Fortescutus illustratus, or, A commentary on that nervous treatise, De laudibus legum Angliæ, written by Sir John Fortescue, Knight ... by Edward Waterhous, Esquire.

CHAP. XXXV.

Reminiscere (Princeps divine) qualiter villas & oppida Regni Franciae frugum opu∣lentissima, dum ibidem peregrinaris, conspexisti.

THis Chapter treates of the condition of the French Subjects under the high and mighty Government of the French King, who governing his people not accor∣ding to the ancient constitution of France, by a generall Assembly of the three Estates, the Clergy, Nobles, and People, by whose sanction every one was bound, not the King excepted: (I say, after Albergatus no meane Authour) this way of Government being after a long continuance changed, in Lewis the eleventh's time it was made capitall (not onely to endea∣vour, but even to word the restitution thereof.) France and the People thereof become ruled by Armies and Counsels of power, in which only Royall will and pleasure did preside; This being the condition of France in the infelicity of her Subjects crushed and crumbled into nothing by the hard hand of power unallayed, and unveluetly lined by the lenity of Politick Government mixed with Regal. The Chancellour (who was ever bred up under our pa∣ternal and divine mixture, which he treats of in many Chapters, as the Government which approximates that of God, and of Paradise, if man had con∣tinued in innocence) mindes the Prince of what fruit he ought to collect from tra∣vell, and how great advantages to intellectuall accomplishment his pilgrimage in France gave him; since, while he was at leisure to observe (being discharged from the en∣cumbrances of business, and pomp of life) he might, and ought to lay the founda∣tion of after wisdom in the observation of present occurrences, which, because those of the Government and People of France (the place of his unpleasing present abode. (For, who can leave England, the happiest of Islands and Nations if it had one publique spirited man in it, as the wise Abbot of Escalia adieuing it, said, without grief or re∣gret) were most contiguous to him? he humbly addresses to him the recollection of himselfs concerning those discoveries of his Travell, which may facilitate to him the truth and importance of his Chancellours arguments, in behalfe of Englands constitu∣tion and Lawes, here in compare with them. Now, though I well know comparisons in Governments as well as in persons, is no further discreetly practicable, then is civill, seasonable, and necessary, which restraints and modifications I am resolved shall bound me; yet must I crave leave to do right to mine own Native Countrey, and her most admired Government, Lawes and Monarchs, which according to all Authors and Con∣fessions is the most free and fatherly, and to disclaime all admiration, or (as to my pri∣vate affection and sphere) admission of any thing which is enervative of it, or in any degree tends to the eclipse of the glorious Monarchy herein by God fixed, which being Thron'd in righteousness, is, I hope, established in the blessed posture it is in, for this World's Eternity, as I may so say, or in plainer English, ever to last in the line of that Majestick Family, that now (blessed be God) Rightfully and Royally enjoyes it, till

Shiloh comes the second and last time to Iudgment. This then premised, as that tender of affection which kindled in me from my Text-Masters spark and flame in this Chap∣ter, was not to be stifled but publickly owned as a signature of my loyalty, I proceed to follow him in his method, taking the augmentation of England's lustre from that comparison of the State of France, which our Chancellour here represents.

Regni Franciae frugum opulentissima] This is that part of Gaul which is thought deno∣minated from Francus, Son or Nephew to Hector, who, after the destruction of Troy, about the year 420. is storied to be Chieftain to the Franconians, a German-people, who, being stirred up by the narrowness of their own border and the desire of a more convenient abode, moved armedly into Gaul, and being prosperous, sat down in that part which is between the River Scaeld and Sene, and thence was called France or Gallia Comata, from (I suppose) its fertility and abundant succulency of soyle. I or though I know Pliny tells us all Gaul was called (a) Comata, yet this particular noble Island of it was specially so called, because the Eden and Flower of all the Land: and this the Text complies with, in that it terms it frugum opulentissima] Two words very comprehensive and purposely phra∣sive of the latitude of abundance. For Fruges] is a word that con∣tains every esculent and pabulary thing; Varro derives frumentu•• à fruendo, because by food men enjoy themselves in a plenitude of health and strength, (b) others determine it, à frumine eminenti sub mento gutturis seu gurgulionis parte, qua cibus in alvum mittitur, à ferendo cibum appellari; whence soever, sure I am 'tis used in Authours to denote plenty and abundance. Opulentissima here] so Locuples frugibus annus in Horace, Pareus frugum tellus, gravidae, letae, maturae fruges in Virgil, Foeta frugibus terra, Cererem fruges appellamus, unum autem Liberum in Tully; all which applied to the Text's sense, sets forth France as a noble Country: and indeed, such it to be, I my self have as well in a good part seen, as more fully from the best Authors read. Pom∣ponius Mela, though he makes it no India, that it produces Pismires as bigg as little Doggs, Honey running down in streams, Woods full of Wool, Reeds laden with Sugar, and Vines with clusters of Grapes incredible; yet he terms it, (c) Terra frumenti praecipui & pabuli ferax: which is the reason that though France be but a part of Gaul, yet Tota illa pars Europae, &c. That most noble part of Europe, heretofore Gaul, is now called by the name of a little spot in it, France, so saith Cluverius. And therefore those commendati∣ons that the Natives give it, are not besides the truth altogether. Bu••••••, a most grave and learned French man, writes of it elegantly; and when he has asserted it of a clement Air, productive of things good and plentifull in their kinde, concludes thus, In ea summum Liberi Patris cum Cerere certamen, ut vini nobilitates non possis sine Nomenclatoris opera numerare. Which made Maximilian the Emperour wickedly, and with prophaneness too great for a Christian, say, That if Nature could bring about his design to be a God, he would be that God; and then by his Will, he would pass his Divinity to his eldest Son, and his second Son he would make King of France, as supposing it the second preferment to that of his fancyed Godhead. Add to this what our most accomplished Historian, and late deceased Country-man, Dr. Heylin reports in these words, The Soyl is extraordinarily fruitfull, and hath three L••adstones to draw riches out of other Countryes, Corn, Wine, Salt; for which there is yearly brought into France 2000000. l. Sterling, and the Country so full of pleasant Fruits and Vines, that never eye beheld a fairer object, so He. I say, add this to all the rest, and to that of Strabo which Rosellius quotes, and there was good reason to say, France is a Country Frugum opulentissima.]

Regis terrae illius hominibus ad arma, & eorum equis it à onusta, ut vix in eorum ali∣quibus quam-magnis Oppidis tu hospitari valebas.

This clause shews France had need to be such as it is described, because it has such

Armies in pay in, and moving through it; for as St. Clowis the chief founder of that Go∣vernment is storied by the Histories of France to atchieve his Greatness, the pedestal to this, by such Artifices and practices of unchristian Policy, as I forbear to name; so have many after Governours there carried on their Grandeurs by fierceness and might of fury. So that not any lenitive dare be offered to soften the pleasure of the French King, but his Will must be the Law, which Albergatus confirms me in, who writes after the politick opinion, Ab ejus arbitrio solo omnis & belli & pasis deliberatio, &c. Tanquam verus Monarcha solus omnium Dominus, &c. which uncontrouledness of power, because he findes men at Arms properest to advance and establish, to these does he give the civil spoil of the Land, that is, power to propagate his pleasure be it what it will, and opportunity under the pretext of that to do what they will with the poor Peasant, and drudging Country-man, who by these Homines ad Arma are said to be bur∣thened. Onusta] not somewhat charged, as by pilfering and stragling numbers of loose people any place through which they passe, will be; but Onusta] a word of num∣ber, weight, and measure, having all the dimensions of grievance, as full of burthen, not onely as we proverbially say, As an Egg is full of meat; but as a Ship is when stowed to its full lading, so Onusta frumento Navis in Tully, when a Mariner knowing, Corn to bear a great price at the Port he intends for, crowds as much as his Bulk will bear; Onustus praeda, when a Souldier has so much spoil that he even breaks his back with the portage of it; Tergum vulneribus onistum, the description of a souldier whose breast was not onely pierced standing, but his back all wounds when flying; Onustus cib•• & vin••, when a mans stomach and head is so overcharged, that he is fit for nothing but a bason and a bed: these are the Notions of the Onusta here, which points out France so charged and surcharged with these Cavaliers, that there was no room for any thing but these Homines ad Arma,] that is, Horsemen, for so our Chancellour intends to express the King of France his strength by. For though we read of Viri ad Arma nati in Lipsius and others; yea, though Men at Arms in the Venetian History signified fusely All Souldiers, Shute p. 14. yet in our stories and laws, according to which, to∣gether with the common Notion of them in France, our Chancel∣lour went▪ Viri ad Arma are onely Horse-men, and so besides this in the Text, & equis ecrum,] other stories understand them; thus Thomas Beauchamp Earl of Warwick is by Walsingham said to en∣counter Contra ducentos homines de Armis, and Homines Armo∣rum a little after; so the same Authour, writing How E. 3. over∣threw Philip of France, adds, With many Nobles and Barons, with two thousand men called, Men at Arms. These, I say, being in so great measure did not onely terrifie the people, but make the receipt of strangers in great Towns as homely and scarce, as the safety of them on their travels questionable. Now this the Chancellour remembers the Prince of, to raise in him a love to the po∣litick, and yet Imperial Government of England; which, though it be seconded by force to suppress Rebellion and resist Invasion, yet is founded on general Consent, and Parliamentary recognition. So that what Seneca writes of Augustus is true of our Monarchs, That they well deserve the Name of Parents, who are so tender and benign, that their Subjects good is more cared for by them then their own greatness; so that if their power and their Sub∣jects happiness (which is ever best in their respective conjunction) could be separate, which is not possible, their kindeness would carry them rather to wish their people happy then themselves great: yea, so immortal a Garland is it to the Heads and Hearses of meritfull Princes, that it will bud a fresh blossom of glory to their memories when dead in per∣son, though it deny any ornament or addition to living loveless ones. Which instance, to wave forein presidents, is evident in the Reigns of two of our Monarchs, Edward the First, and Queen Elizabeth: the former, at the Parliament of the seventeenth of his Reign, was besought by the Peers, Prelates and Commons fully there in obe∣dience to him convened, to renew the confirmation of the great Charter and Char∣ta de Foresta, according to what he had promised, but he stood off a long time; at last, being pressed to perform his Regall promise, he did it with a Salvo Iare Coronae

nostrae, which the whole Parliament took so heavily, that they returned home unsatis∣fied: And the latter, Q Elizabeth, so tempered her subjects, between awe of, and love to her, and so dreaded any appearance of violence, other then that of her Impe∣riall, and necessary legall influence on her subjects, that she is in no story charged with any Act, but what has a defence of Motherly tenderness, as well as Majestick courage in it. Though then such like powers of Homines ad arma be not used nor approved of in England (except upon extraordinary occasions, when discontents and Parties, that will not be fairely reasoned, and gravely Lawed down, must be pessundated by the ter∣rour of them; (this kinde of Devil being not like the Gospell Devil, cast out by prayers and teares, unless they are associated with force and punishment) yet in France they are, and without them the Plebs would be but ruleless; and therefore necessity, that has no law, calls for these homines ad arma there, and what their being in abundance any where can occasion better then rudeness and licentious outrage, let the (a) Authour inform us, who sayes, the Neapolitans, Millanois and Sicilians, who have had triall of both the Spaniards and French for their Masters, chuse rather to submit themselves to the proud and severe yoke of the Spaniard, then to the lusts and insolence of the French, which if they were such as denied even in Towns to Traveller, and that a Prince, Vix hospita∣ri] that is, hardly lodging; what churlishness, to say no worse, do they express to meaner persons, and their own Countreymen, when they are more out of sight.

Vbi ab incolis didicisti, homines illos, licet in villa una per mensem aut duos perhen∣dinaverint, pro suis aut equorum suorum expensis soluisse aut solvere velle.

This is a further instance, not of the miseries of a Warr; for, if an enemy had done this, the People of France, sufferers under it, might have said in the Psalmists words, If it had been an enemy that had done this we could have borne it, but it was ye, our Coun∣treymen, our friends and our acquaintance, and this is that which renders it intolerably af∣flictive. For as much as the poor Peasant has nothing to live upon but his labour, and a high Rent, and payes contribution to the Kings Ar∣my, and that in so plentifull a measure, that the Revenues of the Crown, to defray the charge of Government, is (a) counted as vast from that very Kingdom, as the Romans before the Conquest of Mithrydates, and the third expedition of Pompey had from all their Empire; yea, so absolute is the Soveraignty of their King, and so content are they to be what he pleases, that he imposes nothing but they submit to, and applaud the hand that puts so sore a burthen on them; which Budaeus notes as a virtue in them, so meritfull as nothing can be more: so doth Cominaeus, adding, That it is unjust and inhu∣mane, that a Prince, having such obsequious and open purst People should press them beyond their ability; it being much more faire and generous to smooth them into a willingness by gentle invitation and reason of love; quaem imperiosa agere pro sua libidine; that is, then to screw and force by power and feare what they have, and he pleases to command from them, thus be; which well considered, as it layes load of infamy on those, that when there is but one Harvest and Crop in the year, from which profit and subsistence is gained, exact unlawfull and unreasonable Contributions all the year long, and that without consideration of what the Payers suffer, and the Receiver is by His Of∣ficers deceived of; (of which Hybraeas the Orator told Antony; Asia has paid thee, Noble Cheiftain, two hundred thousand talents, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. This, if thou hast not re¦ceived, call thy Collectors to account, to whom we have paid it; and if thou hast had it answered thee, since tho•• canst not give as two Crops, and two returns, exact not two Tributes, each of which answers, or rather exceeds the utmost we can render thee.) As, I say, it accuses the Imposers of much mercilessness, so it renders the Imposed miserably poor and cowed; For our Text sayes, they do not onely perhendi∣nare, (a word Lawyers and Historians use for stay, thence perhaps the word Enn or Inn, which is the stay for Travellers for a night or two; so Walsingham uses perhendinare to denote a stay, Magnates dutem apud Sanctum Albanum cum suis armatis exercitibus per tri∣duum perhendinantes—; so that perhendinare here is not onely a

chargeable, but a long stay, per mensem aut duos menses; and a loosing one to put a further greivance, as the Text sayes, they pay nothing at their departure, neither for man or horse, which is not onely the allegation of our Text, but the complaint of learned Cominaeus a creditable Knight, who sayes lamen∣tingly, That the oppression on the poor Countrey-man is very great, not onely by the Taxes that is unreasonably leavyed upon them; but ab E∣questribus etiam cohortibus, &c. but from the charge the Cavalry, that lye on them, occasion, whom they not onely eat up, but abuse licen∣ti••usly; nor are they contented with what growes on the Farm and field, but compell them to travel for delicater dyet then at home they have: and when they are gone to get them dainties, endeavour to abuse their wives and daughters to their lust, thus Cominaeus; which is, what follows in our Text.

Sed quod pejus est, arctabunt incolas Villarum & Oppidorum in quae descenderant, sibi de vinis, carnibus & aliis quibus indigebant, etiam carioribus necessariis quam ibi reperiebantur, à circumvicinis Villatis, suis propriis sumptibus providere.

This not to be contented with what is in house and at hand, is one of the unwelcomest qualities in a Boarder, even though he pay well as to the value and time; but when one comes on free quarter, and on charity, (as Government ought to think they do that come upon anothers propriety, and yet are courteously treated) then to capitulate and indent what they will and will not have, then to take and leaue what they lift, and to call for what is not to be had but with trouble and charge, is not onely uncivil but unreasonable. Yet this is the condition of the French souldiery, who do not come, as our Country men have in many places (even during this late unnatural Commotion) done, with Caps in their hands, and carriages of humanity and gentleness; but with stern looks, drawn swords, cock'd pistols, Damn me, and all horrid oaths of Hell in their mouthes, and when they are quartered, so continue their imperiousness, that 'tis hard to live in the house with them unstrapadoed, if not murdered. This irregu∣larity, which often frightens inhabitants from their houses, and ever makes their houses terrours to them, is the effect of ill discipline and want of pay: for had they whereon to live and pay currantly, they might be kept to the stricter conformity; but when live they must, and money they have not, the Officer bears with them for his own peace, which to prevent, as the Plague that infects Countries with ill will to souldi∣ers, the Romans took a course to provide dyet in kinde for their souldiers, Summer dyet from April. 1. to Septem. 1. and the Win∣ter è converso, which dyet was two dayes Bisket, the third day sof∣ter bread; one day wine, another day Vinegar; one day Bacon, and two dayes Mutton, and by this kept they them lusty and vigorous, yet temperate and civil. For though I know to keep up the spirit there must be good dyet, and e∣nough of it, such as is flesh, wine, strong bear, and other changeable food; yet that men should be their own Carvers at anothers cost and table, and make the giver a Vallet to their curiosity and intemperance, is that which France onely its poor Subjects are abused by: we of England, God be blessed, do not understand other then by hear-say and reading. For though in Ireland from Edward the Second's time, when the Earl of Desmond commanded in chief, the damnable custome of Coign and Livory was there set a-foot, and continued to H. 4. his time, when, by the Statute of 12 H. 4. c. 6. it was destroyed, for that by pretext of it the Commanders of the Army ex∣acted from people horse-meat, man's-meat, and money at pleasure, without ticket or satisfaction: yet (times of flagrant warr onely excepted) were such rigorous courses never in practice with us here; nor in times of warr were they justified any other, then by necessity and want of pay. So far is our licentiousness from the constant tem∣per of the French, that necessity onely works that seldome and skulkingly with us, which choice and no temptation, but that of ill humour and inclination to vice and rudeness, evidenceth boldly in them. And since the Government of France is supported by Ar∣mies and Garrisons, and those so numerous, that Charles the Ninth is reported to have 15000 horse and 100000 foot of his own Nation, besides 50000 horse and foot of

Swisses, Germans, and other Nations; and Lewis the Thirteenth is storyed to have at once five Royal Armies on foot, keeping 120000 men in pay many years, rig∣ging 1000 ('tis 10000 in Dr. Heylin, but I ghuesse it the errour of the Press) ships for sayle and service: yea, for as much as the Kings of France so depend on the fidelity of the souldiers, there is no relief for the poor Peasant and Country-dweller hopeable, but they must have what they will, though to procure it they do arctare,] put the purse of the poor provider into little ease, and though he pawn (as it were) his own skin, bone, body and soul almost to purchase it; for, They must needs go that these Gallants of fury drive, whose violence has career enough to precipitate even dul∣ness itself, and to make it fly with the wings of fear to avoid the Talons of their fury.

Et si qui sic facere renuebant, concito fustibus caesi, hoc agere compellebantur.] This shews, that must is in France not onely for the King, but for every Horse-man, who, if he be but mounted and become a man at Arms, thinks himself absolute, hold∣ing his office by the Scepter of his Batton, which is so nimble, that 'tis no sooner a word but a blow; and that upon his head who is de jure head of him, while in his family and under his roof. Now these Fustes, with which on unwilling, because (God knows) unable Hosts, they do execution, I take to be no tesserae Hospitales; nor can the Ruffian, that thus vapours and fumes, say with him in Plantus, Deum hospitalem & tesseram mecum fero: nor do these Hospitium renuntiare, nè hospitii jus violarent, as Tully sayes the custome was; for this in them had been a grace of ingratiation, which would rather have been thought a Prodigy then anything ordinary, and fictive rather then real. I say, I take this Mall of their uncivil execution to be no earnest for their welcome, but an intimation of that Club-law that they hold their interest in their Quarters by, and therefore while that is up, the Housekeeper is bound not one∣ly to the peace of good words, but even of willing looks; for if he shew any disgust of his guests pleasures, strait to the lace he goes, which does so terrify them, that they are fain to take injuries contentedly, and to give thanks for being eaten up, and out of house and home, as we say; for so are these Horsemen flush'd with their tyrannous absoluteness in their Quarters, that, to use Cominaeus his words, No reason or hu∣manity can restrain them from injury and violence.

Ac deinde consumptis in Villa una victualibus, focalibus, & equorum praebendis ad Villam aliam homines illi properabant.

This continues the misery, 'tis general, every part must bear its proportion; these Curriers do circuit it to obtain the fattest prey and the plentifullest provision; these Clyents to Venus and Bellona, the hot Goddesses, are all for dyet and drink, that in the vigour of them reach the utmost extents of their flaming constitutions, which vice rather then nature hath so accended, that nothing but cold and hunger can reduce. Rather therefore then they will want these cherishings of their pleasure, by which the Wolf of feebleness and dispiriting is kept from the door of their moving Tabernacles, they will, as bite close while anything is to be had, so change their pasture when it begins to abate, Victuals of all sorts they will have; for though the House-keeper, Sea-mew like, must live upon the Spuma Marina, the Dew (as it were) or nothing: yet these 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 must have first and second course, all sorts of things Victualia] quia vescuntur ab hominibus, they must have speedily, as soon as they call, willingly with∣out regret, plentifully without scant, and seasonably, according as the nature of the year ushers in variety of dyet. And as food, so fire must they have, Focalia] for this, as it is as denominative of an house, as Ara is of a Temple, and as much to the completion of entertainment as meat is, (since without fire and candle, which are Focalia, what comfort have men in entertainment.) I know Focalia has other senses in Authours, the Operimentum colli & faucium is so called by Quintilian; but the Greeks applyed the word pugillaribus & luctatoribus, which Turnebus notes as well as others: yet our Chancellour by Focalia intends those things that appertain to fire, which is best when 'tis in the Chimney; and thus it is near of kin to the Ancient's Focaria, Sier to

the word Fornicator, who was Servant to the Baths and Fornaces, he that heated them, which because he ever kept hot, he was termed Fornicator; thence an old Fornicator we call a man of years, that when he is past action of folly, yet is speculatively, and in word, filthy and obscene.

Et Equorum praebendis] This is to express Horse-meat, not onely pasture and herbage, but Provender, Hay, Straw, which are all Prabendae; because they do in fructibus consistere: and such grass, hay, and grain being, they are termed Equorum praebenda, though I know Praebenda in the Plural number in the Canon Law has ano∣ther sense, according to what the Ancients held the Residentiaries in Religious Houses and Cathedral Churches, enjoyed to supply religious Pilgrims and Strangers that came to them with testimonials, and Agellius extends it to all necessaries for an Army, when he sayes, Ventidius Bassus being straitned, Magistratibus qui sortiti Provincias fuissent, praebenda publicè conduxisse, these, and other large Notions of the word being not to the Chancellour's purpose, I keep myself to that sense of praebendae which is ob∣vious, and respects horses in Armies, whose Quarters these Blades of Buff and Fury do change as they do their own when they impair, according to the old Proverb, Love me and love my horse, which love to their horses they best shew by putting them into good pastures

Ad Villam aliam homines illi properabant, cam consimiliter devastando.] These flying Tormenters, like fleas, skip every where, biting close, soon in and out of places, as they said of Charles the Eighth's expedition in and out of Italy, Try they will before they buy; yet not so happy the poor Peasant, to have things bought of and paid for to him. Eat and drink and wench and rave they will, but a penny they will not part with in payment for what they take, Nè denarium unum pro necessariis, sayes the Text. And this ubiquity of theirs, though it terrifies all the Country, yet it ruines it less, and impoverisheth it, as it were, more justly, every part alike. No Angle of the Country that's good for any thing but is a Praebend for souldiers and their horses; yea, and for somewhat more ra∣pacious and bloudy, their wenches, called usually Sucklers and Laun∣dresses, which the Text terms Concubinae, a word more press then Meretrices; for those are common to the seisers be they what they will, first come first served, when these are a sort of loose propri∣eties, pretendedly loyal to their own Mates, but extremely disor∣derly and villanous. Yet these, though forbidden by the strict rules of Warr, are suffered to attend Armies, and are so influential (being the Baggages that attend the luggage, lumber, and heavy draught of the Army) that they are taken care of by the Quarter-Masters, and are as curious to be pleased as any: ••yea, being vitious women and warped from modesty, are the most beastly and pestilent enemies to the modesty of their own sex that can be ima∣gined: yet even these, so sordid, so nasty, so troublesome, do they constrain their Quarters to receive in magna copia,] in great abundance; yea, for these as well as for themselves do they compell the inhabitants of the Vill•• they come to and stay in, to provide all necessaries, not onely food and fire, but Socculariae] Genus calciamenti à Sacco deductum, a Shooe like a slipper with an heel, which we call a Sock, after the likeness whereof it was made: the Comedian tells us as well of Risus Socci, as of Luctus Cothurni; but socculus the Diminutive, Suetonius writes of.

Caligis] This is the Boot-hose, or legg, or short stocking which the Souldier wears, hence called Caligati Milites; and though Caliga properly signifie regu∣mentum Tibiarum militare, the cover of the military Pipe, suppose the Coronet or Fife; yet it being of likeness to a Hose signifies that. This Caliga, or military Calcia∣ment, gave the name to Cajus, Son to Germanicus the Emperour, who was called Caligula, Quia Manipulario habitu inter Milites 'educebatur.

Vsque ad minimam carum Ligulam] Not onely food and fire, washing and lodg∣ing, shoes and hose, but Laces, and every Utensil about these Fire-brands, must the poor Peasant finde; which makes me believe, that either France is all gold, or the

Peasant all dross; for, unless whatever he touches be Coyn, he cannot but be as bare as a louse, who has thus many Riflers of him successively each to other: and there∣fore no wonder they are poor spirited that are thus harrassed and outed of all ability to live handsomely or lay up any thing for their Children. Alas, poor souls, all their thoughts are how to please and progg to live, the gayety of life they neither know nor desire, all that they have to call their own is an house of children, a wife horridly na∣sty, an house slenderly furnished, a back barely covered, and an Army of Vermine every where about them, and this is the condition of all those that dwell in open pla∣ces, without Garrisons and walled Towns; for of them there is not one expers de ca∣lamitate ista] saith our Text. For though Garrisons and walled Towns, Villa & Op∣pida murata] be more chargeable, for that they maintain Garrisons to defend them, and discipline in them is very strict, because it is in view of all the Inhabitants, whose clamour would have audience if it were deserved; yet is that charge ten thousand times recompenced in the security they have that dwell in them, which is the reason that in all places, set England aside, no security is almost out of Cities and Towns, fellows to them, there being not onely a force in Walls to deny access to Spoilers, but a kinde of charm, which languages the rude approachers to beware of Sacriledge in vi∣olating them: In municipiis Muros esse sanctos, is Marcianus's his rule, lib. 4. Re∣gularum; concerning Muri and the Notions of them, consult Turnebus his excellent learning, which I quote onely to avoid prolixity, though the use of Walls is from the very instance in consideration very important, since these Walls do not onely keep off the trouble, charge, and danger of Souldiers Quarterings, but the often passes and re∣passes of them; for so the Text sayes, Quae non semel aut bis in anno haec nephanda pressura gravatur, but very often is thus vexed and impoverished; so that they are not plagues for a day and away, but at all times, so often as they please: and this adds to the misery.

Praeterea non patitur Rex quenquam Regni sui salem emere, quem non emat ab ipso Rege, pretio ejus solum arbitrio assesso.

This Royal Monopoly of Salt is that which is one of the Mines of the French Crown's Revenue; and though our Text count it a part of the smart misery of the there peo∣ple to buy so necessary a thing as salt is, which they cannot be without, any more al∣most then they can without water, fire, or air; yet truely propriety being the mea∣sure of the value of things (provided the price assessed, though it be proprio arbitrio, yet if it be in any degree moderate) 'tis damnum sine injuria to the people, since the King may as well make the most of his own as private men; though I think seldom Princes so do, though their Farmers and those that officiate for them, grinding the people to enrich themselves, draw much murmure of the oppressed people upon their Principals: for so unhappy are Princes, that offend who will under pretext of their authority, and by colour of their service, the distaste and odium of them is apportioned to Princes, which is a good caution to Princes not to crush their shoulders and crimple the sup∣ports of their usefull lives with such super additions (to the unavoidable care of their proper offices) as arise from mal-administration of men in place under them, Let every back bear its own burthen, which I purposely here insert, not onely, as it is just, to vindicate the right of Royal Commodities, as Salt in France is; but to remember the fatality of this Artifice of popular tumult upon the pretext of oppression by evil Coun∣sellours and Instruments, towards the best of men and Kings his Contemporaries, St. Charles, who so heavily complains of them, that his words are, If I had not mine own innocency and God's protection, it were hard for me to stand out against those Stratagems and Conflicts of malice, which by falsities seek to oppress the truth, and by jealousies to supply the defect of real causes, which might seem to justifie such unjust engagements a∣gainst me, so He. This premised, I proceed to discourse of this the French King's re∣straint of Salt to any but such as buy it of him; and the reason is, because it is the King's commodity. Brechaeus, that learned French-man, tells us, that it has been the perquisite of Regality, and that which Magistracy has taken as its Revenue in ancient times, among the Romans alwayes; and thence in those Countries which were fra∣ctions of it, and took pattern according to the proportion of their parts to its whole,

to retain their necessary usages amongst them. This then of Salt, one of the great ne∣cessaries to li••e, I shall not write of at large, but referr the Reader to the Authours in the Margent; onely let me minde the Reader, that this Sal here, is not that Sal metallicum, id est, fossitium, which Strabo lib. 5. calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and(a) Pliny, (b) Dioscorides, and (c) Varro mention, and of which I think I may with learned men con∣clude, that not onely Absolom's Pillar was made of, but also Let's wives figure, as the solid body that in the perennity of its con∣sistence would eternize the memory of their sins and punishments. No such Salt is the King of France's commodity here, but that Salt which the Wiseman saith, Salt savoureth every thing; that which not onely our Lord hints of its conservating quality in that allusion to discretion, the steerage of the con∣versation from danger and disgrace, Have salt in your selves and be at peace one with another; but that Salt which is the relish of every Palate, and makes good every cru∣dity, which the Ancients apprehending under the name of Salt and Wood, comprehended all necessaries to a charitable entertainment: so that though many things to the celebrity of a Court-feast may be wanting, yet where bread, beere, fire, and salt is, there is no lack of the integralls of Meals, and those not ony subsidiary to life, but whol∣some to promote the comfort of it, being in some measure there. And therefore the universal requiry of Salt enhaunces the quantity that is vented and the price of it, especially where it being in the sale no general commodity, by occasion of which, one underselling another, the buyer has the more choice to deal with men, either as their good humour and necessities do render them more tractable, or to forbear them when the contrary; but in one hand, who either must be pleased in the price, or the accommodation cannot be had. This being the state of Salt in France, the Text complains of it as a sore curb to the Natives; for it is prized solo Regis arbitrio, and at such Rates (though Merchants may chuse to buy it to transport, for buy it they will not but at such a rate as they can get by exporting it) yet the eaters and users on the terra firma must; and by this he does so Orbem [Gallicum] Sale defricare, as the speech in Turnebus is, That he by his Salt at his own price dreyns away the bloud of their purses, and so does in a kinde, as of old was wont though in another manner, consecrate by the Salt his Table of Royal plenty and riches, which he supports his Imperial Charges in a good part with. For though he has other vast incomes, yet this of Salt is not the least; and therefore in that he has it, and that for so mighty a people, and that in such a measure as he may set his own rate, it is a very great Prerogative; which, since it must be in one hand, is fittest to be in the best and most charitable one, who like Meroveus, the quondam Governour of France, ruled so, That in ten years be omitted not one hour to do well; for Princes, as they have opportunities, so have spirits sutable thereto, and though private men may be narrow and make the utmost they can of what they have, yet they, out of their greatness of minde, love to be boun∣tifull, and in so doing deserve not the complaints that otherwise would arise upon enhauncing. For as it would seem too hard a pressure on Subjects to make them pay a rate for their breath, light and water, so some make it hard to put such a gabell upon Salt; yet, as I said before, it has been very anciently laid not onely on the Roman and other Government's Subjects, but even in France. And though this Sa∣lique Law has excluded the Subjects from the Merchandise of Salt any otherwise but by buying it of the King, as well as the other Sa∣lique Law has Females from that Crown; yet there being a vast Re∣venue (reckoned at least to 700000 Crowns a year coming to the Crown by it;) and being a continuance of a long time in the Crown, the Nation findes no burden of it, but grows rich notwithstanding it. For Princes do let and sell good pennyworths, and if their Subjects are pinched, 'tis by their Ministers avarices which cannot be avoided, not their desires to sell to the utmost value; for some they must trust, and if they chuse the wiselyest they can, yet they may be de∣ceived, Opportunity often making the thief, and then their being deceived is more their misfortune, then their sin or mis-government. And therefore the Subjects of France

are no more displeased at this, then the Egyptians were with Ioseph's store of Corn, which, though it bought out the Land to King Pharaoh, yet rescued them that sold it from famine and perishing. For though this Salt raise a vast summ of money, yet it thereby defends the people from rebellion and invasion; because it maintains an Army that suppresses the one and advances boldly to refuse the other. 'Tis true, I confess, there is no comfort in being hanged on a golden Tree, no more then for a Virgin to be stu∣prated by a beauteous person. If ruined a Subject must be, whether it be by Princes or others, men account it ruine and welcome it not; but yet in things beneath ruine, in shortnings and abbreviations of life, for particulars to suffer them to the accommo∣dation of the generalty, is very endurable; for time and use wears out those prints of regret, that upon the first example and introduction of unwonted things, were fixed in the mindes of men against them. The twelve Peers of France were wondred at, when first instituted by Charlemaigne to make his voyage in the Warrs with Spain more honourable in shew; yet ever since they continuing, are counted the Nobilities sta∣biliment and the allowed heigth of their honour. This imposition on Salt grew up first under the Warrs between Philip of Valois King of France, and our King Edward; the French King being in want of money made a Decree, That no man, of what degree soever, should sell or buy Salt but from his Granaries, which he set up (seising all Salt in every Proprietors hand, and giving them a reasonable price for it) which done, he set what price he thought good upon it, and made every one at his stated price buy ac∣cording to the proportion of his family; and from that time ever downward. This then taken up on that necessity, has been kept up, Ingeniosum profecto inventum (saith Gaguin) quo nemo à tributo liber esset, & unde ingens Regibus pecunia quotannis venit; yet time has made this Gabell natural to the French Subjects, as Tunnage and Poundage is here. For though, saith Sir E. Cock, that were given to H. 5. but during his life in respect of his recovery of his right in France, and there was a Proviso in the Act, that the King should not make a Graunt thereof to any person, nor that it should be any President for hereafter: yet it continued all the Kings times after, and all of them enjoyed it, which confirms, That time makes that pleasing which at first was not so. And so, though for the French to purchase Salt at the King's rate were at the first hard and disgustfull, yet use has made the Nation perfect in the custome and way of so doing; that onely which argues the rigour of it is, that the Subjects must not onely pay the King's rate for the Salt they buy, but must buy such a proportion as the bodies of the persons in his family, are by the King's Commissioners computed to spend, so sayes our Text.

Et si insulsum pauper quivis mavult edere, quam sal excessivo pretio comparare, mox compellitur ille tantum de sale Regis ad ejus pretium emere, quantum congruet tot personis, quot ipse in domo sua fovet.

Indeed this is hard, that a poor soul, that must (through necessity) want much accom∣modation, because money that fetches it, is short with him, that yet such a miserable wretch (rich in nothing but children, wants, and vermine) should be compelled to take Salt, which perhaps he would shift without, or to such a proportion onely as his money will reach to, (other things being considered also, which are as much or more concerning to him) beyond his ability, is very irksome and certainly offensive to God, because an op∣pression to the poor, whom God leaves in the world as objects of charity and exercises of our gratitude to him, between us and whom he onely has made the difference. Yet is not this so strict as true, that it is the condition of all parts of France, the pressure whereof none feel but they that are least pityed by greatness, and least able to relieve themselves against the burdens of it. But poor Wretch that the Peasant is, he has no remedy, but to commit his cause to God the onely helpfull Patron of distressed Subjects, and unless he turn the heart of a Prince and make his bowells yern to his poor Vas∣sals, there is no remedy but patience; Better suffer any misery and diminution then sin against the Law of Dominion and the fidelity of Subjection. This is the safest way to a good life and death; though certainly they have other Principles whose spirits rise up against Governours, whose accounts being onely makeable to God, are not to be que∣stioned by men any further then the Lawes of Nations allow, and the limitations of Religion expound those allowances; my Prayer being ever, That God would season

all good Subjects with that piety of resolution, that they may make them love and obey, more then fear and be in awe of their Prince; for love makes loyal, when hatred and dread is the preparation to treachery and revolt. He said well that avowed his own experience of God's work on his gracious soul, I had rather prevent my peoples ruine then rule over them, nor am I so ambitious of that dominion, which is but my right, as of their happiness, if it could expiate or countenance such a way of obtaining it by the highest injuries of Sub∣jects committed against their Sovereign, thus the Oracle of English Monarchs.

Insuper omnes Regni illius incolae, dant omni anno Regi suo quartam partem omnium vinorum quae sibi accrescunt.

This is a further addition to the Revenue of that King, which though some may cen∣sure for Mala vicinia to the precedent salsuginosa vicinia; yet truely I know not how to think other, but that it is a reserve of the Crown on all the Vineyards, which were originally derived from it: and then 'tis no more a levy on his Subjects, then Rent is Tax on a Tenant, or Tithes on the Occupier of ground. Yet in as much as our Text-Master, who lived long there, referrs it to a badge of servitude and villenage ac∣cording to the old rule, Quicquid acquiritur servo, acquiritur domino ejusdem servi, seems to be more then ordinarily worthy notice; for in our Chancellour's time this fourth part de Claro, of the growth of Vines, was in effect, reckoning the charge of Tillage and gathering, the third: and Cassanaeus adding another imposition of the eighth part, de vino venali, then the fourth part of the growth in kinde, and the eighth part of the value in price, brings the best part of the profit of Vineyards unto the Crown: for as all persous are bound to yield it the fourth part of their growth with∣out diminution, so are they every where to give it without exception.

Et omnis Caupo, quartum denarium pretium vinorum quae ipse vendidit.

This Caupo the Translator terms a Vintner, because such are with us the great sellers of wine; and of these is there a wealthy Corpo∣ration in London. Yet Caupo in the Law signifies so much as a∣mounts to an Ordinary, where men eat, drink, and lodge, but not their horses; which differs from a Tavern, in that therein men eat and drink onely and not lodge, it being a Tippling-house for a pass, and so the lawfull residence in it onely for the day: though Bre∣chaeus takes it otherwise, Caupo mercedem accipit, ut Viatores in Caupona manere patiatur, stabularius ut permittat apud eum jumen∣ta stabulari; yet our Text restrains Caupo to an house of enter∣tainment, an Hostlery as in France they call them, which though the Statutes of 15 R. 2. c. 8. 4 H. 4. c. 25.21 H. 8. c. 21. so calling, understand Inns for beasts re∣ceipt as well as mens: yet the Text primarily respects them as selling wine for mens drinking. But I take Caupo to be more general, and to extend to any kinde of nego∣tiatour, as cauponari to any kinde of dealing; for it being Sier to Cupedia, which re∣ferrs to lautiora esculenta venalia, takes in all kinde of dealing for things, which the Greeks render by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: thus Ennius uses cauponari bellum, which he borrows from Aeschilus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and Philostratus thus tells us Apollonius Ty∣anaeus wrote an Epistle 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to the Corn-Merchants; and in ¶ another place, when he writes of the toyl and moyl of callings, he sayes, There is no greater a sla∣very in the world, then your Merchants by sea and land have, who do not onely keep Faires in all weathers, and notwithstanding all hazards; but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but keep so with comers and goers in those publick houses, that they are ever bibbing, and buying or selling in them, which he reckoned desamatory. For the An∣cients made Lawes again Tavern-keepers, as persons infamous and not admittable to Magistracy; yea, in as much as the keepers of them were to receive all comers and minister to all their wants (which worthy people would not conforme to doe.) Of old those that kept such houses were counted E face plebis, no better, as we say, then they should be, under which reproach Rahab went, and was therefore called The Har∣lot; and our Lord is thought to be disgracefully alluded to in that scandalous taunt of

the Pharisees, A Wine bibber, a friend of Publicans and sinners. This then is the large notion of Caupo, which the Text Master restrains here, not to limit its verbal latitude, but to reach the sense of his purpose in the Quotation; That every publick house and merryment in it, payes a duty to the publick charge, and that being the fourth part of the price, comes surely to a vast Revenue.

Et ultra haec, omnes Villae & Burgi solvunt' Regi annuatim ingentes summas super eos assessas, pro stipendiis hominum ad arma.

Concerning Vills, see the Notes on the 29^th. Chapter. That which their mention here intends, is to notifie, that as the open Country-dweller payes in his spoyle by the Army, so the immured ones answer in taxes; and these, as they are annual, so are they not light and easie, but heavy and hard. Ingentes summas] not onely great but wonderous summs, such as exceed almost numeration; for Ingens is a word of capa∣city, and has a kinde of latitudinary vastness in it, Ingens Moles, ingens Exercitus, ingentes Colossi, and Populi ingentes, are frequent in Authours: yea every thing that is notorious and prodigiously wonderfull is termed by it. Virgil tells us of ingenti a∣more perculsus, and Pliny of ingens animus, fortis, magnus & constans, and Livy of ••ura ingentes, ingentes gratias, clamores, bellae, and ingentis nominis Rex; these things set forth the concurrence of Authours with our Text to express extraordinary Taxes by ingentes summas. And sure such they must needs be, for France is a Country that has 23 vast Provinces, and every Vill and Town in them being yearly assessed, the summe total of such Provents must be exarithmetique; yet so insatiable is the minde of some Princes as well as meaner men, that they think they never have enough, though they force men to digg upon the Rock, as he told Pyfistratus the Athenian Ty∣rant, where nothing but toyl and grief is to be expected, and yet must it be done to pay his Masters imposition upon him, although the end of such levyes be not prose∣cuted, but the Subject preyed upon by the Army he payes, as if it were forces of Enemies: for the Text sayes, the taxes are levyed Pro stipendiis hominum aed Arma] but in truth they have least of it, which causes the following words, that the Armata Regis, qua quam magna semper est, &c.] That the Royal Army which is great is griev∣ous also, making little difference between taking all in an enemyes Country, and leav∣ing none in their own Country: and this makes the condition of France sad, that men must pay to support an Army, and yet, by that Army they contribute to, be eaten up and totally ruined. Yet this is the misery of Armies, that they are not onely charge∣able but insolent and cruel, and are armed such to be and not to be refused, because they come into Countries all over prepared for commands and terrour. Armata] (a) Tully points out to this sense of armata] Armatos si Latine loqui volumus, quos appellare vere possumus, ••pinor cos qui scutis telisque parati ornatique sunt, and in an∣other place he speaks of one incredibili armatus audaciâ, and Silius mentions, Armata dalis mens, and armatum fide pictus: so that the Army of the King being potent and poor, and being not paid their wages, are forced to either spoile or starve. And hun∣ger breaking through stone Walls, and necessity forcing to what (but for it, is exe∣crable and not the choice of men) the French Subject is hardly dealt with, who payes money for his security, yet is quartered upon by the Souldiers; yea and that in Vills and Burroughs, such an animosity is there in the Nobless against Corporations, and the Inhabitants of them, that they can neither bear their thrift, nor forbear borrow∣ing of them when thrifty they are and can lend. Yea it sometimes happens that the huffs of greatness better endure detriment to Nations, then take reparations by the help of Citizens and Burgesses of Vills and Cities. There is a famous story confirm∣ing this in Walsingham: In the time of Richard the Second there was one Mexer a Scotch man infested our, Coast so boldly, that no Ship could stir to and fro but it was snapped; the Admiral of England that then was cared for none of these things, so true a Gallio he was in neglect of his duty, that the Subjects were afraid to trade, and merchandise grew scarce and dear: yea the Pirat braved so by his successes, that he said, He would surprise England ere long. When no spirit in the Nation rose to the suppression of this mischief, Sir Iohn Philpot a Citizen of London, and a man of great wit and wealth, pitying his native Country (so nosed by a bold enemy, and neglected

by heedless Ministers of State) resolved with himself to clear the Seas of this Cormorant, and to secure his Country-men and their Vessels from his rapacious clutches, There∣upon de propria pecunia conduxit mille armatos, &c. he raised a thousand men at his own charge, and with them set upon the Pirat, and not onely took his prizes, but him the Arch∣Pirat also; which action, though it had the acclamation of the Commons, yet brought him no favour with the great men: for Sir Iohn Philpot was summoned before the Lords, and told, he was too blame so to do, Ac si non licuisset benefacere Regi & Regno sine consilio Comitum & Baronum, saith the Historian. Patiently he bore the several censures of his Judges, till overcharged with the tartness of the Lord Stafford, who rating him more then he thought became him, was by Sir Iohn stoutly replyed upon to this purpose, That he, not moved with pride or ambition, but with pity on their sloth and his Nations dishonour, undertook the enterprise; and that what he had at his own charge done, was so farr from deserving displeasure, that he hoped it was an acceptable work to God and his Country-men: and that his Lordship ought rather to commend his zeal to his Country, then blazon it as a demerit of it, which reply did so daunt that Lord, that he had not a word to say, thus the Story; which I note, because it often falls out, that Great-men think nothing worthy or acceptable, that comes from a hand they like not; (as seldom do the haughty of the Nobles and Gentry, Cities or Citizens, though de∣scended of Noble and Knightly Families;) who, though they will seek Portions with Wives in Citizens Daughters (and were it not for London, what Mine of that kinde would they finde in England, as meanly as they think of it) yet are too often detra∣cters from them, and utter phrases of disparagement to it, like that Marginal Note which my Walsingham has on this story in hand of Queen Elizabeth's time, A sawey Knave, Merchants answer to a Nobleman. But enough of this, onely 'tis pity Cor∣porations, that are Staples of Trade, should pay to avoid Quarterings on them, and yet be quartred upon: but this being the posture of things in our Chancellour's time of stay in France, occasions me to conclude, That all's fish that comes into the Soul∣diers Net. And since their Net, which heretofore caught the Nation, is broken and we are escaped; and our Governours are as at the first, and our Iudges as at the beginning, as the forequoted Scripture expresses the happiness of a restored people; how much be∣comes it us all to sacrifice to God (in the advancement of his glory and the gratitude of our reformed lives) the first and fatlings of our serenity and order. For what Bocerus writes of Armies and Souldiers is most true, All the good they doe (necessity of Rebellion and Invasion excepted) is toleration of all Religions to gratifie the parties potent in them, disturbance of set∣led order, decrease of good learning, dispossession of Subjects of their houses, lands, vineyards, and accommodations, impedement of hus∣bandry, trade, navigation, destruction of buildings, murthers of men, and waste of cattel and wealth; for the souldier qua such does more in∣tend his spoile and pay then examine the cause; and caring not for any thing beyond returning home rich when he shall be discharged, studies no civility to the Country he is a stranger to and a temporary Con∣querour of, thus Bocerus. From the danger of this then (God be thanked) England being delivered, we have a mercy beyond the Subjects of France; wherein, though there is no enemy, there is notwithstanding an Army, which does quarter on the peo∣ple shrewdly, so it follows.

Et ultra haec, quaelibet Villa semper sustinet duos sagittarios ad minus, & aliqua pl••res, in omni apparatu.

Still more and more charge, belike France is all Gold and Gold's worth, not one∣ly the fourth part of the Grapes, and a penny on the Quart for wine sold, taxes raised yearly on Vills and Burroughs, free-quartring on the Peasants who live in the open Countrey; but also besides all these, every Town and Ville is bound to maintain at their own charge two Archers at least, and some more, every way compleat, in all manner and equipage of Warr: this will amount to a mighty Army. Consider then if we doe, France to be in length 660 Italian Miles, in breadth 570, in circumference 2040, its 23 great Provinces, that contain in Parish-Priests of the Clergy, who yet are but a small part of the men, yet are in number said to be 130000, other Mini∣sters

100000, 3 Archbishops, 104 Bishops, 1450 Abbyes, 540 Arch-Priories, 12••20 Priories, 567 Nunneries, 700 Convents of Fryers, 259 Commanderies of Malta, 27400 Parish Churches, in which are computed 15 Millions of people. I say, France so vast in circuit and numerous in people, having perhaps as many Vills and Burroughs as Egypt had Cities in Amasis his time, which Budaeus sayes, were 20000: if at 14 thousand of them 2 comes to 28000 Archers; and 6000 at 3 a Ville is 18 thousand more. I say, these thus computed make a very vast Army of Archers, and those are no mean Artillery but of great terrour and execution. Antiquity thought so of them, for besides that the Asiatique Nations and the Indians to this day use them, the Romans and Germans had much esteem of them. Tully numbers Ar∣chers among the Magna tormentorum copia, multis Sagittariis, multo labore, &c. and ¶ Tacitus reports the Germans to Asperare sagittas ••ffibus, and Quintilian tells us of Armatus sagittis & face; and Ovid, though he want only uses the phrase Nudis sa∣gittis uti ad bella, yet alludes to the customs of Warrs, to have Arrows in a readiness, when the wolf of an enemy was before them, this dogg of Arrows was behinde hang∣ing at their backs, ready to fix them. For as Arrows are an Engine of Warr, doing execution without noise and at distance, so are they very fatal in their galls to Horses, and their injuries to foot-souldiers, which made Moses, who was mighty in word and deed, compose his Army much of Archers and Darters, if Philo's Authority be Ca∣non in the case; for he sayes, he had 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which are often as po∣tent to force an enemy from his station, as that Persian money named Sagittarius, was, to force Agesilaus out of Asia, when the King of Persia by Timocrates gave him thirty thousand of them to have his Room rather then his Company. The Archers then of our Text are such as doe, though they doe not Venenatas emittere sagittaes (as some barbarous Nations used, to cure the ill consequence of which Pliny tells us, men studied Remedies) yet doe Vulniferas emittere sagittas, and such as brings men in potentia proxima, by mayhem to death. Thus Saint Bernard tells us allusively, that God has three great sorts of Arrows to wound the hairy-scalp of wickedness, loss of fortunes, Corporal disquiet, and Infernall torments, and that there are but three defences against them, Calm fear, Devout love, and Virtuous wisdom, by which they will be frustrated. And certainly as heed to, and provision for the evil day afore it comes, is the way to conquer the terrour and despoyl the triumph of it when it comes; so to be unprepared for and negligent of it, is not onely to yield the breast of life and happiness to the fury of Arrows of enmity, and to court a foe, in me convertite ferrum, but cloggs the disconsolacy and shame of such advantage and insult, with reproach of asnery. And therefore our Nation, who ever found great advantage by Archers and Arrows, Not onely by many notable acts and discomfitures of Warr against the Infidels and others, but subdued and reduced divers and many Regions and Countries to their due obey sance, to the great honour, fame, and surety of this Realm and Subjects, and to the terrible dread and fear of all strange Nations, they are the words of the Statute. 33 H. 8. c. 9. enjoynes Archery to be maintained; so did, before 3 H. 8.3. 6 H. 8. c. 2. which, though they are repealed by the 33 forementioned, yet stand good as to the approba∣tion of Archery therein directed. And this the Text noting as a piece of the wisdom of the French (who has often been defeated and galled by our Archers and their Vollies of Arrows, as at Hambout in Edward the Third's time under the Lord Mannyes con∣duct, after at Abvile and Saint Requier, after at the battells of Poictiers, Aulroy, A∣gincourt, in the expedition of the Lord D. Awbeny and Earl Morley against the French in Henry the Sevenths time) finding the use and consequence of them, array their Na∣tion with them; though I read of no great execution that they have done by them, but yet they do continue the exaction of Archers from every Vill and Burrough, which doth finde duos ad minus sagittarios, & aliqui plures.

In omni apparatu & habilimentis sufficientibus ad serviendum Regi in guerris suis.

This comes in to shew, that not onely the bare Archers are to be found, but them set forth to, and furnished for performance in the warr; For omnis apparatus signifies a good cloathing and arraying, as an Archer should be, with Bowes, Arrowes of all sorts, Files, Whetstones, Gloves, Bracers, Bow-strings, Sword, and all things else

that to Archery appertaineth: apparatus signifying not onely the furnishing it self, but the preparation to it, training up to the exercise, and this added to the former, makes compleat apparature: Thus Tully defines apparatus homo, and instructa & appara∣ta domus omnibus rebus, as much as ornata, so that every thing that is deficient of the perfection of its kinde, being said à magnificientia generis recedere. This apparatus be∣ing the triumph over that mutilation, is that which is understood the compleatness of it, which because in matters of warr to have all necessaries to carry on our underta∣king to its full execution, do become a Souldier. Habiliments of all sorts are necessary, and 'tis said, Cum habilimentis sufficientibus, whereby is meant, according to the French Habiliments notation, aptly, strongly, cunningly, and with good decorum; and this to be enabled by good setting forth to do, is cum Habilimentis sufficientibus, (as the Texts words are) worthy the Kings service in his warrs.

In Guerris suis.] A word made Latin from the French Guerre, which signifies pri∣marily intestine dissention and contest, a thing frequent in France, but is used largely for any Military encounter; so Walsingham expresses it, and thence the word Warr which is of the same latitude: For wars being the Kings to begin and end, as to him in his Majestick consideration seems meet, those that are to assist him by tenure and roll are so to do in France, when ever his Army is in motion, and his Royal Orders to sum∣mon them to their Quarters; which Quoties libet eos summonere] is a very vast power in that King, and those People willingest submit to, and with least regret bear, who live in the times of such as Lewis the twelfth was, whom Histories publish to be good to his subjects, and alwayes studied to ease them; for he raised many Armies of Horse and Foot without the oppression of his People by new impositions, which made his subjects often and freely grant him increase of Subsidies to supply his forein and domestick affairs, yet would he not allow of those impositions, desiring rather to cut off the expences of his own Per∣son and Houshold to save his People from oppression and spoyle: Thus noble was King Lewis, who, though he had all he pleased of his subjects in vassalage to him, and could mow the faire Meadow of France by the sithe of his Power as often as he pleased, and that to such a proportion as should shave, rather then only sheare the fleece of his sub∣jects: yet amidst all these temptations, he employed not his Power to burthen and pinch them, but knowing God his Chief, knew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, what was white or black, good or evil in him, would accordingly reward or punish it. I say, under such a Prince no latitude of power is too great, because God gives him power over his temptation, and thereby secures them that otherwise he could annoy: but when Prin∣ces of other temper, whose will is the Law, (when it wills nothing consenting with the Law of God, Nations, Reason and Religion) are in power, then full sad is the case of Sub∣jects, & full dismall the accounts those Princes have to make to God for terrifying their quiet and patient people, and burthening their contented backs beyond measure, and the proportion of necessity: which Lewis the eleventh King of France in a high mea∣sure practicing, and rejoycing in nothing more then to tyrannize, did feel repaid him in the dreadfull terrours of his sick and death bed; for when he began to decline, he was a terrour to himself, hating and mistrusting every one, (not his own son and son-in-law, his daughter, Nobles, Courtiers, Commanders, excepted) but prosecuted them all with jealousies, onely Iames Cortiera, a Burgundian Physitian, he trusts, and was so desirous to live, that to draw forth Cottiera's utmost skill to save him, he gave him 10000 Crowns a Month, and what Lands and Offices for himself and his friends he would demand, his Nephew he made Bishop of Amiens; In short, so he would but prolong his life, he was contented he should command his Crown and Scepter: after this, being fearfull of death, he sends for Francis the pious Hermite of Calabria, falls down upon his knees before him, desiring him to prolong his life: he causes the holy Reliques to be brought from Rheimes, Paris, and Rome, and by them standing by him, hoped to preserve his life; and when all the Divines about him, told him he could not escape death, but was to prepare for the entertainment of it, all he sayes is, I had hope that God would help me, but God knew he little deserved it, for though he took the poli∣tickest course he could to have his cruelty in Government concealed, setting up his Statue in his life time, with his knees bended, and his hands joyned together and lifted up as a devotionary, and this he did to prevent the effigiation of himself when dead,

as the manner is, with both his hands downwards, to signifie those that did in utroque male administrare; yet by this did he not avoid the severe Character of Historians: for miserable Prince as he was, God was not near in the comforts of adversity, the pro∣sperity of whom was not only an estrangement from, but an enmity against God. Much good may Honours do them that buy them so dear as some great men, whose will is the Law, often doe: so did the French Queen Katharine, who to establish her Regency after Henry the Second, found no better means then to abolish the fundamentall Lawes, the order of the Realm, the priviledge of the Princes of the bloud, the authority of the ge∣neral Estates, and the Prerogative of the Parliaments. O surely 'tis a shrewd grief to un∣dergoe the cross purposes Princes affairs are ruled by. Philip the Fair would needs raise impositions of ten Deniers on every livre in Merchandises and Wares, the people in Picards, Normandy, Orleans, Lyons, and other places flew into such sedition that they made his life a trouble to him. And in Charles the Sixth's time, by reason of high Government, it came to that pass, that his very Servants banded against him, his Counsell plotted his ruine, and the chief Controulers of his actions were the Princes of the bloud. These, These, are the miseries of Governments depending on will, which is such a wilde thing, if not bounded by God who onely can keep it from the hour of tem∣ptation and miscarriage, that there is nothing more fatall (except Hell) then it is; nay, it is that which makes the Hell of torment. This boundless Will in the dangerous ef∣fects of it, is the cause of that His non ponderatis, which produces Tallagia alia, &c. to the ruin and grief of subjects; for when Greatness is set upon the carier, and will go on non obstante Religion and Justice: O then 'tis nothing but God can remora it. Saint Clovis, the Founder of the Gallique Greatness, is storyed to commence his At∣chievements after a method very dreadfull; He slew all his Kinsmen that their Princi∣palities might come to him and his Race, he spoiled men prodigeously of their goods, he seised and slew Chararie and his son, condemning them (as they were polling) to be put into a Monastery; the son seeing the father weep bitterly said, These green branches will grow again, for the Stock is not dead, but God will suffer him to perish that causeth them to be cut off; which speech Clovis hearing of, said, They complain for the loss of their haire, let their heads be cut off, and slain they were. Add to this his Con∣spiracy with the servants of Raguachair, and when they had brought Raguachair bound into his presence, he reviles him for unworthy the bloud of Merovee thus to suffer himself to be bound; and when those that he hired to binde him came for their re∣ward, he reproached them with Avaunt Traytors, Is't not enough that I suffer you to live, I love the Treason but I hate the Traytor: these and sundry the like which Gregory of Tours charges on him, make him a most grievous sinner though a great King, and the more grievous because so great a Personage. All these confirm, that Oppression proceeds from unlimited Wills. When Princes give way to vage desire, they bound no where, but think what they have too little, when what they would have, is farr further too much. Alas, What would the French Monarch have more then he has, who has all his Subjects have? Enlarge his Revenues he would, but to what proportion he knows not himself, nor doe his Subjects: Lewis the Eleventh advanced the Revenue of France one Million and half of Crowns; Francis the First doubled that Advance; his Suc∣cessour Henry the Second doubled the first double; Charles the Ninth added to the six Millions a seventh; Henry the Third brought the seven to ten Millions, and after to fifteen; in Henry the Fourths time the Treasurer of the Duke of Mayenn said that his Master had more improved the Revenues of the Crown of France then any King had done before him, advancing it from two to five Millions Sterling, and yet not a tenth part come clearly to the King's Revenue, the Crown having 30000 Officers to gather its Revenue. These and the like unhappinesses of our natures in heigth of fortune, argue Princes as men in danger, and Subjects under the ill Aspects of that Greatness, not happy, but as the Text's words are, Lacessita Plebs calamitatibus in miseria non minima vivere.

His & ae•• iis calamitatibus Plebs illae lacessita in miseria non minima vivit.

These forementioned and others equivalent Oppressions, he calls Calamitates, to set forth the inevitable and fatal nature of them: for Calamitas is properly the violent

beating down of Corn or other vegetables by Winde, Hail, Rain, or other Tempest. Theophrastus to shew the demolishing nature of it, renders it by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that which causes pain in the fracture of a bone. From this Calamitas comes clades, which originally is Surculorum contritio, and so Calamitas calamorum is taken for Strages stratarum arborum; here it imports such affliction and sorrow of streight as men in love have, and as those that we say are at their Witts end, that know not which way to bestirr themselves. Lacessita Injuriis] Made mad by oppression, as the phrase is; thus Lacessere aliquem ad pugnam & bellum is To provoke to battel, and Sermones lacessere To provoke talk; and when Silius sayes the Bull does rupes lacessere, he relates to the Bulls madness, which will butt his rage against the hard Rock; and Turnebus when he reproaches intemperate men, sayes, they do Mortem lacessere; and I remember ¶ Walsingham writing of Pierce Gaveston sayes, he did Lacessere insolentiis Regni Nobiles, &c. He provoked by his inso∣lencies the Nobles of England, till they took his head off, and therein taught him m••re wit then to provoke honour and valour. By then this clause, Lacessita plebs in miseria non minima vivit] the Chancellour does not onely mean they are kept short, as those pastures are that are overlaid, but so afflicted as those are that have craving bellies, and no food or money to buy it. This Cominaeus in other words sets out to the life, France he tells us was before and in Charles the Sevenths time twenty years afflicted with grievous exactions, which Lewis his son encreased upon them (as if he had fullfilled that commination that God threatned in that scourge of his, That should eat the fruit of the cattel and the fruit of the land until the people be de∣stroyed, who also shall not leave Corn, Wine, or Oyl, or the encrease of the Kine, or flocks of the Sheep, untill they have destroyed them;) for so immane was he, that my Au∣thour sayes, It was amiserable thing to consider the extremities his cruelty forced people to: which makes me often to minde my self and all my Countrymen to be thankfull to God for his mercy in our good Princes and good Lawes, which do not onely give us freedom and security with full consent, but deny the contrary upon pious and poli∣tick grounds. For as England has ever had more Parkes and Chases in it then any part of the world no larger then it, ever had or has; so has it had more in number and virtue Pious and Mercifull Princes then any Nation of the Christian World ever has had; which is the reason the Lawes and they, have so well agreed to bless their people with riches, freedom, and co-operation in Government under them, that I may (under favour of the great and noble State-Oracle, the now Lord Chancellour of England) use his words very seasonably here, when speaking of our most dear and beloved Sovereign he sayes, He hath not yet given us, or have we felt any other in∣stance of his Greatness and Power and Superiority and Dominion over us, nisi aut leva∣tione periculi aut accessione dignitatis, by giving us peace, honour, and security, which we could not have without him, by desiring nothing for himself but what is as good for us as for himself, thus that Reverend and Honourable Sage; which makes me re∣assume my former Magnification of the Government of England, in which there is no slave, no Subject so vile and vulgar who can say he is lacessitus, or does live in mi∣sery through the oppression of his Prince and the Lawes; but according to the thrift he expresses, and the blessing of God on it, lives in the enjoyment of what they ac∣quire to him. Which not being the happiness of the people of France, they are said in our Text to live In non minima miseria; because, though they are in continuall facti∣ons, according to that which Caesar wrote long since of them, and Budaus does not deny, In Gallia, non solum in omnibus Civitatibus, atque in omnibus pagis, partibusque; sed pene etiam in singulis domibus factiones sunt, which is enough to; keep them misera∣ble; yet have enough whereon to support their lives and relations comfortably: yet is that they have, so charged, that the exhaustion from it leaves nothing theirs, but renders them so poor, That they doe hardly keep life and soul together, for the Text sayes Aquain quotidie bibit] As in the foregoing instances, the fortunes and estates of the Peasants were charged, so as thence to render them poor in estate; so here is a particularization of that which is in a sort afflictive of their bodies, while, though they have wine and appetites to drink it, their expences be so enlarged by their taxes, that they are fain to spare every luxuriancy to answer them▪ and for that cause, while they sell

their wine they drink water, and that not onely sometimes for pleasure or medicine, but quotidie, as often as they eat their bread, day by day. Now this water-drinking the Text makes a part of their misery, not as water is the Mother of liquors, and in some Countries, Seasons, and Cases excellently wholesome, being the natural drink of man and beast, and so a blessing and no injury; but as it is that, which in common account being cheap and chill, is improductive of such generous Spirits as lustier liquors generate; and as it is that which has such a mortifying operation upon nature, that it leaves the drinker dejected and sad, and denies Nature all the merry notes of her Musick and prankness. For thus Water understood amongst all Nations passes for a drink of meanness and want: hence that passage in the Prophet, wherein God alluding to the custome of Power to afflict perverse and facinorous Delinquents with a dungeon, and onely bread and water therein, sayes, Though the Lord give you the bread of adversity and water of affliction, yet it shall be well, intimating, that onely bread and water are the sup∣port of nature under adversity and affliction: so God's menacing Ierusalem's redu∣ction to short commons for abuse of her plenty, sayes, I will break the staff of bread in Ierusalem, and they shall eat bread by weight, and with care; and they shall drin••k water by measure and with astonishment. So that to drink water dayly, and that to save charges, and to be able by such denyal of themselves to gratifie the great levyes upon them, which they should be unable to disarrear if they did not so, is that which confirms their misery according to the allegation of the Text, Nec alium plebeii gu∣stant liquorem nisi in solennibus festis] Though water be most wholesome and the drink of epidemicalness, and though it does many good offices to nature, feeding it to no excess, engaging the intrals to no inflamation, though it impede corrosion and putrefaction, most of which injuries to nature are promoted by sophisticated wines, and other ill-compounded liquors, as well as by salt, crude, and indigested dyet; yet when water is become (in this sense) of a servant a Master, when it, from being serviceable to cleanlyness and to cookery of meat, advances to concorporate with men, and that to be the onely drink they must take down, then 'tis hard. Wa∣ter is thought cold comfort, welcome it is to Armies on their march, and to Shep∣herds for their flocks, and to Travellers on their plod, and to Garrisons in a siege, and to Prisoners in their Dungeons; but to men that labour hard and have Wines growing, yet must sell their wines to pay impositions and finde Souldiers dainties, while they themselves are forced to drink water, this is irksome. Yet the condition of France is such, that the poor Peasant is kept so short, that eat and drink coursely he must; which though some do in England, 'tis because of other accidents, not their im∣positions. But in France the Plebs drink water except onely Diebus Festis] These Dies festi or Holy daeyes I have written of in the Notes on the 24 Chapter, that which I add here, is to notifie the practice of Antiquity to indulge to these great dayes, and the solemnities of them, extraordinaries of all sorts, not onely cloaths and entertainments, but every other thing, the best where∣of then appeared; so Philo tells us the Iews did, and Turneb••s with Bud••ms out of the Roman Authours confirm. For though I know they had their (a) Dies Magui, besides these Festa; yet did they in these Festivals abound argento, veste, omni apparatu, ornatuque, as (b) Budaeus testifies: which entertainment of Festivals, as the Chri∣stian Church has ever retained, as is evident in the Councils, and as Polydor Virgil has made good: so also the custome of France is, that though the Plebs drink water ordinarily, yet on Holy-dayes they feed and drink better; their compotations are then, as larger and freer, so more cheary and spiritfull: then they tipple wine Cum Privilegio.

Froc••is sive Collobitis de canabo ad modum panni saccorum teguntur.

As their drink is water, so their garments mean, Frocks of Canvas made of Hemp. This Frock anciently was the habiliment of Monk••; so Matthew Paris tells us in the

life of Wolnoth, and so Ingulphus; not that I would have it mistaken as if these Frocks were that Vest we call the Candida Vestis or the Surplisse, but that Monastique Garment, which of brown and course linnen, or woollen hung down from the neck to the knees, and which now Porters in London wear and Horse-keepers: yea because they are worne also by Country Iobsons at this day, and denote servility, we have a phrase when we would express our anger to one under our power, I'll canvas his Iacket, or I'll canvas his Coat for him. This then of Canvas hangs over their close garments, which is in colour and nature much like our Barge-cloaths, either brown or of an hair-colour, good for weather and toyle; and this I my self have seen the Peasants of France. in, God knows, with wooden shoes and pitifull other accoutrements.

Ad modum panni sacculorum teguntur] Pannus is the general name for all that which is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, not onely honey, oyl, balsam, which keep the inward parts from waste and injury; but that hemp, flax, and cotton, which rising from the ground, cloth, though course yet warm for out-side covering, is made of. The Greeks call Pannus by 'P〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, saith Suidas. In∣deed Pannus is taken for cloathing of meanness, and things of meanness; so Paracel∣••us calls a blemish born with one, Pannus; Pliny stiles the tumour or swelling in the groyne by Pannus, and Turnebus tells us of pannaria mala; and Pannicularia in the ¶ Digest signifies rayment and things of small value, not above five Crowns, which a man carries with him into prison or the place of his death, so Vl∣pian uses pannicularia; and he that is rude and beggarly in habit, a ragshame or rakeshame is termed pannosus: so (a) Iustine tells us of a Military Feat that was done under disguise, Permutato Regis habitu pannosus sarmenta collo gerens, castra•• hostium ingreditur; and Saint (b) Bernard makes it A sanctification of poverty that our Lord hum∣bled himself to be Pannis involutus; thus for Panni. But the specifi∣cation is Saccorum] Saccus is one of the original words, that hold their own almost in all languages, in the Heb. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, whence the Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which is, to strain wine so exactly as we would count it worthy our drinking, and keep it choicely as men do Cordials; hence the best wine is called by Iulius Pollux 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and Theophrastus mentions 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which wine, called Sack, holds its own (as we say) for esteem even with us. From this custome of streining wine through these Sacks or sacking, which were called (c) Sacci Vinarii, we use to call every thing of linen or hair, that carries any value in it A Sack, A Sack of Corn, A Sack of money (for money-baggs are little Sacks.) Hence Religious men because their penitent souls are precious, and their natural sins by their sorrow is dreined from them, were prescribed to put on Sackcloath: from whence its grown the Livery of those Superstitionists, who, under the pretext of Sackcloth, carry on subtle projects. So then when Sackcloth is applyed to the poor French, 'tis to shew their poverty, which cannot exceed the meanest cloathing for their bravery.

Panno de lana praeterquam de vilissima, & hoc solum in tunicis subter Fr••ccas illas non utuntur.]

Cloth of hair they wear, but cloth of wool they wear not, or if they do, but that fort of it which is next door to hair, that is Doggs hair, as we sarcastically call course cloth. For since the nature of the French is confident and violent, necessity is on the King to humble them, if he will keep his high Government; and if humble them he will, it must be in all things, as well in cloaths, as meat, drink, and money. And this the Text asserts he does in that they are allowed no fine cloth to wear, for that is for fine fellows, Masters of Peasants; the rough and course remains of refuse Wools are for their Vests, and yet those not in view portending any value, nor in Garments of any capacity; but in their short Coats like Cassocks, In Tunicis suis subter Froccas.

Tunicae] most Authours agree to be the Cassock or Polonian Coats, a Garment close and warm, which though the Greeks, and we after them (for England was ever more like the grave then light Nations in habit and religion) used long; yet the French Peasants cut off, wearing it in the place of a doublet, it being loose and warm, plyant to the body in the labour and activity of it. Some derive Tunica, a corpore in∣duendo, others ab inducendo; because it is a garment drawn over not onely the body but also some other coverings of the body. Critique Authours dis∣course much of this Garment: in Turnebus we read of Tunica Ni∣lotis, Tunicae coloriae, Demissae tunicae, Manuleatae tunicae, Tunicae Russae: and it should seem that the Laticlavian Robe, which Sena∣tours had, was a Tunica; which, though not so long as womens trains, yet longer then the Military Coats, and was as the now Gowns Aldermen use, drawn over their other cloaths: so that Tunica understood for the exteriour and visible Garment, was ap∣plied to the externity of other things. The shell of a nut, Tunica nuclei; the skin or coat that covers the eye, which Anatomists make Cornea, uvea, vitrea, crystallina, this they called Oculorum tunica: that fatal Coat which Malefactors had of Pitch about them, when they went to be burned, was called Tunica molesta. In short, what the Text intends by Tunica is shortly uttered in that which is the Country-mans garbe with us, The short Coat; which, though our Yeomen and Farmers wear, as Gentlemen do under a wide and longer vest: yet the Peasants in France wear under their Frocks of Canvas or Sacking. And this is their abatement and the badge of their servitude being the Vests of Porters.

Neque caligis nisi ad genna disco-operto residuo tibiarum.]

This further argues their suppression and vility, that they go bare-foot, having neither hose nor shoes, but those of wood, or old ones, the refuse of our Nation tran∣sported thither. Now, as to be well shod as well as well clad was among the Romans and is amongst all Nations a sign of freedom and prosperity, so to be the contrary is a sign of extreme poverty. And therefore the French Peasants are kept so poor that they cannot afford to buy hosen to shelter their shin-bone (the Tibia here, which not onely gives strength but beauty to that flesh, which environing it, adorns and symmetrizeth the legg) but are fain to goe bare from the gartring, to which their breeches reach; and are so farr from great breeches (which are semi-pericoats, and the invents of effeminate wantons, who by affectation of them proclaim their lubricity, and what it is they are enamoured with) that they are glad they can purchase any thing that will tolerably cover their body, and defend the knee, where the motive vigour is, from cold and injury; which breeches so girt under the knee, may well be called Tibialia: as those other things were, which the Romans wore on that part armed with it, of which Suetonius writes, and of which to write more would be useless.

Mulieres etiam nudipedes sunt, exceptis diebus festis] This is a further degree of the poor Peasants misery, that not onely he himself must endure hardship, but even his wife and Daughter; women in fex must do it also, and in that, in this particular of going barefoot, the badge of very beggary. Now, though true it be, that God made man, one nature, in two sexes; in which regard Philo ele∣gantly calls man, The male-woman, and woman, The female-man, puts them into conditions of compassiency: (and the state of Mar∣riage is under the indispensible condition of For better for worse, for richer for poorer, in sickness and in health. And usual it is, and otherwayes it can not be, but that poor mens wives must be mise∣rable with their poor Husbands (I mean, in that scantness of outward accommodation which men call a worldly misery:) yet, for women so to be objected to hardship is very irksome to any man to behold, and unpleasing for me to write of. Tears here are the properest encounters of these Narratives, and 'tis pity a pen should any fur∣ther eternize such Barbarism, then to be the remembrancer of that abhorrence, which men in all successions ought to have of it, for womens sakes who suffer by it. But so it

is in France, the poor women are sain, to save hose and shoes, to go bare-foot and bare-legg'd, as beggars do, fulfilling that of Philo, though in an∣other sense then he meant it, That they are subject to vulgar cu∣stoms; onely herein they exceed perfect beggars, that they have hose and shoes for Holy-dayes, to Masse and to Recreation, where they see and are seen, they will go trimm; otherwise, nasty and pitifull persons they about their houshold affairs are. And this our Chancellour uses as an Argument of the French Country-wo∣mens hard lives; though truely the Wives of their Nobless and Villagers or Citizens, are plentifully accommodated with all necessa∣ries; yea, so glorious and gay are they, and so have they by their fashions new-fangled our Nation, that though I do not wish a revi∣val of somewhat like that Senatus Muliebris in Heliogabalus his time, which scoffing and deriding their vanities, brought an Odium on, and diminution of women, the wearers of them. This, I say, I wish not, least it too much lessen them (whom we men ought to have high value of, and great loves for; because they are not onely unspeakable blessings of life, when they are worthy their names women, but also the means of the continuance of the Race of man∣kind and so our temporal eternizers:) but that which I do wish is without prejudice I am sure, and without all displeasure I hope to the truely worthy of that Sex; that as (a) Budaus wished for Pa∣ris; so I, for London and the Suburbs, might see such a constitution, Vt de nostratibus Matronis statueret, quae cuique cedere, quae cuique Dux aut Comes esse deberet, quid gestare, quid indui, quid amieiri, quidve cingi unamquamque deceret; but enough of this. Onely, since the poor mens wives of France are bare-footed all dayes but Holy-dayes, and then put on hose and shoes in reverence to those dayes, I cannot but wonder whence that injunction of Simon Islip Arch∣Bishop of Canterbury in Ed. 3. time should proceed, when Holy∣dayes being in the greatest esteem and credit, because Canonically according to strictness observed, were to be dayes of recreation and devotion (which is the reason that the Historian makes Saint Lewis the French King's penance on Holy-dayes to be meritorious) and no Arts-man to work upon them; yet then the Arch-bishop by his Letter Patents to all his Clergy, inhibited upon pain of Excommu∣nication, from abstaining on some Saints dayes from their Callings of labour, and permitted them to work thereon as upon common dayes. But I return to our Text.

Carnes non comedunt ibidem Mares & Foeminae, prater lardum Baconis, quo impin∣guant pulmentariae sua in minima quantitate.

This Leut all the year with the poor Drudges of France, our Text produces as a further argument of the tenuity of their condition, and their Taxes exhaustion from them. For that they eat no flesh, is not (I conceive) from any religious observation, or any State-injunction, but purely for cheapness sake; and by their hard dyet to enable them to keep somewhat about them to entertain their Masters with, when they come abroad: and without which to treat and appease them, they would be cruelly tyrannous. For flesh they breed up and have, and stomachs they have to eat it, and a snap now and then they get of it; but they dyet on roots, grains, and fruits, which they make into pottages: this the Text calls Pulmentaria] the same in effect with Pul∣menta, that we call, water-grewel, pulse, or thin pottage, the dyet of poor people: to which Horace alludes, Canes ut pariter pulmenta laboribus empta; and that which Apuleius, Plautus, and others mention as thin dyet: this the Text sayes they do make hearty and strong with a small piece of lard of bacon, or, as I rather believe, by the lard of bacon in the broth, they so quat their stomachs that they make it go fur∣ther by it; to this use of it Plautus alludes when he sayes, Ipse ego pulmenta utor un∣ctiusculo; and for this use lard of bacon is fitly called Lard from arduo, quia ardor

f••rmum & arduum facit; and thus bacon by being salted and hung in the smoak, and over the fire, has much of the succulency, and moisture exhausted; which being the matter of tenderness and putrefaction, renders it (in the absence of them) more com∣pact, firm, and durable. Now this Bacon or Lard, becoming a dish that will dure, is ready ever upon the sudden, which is the reason that some of the * Ancients have called it, Succidiam, because they do dayly cut such portions off as they use; and Tully sayes Cato was wont to call his garden hence Succidiam, quia inde quotidie aliquod re∣secari possit. This then so cheap to the Peasants, who bring up the swine of which it is made, and so ready at hand, and satiating the gross labourer's stomach, is the flesh, that onely those poor souls are able to provide, which though they can do but in minima quantitate, yet better a little then none at all.

Carnes assatas coctasve alias ipsi non gustant, praeterquam inter dum de intestinis & capitibus animalium pro nobilibus & mercatoribus occisorum.

This shews, that the best of what they breed and kill, they sell to make Rent and pay Taxes and Quartrings; and that which they keep is the course parts, which are not moneys worth: and therefore they themselves sometimes feast with it, but Car∣nes assatas coctasve, Rost and boyled meats, which are the Staples of dyet with us, they attain not to. Carnes assatas] This word assatas Etymologists derive from ardeo; and in the best Roman Authours assare and assum is as much as merum solum: by way of Metaphor it signifies the effect of fire on any thing that extracts by its heat the moi∣sture of it, and thence obdurates it, leaving nothing almost but siccity in it, or at least nothing so much as siccity; this our language calls Through rosted. From this prevalency of fire, which by extraction of the humid parts, leaves siccity to predomi∣nate in rosted flesh, Critiques term every thing of solitary import by assare, and the words derivative from it, Vox assa, A voice without Musick, Tibiae assae, Musick without voice; Assa, The place in the baths where they do onely sweat and not wash, we call it a Stove; Assae, Nurses that are so intent on the Babes they suckle, that they for∣get themselves and their relations, to tend them: so Assam pro mero solo sine aqua & humiditate. And when the Poets were said to devote a Poem to any particular person, they were said assare; and their Poems were called Assamenta. This is the Notion of the word, and the Ordeal by fire in which the flesh of beasts is purged and made inno∣cent to the stomach of man; as also it is by the Ordeal of water (Coctasve) which is the effect of fire working by water on flesh; not by parching up, but by soaking out the moisture and humid parts of flesh, which it allures to its self, and by which the li∣quour of its purgation is heigthned and spirituated. This, though it hath not the prehe∣minence of the former, but follows it in the account of cookery, we saying, rost and boyled, yet is very wholesome dyet; and for weak and declining bodies thought most nutritive. It is with us here the dyet mostly of the meaner sort, because it requires least charge and attendance to its cooking; but in France they use it much, because they delight in pottage, which is sier'd from it. Yet the Text sayes, the Country people have neither one or other; all they of flesh attain to is the offalls, the nobler parts are for the freemen, and those that are moneyed and can fare and live high, which our Text sayes are the Nobiles & Mercatores. The former for their bloud and Commands sake, the greatness and dread of which will fetch from the poor Commons whatever it desires: The later, the Merchant or Citizen for his money sake, which does not onely purchase him esteem in all places, as Cassanaeus sets forth notably, but also procure him all conveniencies to life and lustre. For though in France, Prerogatives and Seats of Honour and Military Tenure be not purchaseable by Merchants and men of Trade; yet are such owned for very rich in money and money's worth. And I think the (a) Iulian Law, that prohibited a Sena∣tor's Son or Daughter to marry any one whose Father or Mo∣ther did Artem ludicram exercere, will not in the exposition e∣ven of France, which stands most upon Punctilio's, extend to men of Trade, the Mercatores here; seeing Trade of Merchandise, buying and selling staple and usefull commodities, is not Ars vilis

but nobilis, (as noble as the Advocate, who sells his breath to the Clyents fee, or the Souldier his life to his Generals pay, or any other profession which men practice for reward) and so the Holy Story accounts it, when it terms the Merchants of Tyre, The honourable of the earth.

Sed Gentes ad Arma comedant alimenta sua, ita ut vix ova corum ipsis relinquantur pro summis vescenda deliciis.

Before it was Homines ad Arma, by which the Cavalry were understood; now 'tis Gentes ad Arma, All the Souldiery. Provision the Peasants breed up, and perhaps some∣times and in some measure sell to raise their Rents, and other charges, but the most of what they get about them, by hard toyl and parsimony, is but to satiate the Souldier, not to recreate themselves: which makes me think these poor wretches with others in the Asian Governments to be very miserable, and those, that so belabour them with affliction and pressure, to justly fear the return of that commination in Amos, Forasmuch therefore as your treading is upon the poor, and ye take from him burdens of wheat, ye have built houses of hewn stone, but ye shall not dwell in them; ye have planted pleasant Vineyards, but ye shall not drink wine of them; for I know your manifold transgressions and your mighty sins, &c. or that in ¶ Deuteronomy. For truely if Po∣verty, which is God's affliction, be Great mens marks to level their power at, and a∣gainst it pitilessly to discharge it self; if they that could eat flesh which they breed up, if they had it, are not permitted an egg the slightest dyet, Princes that have Subjects thus har••assed and shortned, have great cause to have long ears and quick eyes; yea soft hearts, to hear their Subjects groans, pity their griefs, and remove their afflicters; and that not so much upon politick and plausible grounds, as upon Principles of con∣science to avoid the terrours of death-beds, and the wrath of their eternal and super∣eminent Sovereign, under whose power they themselves are as well as the meanest of their people; so Lewes the Pious told the world when he was in affliction, That nothing preserved Kings so safe as piety to God, cle∣mency, meekness, and justice to men. And Philip the Fair, when he was to dye, calling for his Son Lewis that was to succeed him, said to him thus, Lewis, hitherto of my life I have reigned as a Monarch, vexing my people with unreasonable, and to them ruining taxes and tributes, debasing my coyn, by making that go for a value which in∣deed it was not worth, by this means I have raised the hatred of my Subjects against me: O Lewis, behold thou art to reign after me, have pity upon the soul of thy father, which is now departing, and see thou amend what has been faulty in my Government, thus He. And thus have our pious English Monarchs breathed out their Imperial souls in benedictions to the people, and valedictions to the world, shewing that they dyed in the love of God as well as of men: Hear the Soul that was All, (as it were Heaven on Earth) The true Glory of Princes consists in advancing God's Glory, in the maintenance of true Religion and the Churches good; also in the dispensation of Civil Power with Iustice, and Honour to the publick peace: And in another place, Since the publick Interest consists in the mutual and common Good both of Prince and People; nothing can be more happy for all, then in safe, grave, and honourable wayes to contribute their counsels, in common enacting all things by publick consent, without Tyranny or Tumults, &c. And how well this counsel in the name of God and by Paternal Authority given, is obedientially followed by our most excellent Lord and Master, Hear himself to his Parliament expressing, In God's name pro∣vide full Remedies for any future mischiefs; Be as severe as you will against new Offenders, especially if they be so upon old Prin∣ciples, and pull up those Principles by the roots: but I shall never think him a wise man, who would endeavour to undermine or shake that Foundation of our publick peace, by infringing that Act in the least degree; or that he can be my friend, or wish me well, who would perswade me ever to consent to the breach of a promise I so solemnly made when I was abroad, and performed with that so∣lemnity;

because, and after I promised it, I cannot expect any attempts of that kinde, by any men of merit and virtue: thus divinely, and like himself speaks our good King.

This disgression I have thought fit to make in relation to that sensibleness which good Princes have of their poor Subjects conditions, which surely they must needs relent at, who have Subjects dutifull to them, yet so miserable, that though they breed up flesh and dainties, hardly can keep on egg, the most trite thing about a Country, dwelling, for their own dainties, but are fain to crouch to the Souldiers that quarter with them to their undoing, so sayes the Text, the misery of the poor Peasant is, Vix ova eorum ipfis relinquuntur pro summis vescenda deliciis,

Et si quid in Opibus eis aliquando accreverit, quo locuples eorum aliquis reputetur, concito ipse ad Regis subsidium plus Vicinis suis caeteris oneretur; quo, ex tun•• con∣vicinis cateris ipje equabitur paupertate.

This is a further degree of misery, that a Governour's eye should be evil because God's is good; or, that the thrift of a subject, not by vice or villany, but by labour and frugality, should be the occasion of his scrutiny in order to his diminution. This, though it be here said to be the condition of the Peasant, yet is not his affliction from his Prince or Parliament; but from those Soul∣diers in command near him, who can so pester him with inroads, and charge him with levyes, that those lunches out of him shall leave him as bare as his Neighbours: A cruelty that surely the Judge of quick and dead will severely punish, and such as the Prince, whose Agents these are, should endeavour to understand, and understand∣ing to punish and redress; which Forcatulus, that learned French Lawyer, sayes, was the excellency of Meroveus, the Founder and Amplier of the French Government, Who thought it his duty to over∣come his enemies by valour, and oblige his party by kindeness, and not to permit his power to be abused to the injury of any, not to suffer his Army to be licentious, but to restrain them where such they were; account∣ing it an encouragement to violence, not to prevent it by strict Man∣dates, and to punish it when, notwithstanding them, perpetrated: by which means he appeared not to them a rigid Lord, but a calm Fa∣ther, and so inserted himself into the love of the people, that to minde his Successours of what the people delighted, they should after his example express towards them, they called them Meroveus's. And surely if this example had been followed in France in our Chan∣cellour's time, he would not have had so just occasion to have bemoaned the miseries of the poor Peasants, as in other, so in this respect. For as enjoyments of mens acquisiti∣ons is a great encouragement to them to industriously endeavour, and ingenuously design their plenty and locupletation: so to be deprived of those compensations, and to become the spoyl of others, who by their power worry their plenty and rape it from them, is a disheartning of him to any thing above idleness; or at best to make him but slow and improlifick in expression of him∣self. For since the French Nation, according to their old Druid deli∣rancy, derive their Origin from Dis the God of riches, that so many poor wretches should be in the Nation, who have not prodigally wa∣sted their patrimonies, if any they can be thought to have from that Tradition, must proceed from the violence of some over others, and the success they have had therein against them; which has made the Nobless absolutely great and rich, and the Peasants absolutely poor and miserable: And for which no better Apology can be made, then what I have heard, and is generally the character of the common French people. Keep them poor and servile, and they will be gentle and loyall; but let them prosper and be flush, and the waves of the Sea are not more insolent, proud, and boisterous then they are.

Haec ni fallor forma est status gentis plebanae Regionis illius] This concludes the narrative of the common mans condition in France; which, though it be full of tri∣sticity, and in the severalities of it very unwishable, because beneath the delight or endurance of a free spirit; yet must be borne by those whose subjections to their Prince calls them to this servitude: which though the Chancellour has given me from this Text occasion to illustrate and civilly to aggravate, with all those Historique cir∣cumstances, that carry it to a plenarty of discovery, and thereby render it unamiable; yet as the Chancellour's scope then; so mine now, is not to provoke those Subjects to impatience, or to arraign the Polity of that great and Majestique Nation; but, by the detection of that (so indulgent to Military men and their accommodation, and so un∣benign to men in courses of civil life, such as is Husbandry, Arts, Merchandise,) to raise a just value and religious gratulation to God, and the Kings and Parliaments of our own Nation, by whose favours and mediations there is therein impartiality of freedom to all, Every man bere setting under his own Vine and under his own Fig-tree; (and the Laws be∣ing equally the benefit and terrour of poor and rich, noble and common Subjects as they are good or bad.) We, that are so priviledged by and happy under this Paradis'd Govern∣ment, ought to express all loyalty and readiness to observe the Lawes, and venerate the Law-makers, who certainly have been ever as true nursing fathers to this Nation, as love, cohabiting with humane infirmity, would permit them: nor have for the most part more concerned themselves to promote their own private interest then consisted with the respective interest of their Subjects, according to the measure of the known Lawes; so declares good King Charles the Blessed, I can be contented to recede much from mine own interests and personal rights of which I conceive my self to be Master, but in what concerns Truth, Iustice, the Rights of the Church, and my Crown, together with the general good of my Kingdoms (all which I am bound to preserve as much as morally lyes in me) here I am and ever shall be fixed and resolute, so He. And so should every subject testifie his loyalty to be fixed and resolute for the King, his Laws, and his peoples rights, against all insolence and innovation that rises up against them; for the Law being the surest foundation, all appearance according to it, and in oppo∣sition to whatever is frowardly contradictory and adverse thereto, is very worthy good Subjects: And I pray God give us all of this Nation the grace, To fear God and honour the King, and not to hearken to them that are given to change. Thus much con∣cerning the French Plebs, and the restraint of them.

Nobiles tamen non sic exactionibus opprimuntur.] This shews the partiality that is in France, in that the poor go to pot, while the rich go if not scot-free, yet are not exacted upon; for France being a Military Government, and the Nobless attending the King in his Warrs and Armies, excuse them∣selves and their estates from all forrage and charge, putting the whole burthen on the poor Tradesmen, Vine-dressers & Husbandmen: and this the Nobless do by a kinde of Aboriginal right, as the instance of their freedom. And not to suffer them to be thus priviledged, were to enrage them to those disorders that their quick spirits are naturally inclined to, and their enraged anger would make them persist in. Therefore as the great men of France have ever gloryed in great heads of hair unpolled, as a token of their being free-men; so have they preserved to themselves the liberty not to be polled of their fortunes by exactions. For by this means the King does not onely keep up his Horsemen to keep under the rude common people, and repress the inso∣lencies of their discontents; but prevents the dangerous effects of displeased and unob∣liged Greatness: which has been such a pest to France, that it has not onely raised great Armies in it, but kept them so raised up to the waste and spoyle of men and treasure. For great spirits are impatient of diminution, and when they are that way as they think undervalued, meditate Returns, edged from the irritation of rage and grief, which ever make a desperate medley, as in Contarino's assault of Forscari Duke of Venice appeared; for that onely proceeded from the opinion Contarino had that Forscari was the obstacle to his Admiralship of the Adriatique Seas. And so in other cases abundantly might be instanced, the avoidance whereof is that which dictates to a

Non provocation of great persons and parties, which is the reason the Text sayes, Nobiles non sic exactionibus opprimuntur.

Sed si illorum aliquis calumniatus fuerit de crimine, licet per inimicos suos, non sem∣per coram Iudice Ordinario ipse convocari solet; sed quam sape in Regis Camera, & alibi in privato loco.

This Clause presents the Nobless not sometimes very happy: for since Greatness is subject to temptation and Envy, both which are productive of Enemies, and Enemies contrivers of Accusations, and Accusations too often believed, and proceeded upon before the truth of things be throughly examined, greatness is even in France a thing of danger: for, who can be secure there, where his enemy may accuse, and he not be capable to defend himself juridickly; nay, how can innocence stand in judgement, if it may not be tryed per Pares, Persons of Honour, as the Peers of a Nation cannot but be presumed to be. Yet the Text sayes this is the condition of the Nobility in France, who, though they are priviledged, that in criminal Cases they usually may answer and defend by their Proctor, that they contribute not towards payments to the King, (Talia namque munera plebriis imponuntur pro modo suarum facultatum, as my Authours words are;) though I say, Non sic exactionibus opprimuntur] yet their persons are in danger and their fortunes too, by being accused and condemned clan∣destinely as it were. Non semper coram Iudice Ordinario] in common apprehension, is before the Judges that judge according to the Lawes of Nations, and the Customs of the Country, and are men of Law, and Graduates in that facul∣ty. But the Notion of Ordinarius Iudex in France, as I have it from Cassanaeus a French-man born, and a Lawyer bred, is this, When a man is to judge a cause who has no Law in him, but goes (as it were) according to the private instructions he has from his Superiour, or according to the swing of his own will, having no rule to go by. Now, though true it be that these Judges purposely delegated, and termed Ordinary, (because they have but the learn∣ing of ordinary men in them, that is, they know no more of the Law then is the Law of reason) ought to be ruled by the judgement of the Lawyer, or Lawyer's assistant to, and associated with them in the Commission, and so mostly are and proceed according to the course of the Lawes in those Cases. Yet so sad is the case of the Nobless there, that alwayes they are not summoned to a juridical answer; but sometimes, yea, quam saepe, that is, sapissime, are summoned into the Camera Regis to hear their dooms according to their Princes Royal wills and pleasures: now, this Camera Regis is not Paris the Royal City, as London also here is, and thence in the Statute of 3 & 4 E. 6. c. 21. is termed the King's Chamber, nor the Bed-Chamber or Chamber of Presence, which the Greeks called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because it was arched on the top and had a convex figure, which they render by Fornex, the Archness of its figure being the same in building that the Psalloides is in the body, argues state and united strength. Hence Camera signifies any thing that has an Arch-figure, Camera Naves sunt archae & exiles, like close Liters, or Arks rather, which a Philo calls, The sacred re∣pository of the Law, and the Vessel fitted for their retention; it being the custome of Antiquity to make their Chests for any sacred pur∣pose Arch-figured, as we see at this day in many old Churches in the Chancells of them: and these Chests were the Camerae of the Church-untensils, Plate, Registers, Copes, Vestments, &c. where∣in those times deemed the external Majesty of Religion to consist. This is some notion of Camera, which, as to the Text's sense, may (as I conceive) be the Chamber of the King, where he lyes down to rest, for in Military times Princes had their Pavilions in the fields with their Armies, over which they had Arches not onely to prevent weather and winde, but dust and filths accession to them; and these were called Aulaea, like the Canopyes of State, Monarchs to this day use to dine and sleep under; some call them Tento∣ria

sericea: to these in our setled times, wherein Princes have fixed Courts, these Camerae do succeed; and the officer of State, that has the charge of them, is called Camerarius Regis: in France, Le grand Chambellan. None of these Chambers does the Text chiefly intend, but the sense of our Text-Master in alledging this, is to tell us, that when Great men are in France under displeasure, they are summoned to the King's Chamber (not his Chambre des Comptes, or Chambre du domaine, or Chambre du Counsell, or Chambre dorée, but his Chambre Royal purposely erected as a Court of censure and doom: for when any, that were of dangerous consequence, appeared, they were called to the King's Chamber; so were the Lutherans in Henry the Second's time, and others down all along since) to hear their doom. Et alibi in privato loco, &c. Up he goe, and his doom is privately adjudged him, without judgement of his Peers, or defence of himself, Mox ut criminosum, eum Principis conscientia relatu aliorum judi∣caverit; very hard to be condemned unheard, yet it must be undergone, In Sacco positus absque figura Iudicii per propositi Mariscallorum Ministros noctanter in flumin•• projectus submergitur] surely a Judgement full of terrible cruelty, The Iudgement on Parricide; for of old, Parricides were scourged with bloudy Rods, then put into a Sack with a dog, a cock, a viper, and an ape, all alive sewed up with them, and they all cast with the Sack into the Sea. And though I confess no Judgement can be too severe for such a Villany as it is to kill the Pater Patriae; yet this of giving an offender a cruel death, Absque forma Iudicii, is much more rigid then (I doubt) to God can well be answered; for he being the father of Mercies and the fountain of Justice, de∣lights not to see Princes, in power under him, to be inclement and truculent, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Philo's words are, As not onely the punishers of them offending in making their lives a torture to them, but after depriving them of an easie dispach; for this he ac∣counts the errour of his entrust, and too near a compartization with those quadrupe∣dial furies which he hath inferiorated to man in reason, and thence made the Subjects of his Empire: but that which he loves and commends in those earthly Gods, whose lustres both of power and life are determinable, is, That they should imitate him in beneficence, in suffering the Sun of their favour and the Rain of their care to impend all their Subjects; and though they correct their enormities, yet they then should pity their infirmities, and bestow their Compassions on them as men in nature with themselves; and if this they would do, considering themselves 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. The divine Artifice, whereby it hath exemplified its transcendency to the utmost capacity Mortality can attain to; their wills would be the Law by the victory their goodness gets over the loves of men, rather then their persons and power be terrible to them: then would not that complaint of our Text be so true as it is, Qualiter & mori audivisti majorem multo numerum hominum quam qui legitimo process•• Iuris extiterunt] For however some Princes in the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and lustiness of their power may pish at calm and paternal exhibitions of themselves to their politique Children; yet, when Experience the best Master has ingenerated the calmness of wisdom in them, they will account it the onely rise to continuation and serenity: nor can any Prince be thought, as Lewis the Twelfth was, A Father to his people, but he that by Justice governs, by Prowess defends, by Parsimony enriches, and by clemency obliges his Subjects; for fury and severity unallayed by that Regal Grandeur which uses them onely as Physick, is not the endowment of Kings, but the intemperance of sinfull na∣ture, which, though it torments others for a while, yet ends in the reproach and dishonour of its Practicers. And therefore let flattery prostitute truth never so much to the temporary satisfaction of licencious Greatness, yet all things done beyond the rules of Religion, Morality, and National Lawes, are Enormia; for since these are the squares and proportions ac∣cording to which Imperial Architects should raise and carry on their politique fabrique, whatever in any dimension transgresses this, is enormous: and though men mince it, and write not so openly and with vehemence as our Chancellour does of the absoluteness that is

taken from colour of that Maxim of Law, Quod Principi placuit, which means no∣thing less then is imposed upon it to be its sense; yet do they in their hearts conclude, that such things are detestabiliter, damnabiliterque perpetrata, that is, that they are sins committed by them against the Laws of their Government, and therefore in their nature detestable, and against the Lawes of Religion and therefore damnable: which Doctrine certainly, as true as truth it self, if it had been canonized at Rome, would have undermined that horrid Artifice of secular policy which is conclav'd there; and which wrought puissantly, and to a notorious degree of wickedness in the case of Ro∣bert Somercot our Country-man, whom I read storyed for one of the foremost of the three Elects for the Popedom after the death of Pope Gregory: the Card••nals being set to have an Italian and not an English man (and Celestine as after he was called and not Somercot) made Somercot away by poyson to prevent his obtainment of the Chaire, which they feared otherwise he would have had; but enough of this. For as our Chancellour here took leave of the memory of these practicks to excuse his Dialogue from any suller Register of them, and to prevent the exasperation of his pen, which might else be keener then otherwise would be convenient; so shall I, after his judi∣cious example, desist the further Comment on this Chapter, the residuary parts where∣of are onely enunciative of the design of this his exageration in what passages has con∣cerning the people of France occurred, and concerning the Subjects of England are fur∣ther to be produced. And as on the Text that concerned the people of France I have discoursed with all the veracity and modesty I could, acknowledging the French Nation very wise, warlike, and prosperous, and their Government best fitted for their Cly∣mate and People; so shall I, in what follows concerning the just equity and excellen∣cy of the English Lawes, and the condition of England's men under England's Mo∣narchs, write the truth and nothing but the truth, according to the modesty and hum∣ble submissedness I have herein endeavoured to express, and hope I shall be by my betters allowed to have accordingly acted, hoping, that God will give us of this Na∣tion grace, upon sight of the mercy we enjoy beyond others, to value out Gover∣nours and Government above others, and to pray for, and give obedience to the King, his Parliament, and his Lawes, now happily flourishing amongst us. For surely if there be any National Government that has a symme∣triousness to the Government of Heaven, 'tis this of our native Country; wherein, as our Sovereign resembles (with reverence to God the incomparable King of Kings and Lord of Lords I write it) the supreme Wisdom and Goodness, being by the Law said to be under no defect, and not possible (as King) to do wrong; so his Peers and Commons in Parliament do (in their proportion) assimilate Angels and Saints; and his Lawes, that divine charity which directs all the Subjects to fear and love him, and to be at peace one with another. The consideration of which in this blessed Ternary, might perhaps occasion that old saying, which thus is in a good measure made plain by it, Regnum Angliae Regnum Dei, which though I know to be commonly understood of God's particular Patronage of England; yet may as well be intended of the form of our Govern∣ment after the Model of the Heavenly Empire: which premised, I humbly conclude this and enter on the following Chapter.

Notes

• Quicquid in eo convent•• decernebatur legis habebat vigorem, neque modo populos obliga∣bat sed ipsum regem. Sed postquam regum virtus defecit, & cuique sua libido impora∣vit, haec consuetudo congregandorum sta∣tuum abolitae est, ut paulatim hoc jugum sum••••veretur. Tempore autem Ludovici un∣decimi perduellionis reus habebatur, quis∣quis de eo consilio restituendo verbum fecis∣set; solebatque Rex ille usurpare, se ex Ephe∣bis jam excessisse, negue tutoris e••ere, Alber∣gatus discurs. Politic. p. 167.
• Cominaeus Com. lib. 10 de gestis Ludov. 11.
• Contzen Politic. lib. 1. c. 21. p. 48.
• Cluverius An∣tiq. lib. 3. c. 20.
• Gallia Comata quae nunc Francia dicitur, Budaeus in Pandect. p. 86. Edit Vas∣cos.
• (a)

  Comata Gallia, omnis Gallia uno no∣mine appellata, lib. 4. c. 14.
• Generale nomen est, non modo ad fru∣mentae, leguminaque; sed etiam ad omnes fructus terra quos in alimoniam vertimus, Varro, lib. De Ling. Lat.
• (b)

  Festus, Servius, & Donatus.
• 2 Epistol. 1. 2 Georg. 2 De Natur. De∣orum.
• Tam pinguis alicubi & tam ferasis soli, ut in ea, mella frontibus desluant; lanas sylvae ferant, &c. lib. 3. De situ Orbis. c. 7.
• (c)

  Lib. 3. c. 2.
• Tota illa pars Europae praelustris ac omnium pene nobilissima Gallia, in idem Franciae nomen transivit. Antiq. lib. 3. cap. 20.
• Lib. 4, De Asse p. 169. Edit. Vascos.

  Vt ex filiis meis Primogenitus esse•• Deus post me, & natu secundus Gallias impera∣ret. Lansius in Consult. Euro∣pae, p. 169. Geography p. 175. in fol.
• Pymand. Mer∣curii, lib. 5. c. 11. Dialog. 5. p. 319.
• Grimston Hist. France, p. 20.
• Relatione de Re∣gno Gallico, p. 165.
• 3 Offic. 66.
• Livy 3. ab Vrbe.
• Tacitus lib. 2.
• Cic. 1. Divinat.
• In Comment. ad. Taciti lib. De Mo∣rib. German. p. 449.
• Nic. Faber. in Notis ad lib. 2. Controv. Senec. 10. p. 111.
• Walsingham in Hypodeigm. Neustriae. p. 118, 119.
• Cum multis Dominis & Baronibus & d••∣obus millibus fer•• hominum nominatorum de Armis, de Communibus vero numerus ignoratur. Idem loco eodem.
• Bonum Principem Augustum, & bene illi convenisse Parentis nomen fatemur, ob nullam aliam causam, hac gratum ac fa∣vorabilem reddidit, haec h••dicque praestat illi fam••m qua vix vivis Principibus servit. Senec. lib. De Clem.
• Quod cum audi∣vissent Comites, cum displicentia ad propria discesserunt Walsingham in E. 1. p. 44.
• Matth. 17.21.
• (a)

  Doctor Hey∣lin, p. 180.
• Psal 41 9▪
• (a)

  Quo anno haec prodidi, Princeps noster tantam ferme pecuniam ex ditione Gallica percepit, Budaeus, lib. 3. de Asse, p. 114. B.
• Sic enim sunt Galli homines, ut prout quid∣que Principi aut collibuit aut collibuisse di∣ctitetur, id perinde jus fasque esse credatur; omnium haeud dubie mortalium, qui quidem barbari non sint, maxime ut Graece dicitur Pytharchiei id est principalibus edictis aequo animo obsequentes. Idem. p. 115.
• Commentarius de rebus gestis Ludovic-11. lib. 10. p. 405. Paris. 1569.
• Budaeus, lib. 3. de asse p. 119.
• Hoc est enim perendit quod Graeci 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 dicunt quasi post crastinum. Budaeus in Pan∣dect, p. 32. Edit Vascos.
• In E. 2. p. 91.
• Quae quidem cohortes obequitant liuc illuc perpetuo, & non solum vivunt sumptu miserorum, sed etiam proterve & insolen ter in eos multa faciunt; nec enim con∣tenti sunt iis quae passim in agris reperi∣unt, verum miseris etiam hominibus vim adferunt, eosque cogunt longius abire, & aliunde adferre cibaeria delicatiora, mitto quod uxorum quoque & filiarum pudicitiam tentant, Commentar. lib. 10 De Gestis. Ludov. 11. p. 400.
• Huic autem incommodo facile possit oc∣carri, si bimestri quovis dependerentur eis stipendia; sic enim nullam essent haebituri causam qua se purgarent de injuriis illis quas inforunt, necessitate quadam ut aiunt, eo quod ipsis non persolvitur. Idem lib. 10. p. 400.
• Dr. Ridley, View Laws Civil and Ec∣cles. p. 88.
• Davis History of Ireland, p. 30.
• Heylin. Geogr. p. 238.
• Geogr. p. 237.
• In Paenul. In Verr. Act. ••. Budaeus in Pan∣dect. p. 84, & in reliq. p. 253. B.
• Est quaedam sane in nobis innata pra∣vitas, adeo magna quidem ut nulla plane ra∣tio nos ab injuriis & violentia coerceat, Cominaeus Comment. lib. 19. De Gestis. Ludov. p. 396.
• Adag. 33. Cont. 2. Chil. 2. p. 465.
• Focus privata cujusque domus, quemad∣modum Ara aliquando Templum significat.
• Vrbem, agrum, aras, focos, seque uti dede∣rent, Plautus Amphitr. Act. 1. Sc. 1.
• Lib. 11. c. 3. Advers. lib. 7. c. 10.
• Turneb. advers. lib. 8. c 9.
• Tholoss. Syntag. Juris. lib. 15. c. 23. ss. ••.
• Lib. 15. c. 4.
• Heylin, Geogr. p. 174.
• Morotrix dicitur, qua indifferenter so ex∣ponit omnibus; Concubina vero, qua uni soli se exhibet. Est autem Concubinatus foraicatio quaedans continuata rum soluta determinata, ita ut sit velut cohabitatio quaedam ac si Matrimonia effet conjuncta, Sayerus in Clave Regia Sacerd. lib. 8. c. 2. num. 9.
• In Vitellio. c. 2.
• Plin. lib. 9. c. 35. Venuleius lib. De Militibus.
• Sueton in Calig. c. 9. Plin. lib. 7. c. 43.
• Si quis violaverit Muros, capite pu∣nietur, Pompon. lib. 2. Digest. p. 119.

  Advers. lib. 13. c. 12. lib. 6. c. 6. lib. 16. c. 11. lib. 30. c. 30.
• Eicon Basilic. c. 15. Initia.
• A veteribus Ro¦manis jamdudum institutum fuit, in Leg. 17. ss. Sali∣narum. p. 51. De verb. signific.
• Coelius Rhodig. lect. Antiq. lib. 7. cap. 2.

  Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. 32 à cap. 7. ad c. 10. Brechaeus loco praecitato.
• (a)

  Lib. 18. c. 11. lib. 31. c. 7.
• (b)

  Lib. 5. c. 123.
• (c)

  Lib. 1. c. 7.
• Josephus lib. 1. Antiq.

  Burchardus in descript. Terrae sancta. part. 1. c. 7.
• Marc. 9.50.
• Parochi & Xenoparochi idem sunt. qui Peregrinis Salem & Ligna praebebant, sub nomine autem harum specierum omnia hospitibus necessaria intelligimus, Budaeus in Pandect, reliq. p. 262. Edit. Vascos
• Advers lib. 14. c. 19. p. 510.
• Tu••nebus ad∣vers. lib. 10. c. 22. p. 327.
• Lege Budaeum lib. 4. De Asse. p. 147. Edit. Vascos.
• Grimston's Hist. France, p. 12.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Philo lib. De Septenario & Festis, p. 1280.
• Tholoss. Syntag. Juris universs. lib. 3. c. 9. ss. 1. & seq.
• Albergatus Disc. Politic. p. 348.
• ••eylin's Geog.
• Petr. Martyr. in 1 Reg. c. 9.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Chil. 2. Cent. 2. Ad. 8. p. 459.
• French History, p. 56.
• Tholoss. Syntag. lib. 3. c. 9.
• Lib. 4. c. 2. De Gest. Francor.
• 3 H. 5. 2 Instit. c. 30. M. Charta, p 61.
• Miserrimum era•• spectaculum vide∣re multitudinis & populi arumnas, Cominaeus Com. lib, 10. De Gestis Ludov. p. 403.
• A good Prin∣ciple.
• The Au∣thour's pray∣er.
• Eicon. Basille. c. 15.
• Chil. 1. Cent. 6. Adag. 37.
• Vt fore in tota Francia ubi octa∣va de umo venali fisco debetur, Cas∣sanaeus Catal. Gl. Mundi. p. 214.
• Caupona, ubi etiam advena & ad come∣dendum & ad cubandum, non ad stabu∣landum recipiuntur; & differt à Taberna, qua est locus ubi comestabilia venduntur, & comedentes recipiuntur, non ad cuban∣dum vel ad equ••s stabulandos, sed comeden∣dum tantum, Digest. lib. 23. tit. 2. Marg. D. Taberna, p. 2115.
• In Leg. 198. p. 429. De verborum signific.
• Lib. 1. De vita Apollonii c. 20. ¶ Lib. 4. c. 10.
• Plato lib. De Le∣gibus,

  Tholoss. Syntag. Juris, lib, 39. c. 7.
• Iosh. 2.1.
• 2 Georg. Plin. Panegyr. 103.

  Liv. lib. 4. Lib. 10. Bel•••• Punici.

  J. Sleidanus illu∣strium rerum & Galliae descript.
• Armata diceba∣tur virgo sacrist∣cans cui basinia tog•• erat in hume∣rum rejecta, Fest.
• (a)

  Cicero pro Cecin. 44.

  Cic. pro domo sua lib. 1.38.
• In R 2. p. 213.
• Ducis Lancastriae & caeterorum Do∣minorum defectum ne dicam falsita∣rem, qui Regnū de∣fendere debuerant, attente considerans Walsingham. p. 213. in R. 2.
• Loco pracitato.
• Vt Comos non ha∣buit quod respon∣deret, Idem ••od. loc••.
• Psal, 124, 7. Isay. 1.26.
• God give us to think of this seasonably.
• Bona quae bellum aufert, sunt liber Re∣ligionis usus, Reipub. tranquillitas, studia literarum, possessiones, agri, vineae, pradia, domus, agricultura, mercatura, naviga∣tio, &c. Milites enim castra sequuntur, sape non ut bonam & justam causam de∣fendant: sed ut spoliato & exuto omnibus fortunis adversario, ditiores domum rede∣ant, pileis inter se nummos distribuant, ho∣losericum non ulnis sed hastis metiantur, Lib. De Bello & Duello, c. 29.p. 219.
• Heylin, Geogr. p. 173.
• Heylins Geogr.
• Budaeus lib. De Asse, p. 195. Edit. Basil. 1595. in fol.
• Lib. 5. ad Attic. 108.

  ¶ De Germanis, Quintill. lib. 3. c. 4.20.
• Sagitta quod satis longe agatur, vel à satis & ictus, vel quod sagax sit ictus, Etymolog.
• Lib. De vita Mo∣sis, p. 628. Plutar••h. in A∣pothegmar.
• Natur. Hist. lib. 28. c. 8. p. 577& lib. 20. c. 20. p. 441. lib. 6. c. 29.
• Stimulus amissae pecunia, pestis cor∣poralis miseriae, malleus infernalis memoria, Sanct. Bernard. in Sen∣tentiis.
• Holingshed, p. 473. Temp. R. 2.
• Holingshed. p. 363, 373, 389, 397, 770, 771.
• Atque ad illam causarum operam ad quam ego nun∣quam nisi appara∣tus & meditatus accedo.

  1 De Legib. 17. 1 De Invent. 74. Valla lib. 5.
• Nul terre sans guerr••, Prov. Gall. Translated, He that hath Land, is seldom out of Law. Hypodeigm. Neustriae, p. 176.
• Hist. France. In his life.
• A brave K. and a true publick Fa∣ther.
• Cent. 6. Chil. 1. Adag. 25.
• Reges enim illi, so∣lum dici merentur qui se & alios vir∣tutum plenitudine regunt, Cassan. Catal. Gl. M. p. 212. Gaguinus in Chron. Franc. Cass. Catal. Gl. Mundi, p. 579. Hist. France in life of Lewis 11. p. 415.
• Cass. Catal. Gl. Mund. p. 579.
• Hist. France, p. 157.
• Tolle malam vo∣luntatem, & toll•• •• gehennam,
• French Hist. p. 16, 17.
• Heylin's Geogr. p. 238.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• 4 Eccles. 7.7. Livius.
• Mortem lacesiit qui luxuriose intempe∣vanterque vivendo valetudinem labefactar. Turneb. advers. lib. 11. c. 19 ad finem.
• ¶

  Donec privatus capit••, docuit suo mi∣serabili fine nobiles Milites non lacessendos, In Edw. 1. p. 66.
• Rusticos pascua esse Militum, Milites pascua esse Diabolorum, Dictum Ludo∣vic. 12.
• Deut. 28.••1.
• Cominaeus De Gestis Ludov. lib. 10. p. 403.

  Note this.
• Cambden in his Remains.
• The Lord Chancellor's Speech at the opening of the Parliament in May. 1661.
• Budaeus in Pan∣dect. p. 193. Comment, lib. 6. de bello Gallico.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Diosco∣rides lib. 5. cap. 10. lib. 6. cap. 33.

  Lege Commentar. in lib. 5. c. 10. p. 623.
• Isa 30.20.
• Ezech. 4.16.
• Ad tria sufficit a∣qua, ad potandum, ad Lavandum, ad cibes coquendos; sic verbum Dei crudos carnis cogi∣tatus igne Spiritus sancti accedente coquit, & vertit in sensus spirituales, & cibes mentis. Sanct. Bernard. Serm. 22. in Cant. Caentic.
• Lib. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, p. 1174. Non solum autem vereres dicbus festis & laetis solebant templa ramis ornare & velare; sed & in magna laetina familiaribusque sa∣cris & nuptiis suos postes e••am sertis um∣brabant atque velabant & infulis decora∣bant ac insigmebant, addebant & lucernas. Turnebus Advers. lib. 25. c. 4. p. 929. & lib. 27. c. 7. p. 1051.
• (a)

  Budaeus in Pandect. p. 19. Edit. Vasco.
• (b)

  In Pandect. reliq. p. 1••9. Imp. Pa¦sil. 1534.
• (c) Lib. 6. De Invent, c. 8.
• Formam Cuculli & Frocci quàm colo∣rem transmutavit Primitivum. In vita Wolnothi. M Paris p. 38.
• Indicit omni anno totum conventum cum secta sua de tunicis, omni altero anno de Cucullis, & omni tertio anno de Eroccis, Ingulph. Hist. Croyl.
• In verbo 'P〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• Lib. 15. c. 14. Advers. lib. 28. c. 13. p. 1080.
• ¶

  In L Divus De bonis damnator••m. Pannosus qut sordida veste, ••rassu pan∣no vilique opertus est, nec hoc nisi de pan∣pere dicitur.
• (a)

  Justinus lib. 2.
• (b)

  Pannis involutus sacram in corpore suo dedicavit paupertatem, Serm. 4. De Nativ. Dom.
• Sacco Vinum Ve∣teres, Turneb. Advers. lib. 13. •• c. 14.
• (c)

  Plin. lib. 24. c. 1. & 3.
• Tunica vestis est∣cui toga superin∣ducitur, Budaeus in Tandect, p. 54. Edit. Vascos.
• Advers. lib. 30. c. 30. lib. 18. c. 19. lib. 11. c. 23. lib. 2. c. 4. lib. 18. c. 19. lib. 30. c. 21.
• Cui Laticlavii jus non erat, ita cinga∣tur, ut tunica prioribus oris infra genua paulum posterioribus ad medios poplit•••• usque perveniant; nam infra mulicrum est. supra Centurionum, Budaeus in Pandect. p. 54. Edit. Vascos.
• Rosinus Antiq. Rom. lib. 5. c. 35. p. 224.
• Rosin. De An∣tiq. Rom. lib. 5. c. 36. p. 225. Proprie as cruris oppositum sura, Celsus lib. ••. c. 1.
• Arma quibus crura muniuntur Tibi∣alia vocant.

  Hyeme quaternis cum pingui toga tunicis, & subucula thorace laneo & femoralibus & tibialibus muni••batur, In Aug. c. ••2.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Philo lib. De Cherubim. p. 115.
• Muliards quast Molliores.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, lib. De Temulentia, p. 247.
• Cum autem esset dies sanctus Pente∣costes, supplicaverunt Cremonenses, ut pro∣pter diem sanctum differretur Pugna us∣que in crastinum saltem. Rigordus De Mediolanensibus in Gestis Philipp. Regis Franc. p. 212.
• Fecit & in colle Quirinali Senaculum, id est, Mulierum Senatum, in quo ante fuerat Conventus Matronalis solemnibus duntaxat diebus, facta & Senatussonsulta ridicula de legibus Matronalibus, qua quo vestitu incederent, quae cui cederet, qua ad cujus ofculum veniret, qua pi∣lento, qua equo saginario, quae asino ve∣heretur, quae carpento mular••, qua bo∣um, qua sella veheretur, &c. Lampri∣dius in Heliogab. p. 199. Tom. 2. Hist. August. Script. Lat.
• Vopise. in Aurel.
• (a)

  In Pandect. p. 66. Edit. Vascos.
• Gulielm. de Nangis, De Gestis Ludo∣vici Regis. p. 442. Script. Gall.
• Literis fuis patentibus sub poena excom∣municationis praecipiens universis Ecclesia∣rum Rectoribus & Vicariis sua Provin∣ciae, & illorum subditis, ut de catero non ab••••ineant in sestis quorundam Sanctorum; ab operibus manualibus & servilibus, qua prius in talibus festis sieri non licebit. Wal∣singham p. 172.
• Horat. 1. Ep. 19. Ius porcorum, pul∣lorum, piscium, & jus pulmentorum, Largissimas epu∣las. Apuleius. Pulmentum pri∣dem si eripait. Accius Plautus in Aulul. 9.37.
• Succidia verbum Catonianum, quo nostr•• lardum si∣gnificant, ex quo in usum suum quo∣tidie partes succi∣dunt. Agellius lib. 13. c. 23.
• Vbi aliquid aruit & rostum est, a∣bit humidum, so∣lum id quod sic∣cum & aridum superest Beeman. in verbo.
• Assestrice•• voca∣bantur, quia assi∣dent f••ta. Ety∣molog.
• Catalog. Gl. Mundi. p. 442.
• Mercatores quia pecuniam possident hisc•• temporibus, plurimum gratia valent; veru•• nulla gaudent prarogativa; quta omnis lucri avidi professio Nobilitatem in Regno illo maculat. Albergatus in Rel. Reg. Gallic. p. 115.
• (a)

  Digest. lib. 23. tit. 2. art. 4••.
• Paulus lib. 1. Ad Legem Juliam & Papiam. p. 2116.
• May. 23 8.
• Amos. ••.11.
• Zeph. 1.17. Vers. 21.
• ¶

  Deut. ••8.36.
• Quod enim conservandis Regibus fir∣mius praesidium, quam pietas, quam man∣suetudo, quam clementia & liberalitas esse potost. Gaguinus, lib. 4. fol. 32. E∣dit. veter.
• Ludovice, inquit, Regnau•• ha••tenus, plur••••is vectigalibus & tributis meum po∣pulum vexans, nec mihi satis cura fust, monetam cudere, qua legitimi ponderis es∣set; cam ob rem mu••torum odia in me concitavi: Ecce, post me regnaturus es, miserere Patris animae,. & quae perperam à me gesta sunt. ipse emendes. Idem lib. 7. p. 70. B.
• Eicon Basil. c. 27. To the then Pr. of Wales, now our Gracious Lord and Sove∣reign.
• A word in season is like Apples of gold in pictures of silver.
• The Happy Act of In∣dempnity and Oblivion.

  A divine sentence is in the lips of the K. his mouth trans∣gresseth not in Judgement. Prov. 16.10.
• In his speech at the opening of the Parliament. 1661.
• Si vis tribunus esse, immo si vis vivere, manus militum contiu•• Nemo pullum a∣lienum rapiat, ovem nemo contingat, uvam nullus auferat, segetem nemo deterat, o∣leum, sal, lignum nemo exigat: annon sua contentus sit de praeda hostis, non de lacrymis Provincialium habeat. Flavius vopisc. de Aureliano in Epistol. Mi∣litari. p. 273.
• Ego boni ducis functus sum officio, qui debellare hostes didici, & socios honori∣fice tractare, corumque ulcisci injurias; didicerat autem optime Militum licenti∣am coercere, inquiens, Principem irritare Milites quos non castigat. Forcatulus De Gallor. Imp. & Philosoph. lib. 5. p 330. B. Imp. Paris 157••.
• Ideoque omnibus populariter charus at∣que ita venerandus, ut ab ipso posteri Reges Merovingi in Francia appellari cae∣perint, indicio manifesto rarae virtutis. Idem eodem loco.
• Caesar lib. 6. De Bell. Gall.
• Cic. lib. 2. De Nat Deorum.
• Galli natura feri sunt atque superbi, & in rebus tentandis animosi, in prospe∣ris intolerandi, in suïs commodis augen∣dis assidui, in alienis negligentes, & in re bellica saepe promissa fallentes. Quan∣doquidem hac apud illos viguit opinio, ubi commodum adest, ibi quoque adesse hone∣statem & Majestatem, soletque proverbio usurpari habeas Galliam amicum, s••d vi∣cinum nequaquam. Albergatus in Dis∣cursu Politic. p. 160.
• Bicon Basil. cap. 6.
• Note this.
• Non contribuunt ad collectas Nobiles & ex constit. Carol. 6. cavetur no sub∣sidia aliqua, talia, focagia, impositiones, auxilia, à Nobilibus & corum Successo∣ribus solvantur vel exigantur Tholoss. Syntag. Juris. lib. 3, c. ••. ss. 6.
• Gallorum enim Optimates recepto more, qui in Francos translatus est, cafuriem insignem & copiesam lubenter ostentaverunt, •••• fortasse libentius quod (ut jam dixi) Franci quasi Liberi potissimum nomina∣rentur. Forcatul. lib. 5. De Gall. Imp. Et Philo p. 300. B. Edit. Paris. 1579,
• Shute's Hist of Venice.
• Tholoss. Syntag. Juris universi. lib. 32. c. 24. ss. 20.
• Guido Pap. Decis. 384.
• Ordinarii Judices vocantur in Gallla qui judicant, cum ipsi non sunt periti, id est, non sunt graduati in Iure; omnis enim graduatus prasumitur esse peritur. Et ideo his Iudicibus appenduntur As∣sessores, qui homines sunt perite, & qui illos judices informant in jure in omni∣bus Casibus. Catalog. Gloriae Mundi. p. 293.294.

  Ordinaria & delegata potius copulantur p. 293.
• Rosinus Antiq. Rom. lib. 10. c. 20.
• a

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. lib. De Nominum Mutatione p. 1050.

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. lib. 3. De¦vit. Mos. p. 668.

  Camera, id est, ex arca Domini. Tho∣loss, Syntag. Juri. lib. 6. c. 3. ss. ••.
• Camera] vela ad excipiendum pulverem, ne super mensas spargeretur atgue dapes si∣mul conspurcaret Ab Horatio Aulaa vo∣catur, quem morem hodie Principes & Mo∣narchas servare compertum est. apud quos mensas sub quibusdam veluti Tentoriis sericess parars sape videmus. Rosinus Antiq. Rom. lib. 5. c. 27. p. 211.
• Qui praest cubi∣culo Camera Re∣gi•• Cassan Ca∣tal. Gl. Mundi. p. 263.
• Serres Hist. of France, p. 559. London Impress. 1607.
• Modestinus ad L. Pompe••am de Pa∣ricidiis.
• Schottus in Notis ad Contr. 17 Senec. lib. ••. p. 142.
• Minime majores nostri lagendum puta∣verunt ••um, qui ad Patriam delendam & Parentes & Liberos interficiendos venerit. Pomponius Digest. lib. 11.
• Lib. De Septena∣tio & Festis, p. 1••84.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Philo lib. de Judice, p. 721.

  Philo in lib. Quod det potio∣ri, p. 170.

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Idem lib. de Mundi Opific. p. 19.
• A good Mo∣nition to Greatness.
• Magnum sine mensura, dicitur enorme. Plin. Ep. 203.
• Longitudines ad regulam & lineam, al∣titudines ad perpendiculum, anguli ad nor∣mam respondentes exigantur. Vittuvius lib. 7. De Opere Tectorio.
• Fuller's Hist. of the Worthies of England in Lin∣colnshire. p. 155.
• Lege Cassanaeum part. 5. Catal. Gl. Mundi. p. 198••. & seq.
• Acta exteriora indicant interiora secreta. Reg. Ju∣ris Cook •• Rep. 146.
• The Author's hearty Ad∣vice to his Country-men.
• Rex hoc solum non potest facere quod non potest injuste agere. Reg. Juris Cook. 11 Rep. p. 72, 74.
• Attribuat Rex Legi quod Lex attri∣buit et, videlicet. Dominationem & Im∣perium Non est enim Rex ubs domina∣tur Voluntas & non Lex. Bracton. lib. 4.
• Ash. in Fascicul. Florum Juris in Lit R.