obtakiest his Master. No sooner were the Irons from his legs, but he would haue beene gone, but

the Gouernour bid him stay and feare not, for hee should receiue no hurt, and by Hobbamock com∣manded him to deliuer his message to his Master; That for our parts, it neuer entred into our hearts to take such a course with them, till their owne treachery enforced vs thereunto, and therefore they might thanke themselues for their owne ouerthrow, yet since hee had begun, if againe by any the like courseshe•• did prouoke him, his Countrey should not hold him, for hee would neuer suffer him or his to rest in peace, till hee had vtterly consumed them, and therefore should take this as a warning. Further, that he should send to Patuxet the three Englishmen hee had and not kill them; also that hee should not spoyle the Pale and Houses at Wichaguscusset, and that this Messenger should either bring the English, or an answer, or both, promising his safe returne.

This message was deliuered, and the partie would haue returned with answer, but was at first [ 10] disswaded by them, whom afterward they would, but could not perswade to come to vs. At length (though long) a woman came and told vs that Obtakiest was sorry that the English were killed before he heard from the Gouernour, otherwise hee would haue sent them. Also shee said, hee would faine make his peace againe with vs, but none of his men durst come to treate about it, hauing forsaken his dwelling, and daily remoued from place to place, expecting when wee would take further vengeance on him.

Concerning those other people that intended to ioyne with the Massachuseucks against vs, though we neuer went against any of them, yet this sudden and vnexpected execution, together with the iust iudgement of God vpon their guiltie consciences, hath so terrified and amazed them, as in like manner they forsooke their houses, running to and fro like men distracted, liuing [ 20] in swamps and other desert places, and so brought manifold diseases amongst themselues, whereof very many are dead, as Canacum the Sachim of Manomet, Aspinet the Sachim of Nauset, and Ia∣nowgh Sachim of Mattachuest. This Sachim in his life, in the middest of these distractions, said, The God of the English was offended with them, and would destroy them in his anger; and certainly it is strange to heare how many of late haue, and still daily dye amongst them, neither is there any likelihood it will easily cease, because through feare they set little or no Corne, which is the staffe of life, and without which they cannot long preserue health and strength. From one of these places a Boat was sent with Presents to the Gouernour, hoping thereby to worke their peace, but the Boat was cast away, and three of the persons drowned, not farre from our Plantati∣on, onely one escaped, who durst not come to vs, but returned, so as none of them date come [ 30] amongst vs.

The moneth of April being now come, on all hands we began to prepare for Corne. And be∣cause there was no Corne left before this time, saue that was preserued for Seed, being also hope∣lesse of reliefe by supply, we thought best to leaue off all other workes, and prosecute that as most necessarie. And because there was no small hope of doing good, in that common course of labour that formerly wee were in, for that the Gouernours that followed men to their labours, had no∣thing to giue men for their necessities, and therefore could not so well exercise that command ouer them therein as formerly they had done, especially considering that selfe-loue wherewith euery man (in a measure more or lesse) loueth and preferreth his owne good before his neighbours, and also the base disposition of some drones, that as at other times so now especially would bee most burdenous to the rest: It was therefore thought best that euery man should vse the best dili∣gence [ 40] he could for his owne preseruation, both in respect of the time present, and to prepare his owne Corne for the yeere following: and bring in a competent portion for the maintenance of publike Officers, Fishermen, &c. which could not bee freed from their calling without greater in∣conueniences. This course was to continue till haruest, and then the Gouernours to gather in the appointed portion, for the maintenance of themselues and such others as necessitie constrained to exempt from this condition.

In the middest of Aprill we began to set, the weather being then seasonable, which much in∣couraged vs, giuing vs good hopes of after plentie: the setting season is good till the latter end of May. But it pleased God for our further chastisement, to send a great drought, insomuch, as in six [ 50] weekes after the later setting there scarce fell any raine, so that the stalke of that was first set, be∣gan to send forth the eare before it came to halfe growth, and that which was later, not like to yeeld any at all, both blade and stalke hanging the head, and changing the colour in such manner as we iudged it vtterly dead: our Beanes also ran not vp according to their wonted manner, but stood at a stay, many being parched away, as though they had beene soorched before the fire. Now were our hopes ouerthrowne, and we discouraged, our ioy being turned into mourning. To adde also to this sorrowfull estate in which we were, we heard of a supply that was sent vnto vs many moneths since, which hauing two repulses before, was a third time in company of another Ship three hundred Leagues at Sea, and now in three moneths time heard no further of her, one∣ly the signes of a wrack were seene on the Coast, which could not be iudged to be any other then [ 60] the same.

These & the like considerations, moued not only euery good man priuately to enter into exami∣nation with his own estate between God and his conscience, & so to humiliation before him: but also more solemnly to humble our selues together before the Lord by Fasting and Prayer. To that

end a day was appointed by publike authority, and set a part from all other emploiments, hoping that the same God which had stirred vs vp hereunto, would be moued hereby in mercy to looke vpon vs & grant the request of our deiected soules, if our continuance there might any way stand with his glorie and our good. But oh the mercy of our God! Who was as readie to heare as we to aske: For though in the morning when wee assembled together, the heauens were as cleere and the drought as like to continue as euer it was: yet (our exercise continuing some eight or nine houres) before our departure the weather was ouercast, the clouds gathered together on all sides, and on the next morning distilled such soft, sweete, and moderate showers of raine, continuing some fourteene daies, and mixed with such seasonable weather, as it was hard to say whether our withered Corne, or drouping affections were most quickned or reuiued. Such was the boun∣tie [ 10] and goodnesse of our God. Of this the Indians by meanes of Hobbamock tooke notice: who being then in the Towne, and this exercise in the midst of the weeke, said, It was but three daies since Sunday, and therefore demanded of a boy what was the reason thereof? Which when hee knew and saw what effects followed thereupon, hee and all them admired the goodnesse of our God towards vs, that wrought so great a change in so short a time, shewing the difference be∣tweene their Coniuration, and our Inuocation on the Name of God for raine; theirs being mixed with such stormes and tempests, as sometimes in stead of doing them good, it laieth the Corne flat on the ground, to their preiudice: but ours in so gentle and seasonable a manner, as they neuer obserued the like.

At the same time Captaine Standish, being formerly imployed by the Gouernour, to buy pro∣uisions [ 20] for the refreshing of the Colony, returned with the same, accompanied with on M. Dauid Tomson, a Scotchman, who also that Spring began a Plantation twentie fiue leagues North-east from vs, neere Smiths Iles, at a place called Pascatoquack, where hee liketh well. Now also heard wee of the third repulse that our supply had, of their safe, though dangerous returne into England, and of their preparation to come to vs. So that hauing these many signes of Gods fauour and acceptation, wee thought it would bee great ingratitude, if secretly wee should smoother vp the same, or content our selues with priuate thanks-giuing, for that which by priuate praier could not be obtained. And therefore another solemne day was set apart for that end wherein wee re∣turned glory, honour, and praise, with all thankfulnesse to our good God, which dealt so graciously with vs, whose name for these and all other his mercies towards his Church and chosen ones, by [ 30] them be blessed and praised now and euermore, Amen.

In the latter end of Iuly, and the beginning of August, came two Ships with supply vnto vs, who brought all their passengers, except one, in health, who recouered in short time, who also not∣withstanding all our wants and hardship (blessed be God) found not any one sick person amongst vs at the Plantation. The bigger Ship called the Anne was hired, and there againe fraighted backe, from whence wee set saile the tenth of September. The lesser called the little Iames, was built for the Company at their charge. Shee was now also fitted for Trade and discouery to the Southward of Cape Cod, and almost readie to set saile, whom I pray God to blesse in her good and lawfull proceedings.

A Few things I thought meete to adde heereunto, which I haue obserued amongst the [ 40] Indians, both touching their Religion, and sundry other Customes amongst them. And first, whereas my selfe and others, in former Letters (which came to the Presse against my will and knowledge) wrote, that the Indians about vs are a people without any Religion or knowledge of any God, therein I erred, though wee could then gather no better: For as they conceiue of many diuine powers, so of one whom they call Kiehtan, to bee the principall maker of all the rest, and to be made by none: Hee (they say) created the Heauens, Earth, Sea, and all creatures contained therein. Also that hee made one man and one woman, of whom they and wee and all mankind came: but how they became so farre dispersed that know they not. At first they say, there was no Sachim, or King, but Kiehtan, who dwelleth aboue the Heauens, whither [ 50] all good men goe when they die to see their friends, and haue their fill of all things. This his ha∣bitation lyeth Westward in the Heauens, they say; thither the bad men goe also, and knocke at his doore, but he bids them Quachet, that is to say, Walke abroad, for there is no place for such; so that they wander in restlesse want and penury. Neuer man saw this Kiehtan; onely old men tell them of him, and bid them tell their children, yea, to charge them to teach their posterities the same, and lay the like charge vpon them. This power they acknowledge to be good, and when they would obtaine any great matter, meet together, and cry vnto him, and so likewise for plen∣tie, victory, &c. sing, dance, feast, giue thankes, and hang vp Garlands and other things in memo∣ry of the same.

Another power they worship, whom they call Hobbamock, and to the Nothward of vs Hob∣bamoqui; [ 60] this as farre as wee can conceiue is the Deuili, him they call vpon to cure their wounds and diseales. When they are curable, hee perswades them hee sends the same for some conceiued anger against them, but vpon their calling vpon him can and doth helpe them: But when they are mortall, and not curable in nature, then he perswades them Kiehtan is angry and sends them,

whom none can cure: insomuch, as in that respect onely they somewhat doubt whether hee bee simply good, and therefore in sicknesse neuer call vpon him. This Hobbomock appeares in sundry formes vnto them, as in the shape of a Man, a Deare, a Fawne, an Eagle, &c. but most ordinarily a Snake: Hee appeares not to all, but the chiefest and most judicious amongst them, though all of them striue to attaine to that hellish height of Honour. He appeareth most ordinary, and is most conuersant with three sorts of people, one I confesse, I neither know by name nor office directly: Of these they haue few but esteeme highly of them, and thinke that no weapon can kill them: another they call by the name of Powah, and the third Pniese.

The office and dutie of the Powah is to be exercised principally in calling vpon the Deuill, and curing diseases of the sicke or wounded. The common people ioyne with him in the exercise of [ 10] Inuocation, but doe but onely assent, or as we terme it, say Amen to that he saith, yet sometime breake out into a short musicall note with him. The Powah is eager and free in speech, fierce in countenance, and ioyneth many antick and laborious gestures with the same ouer the partie dis∣eased. If the partie be wounded, he will also seeme to sucke the wound, but if they bee curable (as they say) hee toucheth it not, but a Skooke, that is the Snake, or Wobsacuck, that is the Eagle sitteth on his shoulder and lickes the same. This none see but the Powah, who tells them hee doth it himselfe. If the partie be otherwise diseased, it is accounted sufficient if in any shape hee but come into the house, taking it for an vndoubted signe of recouery.

And as in former ages Apollo had his Temple at Delphos, and Diana at Ephesus; so haue I heard them call vpon some, as if they had their residence in some certaine places or because they appea∣red [ 20] in those formes in the same. In the Powahs speech hee promiseth to sacrifice many skinnes of Beasts, Kettles, Hatchets, Beades, Kniues, and other the best things they haue to the fiend, if hee will come to helpe the partie diseased: But whether they performe it I know not. The other practises I haue seene, being necessarily called at some times to be with their sicke, and haue vsed the best arguments I could make them vnderstand against the same: They haue told me I should see the Deuill at those times come to the party, but I assured my selfe and them of the contrary, which so proued: yea, themselues haue confessed they neuer saw him when any of vs were pre∣sent. In desperate and extraordinary hard trauell in childe-birth, when the partie cannot be de∣liuered by the ordinary meanes, they send for this Powah, though ordinarily their trauell is not so extreame as in our parts of the world, they being of a more hardie nature; for on the third day [ 30] after childe-birth, I haue seene the mother with the Infant, vpon a small occasion in cold weather in a Boat vpon the Sea.

Many sacrifices the Indians vse, and in some cases kill children. It seemeth they are various in their religious worship in a little distance, and grow more and more cold in their worship to Kiehtan; saying, In their memory he was much more called vpon. The Nanohiggansets exceed in their blind deuotion, and haue a great spatious house wherein onely some few (that are as wee may tearme them Priests) come: thither at certaine knowne times resort all their people, and offer almost all the riches they haue to their gods, as Kettles, Skins, Hatchets, Beades, Kniues, &c. all which are cast by the Priests into a great fire that they make in the midst of the house, and there consumed to ashes. To this offering euery man bringeth freely, and the more he is knowne [ 40] to bring, hath the better esteeme of all men. This the other Indians about vs approue of as good, and wish their Sachims would appoint the like: and because the plague hath not raigned at Na∣nohigganset, as at other places about them, they attibute to this custome there vsed.

The Panieses are men of great courage and wisedome, and to these also the Deuill appeareth more familiarly then to others, and as wee conceiue maketh couenant with them to preserue them from death, by wounds with Arrowes, Kniues, Hatchets, &c. or at least both themselues and especially the people thinke themselues to be freed from the same. And though against their battels, all of them by painting disfigure themselues, yet they are knowne by their courage and boldnesse, by reason whereof one of them will chase almost an hundred men, for they account it death for whomsoeuer stand in their way. These are highly esteemed of all sorts of people, and [ 50] are of the Sachims Councell, without whom they will not warre or vndertake any weightie bu∣sinesse. In warre their Sachims, for their more safetie goe in the midst of them. They are com∣monly men of greatest stature and strength, and such as will endure most hardnesse, and yet are more discreet, courteous, and humane in their carriages then any amongst them, scorning theft, lying, and the like base dealings, and stand as much vpon their reputation as any men. And to the end they may haue store of these, they traine vp the most forward and likeliest boyes from their child-hood in great hardnesse, and make them abstaine from daintie meat, obseruing diuers orders prescribed, to the end that when they are of age the Deuill may appeare to them, causing to drinke the juyce of Sentry and other bitter Hearbs till they cast, which they must disgorge into the platter, and drinke againe, and againe, till at length, through extraordinary pressing of nature [ 60] it will seeme to bee all bloud, and this the boyes will doe with eagernesse at the first, and so con∣tinue, till by reason of faintnesse they can scarce stand on their legs, and then must goe forth into the cold: also they beat their shins with sticks, and cause them to run through bushes, stumps, and brambles, to make them hardy and acceptable to the Deuill, that in time he may appeare vnto them.

Their Sachims cannot bee all called Kings, but onely some few of them, to whom the rest re∣sort for protection, and pay homage vnto them, neither may they warre without their know∣ledge and approbation, yet to be commanded by the greater as occasion serueth. Of this sort is Massassowat our friend, and Conanacus of Nanohiggenset our supposed enemy. Euery Sachim ta∣keth care for the widdow and fatherlesse, also for such as are aged, and any way maymed, if their friends be dead, or not able to prouide for them. A Sachim will not take any to wife, but such an one as is equall to him in birth, otherwise they say their seede would in time become ignoble, and though they haue many other wiues, yet are they no other then concubines or seruants, and yeeld a kind of obedience to the principall, who ordereth the family, and them in it. The like their men obserue also, and will adhere to the first during their liues; but put away [ 10] the other at their pleasure. This Gouernment is successiue and not by choyce. If the father dye before the sonne or daughter bee of age, then the childe is committed to the protection and tuition of some one amongst them, who ruleth in his stead till hee be of age, but when that is I know not.

Euery Sachim knoweth how farre the bounds and limits of his owne Countrey extendeth, and that is his owne proper inheritance, out or that if any of his men desire land to set their Corne, hee giueth them as much as they can vse, and sets them in their bounds. In this cir∣cuit whosoeuer hunteth, if any kill any venison, bring him his fee, which is foure parts of the same, if it bee killed on the Land, but if in the water, then the skin thereof: The Great Sachims or Kings know not their owne bounds or limits of land, as well as the rest. All Tra∣uellers [ 20] or Strangers for the most part lodge at the Sachims, when they come, they tell them how long they will stay, and to what place they goe, during which time they receiue entertainment according to their persons, but want not. Once a yeere the Pnieses vse to prouoke the people to bestow much Corne on the Sachim. To that end they appoint a certaine time and place neere the Sachims dwelling, where the people bring many baskets of Corne, and make a great stack thereof. There the Pnieses stand ready to giue thankes to the people on the Sachims behalfe, and after acquainteth the Sachim therewith, who fetcheth the same, and is no lesse thankfull, bestow∣ing many gifts on them.

When any are visited with sicknesse, their friends resort vnto them for their comfort, and con∣tinue with them oftentimes till their death or recouery. If they die they stay a certaine time to [ 30] mourne for them. Night and morning they performe this dutie many daies after the buriall in a most dolefull manner, insomuch as though it bee ordinary, and the Note Musicall, which they take one from another, and altogether, yet it will draw teares from their eyes, and almost from ours also. But if they recouer then because their sicknesse was chargeable, they send Corne and other gifts vnto them at a certaine appointed time, whereat they feast and dance, which they call Commoco.

When they bury the dead, they sowe vp the corps in a mat and so put it in the earth. If the par∣tie be a Sachim, they couer him with many curious mats, and bury all his riches with him, and inclose the graue with a pale. If it bee a childe, the father will also put his owne most speciall Iewels and Ornaments in the earth with it, also he will cut his haire and disfigure himselfe very [ 40] much in token of sorrow. If it bee the man or woman of the house, they will pull downe the mats and leaue the frame standing, and bury them in or neere the same, and either remoue their dwelling, or giue ouer house-keeping.

The men imploy themselues wholly in hunting, and other exercises of the Bow, except at some times they take some paine in fishing. The women liue a most slauish life, they carry all their burdens, set and dresse their Corne, gather it in, and seeke out for much of their food, beate and make readie the Corne to eate, and haue all houshold care lying vpon them.

The younger sort reuerence the elder, and doe all meane offices whilst they are together, al∣though they be strangers. Boyes and girles may not weare their haire like men and women, but are distinguished thereby. [ 50]

A man is not accounted a man till he doe some notable act, or shew forth such courage and reso∣lution as becommeth his place. The men take much Tobacco, but for boyes so to doe they ac∣count it odious.

All their names are significant and variable; for when they come to the state of men and wo∣men, they alter them according to their deeds or dispositions.

When a maide is taken in marriage, shee first cutteth her haire, and after weareth a couering on her head till her haire be growne out. Their women are diuersly disposed, some as modest as they will scarce talke one with another in the company of men, being very chaste also: yet other some light, lasciuious and wanton. If a woman haue a bad husband, or cannot affect him, and there bee warre or opposition betweene that and any other people, shee will runne away from him [ 60] to the contrary partie and there liue, where they neuer come vnwelcome: for where are most women, there is greatest plentie. When a woman hath her monethly termes, shee separateth her selfe from all other company, and liueth certaine dayes in a house alone: after which she wa∣sheth her selfe and all that shee hath touched or vsed, and is againe receiued to her husbands bed or

family. For adultery the husband will beat his wife and put her away, if he please. Some com∣mon strumpets there are as well as in other places, but they are such as either neuer married, or widowes, or put away for adultery: for no man will keepe such an one to wife.

In matters of vniust and dishonest dealing the Sachim examineth and punisheth the same. In case of thefts, for the first offence hee is disgracefully rebuked, for the second beaten by the Sa∣chim with a cudgell on the naked backe, for the third hee is beaten with many stroakes, and hath his nose slit vp ward, that thereby all men may both know and shun him. If any man kill another, hee must likewise die for the same. The Sachim not onely passeth the sentence vpon malefactors, but executeth the same with his owne hands, if the partie bee then present; if not, sendeth his owne knife in case of death, in the hands of others to performe the same. But if the offender bee to receiue other punishment, hee will not receiue the same but from the Sachim himselfe, be∣fore [ 10] whom being naked he kneeleth, and will not offer to runne away though hee beat him neuer so much, it being a greater disparagement for a man to cry during the time of his correction, then is his offence and punishment.

As for their apparell, they weare breeches and stockings in one, like some Irish, which is made of Deere skinnes, and haue shooes of the same leather. They weare also a Deeres skinne loose a∣bout them like a cloake, which they will turne to the weather side. In this habite they trauell, but when they are at home, or come to their iourneyes end, presently they pull of their breeches, stockings, and shooes, wring out the water, if they bee wet, and drie them, and rub or chafe the same. Though these be off, yet haue they another small garment that couereth their secrets. The [ 20] men weare also when they goe abroad in cold weather, an Otter or Fox skin on their right arme, but onely their bracer on the left. Women and all of that sex weare strings about their legs, which the men neuer doe.

The people are very ingenious and obseruatiue, they keepe account of time by the Moone, and Winters or Summers; they know diuers of the Starres by name, in particular, they know the North-star, and call it Maske, which is to say, The Beare. Also they haue many names for the Winds. They will guesse very well at the wind and weather before hand, by obseruations in the Heauens. They report also, that some of them can cause the wind to blow in what part they lift, can raise stormes and tempests, which they vsually doe when they intend the death or de∣struction of other people, that by reason of the vnseasonable weather, they may take aduantage [ 30] of their enemies in their houses. At such times they performe their greatest exployts, and in such seasons when they are at enemitie with any, they keepe more carefull watch then at other times.

As for the language it is verie copious, large, and difficult, as yet wee cannot attaine to any great measure thereof; but can vnderstand them, and explaine our selues to their vnderstanding, by the helpe of those that daily conuerse with vs. And though there be difference in an hundred miles distant of place, both in language and manners, yet not so much but that they very well vn∣derstand each other. And thus much of their liues and manners.

In stead of Records and Chronicles, they take this course, where any remarkeable act is done, in memory of it, either in the place, or by some pathway neere adioyning, they make a round [ 40] hole in the ground about a foot deepe, and as much ouer, which when others passing by behold, they enquire the cause and occasion of the same, which being once knowne, they are carefull to acquaint all men as occasion serueth therewith. And least such holes should bee filled, or growne vp by any accident, as men passe by they will oft renew the same: By which meanes many things of great Antiquitie are fresh in memory. So that as a man trauelleth, if hee can vnderstand his guide, his iourney will be the lesse tedious, by reason of many historicall Discourses will be re∣lated vnto him.

For that Continent, on which wee are called New-England, although it hath euer beene con∣ceiued by the English, to bee a part of the maine Land adioyning to Virginia, yet by relation of the Indians it should appeare to bee otherwise: for they affirme confidently, that it is an Iland, [ 50] and that either the Dutch or French passe thorow from Sea to Sea, betweene vs and Uirginia, and driue a great Trade in the same. The name of that Inlet of the Sea, they call Mohegon, which I take to be the same which wee call Hudsons Riuer, vp which Master Hudson went many leagues, and for want of meanes (as I heare) left it vndiscouered. For confirmation of this, their o∣pinion is thus much; Though Virginia bee not aboue an hundred and fiftie leagues from vs, yet they neuer heard of Powhatan, or knew that any English were planted in his Countrey, saue onely by vs and Tisquantum, who went into an English Ship thither: And therefore it is the more probable, because the water is not passable for them, who are very aduenturous in their Boates.

Then for the temperature of the ayre, in almost three yeeres experience, I can scarce distin∣guish [ 60] New England from Old England, in respect of heate, and cold, frost, snow, raine, winds, &c. Some obiect, because our Plantation lieth in the latitude of two and fortie, it must needes bee much ••otter. I confesse I cannot giue the reason of the contrary; onely experience teacheth vs, that if it doe exceed England, it is so little as must require better iudgements to discerne it. And

for the Winter, I rather thinke (if there be difference) it is both sharper and longer in New Eng∣land then Old; and yet the want of those comforts in the one which I haue enioyed in the other, may deceiue my iudgement also. But in my best obseruation, comparing our owne conditions with the Relations of other parts of America, I cannot conceiue of any to agree better with the constitution of the English, not being oppressed with extremitie of heat, nor nipped with biting cold, by which meanes, blessed be God, wee enioy our health, notwithstanding those difficul∣ties wee haue vndergone, in such a measure as would haue been admired if we had liued in Eng∣land with the like meanes. The day is two houres longer then here, when it is at the shor∣test, and as much shorter when it is at the longest.

The soyle is variable, in some places Mould, in some Clay, and others a mixed Sand, &c. The chiefest graine is the Indian Mays, or Ginny-Wheat; the seed-time beginneth in the midst of A∣pril, [ 10] and continueth good till the midst of May. Our Haruest beginneth with September. This Corne increaseth in great measure, but is inferiour in quantitie to the same in Virginia, the reason I conceiue, is because Uirginia is farre hotter then it is with vs, it requiring great heat to ripen; but whereas it is obiected against New England, that Corne will not there grow, except the ground bee manured with Fish: I answere, That where men set with Fish (as with vs) it is more easie so to doe, then to cleere ground and set without some fiue or sixe yeeres, and so be∣gin a new, as in Virginia and elsewhere. Not but that in some places, where they cannot be ta∣ken with ease in such abundance, the Indians set foure yeeres together without, and haue as good Corne or better then we haue that set with them, though indeed I thinke if wee had Cattell to [ 20] till the ground, it would be more profitable and better agreeable to the soyle, to sowe Wheat, Ry, Barley, Pease, and Oats, then to set Mays, which our Indians call Ewachim: for we haue had ex∣perience that they like and thriue well; and the other will not bee procured without good la∣bour and diligence, especially at seed-time, when it must also bee watched by night to keepe the Wolues from the Fish, till it be rotten, which will bee in foureteene dayes; yet men agreeing to∣gether, and taking their turnes it is not much.

Much might bee spoken of the benefit that may come to such as shall here plant by Trade with the Indians for Furres, if men take a right course for obtaining the same; for I dare presume vpon that small experience I haue had, to affirme, that the English, Dutch, and French, returne yeerely many thousand pounds profits by Trade onely from that Iland, on which [ 30] wee are seated.

Tobacco may bee there planted, but not with that profit as in some other places, neither were it profitable there to follow it, though the increase were equall, because Fish is a better and ri∣cher Commoditie, and more necessary, which may be, and there are had in as great abundance as in any other part of the world; Witnesse the West-countrey Merchants of England, which re∣turne incredible gaines yeerely from thence. And if they can so doe which here buy their salt at a great charge, and transport more Company to make their voyage, then will saile their Ships, what may the Planters expect when once they are seated, and make the most of their Salt there, and imploy themselues at lest eight moneths in fishing, whereas the other fish but foure, and haue their Ship lie dead in the Harbour all the time, whereas such shipping as belong to Plantati∣ons [ 40] may take fraight of Passengers or Cattle thither, and haue their lading prouided against they come. I confesse we haue come so far short of the meanes to raise such returns, as with great diffi∣cultie wee haue preserued our liues; insomuch as when I looke backe vpon our conditi∣on, and weake meanes to preserue the same, I rather admire at Gods mercies and prouidence in our preseruation, then that no greater things haue beene effected by vs. But though our be∣ginning haue beene thus raw, small, and difficult, as thou hast seene, yet the same God that hath hitherto led vs thorow the former, I hope w••ll raise meanes to accomplish the latter.

Notes

• Snakes skin defiance.
• Towne impa∣led.
• Tisquantum▪ trech••••y.
• Plagy 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• Master Westons planters: which pl••id the w••sps with English and Sauages.
• Two Ships.
• Helpe f〈…〉〈…〉 Master Iones.
• A Plague.
• Note.
• Honest Sa∣uages.
• Namasket. Manomet.
• Sauages great gamsters.
• Iust iealousie.
• Base Summer and Winter.
• Dutch Ship.
• Visitations of the sicke.
• Reports of Massassowats death.
• His commen∣dation.
• Miserable comforters.
• He reuealeth the trechery of the Massachu∣sets.
• Their name of God.
• Indians into lence.
• Sauages slain.
• Sauage Eng∣lishmen.
• An. 1623.
• Great drought
• Publike Fast.
• Gracious dewes.
• Indians coniu∣ration.
• M. Tomson a Scot his Plan∣tation.
• Day of thanks
• Two Ships.
• Their Religion The meaning of the word, ••••e••tan, I think hath re∣ference ••o An∣tiquity for Chise is an old man, and Ki••h∣chise, a man that excee∣de••h in ag••. I••e maledicti.
• Their Deuill.
• Powah or Priest
• Offerings.
• Sacrifices.
• Burnt offring. The Deuill keeps his ser∣uants poore.
• Their Knights. Pnieses: valou∣rous counsel∣lours.
• Bitter trialls.
• Sachim or Lords.
• Tribu〈…〉〈…〉
• Mourning fo•• the dead.
• Burialls.
• Womens sla∣uery.
• Manhood▪
• Names.
• Maids & wiues
• Adulterie and whooredome.
• Theft.
• Murther.
• Crying, a cowards note.
• Apparell.
• Wittie people. Their Arts. Note.
• Language.
• Registers.
• The Country.
• New England an Iland.
• Seasons.
• Dayes.
• Soyle.
• Corne,