Purchas his pilgrimes. part 1 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

CHAP. I. [ 30] Of the first English Voyages to the East-Indies, before the establishment of the East-Indian Societie.

§. I. Of SIGHELMVS, MAMDEVILE, STEVENS, FITCH, and diuers other English-men, their Indian Voyages.

[ 40]

HAuing now taken Sea-view of the Vniuerse, and incompassed the whole Circumference of the Globe, in the former sixe Voyages▪ the first of Portugalls and Spaniards, the second and third of English, the three last of Hollanders, therein not a little furthered by English Pilots, and their Notes, as is before obserued of Melis, Adams and others: Wee are in the next place, to take more exact suruey of the world in the principall Nauigations, to the most famous and remote Regions thereof. Glorious and happy were those sixe Worthies, which proo∣ued [ 50] themselues true Sonnes of the Sunne and Tethys, a farre more Germane and Genuine issue, then that daring Phaeton, who asked and attempted his Fathers Chariot, but ex∣changed it and himselfe for this miserable Epitaph.

Quem si non cecidit, magnis tamen exci••it ausis.

But these haue attained what they sought, and what hee in his Vulcanian Chariot lost, these in Neptunian Chariots gained, and followed the Sunne round about the world; at once see∣ming to imitate the heauenly Orbes (as so many Terrestriall Planets) and to rule the Elements, spurring the Ayre, brie••••ling the Ocean, contemning the narrow limits of known Earth, & filling [ 60] the vvorld vvith their Fame. But Others also, for their Marine aduentures are vvorthy honour, if not compassing that honour of those First Worthies (worthy to bee reputed First, and Wor∣thies) yet in another kind, attempting as great a designe, of as dangerous hazard, long Perigri∣nation, costly expence, and profitable aduantage, as the former. Such vvere those vvhich haue passed the blacke Guineans, and doubled the Hopefull Promontory, from thence piercing into

the Erythraean and Indian Seas, Lands, Islands, enriching our World, vvith a vvorld of rarities for contemplation and vse.

To leaue to other Nations Suapraemia laudi, the English exploits in this kind are the subiect of this Booke, especially theirs, vvhich since the establishing of the East Indian Company, or Societie of Marchants, haue traded those parts; vvhich was begun in the happy and flourishing Reigne of that Glorious ELIZABETH, vvhose Name could not end with her life, but as then it filled the Christian, Turkish, Persian, American, Indian, worlds of Place; so still it seemes to begin, renue, and flourish in glorious verdure, and to promise a perpetuall Spring thorow all Worlds and Ages of Time. Before Her times I confesse diuers of our Nation haue merited honour in this attempt, as Sighelmus, Bishop of Shire-borne, sent by that famous and religious King [ 10] Alfred, to Saint Thomas his Sepulchre in India, whence hee brought precious Spices and Iewels, Anno 883. twice recorded by William of Malmesbury: as likewise a certaine English-man mentioned by Matthew Paris, Anno 1243. which trauelled the East part of the world with the Tartars in their famous expeditions: That I say nothing of Sir Iohn Mandeuill his many yeeres trauell through all the East, written by himselfe; and by that famous Geographer Ortelius, commended for his Geography (I feare, corrupted by some leaden Legendary spirit in other pas∣sages) and many Others, which Histories dignifie in the time of the Holy-land warres, for their Easterne trauells, and many more, no doubt, buried in the ruines of Time, by Obliuion and Ob∣scuritie.

In her time wee haue record of diuers Indian Voyages by English-men, before that Societie [ 20] began.

First, the Voyage of Thomas Steuens, from Lisbone to Goa, by the Cape of Good Hope, was written by himselfe from Goa, the tenth of Nouember, 1579. and is extant in Master Hakluits second Tome of Voyages.

Likewise the Voyage of Master Ralpe Fitz, by Syria and Babylonia, to Ormus, and thence into, and through many Countries of the East Indies, begunne 1583. and continued till 1591. is to be read in the said second Tome of Master Hakluit, and in Linschoten.

Also a Voyage, 1591. with three tall Ships, the Penelope, Admirall; the Marchant Royall, Vice-Admirall; and the Edward Bonauenture, Rere-Admirall; to diuers Islands and Regions of the East Indies, by Master George Raymond▪ of which the Marchant Royall, was sent [ 30] backe from Soldanha neere the Cape Bona Esperanza, which both the other Ships doubled, and neere the Cape Dos Corientes were seuered by a storme, and the said Voyage was onely accomplished by Master Iames Lancaster in the Rere-Admirall. For these I referre the desi∣rous Reader to Master Hakluits Printed Booke. This last Voyage I haue by mee, written by Henrie May, Purser of the said Ship; but because his relations are principally touching the accidents in their returne, wherein he was cast away in a French Ship on the Bermudas, I haue refer'd that discourse to a fitter place.

In the fourth place, wee may reckon those English-men in diuers of those Dutch voyages a∣bout the Globe, Timothy Shotten, Thomas Spring, Iohn Cald-well, and others. Yea the name of English-men were so famous in the East, that the Hollanders in their first trade thither, varnished [ 40] their obscuritie with English lustre, and gaue out themselues English.

Moreouer, Master Iohn Newbury, was not onely companion with Master Ralph Fitch in his said Voyage, and prisoner with him at Goa: but before that, in the yeere 1580. had trauelled to Ormus, and thence into the Continent (as by his Iournall, which I haue, in fit∣ter place may appeare) passing through the Countries of Persia, Media, Armenia, Georgia, Natolia, to Constantinople, and thence into Danubius, Valachia, Polonia, Prussia, Denmarke, and so into England.

§. II. [ 50] The Voyage of Master BENIAMIN WOOD, into the East Indies, and the miserable disastrous successe thereof.

IN the yeere 1596. by the charges principally of Sir Robert Dudly, was set forth a Fleete of three Ships, the Beare, the Beares Whelpe, and the Beniamin, com∣mitted vnto the command and conduct of Master Beniamin Wood. The Marchants imployed in this Voyage, were, Master Richard Allot, and Master Thomas Bromfield, of the Citie of London. These men for their better furtherance, intending to pierce as farre as China, obtained the gracious Letters of Queene Elizabeth of famous memory, to the King of [ 60] China in their behalfe, which begin in this manner.

ELIZABETHA, Dei gratia, Angliae, Franciae, & Hiberniae Regina, verae & Christianae fidei contra omnes falso Christi nomen profitentes inuictissima Propugnatrix, &c. Altissimo, Ser••nissi∣mo{que}, Principi, Potentissimo Magni Regni China Dominatori, summo in illis Asiae Partibus, In∣sulis{que}

adiacentibus Imperatori, & Magno in Orientalibus Mundi Regionibus Monarchae, salis∣tem, multos{que} cum omni optimarum rerum copia & affluentia laetos & foelices annos. Cùm honesti & fideles subditi nostri, qui has literas nostras ad Serenitatem vestram perferunt, RICARDVS ALLOT & THOMAS BROMFIELD, &c. Datae in Palatio nostro Grenouici XI. Mens. Iulij Anno Christi 1596. anno{que} nostri Regni XXXVIII.

This their honourable expedition, and gracious commendation by her Maiestie to the King of China in their marchandizing affaires, had not answerable successe; but hath suffered a double disaster; first, in the miserable perishing of the Fleet, and next in the losse of the Historie and Relation of that Tragedie. Some broken Plankes, as after a shipwracke, haue yet beene [ 10] encountered from the West Indies, which giue vs some notice of this East Indian disaduenture. Quae Regio in terris nostri non plena laboris? This intelligence wee haue by the intercepted Letters of Licentiate Alcasar de Villa Sen̄or, Auditor of the Royall Audience of Saint Do∣mingo, and Iudge of Commission in Puerto Rico, and Captaine Generall of the Prouinces of New Andalusia, written to the King and his Royall Councell of the Indies. An extract whereof, so much as concerneth this businesse, here followeth. Wherein, let not the imputation of Robbery or Piracie trouble the Reader, being the words of a Spaniard▪ and the deeds of English in the time of warre twixt vs and Spaine.

AN other Commission your Royall Audience committed vnto mee, to punish offenders [ 20] that did vsurpe a great quantitie of goods of your Maiesties, in the Island of Vtias. Of the state that I had in the end of the last yeere, I sent relation to your Maiestie, inserting a decla∣ration of one Thomas an English man, of the goods that in the said Island hee and his compa∣nions had, and for this onely I will make a summarie relation of the Case, and the state of the Suite, by the which will appeare, that out of England went three Shippes for the India orientall of Portugall, which tooke three Portugall Shippes, subiects to your Maiestie, whereof one of them came from the Citie of Goa, and from the Captaine they tooke a great rich stone, which he said hee carried for your Maiestie, the proportion whereof went in the said Relation. They had in them also many bagges of Royalls of eight and foure, for the pay of the Souldiers, which your Maiestie hath in Garrison, in a Castle Frontire of the said India; and the said Eng∣lish-men [ 30] rob'd them of it, and much more goods appertaining to your Maiesties subiects: and by sicknes of the English-men, remained only foure, which in a boat put all the goods they could, which they had robbed from your Maiestie and your subiects, and with it chanced to a Riuer in the Island of Vtias, three leagues from this Island: where they tooke out their goods on land, where their Boat was sunke and lost: so they remained on thIsland, with only one small Boat made of boords, which they had taken from certaine Fisher-men, at the head of Saint Iohn of this Island: with the which they came for water hither, and left one George an English-man, one of the foure that arriued in the said Island of Vtias. Who being found by Don Rodrigo de Fuentes, Iuan Lopez de Aliçeda, Iuan Morales, Iuan Martinis, Iuan Ruiz, Pedro Chamacho; He gaue them notice of the things aboue said, and of the Stone, Stones, Gold, Plate, Testones, [ 40] and other goods that was in the said Island, and the parts and place where the three English-men and their goods they might find. Whereupon they consulted and agreed, to passe to the said Island of Vtias to possesse and benefit themselues with the goods that they should there find, and so they past ouer, and carried with them a Letter of George the English-man, that his compa∣nions should deliuer themselues to them, with their weapons and goods. And being come neere to the place where the English-men were, they set vp a white Flagge of Peace, and the Eng∣lish-men seeing this, set vp another, and so came peaceably to speake together, where they pro∣mised them their Faith and Friendship: whereupon the English-men yeelded themselues, with their armes and goods to the said Don Rodrigo, and his consorts: who tooke possession of all, and parted among themselues the money, and hid and kept secret the Stone, and Stones, Gold, [ 50] Plate and other goods, leauing a small quantitie of Plate in barres, and Silkes to make this small part manifest, that the truth might not be knowne what quantitie of Stones, Gold, Plate, and the rest of the goods they vsurped. They consulted and agreed to murther the English-men, with whom they had eaten, drunke, and slept in company of peace: who hauing kil'd Richard and Daniel, and would haue kil'd Thomas, hee escaped into the mountaine from them, and the said Don Rodrigo and his consorts came backe againe to this Island, with intent to kill, as they did kil George the English-man with poyson, & sent backe again to the said Island of Vtias, to seeke Tomas for to kill him also; who with a piece of Timber passed ouer to this Island with great admiration. They hauing knowledge thereof, sought all the meanes they could to kill him. Here the said Don Rodrigo, and Iuan Lopez, de Aliceda, came to this Citie and before the [ 60] Gouernour manifested and made denuntiation of a small quantitie of goods that they found in Vtias, and the rest of their complices presented themselues for witnesse, falsly proouing that they had found no more goods, then that little that they there manifested, and that they had kil'd three English-men in fight to get it. And thus they plotted many false in••ormations, be∣fore Christo vall de Marcado, a chiefe Officer, which was sent with Commission of your Go∣uernour,

to fetch the Plate and goods so manifested, and by their perswasion many false witnesses haue deposed, who haue vsed many tricks, inuentions, cauills & false deuises to couer the truth; and they sent by three passages to the Island of Vtias, to approue the so killing of the three English-men, and that their manifestation was true, intending to remaine with the rest, which they v∣surped, who vnderstanding that there were diligences done to approue their delict, some of them haue broken the Prisons and Goales, and fled out of them, especially the sayd Don Rodrigo de Fuentes. Who being in prison with a chaine and bolts, and two Souldiers for guard, hee fyled off his Irons, broke the prisons, and fledde away by night, and carried with him two Blacke-Moores of his that were attached for your Maiestie, and went to the Riuer of Toa two leagues from the Citie, where hee remained a long time in sight of this Citie, with a Horse, Lance, Pi∣stoll [ 10] and Sword, whom being fauoured of many kinsfolkes and friends of his wife, I cannot ap∣prehend, although I did many diligences, in the meane while I tooke the examination of his complices who haue confest the deed, and that the said Don Rodrigo is Actor of all; by whose counsell and direction they were all gouerned. But they haue not declared all the Stones, Gold, Plate, and Amber, saying that they were in the Island separated and deuided, that the one might hide his things without the priuitie of the other. The proouances and likelihoods doe much charge the said Don Rodrigo, and therefore I haue proceeded against him, for Absence and Re∣bellion, and they discouered in their confessions all their Complices; whom I haue examined for witnesses one against another, being a case wherein Complices may serue for witnesses. This cause being concluded by an extraordinarie diligence, I haue apprehended him, and for that the [ 20] sute is of two thousand leaues, I haue made a memoriall to take his confession of more then two hundred questions, and he hath confessed almost as much as his Complices, and denieth to haue the great stone and the rest; the said Don Rodrigo hauing taken from Daniel the English-man two chaines of Gold, the one hanged with an Agnus Dei, and the other with a Crucifixe of Gold, and with it a collar of Gold, which Thomas the English-man declareth to haue fiftie pieces Ameled, to bee worne for a womans chaine, with certaine Braslets and Rings of Gold with many small Stones: which declareth the said Iuan Martines, one of his Complices, and the said Don Rodrigo onely confesseth two Chaines and three Rings, which he saith were stolne from him, and his said Complices, hauing declared that three bags of Testones, of eight and foure Royalls which fell to the part of him and Iohn Ruiz, they had past to this Island, which [ 30] the said Iohn Ruiz hath confest, and as witnesse hath declared that hee brought them, and carried them by the order of the said Don Rodrigo vnto his house, which hee will not deliuer, saying, That they were stolne from him in the mountaine where hee did hide them: and his Complices hauing declared that he tooke in the said Island, a great masse of broken Siluer, which Thomas the English-man declareth to be fiftie pound weight, the said Don Rodrigo denieth the same. And hauing taken more two sackes of Plate in barres, which by witnesse I did prooue to weigh more then two hundred pound weight each of them; hee hath deliuered of all this onely tenne pound and a halfe, and saith that he spent and sold twelue pound, and a pound and a halfe was stolne out of his house, and that hee gaue to Christopher de Mercado twentie and six pound, when he went with Commission from your Gouernour to fetch the Plate manifested: he denieth all the [ 40] rest, affirming that he brought from the Island of Vtias a Pot full of Plate, which hee saith fell from him into a Riuer. And hauing prooued that he carried tokens from George the English-man where he should find the great Stone in a Presse, made vp betweene two Boords, hee denieth the same: and hauing prooued that the first time that hee went to the Island, hee brought thence a Purse of Veluet, without telling or shewing to his companions what was in it at the mouth thereof, did appeare certaine Boords of the Volume of two hands together, and it is presumed it was that whereinto Thomas the English-man declareth the Stone was put, and hee will not de∣liuer the said Purse, saying, that it was stolne from him: he declareth and manifesteth some little pieces of wood that he brought in it, and two witnesses his Complices declare that those small pieces that he manifesteth he brought out of the same Island many dayes after, being sent thither [ 50] by order of the said Christopher de Mercado. Many other tokens and presumptions concurre that hee hath the said Stone and the rest, and the rest of the Stones. It is likewise prooued, present∣ly after they returned from the said Island, the first time that they passed thither, it was pub∣likely said and famed, that the said Don Rodrigo had found a Stone of great value, and to couer the truth hee was furnished with many Informations, which I haue prooued to bee false, which were past before Christopher de Mercado, when hee went with the said Commission to bring the goods manifested: for the which the said Don Rodrigo gaue him the said twentie sixe pound of Plate, and hee and his Complices one hundred two and twentie Crownes of Gold, and foure hundred and fiftie Royalls of Foure, and other things of the goods that they vsurped in the said Island. The said Don Rodrigo directed his Complices what they should say and do, and [ 60] therefore they told not the truth in many examinations that I tooke of them, till such time that the said Don Rodrigo was fled out of the prison: so fayling of his counsel, they presently declared and confessed the fact, will serue for witnesses, and it doth appeare by many other witnesses that they before denyed the truth, and after his escape 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••clared the same, and concealed the same

before at the request and perswasion of the said Don Rodrigo also appeareth, that hee sent three small Caruels to the Iland, to the place where they said they had killed three English men in fight, and he confesseth he did the same, to the end that his first Declaration might seeme to bee true, that he sent them by order of the said Iohn Lopez de Alyceda, Constable of the vale of Coa, mo; which hath no Iurisdiction Ciuill nor Criminall. So I apprehended him and committed him- and hauing brought the said Thomas English man, to this Citie who declaring before your Go∣uernour by Interpreter the fact of this Sute, the said Don Rodrigo procured to kill him, and for the same he requested of the Licentiate Antonio de Robles Physician, a proportion of Poyson, which both he and the said Iohn Martine haue declared: and appearing that the said Iohn Lopez did not [ 10] passe to the said Iland as Constable, nor carryed with him any Scriuener of two that were pre∣sent when they imbarked themselues, and hauing confest, and as a witnesse declared that he past to the Iland, not as an Officer, but as a companion, and therefore tooke his share of the Te∣stones, the said Don Rodrigo holdeth for his principall defence, to haue passed to the Iland with a Constable, and that all was done by his order, and that the said Informations were false. I haue charged the said Don Rodrigo, of these and other offences that by the Processes appeare, and commanded that he might haue a Copie of them that with in the space of fifteene dayes, hee might alleage and proue what was conuenient in his right, with all charge of publication, con∣clusion and scitation for all the acts and sentences, leauing the Processes in Rebellion made ag••anst him in his force and vigor. He let passe the said Terme, and I granted him other three Termes of fifteene dayes, which likewise he let passe, and in the end of them hee refused me, and generally [ 20] all the Inhabitants in this Citie, and thirtie leagues about it, excepting only sixe friends of his, and your Royall Officers they refused. So I accompanied my selfe only with one Bailiffe for the time of tryall, reseruing to haue power to accompanie my selfe for the sentence with your Au∣ditor which is looked for heere, and commeth to this Port for your Royall Audience of Sancto Domingo, and I granted him the fourescore dayes of the Law, and hee hath made no proofe nor can make none. For all that were in the said Iland of Vtias haue declared the delicts of the which the said Don Rodrigo is charged, and there will bee found no other by whom to make proofe of any thing to the contrary: and the cause being concluded, the said Audites past without entring into this Port. And the said Bailiffe and other persons that I pretended to accompany mee refu∣sed me, saying, that if they did Iustice, the Kindred of the Wife of the said Don Rodrigo, which [ 30] haue taken his part would doe them harme, and in not doing the same, they did charge their con∣sciences: and notwithstanding any person with whom I might be accompanied, that might not be without suspect, and the refusall was so generall and auaileable, I accompanied my selfe at the last with Batcheler Ioseph Derebolledone, Naturall of the Island of the Canaries, which chanced to come to this Port. Likewise the said Iuan Ruiz being Prisoner, brake his Prison and Gaole, and withdrew himselfe into the Cathedrall Church of this Citie, and made himselfe strong in the Tower from whence I gate him, and a Sute was followed before the Iudge Ecclesiasticall, where I defended your Maiesties right, and made an Information in the which I alleaged all the said goods to belong to your Maiestie, hee hauing committed Robbery in the vsurpation of it, and o∣other grieuous Delicts, that they ought not to enioy the Immunitie Ecclesiasticall which hee [ 40] pretended: and with many iudgements and opinions of Theologie, the Iudge Ecclesiasticall gaue sentence that he ought not to be releeued of the said Immunitie Ecclesiasticall, for that by the said Information may be better vnderstood. This Sute and Iustice of your Maiestie, which I haue thought good to send; and if to the contrary the said Don Rodrigo doe write, may be vnder∣stood the credit that may be giuen to one that hath done such Delicts; and made so many In∣uentions and false Informations: to obscure and remayne without punishment with your Roy∣all goods.

A conclusion of the Sute was made with them all, and I gaue and pronounced sentence, in the which I comdemned the said Iuan Lopez, exaliced Iuan Ruis, Ioan Martines, Pedro Camacho to death, and losse of halfe their goods applyed for your Maiesties Chamber: and more I condem∣ned [ 50] the afore-said in solidum, and that within fiue dayes of the notification of this my sentence, they giue and deliuer the goods that they shared, all that yet remayneth vndeliuered to the accomplishment of that which Thomas the Engl••sh hath declared, therefore said, and his compa∣nions to haue taken in the Iland of Vtias, of whith they afore-said, and Complices were possest of, hid and kept secret, that it might be put into your Maiesties Chests, whose it is and to whom it doth belong.

The same sentence I gaue with my Companion against the said Don Rodrigo defuentes, and re∣maynes pronounced in secret, hauing others to sentence that they may come forth together in the pronuntiation. I command that within the fiue dayes they deliuer the said goods: which not ac∣complishing, [ 60] I did command a Mandate to be dispatched, that they may bee executed: with the which, I hope, to discouer these goods, and they shall be restored to your Maiestie, for the which I will doe all the diligence possible for my intention is not to execute them. And thus God keep the Catholike person of your Maiestie. From Portorico the second of October. 1601.

§. III. The Trauailes of IOHN MILDENHALL into the Indies, and in the Countryes of Persia, and of the Great Mogor or Mogull (where he is reported after∣wards to haue died of Poyson) written by himselfe in two Letters following.

THe twelfth of February, in the yeere of our Lord God 1599. I, Iohn Mildenhall of Lon∣don, Merchant, tooke vpon me a Voyage from London towards the East-Indies, in the [ 10] good Ship called the Hector of London, Richard Parsons being Master, which carried a Present to the Grand Seigneur in the same Voyage. The seuen and twentieth of April, 1599. we arriued at Zante, where I frighted a Satea, and went into the Island of Cio, from thence to Smyrna, and from thence to Constantinople, where I arriued the nine and twentieth of October, 1599. and there I staied about my Merchandize till the first of May, 1600. Sir Henry Lillo beeing then Embassador: vpon which day I passed from Constantinople to Scanderone in Asia, where in company of a Chaus, and some sixe other Turkes, I tooke my Voyage for Aleppo ouer land, and arriued in Aleppo the foure and twentieth day of the said May in safetie, without any trouble or molestation by the way, and there abode two and fortie dayes, finding there Master Richard Coulthrust for Consull. And the seuenth of Iuly, 1600. I departed from Aleppo, in companie with many other Nations, as Armenians, Persians, Turkes, and diuers others, to the [ 20] number of sixe hundred people in our Carrauan, and onely of English M. Iohn Cartwright, Prea∣cher: from whence we went to Bir, which is within three dayes iourney, and stands vpon the edge of the riuer Euphrates. From thence we went to Vrfa, which is fiue dayes iourney, which we found very hot. From thence we went to Caracmit, which is foure dayes iourney. From thence to Bitelis, a City vnder the gouernment of a Nation called the Courdes, yet vnder the subiection of Constantinople, which is seuen dayes iourny: and from thence to Van, which is three dayes iourny from Bitelis, a City of great strength, and by the side of the Castle is a great Lake of salt water, nauigable, and is in compasse nine dayes iourney about, which I my selfe haue rowed round about. And once a yeere, at the comming down of the snow waters from the Mountaines, there is abundance of Fish, which come of themselues to one end of the Lake, which I may com∣pare [ 30] to our Herring-time at Yermouth, where the Countrey-people doe resort from diuers pla∣ces, and catch the said Fish in great abundance, which they salt, and dry, and keepe them all the yeare for their food: the Fish are as big as Pilcherds. From thence we went to Nacshian, which is sixe dayes iourney: and from Nacshian to Chiulfal, which is halfe a dayes iourney, and there we stayed eighteene dayes. From thence we went to Sultania, and from thence to Casbin in Persia, which is fifteene dayes iourney, and there we abode thirty dayes. From thence to Com, which is three dayes iourney: from thence we went to Cashan, which was seuen dayes iourney. From thence M. Cartwright departed from vs, and went to Spauhoan, the chiefe Citie in Persia: from Cashan to Yesd, which is tenne dayes iourney. From thence I went to Curman, which is tenne dayes iourney; and from thence to Sigistam, which is foureteene daies iourney: and from [ 40] thence to Candabar, which is also foureteene dayes iourney.

The second Letter of IOHN MILDENHALL to M. RICHARD STAPER, written from Casbin in Persia, the third day of October, 1606.

WOrshipfull Sir, my duty remembred: Not hauing any other of more auncient loue then [ 50] your selfe, I haue thought good to remember the manifold curtesies receiued, and partly to requite them with the first newes of the successe of this my Voyage, vnto the Court of the Great King of Mogor and Cambaia. At my arriuall in Lahora the of 1603. I dispatched a Poste for the Kings Court with my Letters to his Maiestie, that I might haue his free leaue to come vnto him, and treat of such businesse as I had to doe with him from my Prince. Who foorthwith answered my Letters, and wrote to the Gouernour of Lahora, to vse mee with all honour and curtesie, and to send a guarde of horse and foote with me to accompanie me to A∣gra, where his Court was, beeing one and twentie dayes iourney from Lahora; and beeing neere arriued, I was very well met; and an house with all things necessarie was appointed for mee by the King: where reposing my selfe two dayes, the third day I had audience, and presented his [ 60] Maiestie with nine and twentie great Horses, very faire and good, such as were hardly found better in those parts: some of them cost me fiftie or threescore pounds an horse, with diuerse Iewels, Rings, and Earerings, to his great liking. And so I was dismissed with his great fauour and content.

The third day after, hauing made before a great man my friend, he called me into his Councell: and comming into his presence, He demanded of me, what I would haue, and what my businesse was. I made him answere, That his greatnesse and renowmed kindnesse vnto Christians was so much blased through the World, that it was come into the furthermost parts of the Westerne Ocean, and arriued in the Court of our Queene of Englands most excellent Maiestie; who desi∣red to haue friendship with him, and as the Portugals and other Christians had trade with his Maiestie, so her Subiects also might haue the same, with the like fauours; and farther, because there haue beene long Warres betweene her Maiestie and the King of Portugall, that if any of their ships or Portes were taken by our Nation, that he would not take it in euill part, but suffer [ 10] vs to enioy them to the vse of our Queenes Maiestie. All this the King commanded to be writ∣ten downe by his Secretarie; and said, that in short space he would giue me answere. With that I withdrew my selfe with leaue and went to my house. Within eight or ten dayes after hee sent me home in money to the value of fiue hundred pound sterling, the first time with very comfor∣table speeches. Shortly after, as I was informed, hee sent to certaine Iesuites, which liued there in great honour and credit, two in Agra, and two others in Lahora, and shewed them my de∣mands: whereat the Iesuites were in an exceeding great rage. And whereas before wee were friends, now we grew to be exceeding great Enemies. And the King asking their opinion in this matter, They flatly answered him, That our Nation were all Theeues, and that I was a Spye sent thither for no other purpose to haue friendship with his Maiestie, but that afterward our [ 20] men might come thither, and get some of his Ports, and so put his Maiestie to much trouble: saying withall, that they had eleuen yeares serued his Maiestie, and were bound by their Bread and Salt that they had eaten to speake the truth, although it were against Christians. With these and many more such speeches, The King and his Councell were all flat against mee, and my de∣mands; but made no shew thereof to me in any respect: but I knew it by friends, which I had in his Court. Afterward they caused fiue Commandements to bee drawne and sent them mee, withall things that I had written: sauing, they had left out the taking of the ships, and the Ports of the Portugals. Which when I had read, I presently went to the Court, and made de∣mand of the other Articles. The King answered, that hee would againe speake with his Coun∣cell, and make answere. In this manner rested my businesse, and euery day I went to the Court, [ 30] and in euery eighteene or twentie dayes I put vp Ars or Petitions: and still he put mee off with good words, and promised that this day and tomorrow I should haue them. In this manner, see∣ing my selfe delayed, and being at exceeding great expenses of eighteene or twentie Seruants, Horsemen and Foot, I withdrew my selfe from going to the Court, in so much that in thirtie dayes I went not. At length the King remembring me, sent to call for me: At my comming he asked the cause why I came not, as I was wont? I answered, that I had come into his Coun∣trey only vpon the great renowme of his Excellencie, and had wasted fiue yeares in trauaile, and could not obtaine so much as a Commandement at his hands, which was wholly for his pro∣fit, and nothing for his losse: adding, that if I had asked some greater reward of him, hee would much more haue denyed me. With that he presently called for Garments for me of the Christi∣an [ 40] fashion very rich and good, and willed me not to be sad, because euery thing that I would haue should be accomplished to mine owne content. So with these sweet words I passed sixe monethes more: and then seeing nothing accomplished I was exceeding wearie of my lingring, and could do nothing; and the rather for that I was out of money.

I should haue declared before how the Iesuites day and night sought how to work my displea∣sure. First, they had giuen to the two chiefest Counsellors that the King had, at the least fiue hundred pounds sterling a piece, that they should not in any wise consent to these demands of mine: so that, when I came to present them, they would not accept of any thing at my hands, [ 1] although I offered them very largely: and where I had any friendship, they would by all meanes seeke to disgrace me. But God euer kept me in good reputation with all men.

[ 50] Moreouer, whereas I had hired in Aleppo an Armenian named Seffur, to whom I gaue twentie [ 2] Duckets the moneth, which serued me very well for mine Interpreter foure yeares; now com∣ming neere to the point of my speciall businesse, the Iesuites had soone wrought with him also in such sort, that he quarrelled with me and went his way: whereby I was destitute of a Drug∣man, and my selfe could speake little or nothing. Now in what case I was in these remote Coun∣tries without Friends, Money, and an Interpeter, wisemen may iudge. Yet afterward I got a Schoolemaster, and in my house day and night I so studied the Persian Tongue, that in sixe monethes space I could speake it something reasonably. Then I went in great discontentment to the King, and gaue him to vnderstand how the Iesuites had dealt with me in all points, and de∣sired his Maiesties Licence to depart for mine owne Countrey, where I might haue redresse for [ 60] mine iniuries receiued; and withall told him, how small it would stand with so great a Princes honour, as his Maiestie had report to be, to delay me so many yeares only vpon the reports of two Iesuites, who, I would proue were not his friends, nor cared not for his profit, nor honour; and desired a day of hearing, that now I my selfe might make plaine vnto his Maiestie (which for want of a Drugman before I could not doe,) the great abuses of these Iesuites in this his

Court: beseeching you againe to grant mee licence to depart, and that I might not bee kept any longer with delayes. At these words, the King was mooued against the Iesuites; and promised that vpon the Sunday following, I should bee heard, and that the Iesuites should be present. This speech I had with the King vpon the Wednesday. Comming before the place of Councell the Sunday following, there were met all the great States of the Court to heare the controuersie be∣tweene vs.

At the first the King called me, and demanded what iniuries I had receiued of the Iesuites? I answered, That they had abused my Prince and Countrey, most falsly, calling vs all Theeues; and if they had beene of another sort and calling, I would haue made them eate their words, or I would haue lost my life in the quarrell. Secondly in saying, That vnder colour of marchan∣dise [ 10] wee would inuade your Countrey, and take some of your Forts, and put your Maiestie to great trouble. Now that your Maiestie may vnderstand, the vntruth of these mens false sugge∣stions; know you all, that her Maiestie hath her Ambassadour Leiger in Constantinople, and eue∣rie three yeeres most commonly doth send a new, and call home the old, and at the first com∣ming of euery Ambassadoor shee Tendeth not them emptie, but with a great and princely pre∣sent: according whereunto her Highnesse intent is to deale with your Maiestie. This profit of rich presents and honour, like to redound to your Maiestie by hauing league of amitie, and enter∣course with Christian Princes, and to haue their Ambassadours Leigers in your Court, these men by their craftie practices would depriue you of. And our Ambassadours being resident, as pledges in your Court, what dare any of our Nation doe against your Highnesse, or any of your [ 20] subiects. Vpon these and other such like speeches of mine. The King turned to his Nobles and said, That all that I said was reason; and so they all answered. After this I demanded of the Iesuites before the King; In these twelue yeeres space that you haue serued the King, how many Ambassadours, and how many presents haue you procured to the benefit of his Maiestie? With that the Kings eldest sonne stood out, and said vnto them, naming them, That it was most true, that in a eleuen or twelue yeares, not one came either vpon Ambassage, or vpon any other pro∣fit vnto his Maiestie. Hereupon the King was very merrie, and laughed at the Iesuites, not ha∣uing one word to answer. Then I said, If it please your Maiestie, I will not onely procure an Ambassadour, but also a present at my safe returne againe into your Countrie. Diuers other de∣mands and questions were at that time propounded by the King and his Nobles vnto me: and [ 30] I answered them all in such sort, as the King called his Vice-Roy, (which before was by the Ie∣suites bribes made my great enemy) and commanding him, that whatsoeuer priuiledges or com∣mandements I would haue, hee should presently write them, seale them, and giue them me with∣out any more delay or question. And so within thirtie dayes after I had them signed to my owne contentment, and, as I hope, to the profit of my Nation. Afterwards I went and presented them vnto the Prince his eldest sonne, and demanded of him the like commandements: which he most willingly granted, and shortly after were deliuered vnto me. And so departing from the Court, I brought them with me into Persia: which are here in Casbin with my selfe, readie to doe you any seruice: and I would haue come my selfe when I wrote this Letter, saue that there were two Italian Marchants in Agra, that knew of all my proceedings: whom I doubted, as I had good [ 40] cause, least they would doe mee some harme in Bagdet, or some other places; they alwayes be∣ing enemies to our Nation, that they should find any new trade this way, as to you it is well knowne: And within foure moneths I meane to depart by the way of Moscouia; where arri∣uing I will not faile but satisfie you at large of all matters.

Your Worships to command, IOHN MILDENHALL.

§. IIII. [ 50] The Voyage of Captaine IOHN DAVIS, to the Easterne India, Pilot in a Dutch Ship; Written by himselfe.

TO THE RIGHT HONOVRABLE, MY EXCEEDING good Lord and Master, ROBERT Earle of Essex, &c.

RIght honourable, and mine exceeding good Lord, my dutie must aduise mee, to pre∣sent this Iournall of mine East Indian Voyage, to your Lordships most iudiciall view. [ 60] Wherein I haue vsed my best diligence to discharge my duty, as neere as my slender ca∣pacitie could effect the same, according to those directions which your Lordship gaue mee in charge at my departure; when it pleased you to imploy mee in this Voyage, for the discouering of these Easterne parts of the world, to the seruice of her Maiestie, & the good of our

Countrey. What I haue seene, I doe signifie in this Iournall to your Lordship: and that which I haue learned by the report of other Nations (when it shall please God to make me happie by your Lordships fauourable presence) I will make farther knowne to your Lordship, aswell of the King of Portugall his places of Trade and strength, as of the enterchangeable trading of those Easterne Nations among themselues: beginning at Cefala, which is his first footing beyond the Cape of Buena Esperanza, and so proceeding to Mosambique, Ormus, Diu, Goa, Coulam, Onor, Manga∣lor, Cocbin, Columbo, Negapatan, Porto Grande in Bengala, and Malacca: As also to the Citie of Macao, in the Prouince of Canton in the famous Kingdome of China. and to the Ilands of the Moluccos, and Amboyno. Which places are all in the Portugals possession seruing for his securitie [ 10] and refuge. Moreouer he hath trade in Monomotapa, Melinde, Ad••n, Arabia, Cambaia, on the Coast of Coromandel, Balaguate, and Orixa. Of all which Nations there bee some dwelling in Achen in the Ile of Sumatra, trading in marchandize, where I haue met with Arabians, and a Na∣tion called Rumos, who haue traded many hundred yeares to Achen. These Rumos come from the Red Sea. There are in Achen many Chineses that vse trade, of whom I haue beene kindly vsed, and can well informe your Lordship of that worthy Kingdome of China. The trades of Gusarate are very ample. All which the Portugals with the locke of discretion haue prouidently long concealed, which now through Gods fauour are made knowne vnto vs. I haue here inclosed sent your Lordship the Alphabet of the Achens Language, with some words of the same; which they write after the manner of the Hebrewes. I haue also sent by Master Tomkins of their Coine, [ 20] which is in vsuall payment. That of Gold is named a Mas, and is nine pence halfe penie nee∣rest. Those of Lead are called Caxas: whereof a thousand sixe hundred make one Mas. Good my Lord, remember the poore Widowes Mite. For surely, if I could doe more in this seruice, or otherwise, it should not be omitted. From Middleborough this first of August, 1600.

Your Lordships most dutifull Seruant, IOHN DAVIS.

[ 30]

A briefe Relation of Master IOHN DAVIS, chiefe Pilot to the Zelanders in their East-India Voyage, departing from Middleborough the fifteenth of March, Anno 1598.

THe fifteenth hereof we departed from Flushing with two ships in Consort, the Lion, and Lionesse: the Lion being foure hundred tuns, had in her a hundred three and twentie persons▪ the Lionesse two hundred and fiftie tuns, had a hundred persons. Mushrom, Clarke, and Monef of Middleborough Owners and only Aduenturers thereof. Cornelius Howteman chiefe Com∣mander [ 40] of both ships, hauing a Commission from Graue Maurice, by the name Generall. The two and twentieth we anchored in Tor Bay with bad winds.

The seuenth we set saile, the twentieth we had sight of Porto Santo, the three and twentieth we fell with Palma: the last hereof we came with the Islands of Cape Verde.

The first we anchored at Saint Nicholas, one of the said Ilands in latitude sixteene degrees, sixteene minutes. Here wee watered the seuenth, wee departed the ninth, wee fell with Saint Iago.

The ninth we fell with the Coast of Brasill, in seuen degrees of South latitude, not being able to double Cape Saint Augustine: for being about the Line we had very vnconstant weather, and bad windes, being in this desperate case we shaped our course for a small Ile named Fernando Lo∣ronha, [ 50] in foure degrees of South latitude, the fifteenth we anchored vpon the North-side there∣of in eighteene fathomes. We found in this Iland twelue Negroes, eight men, foure women. It is a very fruitfull Isle, and hath exceeding good water, it aboundeth with Goates, it hath also Beefes, Hogs, Hens, Mellons, and Ginnie Corne: with plentie of fish and Sea-birds. These Ne∣groes were placed here by the Portugals to manure the Ile. Three yeeres past in which there hath no ships beene with them.

The six and twentieth we departed from this Ile, the wind at East North-East, the last hereof we doubled Cape Saint Augustine.

The tenth we passed the Abrollos, which was the greatest of our feare (the sholds lye from the Coast of Brasill, farre off into the Sea, in one and twentie degrees and are dangerous. Where∣vpon [ 60] our Baase, (for so a Dutch Captaine is called) chose a Master of Mis-rule by the name Ke∣sar. Now the authoritie of Riot lay in this disordered Officer, who after Dinner could neither salute his friends, nor vnderstand the Lawes of Reason. And those that ought to haue beene most respectiue, were both lawlesse and witlesse. In this dissolute manner we wasted three dayes, which being ended, and hauing againe recouered our former discretion, wee shaped our course for Cape

Bona Esperanza, sayling towards the Court of Bacchus, vnto whom this Idolatrous Sacrifice was made, as by the end appeareth.

The eleuenth we anchored in the Bay of Saldania, in thirtie foure degrees of the South Pole, ten leagues short of Cape Bona Esperanza, where there are three fresh Riuers. The people came to vs with Oxen and Sheep in great plentie, which they sold for pieces of old Iron, and spike Nailes. The best of that we bought, cost not more then the value of one penie in old Iron. Their Cattell are large, and vnder seuerall markes, hauing vpon the backe by the fore shoulders a great lumpe of flesh like a Camels backe. Their Sheepe haue exceeding great tailes only of fat, weighing twelue or fourteene pounds: they haue no wooll but a long shag haire. The people are not circumcised, their colour is Oliue blacke, blacker then the Brasilians, their haire curled and blacke as the Ne∣groes [ 10] of Angola, their words are for the most part in-articulate, and in speaking they clocke with the Tongue like a brood Hen, which clocking and the word are both pronouced together, verie strangely.

They goe all naked, hauing only a short Cloke of Skinnes and Sandals tyed to their feet, they paint their faces with diuers colours, they are a strong actiue people, and runne exceedingly, and are subiect to the King of Monomotapa, who is reported to be a mightie King, their weapons are only hard Darts. The Flemmings offering them some rude wrong, they absented themselues three dayes, in which time they made great fires vpon the Mountaines in the Countrey. The nineteenth hereof there came great troups of them to vs, bringing very much cattell with them, and in the time of bartering suddenly, taking their aduantage they set vpon vs, and stue thirteene [ 20] of our people with hand Darts, which at foure Pikes length could not offend. Notwithstanding the Flemmings fled before them like Mice before Cats, throwing away their weapons most base∣ly. And our Baase, to saue himselfe, stayed aboord, and sent vs Corslets, Two-hand-swords, Pikes, Muskets, and Targets, so we were armed and laden with weapons, but there was neither courage nor discretion. For we stayed by our Tents being belegred with Canibals and Cowes, we were in Muster, Giants, with great armed bodies, but in action Babes, with Wrens hearts. Hereupon Master Tomkins and my selfe vndertooke to order these Fellowes, from that excellent methode, which we had seene in your Lordships most honourable Actions. Some consented to vs, but the most part vnwilling, and diuers ranne to the Pottage Pot, for they swore it was dinner time. This night we went all aboord, only leauing our great Mastiue Dogge behind vs, who by no meanes would come to vs. For I thinke he was ashamed of our Companie. [ 30]

This land is a good soile, and an wholsome Aire, full of good herbes, as Mints, Calamint, Plantine, Ribwort, Trifolium, Scabious, and such like. The seuen and twentieth wee set sayle, the last hereof we doubled Cape Bona Esperanza.

The sixt we doubled Cape das Agulios which is the most Southerly Promontorie of Africa, where the Compasse hath no variation. This Cape lyeth in thirtie fiue degrees of the South Pole.

1599.

THe sixt we fell with the Ile Madagascar, short of Cape Romano: we spent this moneth to double that Cape, not being able wee bore roome with the Bay Saint Augustine, which [ 40] lyeth vpon the South West part of Madagascar in three and twentie degrees fiftie minutes.

The third wee anchored in the same Bay, where wee saw many people vpon the shore, but when we landed they fled from vs: for the other Voyage our Baase was in this Bay, where hee greatly abused the people, and tooke one of them, bound him to a Post, and shot him to death, with other shamefull disorders. After seuen dayes by much meanes that we made, some of them came to vs, and brought vs Milke and one Cow which wee bought, and after would no more a∣bide vs. They are a strong, well-shaped people, and cole blacke, their Language sweete and plea∣sing: their weapons halfe-Pikes, headed with Iron as a Harpon, which they keepe very bright, they goe wholy naked.

The Countrey seemeth to be very fruitfull, and hath great store of Tamaryn trees: we found [ 50] Beanes growing vpon a high tree, the Cods being two foot long, with answerable bignesse, and are very good meate, here are many Camelions. It was no small miserie that wee English indu∣red especially in this Bay. But God the euer-liuing Commander was our only succour.

The eight wee came aboord Dog hungry and meatlesse, the fourteenth wee set saile from this place, which we named Hungry Bay, shaping our course vpon the North side of the Ile. The nine and twentieth we came with the Ilands Comoro, lying betweene twelue and thirteene degrees, and are fiue Ilands, Mayotta, Ausuame, Magliaglie, Saint Christophero, Spirito Sancto. The thirtieth we anchored at Mayotta close by a Towne, where we found many people that seemed to reioyce at our comming, they came aboord our shippes with presents of Victu∣alls. The King sent to haue our Chiefe come ashore, promising him kindnesse. So our Baase went, [ 60] the King met him with many people, hauing three Drummes beating before him. He was rich∣ly apparelled so were his followers, with long silke Garments imbrodred, after the Turkish man∣ner. The King hauing vsed vs with such kindnesse as we required, wrote a Letter in our behalfe to the Queene of Ansuame, for there is no King.

The seuenteenth we departed: the nineteenth we anchored at Ansuame, before a City named Demos: which hath beene a strong place, as by the ruines appeare. Their houses are built with free hewed stone and lime the walls of the Citie are most ruinated, that which remaineth is as bigge as P••immoth. This Queene vsed vs exceeding friendly; but she would not be seene. In the••e Islands we had Rice, Oxen, Goats, Cocos, Bonanas, Oranges, Limons, and Citrons. The Inha∣bitants are Negroes, but smooth haired, in Religion Mahometists, their weapons are Swords, Targets, Bowes and Arrowes. These Islands are pleasing in sight, and fruitfull in nature. Here we found Merchants of Arabia and India, but what Commodities the Islands yeeld, I could not learne. They desire Weapons and Yron; they greatly regard Paper. The eight and twentieth, wee depar∣ted, [ 10] passing through the Islands Mascarenhas, by the sholds do Almirante.

The three and twentieth, we fell with the Islands of Maldiuia, which are very low close by the water, wholly couered with Cocos trees, so that we saw the trees but not the shore. Here we an∣chored, and refreshed our selues: Many of the Countrey Boats passing by vs, but none would come to vs: whereupon our Baase sent out the ships boats to take one of them. The foure and twen∣tieth, they brought a Boat aboord vs couered with Mats, like a close Barge. In this Boat was a Gentleman and his Wife, he was appar••lled in very fine white Linnen, after the Turkish manner. In his rings were rich stones, his behauiour was so sweete and affable, his countenance so modest, and his speech so gracefull, as that it made apparant shewe he could not be lesse then a Noble-man. He was vnwilling to haue his Wife seene: notwithstanding our Baase went with him into his Boat, to see her: he also opened her Casket, wherein were some Iewels and Ambergreese. He re∣ported [ 20] that she sate with mournefull modestie not v••ng one word: what was taken from them I knowe not; but in departing this Gentleman shewed a Princely spirit. His colour was blacke, with smooth haire, a man of middle stature. In these Islands there is great trade by reason of the Cocos: for they make Ropes, Cables, Sayles, Wine, Oyle, and a kind of bread of that tree, and his fruit. They report that there be 11000. of these Islands. The seuen and twentieth wee set sayle: this morning there came an old man aboord vs that spake a little Portugall, he was our Pilot through the Chanell, for by chance we fell with the true passible Chanel•• named Maldiuia, in lati∣tude foure degrees, fifteene minutes of the North-pole, where the Compasse is varied seuenteene degrees Westerly. In missing this Chanel it is a dangerous place. The trade of shipping through this Chanell is very great of diuers Nations, from most places of India, as I hope in your Lordships [ 30] presence at large to enforme your Honour.

The third we fell with the Coast of India, in eight degrees and forty minutes of Northerly la∣titude, neere about Cochin, and coasting this shore, we shaped our course East for Camorin, and from thence to the Island Sumatra. The thirteenth, we saw the coast of Sumatra, in fiue degrees forty minutes of Northerly latitude. The sixeteenth, we spake with the people, staying at an Island by the shore to take in water. The one and twentietth we anchored in the Bay of Achin, in twelue fathome. Being here, the King sent his Officers to measure the length and breadth of our ships, to take the number of our Men and Ordnance, which they did. With those Officers, our Baase sent two of his people with Presents to the King, a Looking-glasse, a Drinking-glasse, and a Bracelet of Corall. The one and twentieth, our men came aboord, whome the King had apparel∣led [ 40] after his Countrey manner, in white Calicut cloth: they brought newes of Peace, Welcome, and plenty of Spicery. We found foure Barks riding in the Bay, three of Arabia, and one of Pegu, that came to lade Pepper. Here was also a Portugall, named Don Alfonso Vincent, that came with foure Barkes from Malacca, to preuent our trade, as the sequell doth shew. The three and twentieth at mid-night, the King sent for our Baase, and sent a Noble man for his Hostage: hee went presently on shore, whom the King vsed very kindly, promising him free trade. He appa∣relled him after the Country manner, and gaue him a Cryse of Honour: This Cryse is a kind of Dagger, whose haft and handle (for it hath no crosse nor hilt) is made of a kind of mettall, which the King esteemeth farre beyond Gold, and is set with R••bies. This mettall hath a fine lustre: it is death to weare this Cryse, but from the Kings gift: and hauing it, there is absolute freedome to [ 50] take Victualls without money, and to command the rest as slaues. The sixe and twentieth, our Baase came aboord with a Boat-load of Pepper▪ reporting words aboue credit, how the King had vsed him, of his mightie fortune, and of the wonderfull trade that he had procured, with no smal Gaudeamus in superbia nostra: he further said, that the King did often demand of him, if he were not of England, which he did strongly denie, vsing some vnfit speeches of our Nation. Further, said he, beeing aboord, I wish I had giuen a thousand pound that we had no English among vs: thus we, poore soules, were thrust into the Corner. The seuen and twentieth, our Merchants went on shore with their Merchandize, hauing an house by the Kings appointment.

The twentieth, our Baase beeing with the King was exceeding well entertained, the King [ 60] very importunate to know if he were English: Tell me truely, (said the King) for I loue soul∣diers; and I must further tell you, Alfonso hath been earnest with me to betray you, but it shall not be; for I am your friend: and therewith gaue him a Purse of Gold. He giuing thankes, answe∣red that he was not of England, but of Flanders, and at the Kings seruice. I haue heard of Eng∣land, said the King, but not of Flanders: what land is that? He further enquired of their King,

State, and Gouernment; whereof our Baase made large report, refusing the Authoritie of a King, relating the gouernment of Aristocratie. He further made sute to the King, to giue commande∣ment that his subiects should not call him English: for it was a bitternes vnto him: which the King granted. Againe, he required to know if there were no Englishmen in the ships: he answe∣red, there be some English in the ships, but they haue been bred vp in Flanders. I vnderstand, said the King, that there be some that differ both in apparell, language, and fashion: what are those? he answered, English; of which my cheife Pilot is one. Well, said the King, I must see those men. As touching your Merchandize it shall be thus: I haue warres with the King of Ior (this Kingdome of Ior is the South-point of Malacca) you shall serue me against him with your ships: your recompence shall be your lading of Pepper; this was agreed. The twenty eighth, our Baase [ 10] came aboord, accompanied with one of the Sabandars, the Secretary, Merchants of Mecka, Turks, Arabians, and Don Alfonso, with some Portugalls; all which departed passing drunke.

The King began to shew an altered countenance the twentieth hereof, saying to our Baase, Wherefore doth not that English Pilot come to me? (for he would not suffer me nor M. Tom∣kins to goe on shore) I thinke when you haue your Pepper, you will runne away without doing me seruice, as you haue promised: whereupon I was presently sent for. The one and twentieth, I came on shore. The two and twentieth, I went to the King early in the morning, who did vse me very friendly. I stayed with him foure houres or better, banqueting and drinking. After an houre, he caused the Sabandar to stand vp, and bad me likewise stand vp. The Sabandar tooke off my Hat, and put a Roll of white linnen about my head; then he put about my middle a white [ 20] linnen cloth that came twice about me, hanging downe halfe my legge, imbroydered with Gold: then againe he tooke the Roll from my Head, laying it before the King, and put on a white gar∣ment vpon me, and vpon that againe one of red. Then putting on the Roll vpon my Head, I sate downe in the Kings presence, who dranke to me in Aquauitae and made me eate of many strange meates. All his seruice is in Gold, and some in fine Porcellane. Hee eateth vpon the ground, without Table, Napkins, and other linnen. Hee enquired much of England, of the Queene, of her Basha's, and how she could hold warres with so great a King as the Spaniard? (for he thinketh that Europe is all Spanish.) In these his demands he was fully satisfied, as it seemed to his great good liking.

The three and twentieth▪ the Prince sent for me; I rid to his Court vpon an Elephant: hee [ 30] vsed me exceeding well. Excessiue eating and drinking was our entertainment. During the small time of my beeing on shore, I met with a very sensible Merchant of China, that spake Spanish, of whom I learned some things, which I hope will giue your Lordship good contentment. Here are many of China that vse trade, and haue their particular Towne: so haue the Portugals, the Gusa∣rates, the Arabians, and those of Bengala and Pegu. Our Baase disliking that I so much frequen∣ted the Chinaes company, commanded me aboord. The next day hauing some sowre lookes of the King, he came aboord with a dull spirit.

The first hereof, the King made shew that we should receiue in Ordnance for the battery of Ior, and take in souldiers to depart for that seruice. There were many Gallies manned, and brought out of the Riuer, riding halfe a mile from our ships; the Sea full of Prawes and Boats all manned: [ 40] there came aboord vs the Secretary, named Corcoun, & the cheife Sabandar named Abdala, with many souldiers weaponed with Courtelasses, Hand-darts, Cryses and Targets. They brought with thē many kinds of meat, & a great Iar of Aquauitae: herewith they made shew of friendship with banqueting. We mistrusting some treachery, filled our tops with stones, made fast our gratings, and prepared our weapons: whereat our Baase was exceeding angry, commanding all to be dis∣solued, but we would not. There is in this Countrey a kind of Seed, whereof a little beeing ea∣ten, maketh a man to turne foole, all things seeming to him to be Metamorphosed; but aboue a certaine rate it is deadly poyson: with this all the meate and drinke which they brought was in∣fected. In banqueting, the Sabandar and Secretarie sent for me, M. Tomkins keeping me compa∣ny, and vsed some words to one of his company, but what I knowe not; in short time we were [ 50] foole-frolicke, gaping one vpon an other like Antiques, our Baase beeing prisoner, and knewe it not. Suddenly when a token was giuen from the other Ship (for there the like treachery was v∣sed by the Secretary, who went from our ship thither to act the same) they set vpon vs, murthe∣red our Baase, and slew diuers others, M. Tomkins, my selfe, and a French-man defended the Poope, which if they had recouered, our ship had been lost: for they had the Cabin, and some were belowe among the Ordnance, by creeping in at the Ports. The Master of our ship which they call Captaine, leapt into the Sea, so did diuers others; but recouered the ship againe, and came aboord when all was done. In the end we put them to flight, (for our tops plagued them sore) which when I saw, I leapt from the Poope to pursue them, M. Tomkins leaping after me, there came a Turke out of the Cabin, and wounded him grieuously, they lay together tombling [ 60] each for his life: which seeing, I ranne the Turke in with my Rapier; and our shipper presently with a halfe Pike thrust him downe the throat into the body. In the other ship all the cheifest were murdered, and the shippe taken: we cut our Cables, and draue to her, and with our shot made the Indians flie: so we recouered the ship: the Gallies durst not come neere vs. In this great

miserie it was some pleasure, to see how the base Indians did flye, how they were killed, and how well they were drowned. The Sea was couered with Indian heads: for they swamme a∣way by hundreds, The Sabandare Abdala, and one of the Kings neere Kinsmen were slaine, with many others; and the Secretarie hurt. The King being by the Sea-side with many peo∣ple, when the newes came of the Sabandars death and their great ouerthrow, the furious Infi∣dels murdred all our men a shore, only eight excepted, whom the King fettered for Slaues. We lost in this misfortune threescore and eight persons, of which we are not certaine how many are captiued: only of eight wee haue knowledge. Wee lost two fine Pinnasses of twentie tunnes a piece, and our ship Boate.

[ 10] This day we departed and anchored before the Citie Pider, where we had sent a Pinnasse for Rice, hoping to haue newes of her, but had not. The second there came eleuen Gallies with Portugals (as we thought) to take our ships. Wee sunke one and beate the rest: so they fledde. This after-noone came aboord vs the sonne of Lafort a French Marchant dwelling in Seething-Lane, who was one of the eight Prisoners, with this Message from the King. Shame you not to be such drunken beasts, as in drunkennesse to murder my people, whom I sent to you in kindnesse. Therefore he required our best ship for satisfaction, and for the reliefe of our men. Doe'this said he to Lafort, and I will make you a great Nobleman, but wee would not, and being distressed of water, departed to the Ilands Pulo Botum vpon the Coast of Quedia in six degrees fifty minutes, where we refreshed and watered.

During the time of our abode in Achien, we receiued into both our ships a hundred and fortie [ 20] tuns of Pepper, what stones or other Marchandize I know not. But at the day of Treason our Marchants lost all the Money and Marchandize a-shore, which they report to bee of great va∣lue, and many young Aduenturers were vtterly ruinated: among which I doe most grieue at the losse of poore Iohn Dauis, who did not only lose my friendly Factor, but also all my Europe Commodities, with those things which I had prouided to shew my dutie and loue to my best Friends.

So I may conclude, that although India did not receiue mee very rich, yet she hath sent mee a∣way reasonable poore.

The Ile Sumatra is a pleasing and fertile Soyle, abounding with many rare and excellent Fruites, of Graine they haue only Rice which is their Bread. They plowe the ground with Buffs, [ 30] of which there are great plentie, but with small skill and lesse diligence. The Rice groweth in all respects as our Barley.

Of Pepper they haue exceeding plentie, Gardens of a mile square, it groweth like Hops from a planted Root, and windeth aboue a stake set by it vntill it grow to a great bushie Tree. The Pepper hangeth in small clusters, three inches long, and an inch about, each cluster hauing fortie Pepper Cornes, it yeeldeth increase equall with Mustard Seed. They bee able to lade twentie ships yearly; and more might, if the people were industrious and laboursome. The whole Coun∣trey seemeth to be a Garden of pleasure. The Ayre is temperate and wholsome, hauing euerie morning a fruitfull dew, or small raine. The Hauen that goeth to the Citie of Achien is small, hauing but six foot at the barre. And there standeth a Fort made of stone, round without coue∣ring, [ 40] battlements, or flankers, low walled like a Pownd, a worse cannot bee conceiued. Before this Fort is a very pleasant Road for ships, the wind still comming from the shore, a shippe may ride a mile off in eighteene fathomes close by, in foure and sixe fathomes. Of Beasts, heere are Elephants, Horses, Buffes, Oxen and Goates, with many wild Hogs.

The Land hath plentie of Gold and Copper Mines, diuers kinds of Gummes, Balmes, and many kinds of Drugges, and much Indico. Of Stones there are Rubies, Saphires, and Garnets: but I know not that they grow there. They haue passing good Timber for shipping.

The Citie of Achien, if it may be so called, is very spacious, built in a Wood, so that wee could not see a house till we were vpon it. Neither could wee goe into any place, but wee found [ 50] houses, and great concourse of people: so that I thinke the Towne spreadeth ouer the whole land. Their houses are built eight foote or better from the ground vpon posts of wood, with free pas∣sage vnder, the wals and couering of Mats, the poorest and weakest things in the World. I saw three great Market places, which are euery day frequented as Faires with all kindes of Mar∣chandize to sell.

The King is called Sultan Aladin, and is an hundred yeares old, as they say, yet hee is a lustie man, but exceeding grosse and fat. In the beginning of his life he was a fisher-man: (of which this place hath very many; for they liue most vpon fish▪) and going to the Warres with the former King shewed himselfe so valiant and discreet in ordering the Kings Gallies, that gaining [ 60] the Kings fauour, he was made Admirall of his Sea-forces and by his valour and discretion the King so imbraced him that he gaue him to Wife one of his neerest Kinswomen. The King hauing one only Daughter, married her to the King of Ior, by whom shee had a sonne: this Childe was sent to Achien to bee nourished vnder his Grand-father, being Heire to the Kingdome:

the King that now is, was now chiefe Commander both by Land and Sea. The olde King sud∣denly dyed, this King tooke the protection of the Childe, against which the Nobilitie resisted, but he hauing the Kings force and taking oportunitie, ended the liues of more then a thou∣sand Noblemen and Gentlemen: and of the rascall people made new Lords and new Lawes. In fine, the Childe was murthered, and then he proclaymed himselfe King by the right of his Wife. Hereupon arose great Warre betweene him and the King of Ior, which continueth to ths day. These twentie yeares he hath by force held the Kingdome, and now seemeth to bee se∣cure in the same.

His Court is from the Citie halfe a mile vpon the Riuer, hauing three Guards before any can come to him, and a great Greene betweene each Guard, his house is built as the rest are, [ 10] but much higher, hee sitteth where hee can see all that come to any of his Guards, but none can see him. The wals and couering of his house are Mats, which sometime is hanged with cloth of Gold, sometime with Veluet, and sometime with Damaske. Hee sitteth vpon the ground crosse-legged like a Taylor, and so must all those doe that be in his presence. He alwayes weareth foure Cresis, two before and two behind, exceeding rich with Diamonds and Rubies; and hath a Sword lying vpon his lap. He hath attending vpon him fortie women at the least, some with Fannes to coole him, some with Clothes to dry his sweat, some giue him Aqua vitae, others wa∣ter: the rest sing pleasant Songs. He doth nothing all the day but eate and drinke, from morning to night there is no end of banquetting: and when his belly is readie to breake, then hee eateth Arecca Betula, which is a fruit like a Nutmeg, wrapped in a kind of leafe like Tabacco, with [ 20] sharpe chalke made of Pearle Oyster-shels: chawing this it maketh the spittle very red, draweth the Rhume exceedingly, and procureth a mightie stomacke: this maketh the teeth very blacke, and they be the brauest that haue the blackest teeth. By this meanes getting againe his stomacke, he goeth with a fresh courage to eating. And for a Change with a Cracking Gorge, hee goeth into the Riuer, where he hath a place made of purpose, there getting a stomacke by being in the water. Hee, his great men and women doe nothing but eate, drinke, and talke of Venerie. If the Poets Fables haue any shew of truth, then vndoubtedly this King is the great Bacchus. For he holdeth all the Ceremonies of Gluttonie.

As in all places of Europe, the Custome is by vncouering the head to shew reuerence, in this place it is wholly contrary. For before any man can come to the Kings presence, he must put of [ 30] his hose and shooes, and come before him bare-legged, and bare-footed, holding the palmes of the hands together, and heauing them vp aboue his head, bowing with the bodie must say, Dou∣lat: which done dutie is discharged. And so hee sitteth downe crosse-legged in the Kings presence. Hee doth onely spend the time in eating with women, and Cock-fighting. And such as is the King, such are his Subiects; for the whole Land is giuen to no other contentment.

His State is gouerned by fiue principall men, with their inferiour Officers, his Secretarie, and foure called Sabandars, with these resteth all authoritie· The Kings will is their Law. For it seemeth there is no Free-man in the Land: for the life and goods of all is at the Kings pleasure. Hee will make no Offenders happie by death, but cutteth off their hands and feete, and ba∣nisheth [ 40] them to an Ile named Polo-wey. If he put any to death, the Elephants teare him to pie∣ces, or they driue a stake into his fundament, and so he dyeth. There are Gaoles and many fette∣red Prisoners that goe about the Towne.

His women are his chiefest Counsellers, hee hath three Wiues, and very many Concubines, which are very closely kept.

Hee hath very many Gallies, I thinke an hundred, some that will carrie foure hundred men, made like a Wherrie, very long and open, without Decke, Fore-castell, Chase, or any vpper building. Their Oares are like Shouels of foure foote long, which they vse only with the hand not resting them vpon the Galley. They beare no Ordnance, with these hee keepeth his Neigh∣bours in obedience. A woman is his Admirall, for hee will trust no men. Their Weapons [ 50] are Bowes, Arrowes, Iauelings, Swords, Targets, they haue no defensiue Armes, but fight naked.

Hee hath great store of Brasse Ordnance, which they vse without Carriages, shooting them as they lye vpon the ground. They be the greatest that I haue euer seene, and the Mettall is re∣ported to be rich of Gold. The trust of his land force standeth vpon his Elephants.

These people boast themselues to come of Ismael and Hagar, and can reckon the Genealogie of the Bible perfectly. In Religion they are Mahometists, and pray with Beades as the Papists doe. They bring vp their Children in Learning, and haue many Schooles. They haue an Arch∣bishop and Spirituall Dignities. Here is a Prophet in Achien, whom they greatly honour, they say that hee hath the spirit of Prophesie, as the Ancients haue had. He is disguised from the rest [ 60] in his Apparell, and greatly imbraced of the King.

The people are generally very cunning Merchants, and wholy dedicated thereunto. Of Me∣chanicall Artesmen, they haue Gold-smithes, Gun-founders, Ship-wrights, Taylors, Weuers,

Hatters, Pot-makers, and Aquauitae Stillers, which is made of Rice (for they must drinke no Wine) Cutlers, and Smithes.

As touching their Burials, euery Generation or Kinred haue their particular place to burie their dead; which is in the Fields. They lay the Corps with the head towards Mecha, ha∣uing a free Stone at the head, and another at the feete curiously wrought, thereby signifying the worthinesse of the person.

But in the place of the Kings Burials euery graue hath a piece of Gold at the head, and another at the foot, weighing at the least fiue hundred poun•• weight, cunningly imbossed and wrought. This King hath two such Peeces in making and almost finished, which wee saw, that are a thou∣sand [ 10] pound weight a piece, and shall bee richly set with stones. I did greatly desire to see the Kings Burialls, because of the great wealth therein; but could not. I doe almost beleeue it to be true, because this King hath made two such costly monuments.

The people that trade in this place are of China, Bengala, Pegu, Iaua, Coromandel, Gusarate, Arabia, and Rumos. Rumos is in the Red Sea, and is the place from whence Salomon sent his ships to Ophir for Gold, which is now called Achien, as by tradition they doe affirme. And the Rumos people from Salomons time to this day haue followed the same trade.

They haue diuers termes of payment, as Cashes, Mas, Cowpan, Pardaw, Tayell; I only saw two pieces of Coine, the one of Gold, the other of Lead, that Gold is of the bignesse of a penny, it is as common as pence in England And is named Mas, the other is like a little leaden Token: [ 20] such as the Vintners of London vse called Caxas. A thousand sixe hundred Cashes make one Mas. Foure hundred Cashes make a Cowpan. Foure Cowpans are one Mas. Fiue Masses make foure shil∣lings sterling. Foure Masses makes a Perdaw. Foure Perdawes makes a Tayel, so a Mas is nine pence ⅗. of a Pennie.

They sell their Pepper by the Bhar, which is three hundred and threescore of our pounds, for three pound foure shillings their pound they call a Catt, which is one and twentie of our ounces. Their ounce is bigger then ours by so much as sixteene is bigger then ten.

The weight by which they sell Precious Stones is called; Masse, 10. ¾. whereof make an ounce.

Once euery yeare they haue a custome that the King with all his Noblemen and whole pompe [ 30] of his land must goe to the Church to looke if the Messias bee come, which happened at our being here. There were many Elephants, I thinke fortie, very richly couered with Silke, Vel∣let, and cloth of Gold: diuers Noblemen riding vpon each Elephant, but one Elephant aboue the rest was exceeding richly couered, hauing a golden little Castle vpon his backe, this was led spare for the Messias to ride in. The King riding alone likewise in a little Castle, so they pro∣ceede with a very solemne procession, some had Targets of pure massie Gold, others great halfe Moones of Gold, with Stremers, Banners, Ensignes, Drummes, and Trumpets with other Musicke, very pleasing to see. Comming to the Church with great Solemnitie, they at length looked in, and not finding the Messias, vsed some Ceremonies. Then the King comming from his owne Elephant, roade home vpon the Elephant prepared for the Messias: where they end the [ 40] day with feasting and all pleasing sports.

The Ile is diuided into foure Kingdomes, Achien, Pider, Manancabo, and Aru. Achien is the chiefest, the rest are tributarie to him. Aru holdeth with the King of Ior, and refuseth subiection. I haue only hard of fiue principall Cities to be in this Ile. Achien, Pider, Pacem, Daia, Manan∣cabo.

Returning to our proceedings after the slaughter of Achien, seeking reliefe, the tenth hereof we anchored at the lands Pulo Lotum, in sixe degrees fiftie minutes, by the Kindome of Queda: where we watred and refreshed. There were in our ship three Letters close sealed, superscribed, A. B. C. Which vpon the death of our Baase were to be opened. By A. one Thomas Qu••mans was appointed our Chiefe, who was slaine at Achien. Then B. was opened, whereby Guyan Lo∣fort [ 50] who escaped Captiuitie by being the Kings Messenger, was appointed our Chiefe, whom we so receiued. The letter C. was not opened. The last hereof wee set sayle our course againe for Achien, with hope by some meanes to recouer our men.

The sixth we came in sight of Achien, the twelfth wee came into the Bay, where wee found ten Gallies set out against vs. Wee came vp with one of them, and gaue her diuers shot, but in a calme vnder the land she escaped. The rest durst not come neere vs: for they are very Cowards, proud and base.

The eighteene hereof wee shaped our course for the Citie Tanassarin, for it is a place of great trade, the fiue and twentieth we anchored among the Ilands in the Bay in eleuen degrees, twen∣tie minutes, of the Pole Articke. Being here we were very much crossed with bad winds, so that [ 60] wee could not recouer the Citie, for it standeth twentie leagues within the Bay▪ being in verie great distresse of victuals we departed hence, shaping our course for the Ilands Nicobar, hoping there to find reliefe.

The twelfth we anchored at the Ilands Nicobar in eight degrees of North latitude where the people brought vs great store of Hens, Oranges, Limons, and other Fruit, and some Amber∣greece,

which we bought for pieces of linen-cloth, and Table Napkins. These Iles are pleasant and fruitfull, low land, and haue good road for ships. The people are most base, only liuing vpon fruites, and fish, not manuring the ground, and therefore haue no Rice. The sixteenth wee departed shaping our course for the Ile Zeilon: for wee were in great distresse, especially of Rice.

The sixt by Gods great goodnesse we tooke a ship of Negapatan, which is a Citie in the Coast of Coromandell, shee was laden with Rise bound to Achien. There were in her threescore per∣sons, of Achien, of Iaua, of Zeilon, of Pegu, Narsinga, and Coromandel. By these people wee learned that in Zeilan there is a Citie named Matecalon, a place of great Trade, and that there wee might load our ships with Sinamon, Pepper and Cloues. They also said that in Zeilon were [ 10] great store of precious stones and Pearles: that the Countrey doth abound with all kind of Vic∣tuals, and that the King is an exceeding Enemie to the Portugals; they also told vs of a Citie named Trinquanamale, where was the like Trade. So they promised to lade our ships, and roy∣ally to victuall vs, for little money. Hereupon we laboured by all possible meanes to recouer the said places, but could not, for the wind was exceeding contrary. Then these Indians told vs that if we would stay vntill Ianuary, we should haue more then a hundred ships come close by that shore laden with Spicerie, Linnen-cloth, and China Commodities; besides stones and other wealth. To stay there as a man of Warre our Gouernour would not agree: but to stay and in ta∣king any thing to pay for the same he was content, for so was his Commission. to this the Com∣pany would not agree. Whereupon the eight and twentieth hereof we shaped our course home∣ward, [ 20] hauing beaten sixteene dayes vpon this Coast to recouer Matecalon. We discharged our Prise the eighteenth hereof, hauing taken the best part of her Rice, for which our Chiefe payed them to their content. But the Companie tooke away the Money and Merchandize from the Indians with much disorder: we tooke with vs twelue of the Indians of seuerall places: who af∣ter we could a little vnderstand them, told vs that the Marchants had great store of precious stones in the ship, which they had hid vnder the Timbers. Of what truth that report is I know not. They would not suffer Master Tomkins nor me to goe aboord the Prise: for what reasons I know not.

1600. [ 30]

THe fift hereof our meate was poysoned, but God preserued vs, for one tasting the same by chance or greedinesse (for it was fresh fish) was presently infected: before the meate came to vs it was strongly poysoned, for our Surgeon tooke almost a spoonfull of Poyson out of one fish, but this is not the first time, if the grieued would complaine. The tenth wee fell with Cape Bona Esperaza, where wee had a great storme: the sixe and twentieth wee dou∣bled the same.

The thirteenth we anchored at the Ile Saint Helena, which is rockie and mountanous, lying in sixteene degrees of South latitude, here wee found good water, figs, and fish in plentie: there be Goats, but hard to get. The fifteenth at Sun-set there came a Carauell into the Road, who an∣chored a large Musket-shot to wind-ward of vs. She was vtterly vnprouided, not hauing one [ 40] Peece mounted: we fought with her all this night, and gaue her, as I thinke, better then two hundred shot. In eight houres shee neuer made shot nor shew of regard, by midnight shee had placed sixe Peeces which she vsed very well, shot vs often through, and slew two of our men. So the sixteenth in the morning we departed, hauing many sick men shaping our course for the Ile Ascention, where we hope to haue reliefe. This three and twentieth we had sight of Ascention, in eight degrees of South latitude, this Ile hath neither wood, water, nor any greene thing vpon it, but is a fruitlesse greene Rocke of fiue leagues broad. The foure and twentieth at mid∣night wee agreed to goe for the Ile Fernando Loronio, where wee are acquainted and know that there is reliefe sufficient. For at this Ile wee stayed ten weekes outward bound, when we could [ 50] not double Cape Saint Augustine.

The sixt we ariued at the Ile Fernando Loronio, where wee stayed sixe dayes to water and re∣fresh our selues. The thir••eenth we departed, shaping our course for England.

The nine and twentieth of Iuly we arriued at Middleborough.

[ 60]

§. V. WILLIAM ADAMS his Voyage by the Magellan Straights to Iapon, written in two Letters by himselfe, as followeth.

HAuing so good occasson, by hearing that certaine English Marchants lye in the Island of Iaua, although by name vnknowne, I presumed to write these few liues, desiring the Worshipfull Companie being vnknowne to me, to pardon my boldnes. The reason that I write, is first, for that conscience bindeth me to loue my Country, & my Coun∣trymen. [ 10] Your Worships therefore shall vnderstand, to whom these presents shall come, that I am a Kentish-man, borne in a Towne called Gillingam, two English miles from Rochester, one mile from Chattam, where the Kings ships lye: and that from the age of twelue yeares, I was brought vp in Lime-house neere London, being Prentise twelue yeares to one Master Nicholas Diggines, and haue serued in the place of Master and Pilot in her Maiesties ships, and about ele∣uen or twelue yeares serued the Worshipfull Company of the Barbarie Marchants, vntill the Indian Trafficke from Holland began, in which Indian Trafficke I was desirous to make a little experience of the small knowledge which God had giuen me. So, in the yeare of our Lord God, 1598. I was hired for chiefe Pilot of a Fleete of fiue sayle, which was made readie by the chiefe of the Indian Company Peter Vanderhag, and Hance Vanderuek••: the Generall of this Fleet, [ 20] was a Marchatt called Iaques Mayhay, in which ship, being Admirall, I was Pilot. So, it being the three and twentieth or foure and twentieth of Iune before we set sayle, it was somewhat too late ere we came to the Line, to passe it without contrarie winds: for it was about the midst of September, at which time we found much Southerly winds, and many of our men were sick, so that we were forced to goe to the Coast of Gyn••y to Cape de Lopo Gonsalues, where wee set our sicke men a land, whereof many dyed: and of the sicknesse, few bettered, hauing little or no refreshing, and the place being vnhealthy. Therefore, to fulfill our Voyage, wee set our course for the Coast of Brasill, determining to passe the Straights of Magellan, and by the way came to an Island called Illha da Nobon, at which Iland we landed, and tooke the Towne, which contai∣ned about eightie houses, in which Iland we refreshed our selues, hauing Oxen, Oranges, and di∣uers [ 30] other fruits. But the vnwholsomenesse of the Aire was such, that as one bettered, another fell sicke: we spent vpon the Coast of the Cape Gonsalues, and of Annobon about two moneths time till the twelfth or thirteenth of Nouember. At which time, wee set sayle from Annobon, finding the winds still at the South by East, and South South-East, till wee got foure degrees by South the Line: at which time the windes fauoured vs comming to the South-East, and East South-East, and East, so that we were vp betweene the Iland of Annobon, and the Straights of Magellan, about fiue monethes. One of our fiue sayle spent her maine Mast, by which we were much hindred; for with much trauell we set a new Mast in the Sea. Then, the nine and twentieth of March, we saw the Land in the latitude of fiftie degrees, hauing the wind two or three daies contrary: so, in the end, hauing the winds good, we came into the Straights of Magellan, the [ 40] sixt of Aprill, 1599. at which time, the Winter came, so that there was much Snow: and our men, through cold on the one side, and hunger on the other, grew weake: wee had the wind at North-East, some fiue or six dayes, in which time wee might haue passed through the Straights. But, for refreshing of our men, we waited, watering and taking in of wood, and setting vp of a Pinnace of fifteene or sixteene tunnes in bignesse, At length, wee would haue passed through but could not by reason of the Southerly winds, with wet, and also very cold, with abundance of Snow and Ice. Wherefore, we were forced to winter and stay in the Straights from the sixt of Aprill, vntill the foure and twentieth of September, in which time the most part of our pro∣uision was spent, in so much that for lacke of victuals many of our men dyed through hunger. Now, hauing passed through the Straights, and comming into the South Sea, wee found many [ 50] hard streames, being driuen to the South-wards in fiftie foure degrees, being then very cold. At length we found reasonable winds and weather, with which wee followed our pretended Voy∣age▪ towards the Coast of Peru: but in long trauels we lost our whole Fleet, being separated the one from the other. Yet before the dispersing of our Fleet, wee had appointed, if wee lost one another with stormes and foule weather, that in Chili in the latitude of fortie sixe degrees, wee should stay one for another the space of thirtie dayes. In which heighth according to agree∣ment, I went in sixe and fortie degrees, and stayed eight and twentie dayes where we refreshed our selues, finding the people of the Countrey good of nature: but by reason of the Spaniards, they would not haue dealt with vs at the first. They brought vs Sheepe and Potatoes, for which [ 60] we gaue them Bels and Kniues, whereof they were very glad: but in the end, the people went vp from their houses into the Countrey, and came no more vnto vs. Wee stayed there eight and twentie dayes, and set vp a Pinnasse which we had in our ship, in foure parts, and in the end de∣parted and came to the mouth of Baldiuia, yet by reason it blew much wind we entred not, but directed our course out of the Bay, for the Iland of Mocha, vnto the which wee came the next

day, finding none of our Fleet. So not finding them, wee directed our course for the Island of Sancta Maria, and the next day we came by the Cape, which is a league and an halfe from the Island, and seeing many people tossed about the Cape, and finding good ground, ancho∣red in fifteene fathom in a faire sandie Bay.

We went with our boats hard by the water side, to parlee with the people of the land, but they would not suffer vs to come a land, shooting great store of Arrowes at our men. Neuerthelesse, hauing no victualls in our Ship, and hoping to find refreshing, wee forcibly landed some seuen and twentie or thirtie of our men, and droue the wild people from the water side, hauing most of our men hurt with their Arrowes. They being on land, we made signes of friendship, and in the end came to parlee with signes and tokens of friendship, which the people vnderstood. So, [ 10] wee made signes, that our desire was to haue victualls for Iron, Siluer and Cloth, which we shewed them. Wherefore they gaue our folke Wine, with Batatas to eate, and other fruits, and bid our men by signes and tokens to goe aboord, and the next day to come againe, and then they would bring vs victualls: so, being late our men came aboord, the most part of them being hurt more or lesse, and yet we were very glad that we had come to a parlee with them, hoping that we sho••ld get refreshing. The next day, being the ninth of Nouember, 1599. our Captaine, with all our Officers prepared to goe a land, hauing taken counsell to goe to the water side, but not to land more then two or three men: for there were people in abundance, and were also vn∣knowne; our men therefore were w••lled not to trust them. This counsell being concluded, the Captain himselfe went in one of our Boats, with all the force that we had: and being by the shore [ 20] side, the people of the countrie made signes that they should come a land; but that did not like our Captaine well. In the end the people comming not neere vnto our Boats, our Captaine, with the rest resolued to land, against that which was concluded in our Ship, before the going on land. At length three and twentie men landed with Muskets, and marched vp towards foure or fiue houses, and when they were about a Musket-shot from the Boates, more then a thousand Indians who lay intrenched, immediately fell vpon our men with such weapons as they had, and killed them all to our knowledge. So our Boats waited long to see if any of them would come againe; but seeing no hope to recouer them, our Boates returned with this sorrowfull newes, that all our men that landed were slaine, which was a lamentable thing to heare: for we had scarce so many men left as could winde vp our Anchor. The next day wee waited, and went ouer to the Island Sancta Maria, where we found our Admiral, who had arriued there foure [ 30] daies before vs, and departed to the Isle from Mucha the day before we came from thence, hauing the Generall, Master, and all his Officers wounded on land: and God had so plagued vs, that all our Officers were slaine, so that the one of vs bemoned the other. Neuerthelesse being glad that we were come together, my good friend Timothy Shotten was Pilot in that Ship. Being at the Island of Sancta Maria, which lieth in the Latitude of thirtie seuen degrees, twelue minutes by South the Line on the Coast of Chili, wee tooke counsell to take all things out of one Ship, and to burne the other: but the new Captaines could not agree, which of the Ships they should burne, and so could not conclude it. Hauing much cloth in our Ships, it was agreed that wee should leaue the Coast of Peru, and direct our course for Iapan, vnderstanding that cloth was good marchandise there: and also vpon that Coast of Peru, the Kings Ships hauing knowledge [ 40] of our being there, sought for vs, vnderstanding that wee were weake by reason of the losse of our men, which was all too true: for one of our Fleet, as wee vnderstood afterward, was forced to yeeld themselues into the enemies hand in Saint Iago. For which reason, hauing refreshed our selues in the Island Sancta Maria, more by policie then by force, we departed the twentie seuen of Nouember, from the Road, or Island of Sancta Maria, with our two Ships, and for the rest of our Fleete we heard no newes of them. So we tooke our course directly for Iapan, and pas∣sed the Line Equinoctiall together, vntill we came in twentie eight degrees to the North-ward of the Line: in which Latitude, the twentie second & twentie third of February 1600. we had a wonderfull storme of wind, as euer I was in, with much raine, in which storme wee lost sight of our greatest ship, whereof we were very sorry being left alone; yet wee hoped in Iapan to find [ 50] one another. Then according to wind and weather, we followed our former intention for Iapan, and in the height of thirtie degrees, sought the North Cape of the forenamed Island, but found it not, by reason that it lieth false in all Chartes, and Globes, and Maps: for the Cape lyeth in thirtie fiue degrees ½. which is a great difference. In the end wee came in thirtie two degrees 1/••. and then had sight of the Land, being the nineteenth of Aprill, so that betweene the Cape of Sancta Maria and Iapan, we were foure moneths, and twentie two dayes: at which time there were no more then sixe besides my selfe, that could stand vpon their feet. Now being in safetie, we let our Anchor fall about a league from a place, called Bungo. At which time many Boats came vnto vs, and we let them come aboord, being not able to resist them: yet the people did vs no harme, we not vnderstanding each other, but by signes and tokens. After two or three [ 60] da••es space, a Iesuite came vnto vs from a place called Langasacke, to which place the Carake of Macao is yeerely wont to come, which with other Iaponers, that were Christians, were our In∣terpreters; which was ill for vs, they being our mortal enemies. Neuerthelesse the King of Bungo,

the place where we arriued, did vs great friendship. For he gaue vs an house on shore for our sicke men, hauing all refreshing that was needfull. We had when we came to anchor in Bungo foure and twentie men, sicke and whole, of which number the next day three dyed, the rest for the most part recouered, sauing three which lay long time sicke, and in the end also died. The Em∣perour hearing of vs, sent presently fiue Gallies or Frigots vnto vs, to bring mee to the Court, where his Maiestie was, which was distant from Bungo, about eightie English leagues. Now, when I came before him, he demanded of me, of what Countrey we were; so I answered him in all points: for there was nothing that he demanded not, both concerning warre, and peace be∣tweene Countrey and Countrey; the particulars whereof were too long to write. After this [ 10] conference, I was commanded to prison being well vsed, with one of our Mariners, that came with me to serue me.

Some two dayes after, the Emperour called me againe, demanding the reason of our comming so farre: I answered, We were a People that sought all friendship with all Nations, and to haue trade of Merchandize in all Countries, bringing such Merchandizes as our Country had, and buy∣ing such Merchandizes in strange Countryes, as our Countrey desired; through which our Coun∣tryes on both side were inriched. He asked much concerning the warres betweene the Spaniards and Portugals, and vs, and the reasons: the particulars of all which I gaue him to vnderstand, who seemed to be very glad to heare it. After this, I was commanded to prison againe, but my lod∣ging was bettered in an other place. So, I continued nine and thirty dayes in prison, hearing no [ 20] more newes, neither of our ship, nor Captaine, whether he were recouered of his sickenesse, nor of the rest of the company: in which time, I looked euery day to be Crossed, as the custome of Iu∣stice is in Iapan, as hanging is in our Land. Now in this long time of imprisonment, the Iesuites and the Portugals gaue many euidences to the Emperour against vs, alleadging that wee were theeues and robbers of all Nations, and if we were suffered to liue, it should be against the profit of his Maiestie, and the Land: for then no Nation could come there without robbing: but if Iu∣stice were executed on vs, it would terrifie the rest of our Nation from comming there any more. And to this intent they sued to his Maiestie daily to cut vs off, making all the Friends they could to this purpose. But God was mercifull vnto vs, and would not suffer them to haue their wills of vs. At length, the Emperour gaue them this answer, That as yet wee had done no hurt or da∣mage [ 30] to him, nor to any of his Land; and therefore that it was against reason and Iustice to put vs to death: and if our Countreys and theirs had warres one with the other, that was no cause that he should put vs to death. The Emperour answering them in this manner, they were quite out of heart, that their cruell pretence failed: for the which, God be praised for euer and euer. Now in this time that I was in prison, the ship was commanded to bee brought so neere to the Citie where the Emperour was, as she might, the which was done. So the one and fortieth day of my imprisonment, the Emperour called me before him againe, demanding of mee many questions more, which were too long to write. In conclusion, he asked me whether I were desirous to goe to the ship to see my Countrey-men: I answered, that I would very gladly do it: so he bade me goe. Then I departed, and was freed from imprisonment. And this was the first newes that I [ 40] had, that the ship and company were come to the Citie. Wherefore, with a reioycing heart I tooke a Boat, and went to our ship, where I found the Captaine and the rest, recouered of their sickenesse. But at our meeting aboord, we saluted one another with mourning and sheadding of teares: for they were informed that I was executed, and long since dead. Thus, God be praised, all we that were left aliue, came together againe. All things were taken out of the ship, together with all my instruments, &c. and I had nothing left me, but my clothes on my backe: likewise whatsoeuer the rest of the company had, was also taken away, vnknowne to the Emperour: which when he vnderstood, he gaue order that they should be restored to vs againe. But being so dispersed abroad, they could not be had: yet fiftie thousand Rials in ready money, were comman∣ded to be giuen vs, the Emperour himselfe seeing the deliuery thereof to the hands of one that [ 50] was made our Gouernour, who kept them in his hands to distribute them vnto vs as wee had neede, for the buying of Victualls for our men, with other particular charges, &c. So in the end of thirtie dayes, our ship lying before the City called Sakay, three leagues, or two leagues 1/•• from Ozaca, where the Emperour at that time lay, commandement came from the Emperour, that our ship should be carried to the Easter part of the land, called Quanto, whither according to his commandement we were carried, the distance beeing about an hundred and twenty leagues. Our passage thither was long by reason of contrary windes, so that the Emperour was there long be∣fore vs. Comming to the land of Quanto, and neere to the Citie Eddo, where the Emperour was: beeing arriued, we sought all meanes by supplications to get our ship cleare, and to seeke our best profit, to come where the Hollanders haue their trade: in which suit we spent much of the mony [ 60] giuen vs. Also, in this time, three or foure of our men rebelled against the Captaine, and me, and made a mutinie with the rest of our men, so that we had much trouble with them. For they would not abide me any longer in the ship, but euery one would be a Commander: and they would euery one haue their parts of the money that was giuen by the Emperour. It would bee too tedious to write the particulars of all that passed herein. Therefore for quietnesse sake, wee

diuided the money to euery one as his place was: and this was after we had beene two yeeres in Iapan. After which time, when we had receiued a deniall, that we should not haue our ship, but must abide in Iapan, our companie hauing their parts of the money, dispersed themselues euerie one where he thought best. In the end, the Emperour gaue euery man (to liue vpon) two pounds Rice a day, and yeerely so much as was worth eleuen or twelue Ducats a yeare: my selfe, the Captaine, and Mariners all alike. So in processe of foure or fiue yeeres the Emperour called me, and as he had done diuers times before, so one time he would haue me to make him a small ship: I answered that I was no Carpenter, and had no knowledge thereof: Well, doe it so well as you can, saith he, if it be not good, it is no matter. Wherefore at his command I built him a ship of the burthen of eightie tunnes, or there abouts: which ship being made in all proportions as our [ 10] manner is, he comming aboord to see it, liked it very well; by which meanes I came in more fa∣uour wich him, so that I came often in his presence, who from time to time gaue me presents, and at length a yeerely reuenew to liue vpon, much about seuentie Ducats by the yeere, with two pounds of Rice a day also. Now beeing in such grace and fauour, by reason I learned him some points of Geometry, and the Mathematickes, with other things: I pleased him so, that what I said could not be contradicted. At which my former enemies, Iesuites and Portugals, did greatly wonder, and intreated me to be friend them to the Emperour in their businesse: and so by my meanes, both Spaniards and Portugals haue receiued friendship from the Emperour; I recompen∣cing their euill vnto me with good. So, to passe my time to get my liuing, it hath cost mee great labour and trauell at the first; but God hath blessed my labours. [ 20]

In the ende of fiue yeeres, I made supplication to the King to goe out of this Land, desiring to see my poore Wife and children according to conscience and nature. With the which request, the Emperour was not well pleased, and would not let me goe any more for my Countrey, but that I must continue in his Land, &c. Yet in processe of time, beeing in great fauour with the Empe∣rour, I made supplication againe by reason we had newes that the Hollanders were in Ache•• and Patania; which reioyced vs much, with hope, that God should bring vs to our Countrey a∣gaine, by one meanes or other. Then I made supplication againe, and boldly spake my selfe with him, at which he gaue me no answer. I told him, if he would permit me to depart, I would bee a meanes, that both the English, and Hollanders should come and traffique there in his Land. He answered, that he was desirous of both those Nations company for traffique, but would [ 30] not part with me by any meanes: but bade me write to that purpose. Seeing therefore I could not preuaile for my selfe, I sued that my Captaine might depart, which suit hee presently graun∣ted me. So hauing gotten his libertie, he imbarqued in a Iapans Iunck, and sayled to Patane: but he tarried there a yeers space, waiting for Holland ships. And seeing none came, he went from Pa∣tane to Ior, where he found a Fleet of nine saile: of which Fleet Matleef was General, and in this Fleet he was made Master againe, which Fleet sailed to Malacca, and fought with an Armado of Portugals: in which battel he was shot, and presently died: so that as yet, I think, no certain newes is knowne, whether I be liuing or dead. Therefore my desire is, that my wife and two children may heare, that I am here in Iapan: so that my wife is in a manner a widdow, and my children fatherlesse: which thing only is my greatest griefe of heart, and conscience, &c. I am a man not [ 40] vnknown in Ratcliffe and Lime-house: to my good Master M. Nicholas Diggines, and M. Thomas Best, and M. Nicholas Isaac, and William Isaac, brothers, with many others; also to M, William Iones, and M. Becket. Therefore may this Letter come to any of their hands, or the copy of this Letter: I know that Companies mercy is such, that my friends and kinred shall haue newes, that I doe as yet liue in this vale of my sin•••••• pilgrimage: the which thing againe and againe I do de∣sire for Iesus sake.

You shall vnderstand, that the first shippe that I did make, made a Voyage or two, and then the King commanded me to make an other, the which I did, beeing of the burthen of an hundred and twentie tunnes. In this ship I haue made a Voyage from Meaco to Eddo, beeing about the length as from London to the Lizarde or Lands end of England. In the yeere of our Lord 1609. [ 50] the King lent this ship to the Gouernour of Manilla, to goe with eightie of his men, to saile to Acapulco. In the yeere of our Lord 1609. a great ship called the S. Francisco, beeing about a thousand tunnes, was cast away vpon the coast of Iapan, in the latitude of thirty fiue degrees and fiftie minutes: by distresse of weather she cut ouer-boord her maine Mast, and bore vp for Iapan, and in the night befote they were aware, they ranne the ship vpon the shore, which was cast a∣way, in the which one hundred thirtie and sixe men were drowned, and three hundred fortie, or three hundred fiftie saued: in which ship the Gouernour of Manilla as a Passenger, was to returne to Noua Spania. But this Gouernour was sent in the bigger ship of my building, in Ann. 1610. to Acapulco. And in Ann. 1611. this Gouernour returned another ship in her roome, with a geeat present, and with an Embassadour to the Emperour, giuing him thankes for his great [ 60] friendship: and also sent the price of the Emperours ship in goods and money: which shippe the Spaniards haue now in the Philippinas. Now for my seruice which I haue done and daily doe, be∣ing employed in the Emperours seruice, he haeh giuen me a liuing, like vnto a Lordship in Eng∣land, with eightie or ninetie husbandmen, who are as my seruants and slaues: the like President

was neuer done to any stranger before. Thus God hath prouided for mee after my great miserie; his name hath and haue the prayse for euer, Amen.

Now, whether I shall come out of this Land I know not. Vntill this present there hath been no meanes, but now, through the Trade of the Hollanders there is meanes. In the yeere of our Lord, 1609. two Holland Ships came to Iapan. Their intention was to take the Caracke, that yeerely came from Macao, and being some fiue or six dayes too late, neuerthelesse, they came to Firando, and came to the Court to the Emperour: where they were in great friendship recei∣ued, conditioning with the Emperour yearely, to send a Ship or two: and so they departed with the Emperours Passe. Now, this yeare 1611. there is a small Ship arriued, with Cloth, [ 10] Lead, Elephants teeth, Dammaske, and blacke Tafficies, raw Silke, Pepper, and other com∣modities: and they haue shewed cause, why they missed the former yeare 1610. according to promise yearely to come. This Ship is well receiued, and with great kindnesse intertained. You shall vnderstand that the Hollanders haue, here, an Indies of money: for, they need not to bring Siluer out of Holland in to the East Indies. For in Iapan, there is much Siluer and Gold to serue their turnes in other places where need requireth in the East Indies. But the merchandise, which is here vendible for readie money, is, raw Silke, Damaske, blacke Taffities, blacke and red Cloth of the best, Lead, and such like goods. So, now vnderstanding by this Holland Ship lately arriued here, that there is a settled Trade driuen by my Countrey-men in the East Indies: I pre∣sume that amongst them, some, either Merchants, Masters, or Mariners, must needs know mee. [ 20] Therefore I haue emboldned my selfe to write these few lines, in short, being desirous, not to be ouer-tedious to the Reader. This Iland of Iapan is a great Land, and lyeth to the Northwards in the Latitude of eight and fortie degrees, and the Souther-most part of it, in fiue and thirtie degrees, and the length of it East by North, and West & by South (for so it lyeth) is two hun∣dred and twentie English leagues. The breadth South and North of it thirteene degrees twenty leagues to the degree, is two hundred sixty leagues, & is almost sq••are. The people of this Iland of Iapan are good of nature, curteous aboue measure, and valiant in warre: their Iustice is seuerely executed without any partialitie vpon transgressors of the Law. They are gouerned in great ci∣uilitie, I thinke, no Land better gouerned in the world by Ciuill Policie. The people are verie superstitious in their Religion, and are of diuers opinions. There are many Iesuites and Francis∣can [ 30] Friars in this Land, and they haue conuerted many to be Christians, and haue many Churches in the Iland. Thus, in short I am constrained to write, hoping that by one meanes or other, in processe of time I shall heare of my wife and children: and so with patience I wait the good will and pleasure of God Almightie, desiring all those to whom this my Letter shall come, to vse the meanes to acquaint my good friends with it, that so my wife and children may heare of me: by which meanes there may be hope, that I may heare of my wife and children before my death: The which the Lord grant to his glorie, and my comfort, Amen.

Dated in Iapan the two and twentieth of October, 1611.

By your vnworthy friend and seruant, to command in what I can. WILLIAM ADAMS.

Endorsed, [ 40] To my vnknowne Friends and Countrey-men, desiring this Letter, by your good meanes, or the Newes or Copie of this Letter, may come to the hands of one, or many of my acquaintance in Lime-house, or elsewhere, or in Kent in Gillingham by Rochester.

A Letter of WILLIAM ADAMS to his Wife from Iapan.

[ 50] LOuing Wife, you shall vnderstand how all things haue passed with mee from the time of mine absence from you. We set saile with fiue ships from the Texel in Holland, the foure and twentieth of Iune, 1598. And departed from the Coast of England, the fift of Iuly. And the one and twentieth of August, we came to one of the Isles of Capo Verde, called Sant' Iago, where we abode foure and twentie dayes. In which time many of our men fell sicke through the vn∣wholsomenesse of the Aire, and our Generall among the rest. Now the reason that we abode so long at these Ilands was, That one of the Captaines of our Fleet made our Generall beleeue, that at these Ilands we should find great store of refreshing, as Goats and other things which was vntrue.

Here I and all the Pilots of the fleet were called to a Councell: in which wee all shewed our [ 60] iudgements of disliking the place: which were by all the Captaines taken so ill, that afterward it was agreed by them all, that the Pilots should be no more in the Councell, the which was ex∣ecuted. The fifteenth day of September we departed from the Isle of Sant' Iago, and passed the Equinoctiall Line. And in the latitude of three degrees to the South our Generall dyed: wherewith many contrarie windes and raine, the season of the yeare being very much past, wee

were forced vpon the Coast of Guiney, falling vpon an head-land called Cabo de Spiritu Sancto. The new Generall commanded to beare vp with Cape de Lopo Consalues, there to seeke refreshing for our men, the which we did. In which place we landed all our sicke men, where they did not much better, for wee could find no store of victuals. The nine and twentieth of December wee set saile to goe on our Voyage; and in our way we fell with an Island called Illha da Nobon, where we landed all our sicke men, taking the Island in by force. Their Towne contayned some eigh∣tie houses. Hauing refreshed our men, we set saile againe. At which time our Generall com∣manded, that a man for foure dayes should haue but one pound of bread, that was a quarter of a pound a day; with the like proportion of Wine and Water. Which scarcitie of Victuals brought such feeblenesse, that our men fell into so great weaknesse and sicknesse for hunger, that [ 10] they did eate the Calues skinnes, wherewith our Ropes were couered. The third of Aprill 1599. we fell with the Port of Saint Iulian: And the sixt of Aprill we came into the Straight of Ma∣gellan to the first narrow. And the eighth day we passed the second narrow with a good wind, where we came to an Anchor, and landed on Penguin Island: where we laded our Boate ful of Penguins, which are fowles greater than a D••cke: wherewith we were greatly refreshed. The tenth we weighed anchor hauing much wind, which was good for vs to goe thorow. But our Generall would water, and take in prouision of wood for all our fleet. In which Straight there is enough in euery place, with anchor ground in al•• places three or foure leagues one from another.

In the meane time, the wind changed, and came Southerly, so we sought a good harbour for our ship on the North-side, foure leagues off Elizabeths Bay. All Aprill being out wee had won∣derfull [ 20] much Snow and Ice, with great winds. For in April, May, Iune, Iuly, and August is the Win∣ter there, being in fiftie two degrees 1/••. by South the Equinoctiall. Many times in the Winter we had the wind good to goe through the Straights, but our Generall would not. We abode in the Straight till the foure and twentieth of August, 1599. On the which day wee came into the South Sea: where sixe or seuen dayes after in a greater storme we lost the whole fleet one from another. That storme being long we were driuen into the latitude of fiftie foure degrees▪ 1/••. by South the Equin••ctiall. The weather breaking vp and hauing good wind againe, the ninth of October we saw the Admirall, of which we were glad, eight or ten dayes after in the night ha∣uing very much wind, our fore-sayle flew way, and wee l••st companie of the Admirall. Then according to wind and weather, we directe•• our course for the Coast of Chili: where the nine and twentieth of October, we came to the place appointed of our Generall in fortie sixe de∣grees, [ 30] where wee set vp a pinnesse and stayed eight and twentie dayes: In this place wee found people, with whom wee had friendship fiue or sixe dayes: who brought vs sheep; for which we gaue them Bels and Kniues, and it seemed to vs they w••re contented. But shortly after they went all away from the place where our ship was and we saw them no more. Eight and twentie dayes being expired, we set sayle minding to goe for Baldiuia. So wee came to the mouth of the Bay of Baldiuia. And being very much wind our Captaines minde changed, so that we directed our course for the Isle of Mocha.

The first of Nouember we came to the Ile of Mocha, lying in the Latitude of eight and thirtie degrees. Hauing much wind we dur••t not anchor, but directed our course for Cape Sancta Maria, two leagues by Sou••h the Iland of Sancta Maria: where hauing no knowledge of the people, [ 40] The second of Nouember our men went on land, and the people of the Land fought with our men, and hurt eight of nine; but in the end, they made a false composition of friendship, which our men did beleeue.

The next day our Captaine, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 three and twentie of our chiefe men went on land, meaning for marchandize to get victualls, hauing wonderfull hunger. Two or three of the people came straight to our Boat in friendly manner, with a kind of Wine and Rootes, with making tokens to come on land▪ making signes that there were Sheep and Oxen. Our Captaine with our men, hauing great desire to get refreshing for our men, went on land. The people of the Countrey lay intrenched a thousand and aboue, and straight-way fell vpon our men, and slew them all; among which was my brother Thomas Adams. By this l••sse we had scarse so many men whole, as could [ 50] weigh our Anchor. So the third day in great distresse, we set our course for the Island of Santa Maria, where we found our Admirall: whom when we saw, our hearts were some-what com∣forted▪ we went aboord them, and found them in as great distresse as we; hauing lost their Ge∣nerall with seuen and twentie of their men slaine at the Island of Mocha: from whence they de∣parted the day before we came by. Here we tooke counsell what we should doe to get Victualls. To goe on land by force we had no men: for the most part were sicke. There came a Spaniard by composition to see our Shippe. And so the next day he came againe, and we let him depart qui∣etly. The third day came two Spaniards aboord vs without pawne, to see if they could betray vs. When they had seene our Shippe, they would haue gone on land againe: but we would not let them, shewing that they came without leaue, and we would not let them goe on land againe [ 60] without our leaue; whereat they we••e greatly offended. We shewed them that we had extreame neede of Victualls, and that if they would giue vs so many Sheepe, and so many Beeues, they should goe on land. So against their wils they made composition with vs, which within the time

appointed they did accomplish. Hauing so much refreshing as we could get, we made all things well againe, our men beeing for the most part recouered of their sickenesse. There was a young man, one Hudcopee, which knew nothing, but had serued the Admirall, who was made Generall: and the Master of our Shippe was made Vice-Admirall, whose name was Iacob Quaternak of Ro∣terdam. So the Generall and Vice-Admirall called me and the other Pilote, beeing an English∣man, called Timothy Shotten, (which had been with M. Thomas Candish in his Voyage about the World) to take counsell what we should doe to make our Voyage for the best profit of our Mar∣chants. At last it was resolued to goe for Iapan. For by report of one D••rrick Gerritson, which had been there with the Portugals, woollen cloth was in great estimation in that Iland. And we [ 10] gathered by reason that the Malucos, and the most part of the East Indies were hot Countreyes where woolen cloth would not be much accepted: wherefore we all agreed to goe for Iapan. So leauing the Coast of Chili from thirtie sixe degrees of South-latitude, the seuen and twentieth of Nouember, 1599. we tooke our course directly for Iapan, and passed the line Equinoctiall with a faire wind, which continued good for diuerse moneths. In our way we fell with certain Islands in sixeteene degrees of North-latitude, the Inhabitants whereof are men-eaters. Comming neere these Islands, and hauing a great Pinnesse with vs, eight of our men beeing in the Pinnesse, ranne from vs with the Pinnesse, and (as we suppose) were eaten of the wild men, of which people we tooke one: which afterward the Generall sent for to come into his Shippe. When wee came into the latitude of seuen and twentie and eight and twentie degrees, we found very variable [ 20] winds and stormy weather. The foure and twentieth of February we lost sight of our Admirall, which afterward we saw no more: Neuerthelesse we still did our best, directing our course for Ia∣pan. The foure and twentieth of March, we saw an Island called Vna Colonna: at which time many of our men were sicke againe, and diuers dead. Great was the miserie we vvere in, hauing no more but nine or tenne able men to goe or creepe vpon their knees: our Captaine, and all the rest, looking euery houre to die. The eleuenth of Aprill, 1600. vve savv the land of Iapan neere vnto Bungo: at vvhich time there vvere no more but fiue men of vs able to goe. The tvvelfth of Aprill, vve came hard to Bungo, vvhere may Barkes came aboord vs, the people vvhereof vvee vvillingly let come, hauing no force to resist them: at vvhich place vve came to an Anchor. The people offered vs no hurt, but stole all things that they could steale▪ for vvhich some paid deare [ 30] aftervvard. The next day, the King of that land sent souldiers aboord to see that none of the Mar∣chants goods vvere stolne. Tvvo or three dayes after, our Shippe vvas brought into a good Har∣bour, there to abide till the principall King of the vvhole Island had nevves of vs, and vntill it vvas knovvne vvhat his vvill vvas to doe vvith vs. In the meane time vve got fauour of the King of that place, to get our Captaine and sicke men on land, vvhich vvas granted. And vvee had an house appointed vs, in vvhich all our men vvere laid, and had refreshing giuen them. After vvee had beene there fiue or sixe dayes, came a Portugall Iesuite vvith other Portugals, vvho reported of vs, that vve vvere Pirats, and vvere not in the vvay of Marchandizing. Which report caused the Gouernours and common-peeple to thinke euill of vs: In such manner, that vve looked al∣vvayes vvhen vve should be set vpon Crosses; which is the execution in this land for the euery and [ 40] some other crimes. Thus daily more and more the Portugalls incensed the Iustices and people a∣ga••nst vs. And tvvo of our men, as traytors, gaue themselues in seruice to the King, beeing all in all vvith the Portugals, hauing by them their liues vvarranted. The one vvas called Gilbert de Conning, vvhose mother dvvelleth at Middleborough, vvho gaue himselfe out to be Marchant of all the goods in the Shippe. The other was called Iohn Abelson Van Owater. These traitours sought all manner of wayes to get the goods into their hand•• and made knowne vnto them all things that had passed in our Voyage. Nine dayes after our ••••••uall, the great King of the land sent for me to come vnto him. So taking one man with me, I went to him, taking my leaue of our Captaine, and all the others that were sicke, commending my selfe into his hands, that had preserued me from so many perils on the sea. I was carried in one of the Kings gallies to the Court [ 50] at Osaca, where the King lay, about eightie leagues from the place where the Shippe was. The twelfth of May, 1600. I came to the great Kings citie: who caused me to be brought into the Court, beeing a wonderfull costly house guilded with gold in abundance. Comming before the King, he viewed me well, and seemed to be wonderfull fauourable, He made many signes vnto me, some of which I vnderstood, and some I did not. In the end there came one that could speake Portuges. By him the King demanded of me, of what Land I was, and what mooued vs to come to his Land beeing so farre off. I shewed vnto him the name of our Countrey, and that our land had long sought out the East-Indies, and desired friendship with all Kings and Potentates in way of marchandize, hauing in our Land diuerse commodities, which these Lands had not: and also to buy such marchandizes in this Land, which our Countrey had not. Then he asked whe∣ther [ 60] our Countrey had warres? I answered him yea, with the Spaniards and Portugals▪ beeing in peace with all other Nations. Further, he asked me, in what I did beleeue? I said, in God that made Heauen a••d Earth. He asked me diue••se other questions of things of Religion, and many other things: As what way we came to the Count••y. Hauing a Chart of the whole world, I shewed him, through the Straight of Magellan. At which he wondred, and thought me to lie.

Thus from one thing to another I abode with him till mid-night. And hauing asked mee, what marchandize we had in our shippe, I shewed him all. In the end, he beeing ready to depart, I de∣sired that we might haue trade of marchandize, as the Portugals and the Spanyards had. To which he made me an answer: but what it was I did not vnderstand. So he commanded me to be carried to prison. But two dayes after he sent for me againe, and enquired of the qualities and conditions of our Countreys, of Warres and Peace, of Beasts and Cattell of all sorts, of the Hea∣uens. It seemed that he was well content with all mine answers vnto his demands. Neuerthe∣lesse I was commanded to prison againe: but my lodging was bettered in another place.

The rest of this letter (by the malice of the bearers was suppressed: but seemeth to bee in sub∣stance the same with the former. I haue added this also, as containing diuers things not mentio∣ned in the former. This William Adams lately died at Firando, in Iapan, as by the last Ship we [ 10] receiued intelligence.

§. VI. The second Voyage of IOHN DAVIS with Sir EDWARD MICHELBORNE Knight, into the East-Indies, in the Tigre a ship of two hundred and fortie Tuns, with a Pinnasse called the Tigres Whelpe: which though in time it be later then the first of the East-Indian Societie, yet because it was not set forth by them, I haue heere placed. [ 20]

THe fift of December, 1604. we set saile from the Cowes in the Ile of Wight. The three and twentieth we arriued at Teneriffe, in the road of Aratana. The fourteenth of Ianuary at night we were troubled with extreme heate, lightnings, thunder and raine all the night.

The sixteenth we passed vnder the Equinoctiall Line, shaping our course for the Ile Loronnah, the wind being at South South-east, our course South South-west, & some three degrees South-ward of the Line, we met with such multitudes of fish, as it is incredible to report, so that with our Hookes, Lines and Harping Irons, wee tooke so many Dolphines, Bonitos, and other fishes, that our men were so wearie with eating of fish, that we could not tell what to doe with it. Moreouer there were fowles called Pasharaboues and Alcatrarzes. We tooke many of those Pa∣sharaboues, [ 30] for it is a fowle that delighteth to come to a ship in the night: and if you doe but hold vp your hand, they will light vpon it. The other foule called Alcatrarzi is a kind of Hawlke that liueth by fishing. For when the Bonitos or Dolphines doe chase the flying fish vnder the water, so that he is glad to flee from them out of the water to saue his life, this Alcatrarzi flyeth after them like a Hawke afer a Partridge. Of these flying fishes I haue seene so many flee together, that you would haue thought them to be a great flocke of Birds afarre off. They are but little fi∣shes, scarsly so big as an Hering.

The two and twentieth we came to an anker at the Ile of Loronnah, being foure degrees to the South-ward of the Line, where, in going on shore, our Skiffe was ouer-set, by reason of the vio∣lent breach that the Sea made, at which time was drowned a Kinsman of our Generall called [ 40] Master Richard Michelburne, and all the rest were saued.

The fiue and twentieth, our long Boat going to fill some emptie Caske with water, came a∣gaine within the danger of that vnfortunate Sea, and was ouer-set, and two more of our men drowned. Here wee were very 〈◊〉〈◊〉 troubled in getting wood and water aboord, because the landing was so dangerous, that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 were forced to pull our Caske on shore with Ropes, and so backe againe when it was filled. Not sixe dayes before we came hither, there was an Hollander here, which sent his Boat for water, which was broken all into pieces against the Rockes, and his mens braines beaten out, and their armes and legs cut from their bodies.

The sixe and twentieth, our Generall went on shore to see the Iland, and marching vp and downe in the same, wee found nothing but a wild Countrey, inhabited onely by sixe Negros, [ 50] which liue like slaues. In this Iland haue beene great store of Goates, and some wild Oxen; but by reason the Portugall Carakes sometime vse to water here when they go into the East-Indies, and that these poore slaues are left there as their seruants, to kill and drie Goates against their comming thither, they haue destroyed both Goats and Oxen, so that wee could find but few. In this Iland are great store of Turtle-Doues, Alcatrarzes, and other Fowle, which wee killed with our Pieces, and found them to be very daintie meate. Also heere is good store of Maiz or Guynie Wheat. Here are likewise plentie of rotten Trees, whereon groweth the fine Bombast, and abundance of wild Goards, and Water-melons. When we were furnished with wood and water we came aboord.

The twelfth of February, wee found our selues to bee in seuen degrees, fiue minutes to the [ 60] South-ward: in which place at night, I thinke I saw the strangest Sea, that euer was seene: which was, That the burning or glittering light of the Sea did shew to vs, as though all the Sea ouer had beene burning flames of fire, and all the night long, the Moone being downe, you might see to read in any booke by the light thereof.

The thirteenth day in the morning, wee descried an Iland, or rather indeed a Rocke. The name is Ascention, the height eight degrees thirtie minutes to the South-ward.

The first of Aprill, toward night, wee descried Land from the maine top, which bare off vs, South South-East, when according to our reckoning and accounts, wee were not neere by fortie leagues, but yet the variation of the Compasse, did tell vs that wee were on Land thirtie leagues before we saw Land.

The second day in the morning we were hard by the shore, which was ten or twelue leagues to the North-ward of the Bay of Saldannah.

The third day we sayled by a little Iland, which Captain Iohn Dauis tooke to be an Iland, that [ 10] standeth some fiue or six leagues from Saldannah. Whereupon our Generall, Sir Edward Michel∣burne, desirous to see the Iland, took his Skiffe, accompanied with no more then the Masters Mate, the Purser, and my selfe, and foure men that did row the Boat, and so putting off from the Ship wee came on land: while wee were on shore, they in the Ship had a storme, which draue them out of sight of the Iland: and wee were two dayes, and two nights before wee could reco∣uer our Ship. Vpon the said Iland is abundance of great Conies, and Seales: whereupon we cal∣led it Cony Iland.

The eighth day, we came to an Anchor, in the Road of Saldannah.

The ninth wee went on shore, finding a goodly Countrey, inhabited by a most sauage and beastly people, as euer I thinke God created. In this place wee had excellent good refreshing: [ 20] in so much that I thinke the like place is not to be found among sauage people. For wee neither wanted Beefe, Mutton, nor Wild-Fowle all the time we lay there. This Countrey is very full of Oxen and Sheepe, which they keepe in great Heards and Flocks, as we do our Cattle in England. Moreouer, it doth abound with store of wild Beasts, and Fowles, as wild Deere in great abun∣dance, Antelops, Babious, Foxes and Hares, Ostriches, Cranes, Pelicans, Herons, Geese, Duckes, Phesants, Partridges, and diuers other sorts of excellent Fowles. Of which Fowles wee killed great store with our Pieces. It is also most pleasantly watered with wholesome springs, which haue their beginning from the tops of exceeding high Mountaines, which falling into the Vallies, make them very fruitfull. Also there is a kind of Trees, not much vnlike to Bay Trees, but of a farre harder substance, that grow close by the Sea side. The people of the Countrey [ 30] brought vs more Bullockes and Sheepe, then wee could spend all the time wee stayed there. So that we carryed fresh Beefe and Mutton to Sea with vs. For a piece of an old yron Hoope, not worth two pence, you might buy a great Bullocke: and for a piece of yron, not worth two or three good Horse Nayles, you might buy a Sheepe. They goe naked▪ saue onely they weare vp∣on their shoulders a Sheepe skin, and before their priuities a little flap of a skin, which couereth as much, as though they had none at all before them. In the time of our being there, they liued vpon the guts and filth of the meate, which we did cast away, feeding in most beastly manner: for they would neither wash nor make cleane the guts, but take them and couer them ouer with hote ashes, and before they were through hote, they pulled them out, shaking them a little in their hands, and so eate both the guts, the excrements, and the ashes. They liue vpon raw flesh, [ 40] and a certaine kind of roote which they haue, which groweth there in great abundance. In this place we lay on shore, from the ninth of April vntill the third of May. By which good recreati∣on and refreshing, wee found our selues in as good health, as when wee put to Sea at the ve∣rie first.

The seuenth of May, wee were South off the Cape of Bona Esperança, by estimation tenne leagues. This night we passed ouer the shoalds of Cape Das ••••••ilhas.

The ninth day, rose a mightie storme, at which time we lost sight of our Pinnasse, being dri∣uen by violence of weather from her. This storme continued for the space of two dayes, and two nights most fearefull and dangerous, with raine, lightning, and thunder, and often shipping of much water. The Portugals call this place, The Lion of the Sea, by reason of the extreame fury [ 50] and danger, which they find in doubling of this Cape. In the extremitie of our storme appeared to vs in the night, vpon our maine Top-mast head, a flame about the bignesse of a great Candle; which the Portugals call Corpo Sancto, holding it a most diuine token, that when it appeareth the worst is past. As, thanked be God, we had better weather after it. Some thinke it to be a spirit: other write that it is an exhalation of moyst vapours, that are ingendred by foule and tempestu∣ous weather. Some affirme that the Ship is fortunate where it lighteth, and that shee shall not perish. It appeared vnto vs two nights together, after which time we had a faire wind and good weather.

The twenty fourth, the Ile De Diego Roiz, standing in the Latitude of nineteen degrees & fortie minutes to the South-ward, and in the Longitude of ninetie eight degrees, and thirtie minutes, [ 60] bare North off vs about fiue of the clocke eight leagues off. Wee bare roome to haue landed, but the wind grew so stiffe in the night, that we altered our determination. About this Iland we saw great store of white Birds, hauing in their tayles but two long feathers. These Birds, and diuers others accompanied vs with such contrary winds and gusts, that wee often split our sayles, and

boulting to and againe, we rather went to the Lee-ward, then gained any thing, the wind blew so stiffe at the East South East.

The third day of Iune, standing our course for the Ile De Cirne, we descried the Ile De Diego Roiz againe, and bare roome with it, thinking to haue stayed there to attend a good wind: but finding it to be a very dangerous place, wee durst not come to an anchor there, for feare of the rockes and sholds that lye about it; and vpon better consideration wee altred our purpose, and stood for East-India.

The fifteenth of Iune, we had sight of Land, which was the Ile Dos Banhos, in sixe degrees, and thirtie seuen minutes to the South-ward, and in one hundred and nine degrees of Longitude. These Ilands are falsely laid in most Charts, lying too much to the West. Here we sent our Boats [ 10] to see, if they could find any good ground to anchor in. But searching both the South and West shore, they could find none. There are fiue of these Ilands: they abound with Fowle, Fish, and Coco Nuts. Our Boats went on shore, and brought great store of them aboord vs, which wee found to be excellent meate. Seeing wee could find no good anchoring, by reason that in some places close vnder the shore it was so deepe, that wee could find no ground, and in other places were such sharpe rockes, and sholds, that wee durst not anchor, hauing but bad and contrary winds, we left these Ilands, and stood our course, as neere as we could lye for India.

The ninteenth of Iune, we had sight of Land, which was the Ile of Diego Graciosa, standing in the Latitude of seuen degrees, thirtie minutes South-wards, and in Longitude one hundred and ten degrees, fortie minutes by our accounts. This seemeth to be a very pleasant Iland, and of good [ 20] refreshing, if there be any place to come to an anchor. Wee sought but little for anchoring there, because the wind was bad, and the tide forced vs to the shore: so that we durst not stay to search there any further. This Iland seemeth to bee some ten or twelue leagues long, abounding with Birds and Fish; and all the Iland ouer seemeth to be a mightie Wood, of nothing else but Coco-trees. What else this Iland yeeldeth we know not.

The eleuenth of Iuly, wee passed againe the Equinoctiall Line, where wee were becalmed with extreame heate, lightning, and thunder.

The ninteenth we descried Land, which was many Ilands, as we thought locked in one, which lay vnder the high Land, of the great Iland of Sumatra. Here wee sent off our Boat to get some fresh water: but the Sea went with such a violent breach vpon the shore, that they durst not [ 30] land: The people of this Iland made great fiers also along the shore, with intent, as wee thought, to haue had vs come on Land. This Iland or Ilands, is in two degrees of Northerly Latitude.

The fiue and twentieth we came to an anchor, by a little Iland, where we sent our Boat on shore for water; but finding none, they returned with some Coco Nuts, affirming, that the Iland was very full of Coco Trees, which had very few Nuts vpon them. We saw three or foure peo∣ple vpon this Iland: but they went away and would not come neere vs. Those people we ima∣gined to be left there to gather the Cocos, and to make them readie against others should come and fetch them.

The sixe and twentieth, we came to an anchor, within a league of a great Iland, called Bata, lying in twentie minutes of South Latitude. Here we builded vp our Shalop, and named her the [ 40] Batte. In this Iland are none Inhabitants: it doth exceedingly abound with wood, and fresh water Riuers, as also with Fish, Munkies, and a kind of Fowle, which they affirme to bee that Countrey Batte, whereof in our time of being there I killed one, which was greater then an Hare, and in shape very like a S••••••rrill, saue onely from each of his sides, did hang downe two great flaps of skin, which when hee did leape from tree to tree, hee would spread forth like a paire of wings, as though hee did seeme to flie with them. They are very nimble, and will leap from bough to bough oftentimes, taking hold with nothing but their tayles. Because our Shalop was builded in the kingdome of these beasts, she was called after their name, The Bat.

The nine and twentieth day, trauailing along the shore, in this Iland I discouered a Roader, [ 50] riding vnder a little Iland about foure leagues from mee: which made mee very glad, hoping it had beene our Pinnasse which wee lost in the great storme, neere vnder the Cape of Bona Espe∣ratça: with which newes by night I gate aboord our Generall; who in the morning sent mee, with Captaine Iohn Dauis, to see if wee could find her. But when wee came to the place, wee found three Barkes riding vnder the Iland. They made signes vnto vs to come aboord them, and told vs they had Hennes; we answered them that we would goe fetch some money, and would come againe the next morning, and buy. Some of them vnderstood Portuguse. Wee durst not goe aboord them, because wee were but euill prouided. The next morning being better furni∣shed, wee went, thinking to haue some better commodities of them: but they had waighed an∣chor, and were all gone. It seemed they were afraid of vs by their hasting away. [ 60]

The fourth of August, we weighed anchor and stood for Priaman.

The ninth of August, our Generall manned the Shalop, and sent vs along the Coast, to see if wee could find any Roaders, and espying a Sayle, we gaue her chase, which when shee perceiued

shee could not goe from vs, shee came to an anchor, and forsooke their Barke, and rowed all on shore to an Iland in a small Boat, where wee could not come at them. Wee laid there Barke a∣boord, not finding any one man in it: the chiefe lading was Cocos Oyle, Nuts, and fine Mats. But seeing it was but such meane stuffe, and knowing that if we should haue taken it, our General would not haue liked of it; wee left her, not taking any thing from her worth the speaking of.

The tenth and eleuenth dayes we stood close along the maine land, whereas we espied eight Prawes, riding ouer against a place called Tico. Which whē we first espied, we were in good hope, that we might find our Pinnasse among them. When we came vp with them she was not there: but they put vs in comfort, telling vs there was an English Ship at Priaman, which was not past [ 10] sixe leagues from this Towne of Tico. Then standing out to Sea we saw our Admiral, and in short time got aboord, telling our Generall the newes. Wee had not sayled a league further, but our Ship came on ground vpon a Rocke of white Corall: but God be thanked, hauing a great gale, in very short time we got her off againe without any hurt at all: And comming neere vnto the Road of Priaman, we descried our Pinnasse to be there, which wee had lost so long before in the great storme, in doubling the Cape of Bona Esperança. The Captaine and Master of the Pinnasse, met vs halfe a league from the Road in their Skiffe, and at our comming aboord of vs, our Ge∣nerall did welcome them with a peale of great Ordnance: And after many discourses passed of what had happened, in the time of each others absence, wee came to an anchor in fiue fathoms water, very good ground in the Road of Priaman, which standeth in fortie minutes of Souther∣ly [ 20] Latitude.

The fourteenth, our General sent mee on shore with a Present to the Gouernor, and to others, to see what price Pepper was at, and to buy fresh victualls, and to know whether our men might came safely on shore. But when we came on shore, the Gouernour durst not speake with vs pri∣uately, by reason of certaine warres that were among them: by which meanes they were growne iealous one of another. These warres grew vpon this occasion. The King of Achen ha∣uing two sonnes, hee kept the eldest at home with him, to succeed him after his death, and the youngest he made King of Pedir: vvhereupon the eldest sonne tooke his father prisoner, affirming that he was too old to gouerne any longer, and afterward made warre vpon his younger brother. Thus seeing little good to be done in this place, hauing refreshed our selues with fresh victuals, we [ 30] resolued to depart from thence.

The one and twentieth, we weighed anchor, and stood for Bantam, on which day we tooke two Prawes, hauing nothing in them but a little Rice. The one of these Prawes hurt two of our men very sore after they had entred her. For our men thought, because they savv some leap ouer-boord, they had all leaped ouer-boord; but they vvere deceiued. For the first tvvo men that en∣tred vvere sore hurt by tvvo vvhich lay close hidden behind their Sayle: vvho assoone as they had vvounded them, most desperately leaped ouer-boord, svvimming avvay like vvater Spa∣niells. So taking such things as best fitted vs, vvee left their Pravves, doing them no further harme.

The three and twentieth, wee tooke a Fisher-boat, hauing nothing of value in him, letting [ 40] him goe without any hurt, sauing onely one of them was shot through the thigh at the first mee∣ting, when they resisted vs.

The fiue and twentieth, wee descried a Sayle, and sent our Shalop, Long-boat, and Skiffe to see what shee was: for our Ship and Pinnasse could not fetch her vp, because they were be∣calmed. These Boats comming vp with her, bid him strike sayle, but shee would not. So wee fell in fight with her, from three of the clocke in the afternoon•• till ten of the clocke at night, by which time our Pinnasse had gotten vp to vs: then shee strooke her sayles and yeelded. So wee made her fast to our Pinnasse, and towed her along with vs all night. In the morning, our Gene∣rall sent for them to see what they were: and sent three of vs to see what she was laden withall. When hee had talked with them, they told him they were of Bantam: wherefore, knowing not [ 50] what iniurie he might doe to the English Merchants, that had a Factorie in Bantam at that pre∣sent; and vnderstanding by vs, that their loading was Salt, Rice, and China dishes, hee sent them aboord their owne Barke againe, not suffering the worth of a penny to bee taken from them. They standing toward Priaman, and we toward Bantam, left each other. This Barke was of the burthen of some fortie Tuns.

The second of September, we met with a small Ship of Guzarate, or Cambaya, being about eightie Tuns: which Ship wee tooke and carried into the Road of Sillibar, standing in foure de∣grees of Southerly Latitude; into which Road many Prawes continually come to refresh them∣selues. For here you may haue Wood, Water, Rice, Buffles-flesh, Goates, Hens, Plants, and Fresh-fish, but all very deere.

[ 60] The eight and twentieth day, hauing dispatched all our businesse, wee weighed anchor, and stood for Bantam.

The three and twentieth of October, wee came to an anchor in the Road of Marrah, being in the straight of Sunda: here we tooke in Fresh-water. In this place are great store of Buffles,

Goates, Hens, Duckes, and many other good things for refreshing of men. They esteeme not so much of money as of Calicut clothes, Pintados, and such like stuffes. The people being well vsed, will vse you well; but you must looke to them for stealing: for they thinke any thing well got∣ten, that they can steale from a stranger.

The eight and twentieth, we weighed anchor, and stood for Bantam, which standeth in sixe degrees and fortie minutes of Southerly Latitude. This day we came within three leagues of the Towne, where wee came to an anchor all night. Here wee thought to haue seene the English Fleet; but it was gone for England three weekes before we came.

Neuerthelesse, those that re∣mained in the Countrie, as Factors of our Nation, came aboord vs, being very glad to see any of their Country-men in so forraine a place, and withall told our Generall, that the company of the Hollanders Ships that were in the Road, had vsed very slanderous repors of vs to the King of [ 10] Bantam: The effect whereof was, That wee were theeues, and disordinate liuers, and such as did come for nothing but to deceiue them, or vse such violence, as time would giue vs leaue to ex∣ecute; and that we durst not come into the Road among them, but kept two or three leagues from thence for feare of them.

After our Generall had heard this report; it so mooued him, that hee weighed anchor, sending the Hollanders word, that hee would come and ride close by their sides, and bad the prowdest of them all that durst to put out a Piece of Ordnance vpon him; and withall sent them word, if they did goe about, either to braue, or to disgrace him, or his Coun∣try-men, hee would either sinke them, or sinke by their sides. There were of these Hollanders fiue Ships, the one of them of seuen or eight hundred Tuns, the rest of a farre smaller burthen. But of this message (notwithstanding we came and anchored close by them) we neuer had an∣swer. [ 20] But whereas the Hollanders, were wont to swagger and keepe great sturre on shore, all the time before our being there, they were so quiet, that wee could scarcely see one of them on Land.

The second of Nouember, hauing seene our Country-men, wee tooke our leaue, and stood our course for Patane. And in our way, as wee sayled betweene the Chersonesus of Malacca and Pedra Branca, wee met with three Prawes, which being afraid of vs, anchored so neere vn∣to the shore, that we could not come neere them, either with our Ship or Pinnasse. Wherefore our Generall manned his Shalop with eighteene men, and sent vs to them, to request them, that for his money hee might haue a Pilot to carrie his Ship to Pulo Timaon, which is about some fiue dayes sayling from the place where wee met with them. But they seeing our Ship and Pinnasse [ 30] at anchor, about a mile from them, and that they were not able to come any neerer them, told vs plainely, that none of them would goe with vs, and being at anchor weighed, and were going away: Seeing that, we began a fight with them all three: one of them we tooke in lesse then halfe an houre, whose men, which were seuentie three in all gate out of her, and ranne on shore. The other fought with vs all night, and in the morning about the breake of day, shee yeelded vnto vs. Our Generall came to vs in his Skiffe a little before she yeelded. They were laden with Benia∣min, Storax, Pepper, China Dishes, and Pitch. The third Praw got from vs, while wee were fighting with the other. Our Generall would not suffer vs to take any thing from them, but on∣ly two of their men to Pilote vs to Pulo Timaon, because they were of Iaua. These people of Ia∣ua, are very resolute in a desperate case. Their chiefe Weapons are Iauelings, Darts, Daggers, and [ 40] a kind of poysoned Arrowes, which they shoot in Trunkes. They haue some Harcubushes, but they are nothing expert in vsing them. They also haue Targets. The most part of them be Ma∣humetans. They had beene at Palimbam, and were going backe againe to Greece, a Port Towne on the North-East part of Iaua where they dwelled.

The twelfth of Nouember, we dismissed them, standing our course toward Patane.

The six and twentieth of Nouember, we saw certaine Ilands bearing off vs North-west, which neither we, nor our new Pilots knew. But hauing a very contrary wind to stand our course for Patane, we thought it very necessary to search those Ilands for wood and water, hoping by that time we had watered, to haue a better wind.

The seuen and twentieth, we came to an Anchor within a mile of the shore, in sixteene fa∣thomes [ 50] good ground, on the South-side of these Ilands. Heere sending our Boat on shore, wee found some of them to bee Sunken Ilands, nothing aboue the water but the Trees or Rootes of them. In one of them we found a reasonable good watering place, and all the Ilands a Wilder∣nesse of Woods. It is a very vncomfortable place, hauing neither Fruites, Fowle, nor any kind of Beast wherewithall to refresh men. These Ilands we tooke to bee some of the broken Lands, lying South-east from the Ile of Bintam.

The second of December, hauing taken in wood and water, we weighed Anchor, standing our course for Patane, as neere as a bad wind would giue vs leaue. For wee found the wind in these monethes to be very contrarie, keeping still at North, North-west, or North-East. [ 60]

The twelfth day, neere vnto Pulo Laor, wee descryed three sayles, and sending our Pinnasse and Shalop after one of them, being the neerest vnto vs, we stayed with our ship, thinking to haue met with the other two: but in the night they stood away another course, so that we saw them no more. In the morning, we descryed our Pinnasse and Shalop, about foure leagues to Leeward,

with the other ship which they had taken, The wind and current being against them, they were not able to come vp to vs: we seeing that went to them. When wee came, wee found her to be a Iuncke of Pan-Hange, being in burden aboue an hundred Tunnes, laden with Rice, Pepper and Tinne, going to Bantam in Iaua. Our Genera••l not esteeming any such meane luggage, tooke as much Rice as serued for his prouision, and two little brasse Gunnes, and payd them royally for all: not taking any thing else from them, saue only one man to be our Pilot to Patane: who was willing to come along with vs, when he saw our Generall vse them so well. The other two Pi∣lots, which wee tooke before out of one of the three Prawes, were vnskilfull men. Wherefore our Generall rewarding them, for the time that they had beene with him, sent them backe a∣gaine [ 10] into their owne Countrey, by the Iuncke which wee tooke, that was going to Iaua.

The thirteenth day we left her, standing our course for Pulo Timaon, ioyning on the King of Pan-Hange his Countrey. Here we were troubled very much with contrarie winds and currents. For the Sea runneth alwayes from the beginning of Nouember, to the beginning of Aprill, to the South-ward: and from Aprill to Nouember backe againe to the North-ward. The wind also in the aforesaid first fiue monethes is most commonly Northerly, and in the other seuen moneths Southerly. All the ships of China, Patane, Ior, Pan-Hange, and other places which are to the North-ward, come to Bantam or Palimbam, when the Northerly Monsoin is come: and re∣turne backe againe when the Southerly Monsoin commeth: Which Monsoins come in the monethes before mentioned. This being obserued you shall haue both wind and tyde with you. [ 20] Here, as I said before, I found such contrary violent winds and currents, that I could not in three weekes get a league a head. This Countrey of Pan-Hange is a very plentifull Countrey, and full of Gentry, after the fashion of those Countries, store of shipping, and victuals very cheape. This Countrey lyeth betweene Ior and Patane, and reacheth on the ••ea-coast to Cape Tingeron, beeing a very high Cape, and the first Land-fall that the Caracks of Macao or Iuncks of China, or Cam∣boia Prawes doe make as they come for Malacca, Iaua, Sumatra, Iumbe, Ior, Palimbam, Grece, or any other parts to the South-ward.

Here as I stood for patane: about the twentie seuen of December, I met with a Iuncke of the Iapons, which had been pyrating along the coast of China and Camboia. Their Pilote being dead, with ignorance and foule weather, they had cast away their ship on the sholds of the great Iland [ 30] Borneo; and to enter into the Countrey of Borneo, they durst not: for the Iapons are not suffered to land in any Port in India with weapons: beeing accounted a people so desperate and daring, that they are feared in all places where they come. These people, their ship being splitted, with their Shalops entred this Iuncke, wherein I met them, which was of Patane, and killed all the people sa••e one old Pilot. This Iuncke was laden with Rice, which when they had possessed and furnished with such furniture, necessaries and armes as they saued out of their sunken shippe, they shaped their course for Iapan: b••t the badnesse of their Iuncke, contrarie winds, and vnseasonablenesse of the yeare forced them to Leeward: which was the cause of mine vnluckie meeting them. After I had haled them, and made them come to Lee-ward, sending my Boat aboord them, I found them by their men and furniture very vnproportionable for such a [ 40] ship as they were in; which was a Iuncke not aboue seuentie tunnes in burthen, and they were ninetie men, and most of them in too gallant a habit for Saylers, and such an equalitie of beha∣uiour among them, that they seemed all fellowes: yet one among them there was that they cal∣led Capitaine, but gaue him little respect. I caused them to come to an Anchor, and vpon further examination I found their lading to be only Rice; and for the most part spilt with wet: for their ship was leake both vnder and aboue water. Vpon questioning with them I vnderstood them to be men of Warre, that had pillaged on the Coast of China and Camboia, and, as I said before, had cast away their ship on the sholds of Borneo. Here wee road at Anchor vnder a small Iland, neere to the Ile of Bintam, two dayes entertayning them with good vsage not taking any thing from them: thinking to haue gathered by their knowledge, the place and passage of certaine [ 50] ships, on the Coast of China to haue made my Voyage. But these Rogues being desperate in winds and fortunes▪ being hopelesse in that paltrie Iuncke euer to returne to their Countrey, resol••ed with themselues either to gaine my shippe, or to lose their liues. And vpon mut••all courtesies with gifts and feastings betweene vs, sometimes fi••e and twentie or sixe and twentie of their chiefest came aboord: whereof I would not suffer aboue sixe to haue weapons. Their was neuer the like number of our men aboord their Iuncke. I willed Captaine Iohn Dauis in the morning to possesse himselfe of their weapons, and to put the Companie before Mast, and to leaue some Guard on their weapons, while they searched in the Rice, doubting that by searching and fin∣ding that which would dislike them, they might suddenly set vpon my men, and put them to the Sword: as the sequell prooued. Captaine Dauis being beg••iled with their humble semblance, [ 60] would not possesse himselfe of their weapons, though I sent twice of purpose from my shippe to will him to doe it. They passed all the day, my men searching in the Rice, and they looking on: at the Sunne-setting, after long search and nothing found, saue a little Storax and Beniamin: they seeing oportunitie, and talking to the rest of their Companie which were in my ship, being neere

to their Iuncke, they resolued, at a watch-word betweene them, to set vpon vs resolutely in both ships. This being concluded, they suddenly killed and draue ouer-boord, all my men that were in their ship; and those which were aboord my ship sallied out of my Cabbin, where they were put, with such weapons as they had, finding certaine Targets in my Cabbin, and other things that they vsed as weapons. My selfe being aloft on the Decke, knowing what was likely to follow, leapt into the waste, where, with the Boate Swaines, Carpenter and some few more, wee kept them vnder the halfe-decke. At their first comming forth of the Cabbin, they met Captaine Dauis comming out of the Gun-roome, whom they pulled into the Cabbin, and giuing him sixe or seuen mortall wounds, they thrust him out of the Cabbin before them. His wounds were so mortall, that he dyed assoone as he came into the waste. They pressed so fiercely to come to vs, [ 10] as we receiuing them on our Pikes, they would gather on our Pikes with their hands to reach vs with their Swords. It was neere halfe an houre before we could stone them backe into the Cab∣bin: In which time we had killed three or foure of their Leaders. After they were driuen into the Cabbin, they fought with vs at the least foure houres before we could suppresse them, often fyring the Cabbin, burning the bedding, and much other stuffe that was there. And had we not with two Demy-culuerings, from vnder the halfe-decke, beaten downe the bulke head and the pumpe of the ship, we could not haue suppressed them from burning the ship. This Ordnance being charged with Crosse-barres, Bullets, and Case-shot, and bent close to the bulke head, so violently marred therewith boords and splinters, that it left but one of them standing of two and twentie. Their legs, armes, and bodies were so torne, as it was strange to see, how the shot [ 20] had massacred them. In all this conflict they neuer would desire their liues, though they were hopelesse to escape: such was the desperatenesse of these Iaponians. Only one lept ouer-boord, which afterward swamme to our ship againe, and asked for grace, wee tooke him in, and asked him what was their purpose? He told vs, that they meant to take our shippe, and to cut all our throates. He would say no more, but desired that he might be cut in pieces.

The next day, to wit, the eight and twentieth of December, we went to a little Iland to the Leeward off vs. And when we were about fiue miles from the Land, the Generall commanded his people to hang this Iaponian: but he brake the Rope, and fell into the Sea. I cannot tell whe∣ther he swamme to the land or not. We tooke our course right to the little fore-said Iland, and came there to an Anchor the thirtieth of December. We remained there three dayes to mend our [ 30] Boat, and to take in wood and water. In this Iland we found a ship of Patane, out of which we tooke the Captaine, and asked him, whether the ships of China were come to Patane, or no? He told vs that they were not yet come, but that they would come thither within few dayes. We made the Captaine of that ship to be our Pilot, because he knew very well to what place the Chi∣nish ships would come.

The tenth of Ianuary we purposed to stay their, till it pleased God, that we should meete the Chinish ships.

The twelfth of Ianuarie, one of our Mates climbed vp to the top of the Mast, and descryed two ships which came toward vs: but because of the wind they were forced to goe to the Lee-ward of the Iland. Assoone as we had sight of them wee weighed Anchor, and made toward [ 40] them. And we fetched vp the greatest of them the twelfth of Ianuarie in the night. We fought a little with them, and boorded them, and brought them to an Anchor.

The next day, to wit, the thirtieth of Ianuarie we vnladed some of their goods, to wit, raw Silke and other Silkes. They had fiftie Tunnes of Siluer of their Countrey: but we tooke little or none of it; because we had good hope, that we should meete with the other Chinish ships. Af∣ter we had taken some of their Silkes, we let them depart the fifteenth of Ianuary: and gaue them twice as much, as wee had taken from them. And casting them off, wee tooke our course backe againe to China Bata: but we could not fetch it vp, because we had contrarie wind; so that we were forced to put Lee-ward vnto two small Ilands, which they of Iaua call Pulo Sumatra: where we came to an Anchor the two and twentieth of Ianuarie. [ 50]

The foure and twentieth day, as we rode at Anchor there arose a great storme of wind, with which our Cable brake, so that we were forced to put into the neerest Creeke.

The second of February, fiue Holland ships met with vs sayling homeward, which put into the same Roade where wee were. Captaine Warwicke was Generall of these ships. Hee sent to our Generall to dine with him. Our Generall went to him. He told vs that our English Merchants in Bantam were in great perill, and that still they looked for nothing else, then that the King of Iaua would assault them, because we had taken the China ship, whereby the King of Bantam had lost his custome. Wherefore Captaine Warwicke requested our Generall, that hee would cease to goe any further, and would sayle home vnto England with him. Our Generall answered, That hee had not as yet made his Voyage, and that therefore hee would not returne, vntill it should [ 60] please God to send him somewhat to make vp the Game. The Hollanders perceiuing that they could not perswade our General to giue ouer his purpose, departed from vs the third of Februarie.

Our Generall considering, that if he should proceed on his Voyage, it would be very dangerous

for the English Merchants which were resident in those parts, and seeing that hee had but two Anchors and two Cables to helpe himselfe withall, thought good to repaire his ships, and to returne home with that poore Voyage that he had made.

When our ships were readie, and that we had taken in wood and water, wee hoysed vp our sayles the fift of February to returne for England.

The seuenth of Aprill we had sight of the Cape of Bona Esperanza, after wee had passed a great storme.

The seuenteenth of Aprill we came to the Ile of Sancta Helena, where we watered, and found refreshment, as Wine and Goates, which we our selues killed. In the said Iland are many wilde [ 10] Swine and Goates. There are also great store of Partridges, Turkie Cockes, and Ginnie Hennes, This Iland is not inhabited. VVe departed from thence the third of May.

The fourteenth, we passed vnder the Equinoctiall Line.

The seuen and twentieth of Iune, we arriued in Milford Hauen in Wales.

The ninth of Iuly, we came to an Anchor in Portsmouth Roade, where all our Companie were dismissed. And heere wee ended our Voyage, hauing beene out vpon the same full nineteene moneths, in the yeare 1606.

Notes

• The English Generalls, D••ake and Can∣dish, first Com∣pa••s••rs of the world, and the most fortunates Magellans ship, not himselfe effected amore renowmed then happy Voyage, whom the Hollander•• followed, gui∣ded by English instructions▪ and Marriner•• not their for∣tune••.
• Cape of Good Hope▪
• Praise of Que••ne Eli∣zabeth.
• Sighelmus his trau••••ls to Ind••a.

  W. M••lm. de gestis Regum Augloram & de gest▪ Ep••s••. Aug.
• Thomas Steuens.
• Ralph ••itz.
• George Raymond and Iames Lan∣caster.
• English-men in Dutch Voy∣ages.
• Iohn Newbury.
• See the whole ••e••ter▪ ••••ak. To. 3. pag. 53.
• An extract of a Spanish Let∣ter which I found amongst Master Hak∣luits pap••••s.
• Three Portu∣gal Ships taken by the English▪
• See my Pil∣grimage. lib. 5. cap. 7. §. 4.
• Aprill 27. 1599.
• May. 1600.
• Aleppo.
• Iuly 7. 1600.
• Bir.
• Vrfa. Caracmit. Bitelis.
• Van. A great Lake of salt water.
• Nacshian. Chiulfal. Sultania. Casbin. Com. Cashan.
• Yesd. Sigistam.
• Candabar.
• Lahora.
• He arriueth at Agra, 21 dayes iourney from Lahora.

  His present to the King of Mogor.
• This Voyage was made in Q Elizabeths Reigne.
• The Iesuites calumniation of our Nation.
• Fiue yeares spent in trauel.
• Rich garments bestowed by the grand Mo∣gor vpon Ma∣ster Iohn Mil∣denhal.
• The sundry practices of the Iesuites.
• An Armenian serued him foure yeares for Interpreter.
• He studied sixe monethes the Persian tongue in Agra.
• Many yeares delay.
• The Queenes Ambassadour Leiger at Con∣stantinople.
• The great Mogor gran∣ted large pri∣uiledges to Master Iohn Mildenhall. He departeth from Agra▪ Iohn Milden∣hall returned home ward by Casbin.

  The Italians are our ene∣mies for see∣king trade in those parts.
• Constantinople is called New Rome, and thence in the East, the Turkes are called Ru∣mos, of that their chiefe Citie.
• Aprill.
• May.
• Iune.
• Fernando Lo∣ronha.
• August.
• September. Abrollos.
• Nouember. Bay of Solda∣nia.
• M. Tomkins Englishman.
• December.
• Ianuary. 1599.
• Madagascar. February. Bay of Saint Augustine.
• March. Hungry Bay. Iles Comoro fiue.
• Aprill. Ansuame.
• May. Maldiuia.
• Iune.
• Achin.
• Englishmen abused by Hollanders.
• Iuly.
• England famous.
• Diuerse Eng∣lishmen in this Voyage.
• August.
• Dauis his en∣tertainement with the King of Achin.
• September.
• A strange se••d▪ and strange treachery.
• Rice.
• Pepper.
• Mines of Gold and other commodities.
• Achien Citie.
• Sultan Aladin.
• The Turkes are called Rumos in the Indies. The reason of that name is their Metropolitan and Imepriall Citie Constan∣tinople called New Rome: of which Rome they call them Rumos. Their tradition of O∣phir is rather to be marked then this Ety∣mologie and conceit of Ru∣mos in the Red Sea.
• The promi∣sed returne of Mahomet ex∣pected.
• September.
• October▪
• Nouember▪ Nicoba••▪
• December.
• Matecalon in Zeilan a Citie of great trade.
• Prise dischar∣ged.
• March. 1600.
• S. Helena.
• Aprill.
• Il. Ascention.
• May.
• Iuly.
• This Voyage, though not by the Cape of Good Hope, yet because it was to Iapon, I here deliuer. See before, pag. 78.
• Adams chiefe Pilot of a fleete of fiue sayles.
• Cape de Lopo Gonsalues.
• The Isle of No∣bon taken.
• April. 6. 1599.
• They wintered in the S••aights of Magellan.
• Many of their men dyed for want of food. They stay in fortie sixe de∣grees, and re∣fresh them∣selues.

  The mouth of Baldiuia. The Isle of Mocha.
• A faire sandie Bay.
• The ninth of Nouember, 1599.
• Twentie three men slaine.
• The Isle of Sancta Maria.
• Timothy Shotten of London, Pi∣lot of the Ad∣mirall.

  Cloth good m••rchandise in Iapan.

  One of their Fleete yeelded to the Spani∣ard, at Saint Iago in thirtie three degrees. See before in the Voyage of O••••uer Noo••t. They take their course from Ia∣pan, from the Road of the Isle o•• Sancta Maria, No∣uember 27. The North part of Iapan, lieth in 35. degrees, 1/;.

  They were foure months, & twentie two dayes between the Isle of Sancta Maria, and Iapan. Bungo.
• Sixe of their men died.
• This was at the citie of Os••ca, which is eighty leagues from Bungo.
• He was called the second time.
• Thus farre go∣eth his first let∣ter to his wife. Crucify••ng the v••uall punish∣ment of Male∣factors in Iapan The Ie••uites & Portugals ac∣cusations.
• The Emperors answer.
• He was called the third time before the Em∣perour.
• The ship was brought to he City of Sacay.
• Fiftie thousand Ryals in ready money were giuen vnto them.

  The Citie Sakay.
• Quanto.
• Eddo about 120. league•• from Sacai▪
• He builded a ship of 80. tuns for the Empe∣rour.
• The Emperour bestoweth a yeerely reue∣new on him of 70. Ducats, and two pounds of Rice a day.
• He obtained libertie for the captaine.
• The Captaine slaine at Malac∣ca,
• He builded an other ship for the King of 120. tunnes. 1609.
• The S. Francisco a Spanish ship of 1000. tunnes cast away on the coast of Ia∣pan in 35. de∣grees 50. min.
• A new and greater pensi∣on giuen vnto him.
• Two Ships of Holland came to Iapan, in the yeare 1609.
• Another small Ship of Hol∣land, ar••iued there, 1611.
• There is much Siluer & Gold in Iapan

  Commodities vendible for readie money.
• The length and breadth of Iapan.
• The disposition of people.
• Many Iesuites and Fran••i••c••n Friars in Iapan▪
• The Iles of Cape Verde.
• Their General dyeth.
• Cabo de Spiritu Sancto in Gui∣ney.

  Capo de Lopo Consalues. Illha da Nobon taken by the Hollanders.
• April 3. 1599. The Straight of Magellan.
• A good Har∣borough.
• The 24. of Au∣gust, 1599. they came into the South Sea.
• They ariue on the Coast of Chili the 2••▪ of October.
• They trade with the peo∣ple of the countrey in 46 degrees. Th•• Il•• of Mocha.
• 2•• Men slaine Thomas Adams slaine.
• The Isle of S. Mar••a.

  Th••y meete with their Ad∣mirall.

  The Generall and 27. men slaine at Mocha.
• Timothy Shotten an Eng••ishman Pilot in the Admirall. D••rrick Gerrit∣son.
• They leaue the coast of Chili▪ and aile dire∣ctly for Iapan. They crode the Equinocti∣all l••ne.

  These Iles seeme to bee the Ladrones. 8. of their men ran away with their pinn••sse. They lost their Admirall the 24. of Febru∣ary, 1600. An Ile call••d Vna Colonna. The 12. of A∣prill, 16••0. they di••couered Iapan neere vnto Bungo. They came to an Anchor.
• The Portugals accuse them for Pirates.
• He war sent for to the great King.
• He commeth to the Court.
• The Kings questions.
• He was sent to prison.

  He was sent for againe.

  He was sent to prison the se∣cond time.
• The Iames re∣turning home this yeere. 1621.
• Pasharaboues. Alcatrazzi.
• The Ile of Fer∣nando de Lo∣ronnah.
• A strange glit∣tering of the Sea.
• April.
• Conie Iland.
• They land in the Road of Saldannah.
• Exceeding high moun∣taines.
• Their women some are well featured, some of their men haue but one stone. Copper is now in greatest re∣quest with them.

  A certaine kind of root. May.

  The Cape de Bona Esperanza. Cape Das Agu••lhas.
• The Lion of the Sea.
• Corpo Sancto.
• The Ile de Diego Roiz in 19. degrees 40. minutes.
• Iune 3.
• The Ile of Die∣go Roiz is a ve∣rie dangerous place.

  The Iles Dos Banhos.
• Their Boates goe on shore. The Ile of Die∣go Graciosa.
• Iuly. They passe the Equinoctiall Line.

  An Iland or I∣lands in two degrees of Northerly La∣titude, adioy∣ning to Suma∣tra.
• The Ile of Bata.
• A great flying Squirel, or Bat.
• Three Barkes.
• August.
• Tico a Towne in Sumatra.
• Their Ship commeth on ground.
• Th••y meet with their Pinnasse, which they had lost so long before Priaman in fortie minutes of Southerly Latitude.
• A Ship of Ban∣tam taken and freely dimis∣sed.
• They take a Ship of Guza∣rate.

  Sillibar in foure degrees of Southerly La∣titude.
• October. The Road of Marrah.
• The twentie eight. Bantam.
• The second of Nouember, they depart from Bantam. Pedra Branca. Three Prawes.
• Two Prawes taken.
• Poysoned Ar∣rowes shot in Trunkes. Palimbam. Grece, a Towne in Iaua.
• Certain Ilands.
• The broken Lands neere the Ile of Bin∣tam.

  December.
• Pulo Laor.
• Anoth••r ship taken.
• Pan Hange.
• Pulo Timaon ouer ag••••nst Pan-Hange.
• The Monsons in these parts.
• In three weeks hee could not get one league a head.
• Cape Tingeron.
• Captaine Iohn Dauis slaine.
• Three or foure of the Iaponian Leaders killed.
• One and twen∣tie Iapoans slain with demicul∣uering shot.
• They returne from the Ile of Bintam.

  Two small I∣lands called Pulo Sumatra.
• February.
• February the third.
• They returne home.
• April 7. 1606.
• Sancta Helena.
• May. They arriued in Milford Ha∣uen in Wales. They came to Portsmouth.