Of the manifold conuersions and alterations of the estate of the common-wealth of Britaine, sithens the time of Samothes.
THere is a certeine period of kingdomes, of [unspec 10] 430. yeares, in which commonlie they suffer some notable alteration. And as in the afore∣said season there is set a time of increase and decaie, so we find that before the execution of Gods pur∣pose dooth come to passe, in changing the estate of things, sundrie tokens are sent, whereby warning is giuen, that without repentance he will come and visit our offenses. This is partlie verified by Ioachimus Camerarius, who in his first booke De ostentis intreating [unspec 20] of the same argument, telleth of a strange earthquake felt in Delus, which was neuer touched with any such plague before or after the ouerthrow of the Persians, giuen vnto them by the Grecians; also of the beard that suddenlie grew out of the face of the Pedacien prophe∣tesse, so often as the citie was to be touched with any alteration and change. Nam (saith he) descriptas esse diuini∣tùs aetates quibus idem humanarum rerum status duraret, qui∣bus finitis, praedici prius quàm existeret nouationem in deterius euenturam rerum, quaeque indies minùs ac minùs numini cordi essent. Emittuntur igitur cometae diuinitus, & reuocantur dum [unspec 30] supra nos conspecti quamdiu placuit Deo inferuntur, &c. Plato referreth such changes as happen in common-wealths to a certeine diuine force that resteth hidden in sundrie od numbers, whereof their periods do consist. True it is that God created all things in number, weight & mea∣sure, & that after an incomprehensible maner vnto our fraile & humane capacitie. Neuerthelesse, he appointed not these three to haue the rule of his works, wherefore we must not ascribe these changes to the force of num∣ber with Plato, much lesse then vnto destinie with the [unspec 40] Peripatetiks, but vnto the diuine prouidence and ap∣pointment of God, which onelie may be called de stinie as S. Augustine saith, for of other destim•• it is impietie to dreame. Aristotle ascribing all euents vnto manifest causes precedent, dooth scoffe at Plato and his numbers in his booke of common-wealths, and bringeth in sun∣drie causes of the alteration of the state of things, which we may referre vnto principals, as iniurie, oppression, ambition, treason, rebellion, contempt of religion and [unspec 50] Iewes, and therevnto abundance of wealth in few, and great necessitie and miserie in manie. But what soeuer Aristotle gesseth at these things by humane reason as at the first causes, yet we acknowledge other beyond them, as sinne, which being suffered and come to the full, is cut downe by the iustice of the high God, the cheefe cause of all, who foreseeing the wickednesse of such as dwell on earth, dooth constitute such a reuoluti∣on of things in their beginnings, as best standeth with the execution of his purpose, and correction of our er∣rors. The causes therefore that Aristotle dooth deliuer, [unspec 60] are nothing else but the meanes which God vseth to bring his purposes to passe; and yet they deserue the name of causes, in that they preceed those effects which follow them immediatlie. But in truth other than se∣condarie or third causes no man can iustlie call them. Bodinus in his historicall method, cap. 6. making a large discourse of the conuersions of commonwealths, dooth séeme at the first to denie the force of number, but after a while he maruelleth that no Grecian or Latine Academike, hath hitherto made any discourse of the ex∣cellencie of such numbers as apperteine to the estate of empires and kingdomes by exemplification in any one citie or other. Hereby he sheweth himselfe vpon the sudden to alter his iudgement, so that he setteth downe certeine numbers as fatall; to wit, sixe vnto women, and seauen and nine vnto men, which (saith he) haue Magnam in tota rerum natura potestatem, meaning as well in common-wealths and kingdomes from their first erections, as in particular ages of bodies, for sicke∣nesse, health, change of habitation, wealth, and losse, &c: and for the confirmation of the same, he setteth downe sundrie examples of apparant likelihood, either by mul∣tiplication of one by the other, or diuision of greater numbers by either of them, or their concurrence one with another, calling the aforesaid three his criticall or iudiciall numbers, whereby he bringeth or rather resto∣reth an old kind of arithmancie (fathered on Pythago∣ras, yet neuer inuented by him) againe into the world. But we christians, in respecting of causes, haue to looke vnto the originall and great cause of all, and therefore we haue not to leane vnto these points in any wise as causes: for we know and confesse that all things de∣pend vpon his prouidence, who humbleth and exalteth whom it pleaseth him. Neuerthelesse, I hope we may without offense examine how these assertions hold, so long as we vse them rather as Indices than Causas muta∣tionum. And therefore haue I attempted to practise at this present the example of Bodinus, first in the altera∣tions of our ciuill estate passed; and secondlie, of the like in cases of religion; from the flood generallie, and then after the first comming in of Samothes into our Ile, thereby somewhat to satisfie my selfe, and recreate the readers; but still protesting in the meane season that I vtterlie denie them to be any causes, or of themselues to worke any effect at all in these things, as Bodinus would seeme to vphold. As for those of other countries, I referre you to Aristotles politikes, and the eight of the common-wealth which Plato hath left vnto vs, ther∣by to be farther resolued, if you be desirous to looke on them. In beginning therefore with my purpose; First bicause the flood of Noah was generall, and therefore appertinent vnto all, it shall not be amisse to begin with that, which was in the yeare 1656. after the creation of Adam, so that if you diuide the same by nine, you shall find the quotient to fall out exactlie with the 184. reuo∣lution of the same number. Secondlie, for so much as the confusion of toongs was the originall cause of the dispersion of the people ouer the face of the whole earth, it shall not be amisse also to examine the same. Certes it fell out in the 133. after the flood: if we diuide there∣fore the said 133. by seauen, you shall find the quotient 19. without any ods remaining. From hence also vnto the comming of Samothes into Britaine, or ra∣ther his lawes giuen vnto the Celts, and with them vn∣to the Britons, in the second of his arriuall in this land, we find by exact supputation 126. yeares, which be∣ing parted by nine or seauen sheweth such a conclusion as maketh much for this purpose. Doubtlesse I am the more willing to touch the time of his lawes than his entrance, sith alteration of ordinances is the cheefe and principall token of change in rule and regiment; although at this present the circumstances hold not, sith he dispossessed none, neither incroched vpon any. From Samothes vnto the tyrannie of Al∣bion, are 335. yeares complet, so that he arriued here in the 335. or 48. septenarie, which also concurreth with the 590. after the flood. In like sort the regiment of Albion continued but seauen yeares, and then was the souereingtie of this Ile restored againe by Hercules vnto the Celts. The next alteration of our estate open∣lie knowne, happened by Brute, betweene whose time and death of Albion there passed full 601. yeares (for he spent much time after his departure out of Grecia, be∣fore he came into Albion) so that if you accompt him to come hither in the 602. you shall haue 86. septena∣ries exactlie. From Brute to the extinction of his poste∣ritie in Ferrex and Porrex, and pentarchie of Bri∣taine,