The travels of Sig. Pietro della Valle, a noble Roman, into East-India and Arabia Deserta in which, the several countries, together with the customs, manners, traffique, and rites both religious and civil, of those oriental princes and nations, are faithfully described, in familiar letters to his friend Signior Mario Schipano : whereunto is added a relation of Sir Thomas Roe's Voyage into the East-Indies.

LETTER VII.

From Goa, January 31. 1624.

IN this my excursion and absence from Goa, (which was short, but the pleasantest three Moneths Travel that ever I had) besides the Royal Seats of Ikkeri and Manèl, describ'd in my last to you, I had the fortune to go as far as Calecut, to the other Royal Seat of Vikirà, call'd by his proper Title, il Samorino, where I have erected the Pillars of my utmost peregrination to∣wards the South. Now in my Return, before I describe to you the Court of this Samorino and his Princesses, following the Or∣der of my Journeys, I shall first inform you of my going to the famous Hermitage of Cadiri, and visiting of Batniato, call'd King of the Gioghi, who lives at this day in his narrow limits of that Hermitage, impoverish'd by Venk-tapà Naieka.

December the tenth, Being yet in Mangalòr, I took the Alti∣tude

of the Sun, whom I found to decline from the Zenith 35 degrees and 20 minutes. He was now in the 18 degree of Sagit∣tary, and declin'd towards the South 22 degrees 55′. 28″. which, detracted from the 35 degrees 20′. wherein I found him, there remain 12 degrees 24′. 33″. and so far is Mangalòr distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North, and hath the Northern Pole so much elevated. At this time the heat at Mangalòr is such as it is at Rome in the moneth of Iune, or the end of August.

December the eleventh, I went in the Morning about half a League from Mangalòr to see the Hermitage, where lives and reigns the Archimandrita of the Indian Gioghi, whom the Por∣tugals (usually liberal of the Royal Title) style King of the Gioghi, perhaps because the Indians tearm him so in their Lan∣guage; and in effect he is Lord of a little circuit of Land, where∣in, besides the Hermitage and the habitations of the Gioghi are some few Houses of the Country people, and a few very small Villages subject to his Government. The Hermitage stands on the side of a Hill, in this manner.

On the edge of the Plain, where the ascent of the Hill be∣gins, is a great Cistern or Lake, from which ascending a pair of stairs, with the face turn'd towards the North, you enter into a Gate, which hath a cover'd Porch, and is the first of the whole inclosure, which is surrounded with a wall and a ditch like a Fort. Being enter'd the said Gate, and going strait for∣ward through a handsome broad Walk, bes••t on either side with sundry fruit-trees, you come to another Gate, where there are stairs and a Porch higher then the former. This opens into a square Piazza or great Court, in the middle whereof stands a Temple of indifferent greatness, and for Architecture like the other Temples of the Indian-Gentiles; onely the Front looks to∣wards the East, where the Hill riseth higher, and the South side of the Temple stands towards that Gate which leads into the Court. Behind the Temple, on the side of the Court, is a kind of Shed or Pent-house with a Charriot in it, which serves to carry the Idol in Procession upon certain Festivals. Also in two or three other places of the side of the Court, there are little square Chappels for other Idols. On the North side of the Court is another Gate opposite to the former, by which going out and ascending some few steps, you see a great Cistern or Lake of a long form, built about with black stone, and stairs leading down to the surface of the water; in one place next the wall 'tis divided into many little Cisterns, and it serves for the Ministers of the Temple to wash themselves in, and to perform their Ceremonies. The Gate of the Temple, as I said, looks Eastward, where the Hill begins to rise very high and steep. From the Front of the Temple to the top of the Hill, are long and broad stairs of the same black stone which lead up to it, and there the pla••e is afterwards plain. Where the stairs begin, stands a high, strait, and round brazen Pillar, ty'd about in se∣veral

places with little fillets; 'tis about 60 Palms high, and one and a half thick from the bottom to the top, with little dimi∣nution. On this Pillar are plac'd about seventeen round brazen wheels, made with many spokes round about like stars: they are to support the lights in great Festivals, and are distant about three Palms one from another. The top terminates in a great brazen Candlestick of five branches; of which the middlemost is highest, the other four of equal height. The foot of the Pil∣lar is square, and hath an Idol engraven on each side; the whole Engine is, or at least seems, all of a piece. The Temple, to wit, the inner part where the Idol stands, is likewise all cover'd with brass: They told me, the walls of the whole Inclosure, which are now cover'd with leavs, were sometimes cover'd with large plates of brass; but that Venk-tapà Naieka carry'd the same away, when in the war of Mangalòr his Army pillag'd all these Countries; which whether it be true or no, I know not. The walls of a less Inclosure (wherein according to their custom the Temple stands) are also surrounded on the outside with eleven wooden rails up to the top, distant one above another little more then an Architectical Palm; these also serve to bear Lights in Festival occasions; which must needs make a brave Shew, the Temple thereby appearing as if it were all on fire. This Temple is dedicated to an Idol call'd Moginàto; of what form it is I know not, because they would not suffer us to enter in to see it.

Having view'd the Temple, I ascended the Hill by the stairs, and passing a good way forward on the top thereof, came to the habitations of the Gioghi and their King; the place is a Plain, and planted with many Trees, under which are rais'd many very great stone-pavements a little height above the ground, for them to sit upon in the shadow. There are an infinite number of little square Chappels with several Idols in them, and some places cover'd over head, but open round about, for the Gioghi to en∣tertain themselves in. And lastly, there is the King's House, which is very low built; I saw nothing of it, (and believe there is nothing more) but a small Porch, with walls round about colour'd with red, and painted with Elephants and other Ani∣mals: Besides, in one place a wooden thing like a little square bed, somewhat rais'd from the ground, and cover'd with a Cloth like a Tent; they told me it was the place where the King us'd to reside, and perhaps also to sleep. The King was not here now, but was gone to a Shed or Cottage in a great plain field, to see something, I know not what, done. The Soil is very good, and kept in tillage; where it is not plain, by reason of the steepness of the Hill, 'tis planted with high goodly Trees, most of which bear fruit: And indeed, for a Hermitage so ill kept by people that know not, or cannot make it delightful, it seem'd to me sufficiently handsome. I believe, it was built by the Kings of Banghel whilst they flourish'd, for it lyes in their Territory,

and that the place and the Seignory thereof was by them given to the Gioghi; who, as they have no Wives, so the Dominion of this Hermitage and the adjacent Land, goes not by Inheritance but by Elective Succession. I thought to find abundance of Gioghi here, as in our Covents, but I saw not above one or two; and they told me, they resort not together, but remain dispers'd here and there as they list, abide in several places in Temples where they please, nor are subject to their King in point of Obe∣dience, as ours are to their Superior, but onely do him Reve∣rence and Honour; and at certain solemn times great numbers of them assemble here, to whom during their stay, the King supplies Victuals. In the Hermitage live many Servants of his and Labourers of the Earth, who till these Lands, whereby he gets Provision. They told me, that what he possesses within and without the Hermitage, yields him about five or six thousand Pagods yearly, the greatest part whereof he expends in Feasts, and the rest in diet, and in what is needful for the ordinary service of the Temple, and his Idols; and that Venk-tapà Naieka had not yet taken Tribute of him, but 'twas feared he would hereafter.

At length I went to see the King of the Gioghi, and found him employed in his business after a mean sort, like a Peasant or Vil∣lager. He was an old man with a long white beard, but strong and lusty; in either ear hung two little beads, which seemed to be of Gold, I know not whether empty or full, about the bigness of a Musket-bullet; the holes of his ears were large, and the tips much stretched by the weight; on his head he had a little red bonnet, such as our Galley-slaves wear, which caps are brought out of Europe to be sold in India with good profit. From the girdle upwards he was naked, onely he had a piece of Cotton wrought with Lozenges of several colours cross his shoulders; he was not very low, and, for an Indian, of colour rather white then otherwise. He seemed a man of judgement, but upon tryal in sundry things, I found him not learned. He told me, that for∣merly he had Horses, Elephants, Palanchinoes, and a great equipage and power before, Venk-tapà Naieka took away all from him, so that now he had very little left. That within twenty dayes after, there was to be a great Feast in that place, to which many Gioghi would repair from several parts; that it would be worth my seeing, and that I should meet one that could speak Arabick and Persian, and was very learned, who could give me satisfaction of many things; and extolling the qualities of this Giogho, he told me that he had a very great Head (to signifie the greatness of which, he made a great circle with his arms) to wit, of hair, ruffled and long, and which had neither been cut nor combed a great while. I asked him to give me his Name in writing, for my Memory; since I was come to see him. He answer'd me, (as the Orientals for the most part do to such curi∣ous demands) To what purpose was it? and, in fine, he would not give it me; but I perceiv'd 'twas through a vain and ignorant fear,

that it might be of some mischief to him. Nevertheless at my going away, I was told by others that he is call'd Batniato; and that the Hermitage and all the adjacent places is call'd Cadirà.

Having ended my discourse with the King, I came away, and, at the foot of the Hill, without the first gate of the Hermitage, rested to dine, till the heat were over, in the House or Cottage of one of the Peasants, (there being a small Village there) whose Wife set before us Rice, Caril, and Fish, which themselves also eat, being of a Race allow'd so to do. When the heat was past, I return'd fair and softly, as I went, to Mangalòr; and arriv'd at home a good while before night.

December the eighteenth, I prepar'd my self to go to Carnate to see that Queen; whose Territory and City is, as I have said else-where, two or three Leagues distant from Mangalòr, upon the Sea-coast towards the North. The City stands upon a River which encompasses it, and over-flowes the Country round about, it was wont to be very strong both by Art and situation; but during the war of Mangalòr, Venk-tapà Naieka coming with a great Army to subdue and pillage all these Countries, sent for this Queen to come and yield Obedience to him. The Queen, who, as I have heard, is a Lady of much Virtue and Prudence; being unwilling to render her self to Venk-tapà, summoned her Captains together, told them, that she was ready to spend and give them all the Money and Jewels she had, and not to be wanting on her part to her utmost power, if they would prepare themselves to defend the State: But these Ministers, either through Cowardize or Treachery, would not attempt a defence: Whereupon the poor Queen, who as a Woman could do little by her self, (her Son also being very young) seeing her people dis∣heartned, resolv'd by their advice to surrender her self to Venk-ta∣pà Naieka; and accordingly prepar'd to go to him with a good Guard of Souldiers. Which he hearing, sent to her to come alone without other company then her Attendants; which she did, not voluntarily, but constrain'd thereto by her hard Fortune, and the little Faith of others. Venk-tapà receiv'd her honourably, and took her into his Friendship and Protection; but withall he caus'd the City to be dismantled of the strong walls it had, to prevent her rebelling against him afterwards, and left her, as be∣fore, the Government of the State, tying her onely to Obe∣dience, the payment of a Tribute, and the professing of a noble Vassallage to him. When they dismantled the City, the Queen (they say) unable to endure the sight, retir'd into a solitary place a little distant, cursing in those her solitudes the Pusillani∣mity and Infidelity of her own people, no less then the unfortun∣ateness and weakness of the Portugals her defenders, to whom she had been always a faithful Friend. At this time she lives with her young Son, either in Carnate, or some other place there∣abouts.

Being mov'd by the Fame of this Queens Virtue, I was desirous to go and do her Reverence; for which purpose I had gotten a Palanchino ready, and Men to carry me thither. But in the Morning of the above-said day, there put in to Mangalòr a Fleet of Portugal Ships, which they call l' armata del Canarà, because it coasts along the ruines of the Province Canarà; or else l' ar∣mata della Colletta, for that it is maintain'd with the Money of a New Impost lay'd upon, and collected by the Portugals in their Indian Plantations. The General of this Fleet was Sig: Luis de Mendoza, a principal Cavalier or Fridalgo, (as they speak) young, but of very good parts. The Captain of one of the Ships was Sig: Ayres de Siqueira Baraccio, formerly my Friend at Goa, whom I expected that I might return thither in his Ship. Whereupon hearing of his Arrival, I went to seek him, and finding him already landed, I understood by him that this Fleet was to go to Calecut, in order to carry thither two Men of Sa∣mori King of Calecut, (Samori is a Title given to all those Kings, like our Emperour or Caesar) which Men he had a little before sent to Goa in the same Fleet, in another Voyage which it had made upon those Coasts, to try the Vice-Roy about a Peace; (for he had been many years, if not at War, yet at enmity with the Portugals) saying, that if the Vice-Roy inclin'd to Peace, he would afterwards send Ambassadors with more solemnity, and treat of Articles. Now these Men were returning to Calecut with the Vice-Roy's Answer; and, as Sig: Ayres said, the Fleet would depart from Mangalòr the same night, yet would return very shortly, because the General had Orders not to stay at Calecut above four and twenty hours, onely till he had landed these Men, and understood what Resolution the Samori gave in Answer, without giving him more time to think thereupon. That in their return the Fleet would touch at Mangalòr, and all the other Ports of that Coast, to take with them the Merchants Ships laden with Rice, (which were now prepar'd, or a prepa∣ring) and convoy them according to their custom to Goa, where, by reason of scarcity of provision, they were much desir'd. Hearing this News, I was ••••ath to lose the opportunity of seeing Calecut, (the King whereof is one of the most famous among the Gentile Princes of India, and is likely to be at Peace but a little while with the Portugals) and therefore resolved to go aboard the Ship of Sig: Ayres the same day, putting off my Journey to Car∣nate, whither I had hopes to go at my return. Accordingly dismissing the Palanchino, and the Men that were to carry me, together with the Servant I had taken at Barselòr, (because he was not willing to go further with me), I went aboard alone without any Servant, assuring my self I could not want attend∣ance, and what-ever else was needful in the Ship; wherein I found Sig: Manoel Leyton, Son of Sig: Gio: Fernandez Leyton, embarqu'd as a Souldier (which course of life he was now first enter'd upon), besides many other eminent Souldiers, who were

afterwards very friendly to me, and with whom I spent many days in good conversation.

December the nineteenth, We departed from Mangalòr, and went formost of all, because our Ship was Captain of the Van∣guard. This day we pass'd by a high Hill discover'd within Land, call'd Monte Deli; and the next day, (December the twentieth) by another, call'd Monte Fermoso. At night, we anchor'd under Cananòr, but enter'd not the Port, having sail'd from Mangalòr hither always Southwards eighteen Leagues.

December the one and twentieth, Once in the Morning, and once in the Evening, we met with Paroes, which are very light Ships of the Malabar Rovers, of whom this Coast was full; for at Mangalòr ends the Province of Canarà, and that of Malabar begins: We made ready our Arms both times to fight them, but they fled from us, and recover'd the mouths of the Rivers, whereof that Coast is full, where by reason it was their own Territory, and well guarded in those narrow and difficult places, we could not pursue them to take them; onely we discharg'd some Guns against them at distance to no purpose, which were answer'd from that Land with the like; we might easily have attempted, if not to take that which we saw in the Evening, yet at least to shatter it a far off with our Cannon, if the Gene∣ral had not had regard to the Land they recover'd, which be∣long'd to the Samori, to whom upon account of the Peace in agi∣tation, he was willing to have respect. At night we came to Anchor under Calecut, which is twelve Leagues Southwards be∣yond Cananòr.

December the two and twentieth, Early in the Morning the Samori's two Men landed at Calecut, and with them a Portugal common Souldier, but well clad and attended, whom the Ge∣neral sent to the King with the Vice-Roy's Answer, which was; That the Vice-Roy was contented to treat of a Peace, and would gladly conclude it; but on condition that the Samori made Peace too with the King of Cocin, the Portugals Confede∣rate, whom it was not fit to léave out of the said Peace; and the rather, because the greatest differences between the Portu∣gals and the Samori were touching the King of Cocin, whom the Portugals justly defended as their faithful Friend, and had alwayes, to the dammage of the Samori, his perpetual Adversary, much supported; That if the Samori were contented to make Peace with both, he should send his Ambassadors to Goa with power to treat of the conditions, and they should be receiv'd very well. Within a short time the Portugal return'd to the Fleet; for the City of Calecut stands upon the shore, and the Samori's Royal Palace is not far off: And together with the Portugal, the Samori sent to the General a Portugal Boy, eight or ten years old, call'd Cicco, who in certain Revolutions of Cananòr, had been taken Prisoner, and was brought up in his Court; he sent him well cloth'd, and accompany'd not onely with many persons,

but also with Pipes and Drums, that he might visit the General in his Name, and give him a Present of Refreshments to eat, namely, Indian Figgs, Lagne, and other fruits. His Answer to the business was, that the Peace should be first made between himself and the Portugals, and afterwards the Interests of the King of Cocin should be taken into consideration; withall, de∣siring the General that he would vouchsafe to stay a while till he had better advis'd with his Ministers, and deliberated about sending Ambassadors to Goa in the same Fleet; with other Rea∣sons, which were judg'd rather excuses to put off the time, and hold the Portugals in a Treaty of Peace, till some very rich Ships of his which he expected from Meccha were return'd, lest the Portugals should molest them at Sea; than real intentions for a Peace, especially with the King of Cocin, with whom he hath long and intricate discords, not so easily to be terminated. The Portugals also demanded, that the Samori would remove a Garri∣son which he had plac'd in certain Confines, where they for their own security, and the defence of the King of Cocin, were fain to keep a Fort continually, with a great Garrison and at much expence: And because he shew'd not much inclination there∣unto, it was not without cause judg'd that his Treaties were Artifices, to hold the Portugals in suspence; wherefore the Ge∣neral sent him word, That he had express Order from the Vice-Roy not to stay longer at Calecut then twenty four hours, and so long he would stay: If within that time the Samori took a Re∣solution sutable to the Vice-Roy's Propositions, he would carry his Ambassador with a good will; otherwise, he intended to depart the next night, all the intermediate day being allow'd his Highness to determine. With this Reply he re-manded the young Child Cicco, honor'd with some small Presents, and the other Men that came with him, without sending any of his Portugals on purpose, or going ashore to refresh himself and visit the Samori, as he was by him invited; the Vice-Roy having given him secret Instruction not to trust him too far, because these Kings Samori had never been very faithful towards the Portu∣gals. Nevertheless the General forbad not any Souldiers to land that were so minded, so that many of them went ashore, some to walk up and down, some to buy things, and some to do other business; as also many people came to the Fleet in little boats, partly, to sell things, and partly, out of curiosity to see the Portu∣gals, who in regard of their almost continual enmity with the Samori, seldom us'd to be seen in Calecut.

The same day, (December the two and twentieth) whilst we were aboard in the Port of Calecut, I took the Sun's Altitude with my Astrolabe, and found him to decline at Noon from the Zenith 34 degrees and 50 minutes. The Sun was this day in the thirtieth degree of Sagittary; whence according to my Canon of Declination, which I had from F. Frà Paolo Maria Cittadini, he declin'd from the Aequinoctial towards the South 23 degrees

and 28 minutes, which according to that Canon is the greatest Declination; if it be not really so, the little that is wanting may be allowed for the anticipation of four hours, if not more, that the Noon-tide falls sooner at Calecut than in any other Meridian of Europe, according to which my Canon of Declination shall be cal∣culated; so that if from the 34 degrees 50 minutes in which I found the Sun, you substract the 23 dgrees 28′. which I presup∣pose him to decline from the Aequinoctial towards the South, the remainder is 11 degrees 22′. and so much is the Elevation of the North Pole in this place; and consequently, the City of Calecut lyes 11 degrees 22′. distant from the Aequinoctial to∣wards the North. After dinner, I landed also with the Captain of my Ship, and some other Souldiers; we went to see the Bazar, which is near the shore; the Houses, or rather Cottages are built of Earth and Palm-leav's, being very low; the Streets also are very narrow, but indifferently long; the Market was full of all sorts of provision, and other things necessary to the liveli∣hood of that people, conformable to their Custom; for as for Clothing, they need little, both Men and Women going quite naked, saving that they have a piece either of Cotton or Silk hanging down from the girdle to the knees, and covering their shame; the better sort are wont to wear it either all blew, or white strip'd with Azure, or Azure and some other colour; a dark blew being most esteem'd amongst them. Moreover, both Men and Women wear their hair long, and ty'd about the head; the Women, with a lock hanging on one side under the ear be∣commingly enough, as almost all Indian-Women do; the dres∣sing of whose head, is, in my opinion, the gallantest that I have seen in any other Nation: The Men have a lock hanging down from the crown of the head, sometimes a little inclin'd on one side; some of them use a small colour'd head-band, but the Wo∣men use none at all. Both sexes have their arms full of bracelets, their ears of pendants, and their necks of jewels; the Men com∣monly go with their naked Swords and Bucklers, or other Arms in their hands, as I said of those of Balagate.

The Inhabitants of the Kingdom of Calecut, and the In-land parts, especially the better sort, are all Gentiles, of the Race Nairi for the most part, by profession Souldiers, sufficiently swashing and brave: But the Sea-coasts are full of Malabari, an adventitious people, though of long standing; for Marco Polo who writ four hundred years since, makes mention of them; they live confusedly with the Pagans, and speak the same Language, but yet are Mahometans in Religion. From them, all that Country for a long tract together is call'd Malabar, fa∣mous in India for the continual Robberies committed at Sea by the Malabar Thieves; whence in the Bazar of Calecut, be∣sides the things above-mention'd, we saw sold good store of the Portugals commodities, as Swords, Arms, Books, Clothes of Goa, and the like Merchandizes taken from Portugal Vessels

at Sea; which things, because stollen, and in regard of the Ex∣communication which lyes upon us in that case, are not bought by our Christians. Having seen the Bazar, and stay'd there till it was late, we were minded to see the more inward and noble parts of the City, and the out-side of the King's Palace; for to see the King at that hour we had no intention, nor did we come prepar'd for it, but were in the same garb which we wore in the Ship. Accordingly we walk'd a good way towards the Palace, for the City is great, and we found it to consist of plots beset with abundance of high Trees, amongst the boughs whereof, a great many of wild Monkies; and within these close Groves, stand the Houses, for the most part at a distance from the com∣mon Wayes or Streets; they appear but little, few of their out∣sides being seen, besides the low walls made of a black stone sur∣rounding these plots, and dividing them from the Streets, which are much better than those of the Bazar, but without any orna∣ment of Windows; so that he that walks through the City, may think that he is rather in the midst of uninhabited Gardens, than of an inhabited City: Nevertheless it is well peopled, and hath many Inhabitants, whose being contented with narrow buildings, is the cause that it appears but small. As we walked in this manner, we met one of those Men who had been at Goa with the Vice-Roy; and because he saw us many together, and imagin'd there was some person of quality amongst us, or because he knew our General, he invited us to go with him to his King's Palace; and going before us as our guide, conducted us thither. He also sent one before to advertise the King of our coming, and told us, we must by all means go to see him, because his Highness was de∣sirous to see us and talk with us: Wherefore, not to appear dis∣courteous, we were constrein'd to consent to his Request, notwithstanding the unexpectedness of, and our unpreparedness for, the visit.

The first and principal Gate of the Palace opens upon a little Piazza, which is beset with certain very great Trees, affording a delightful shadow. I saw no Guard before it, it was great and open; but before it, was a row of Balisters, about four or five foot from the ground, which serv'd to keep out not onely Horses and other Animals, but also Men upon occasion. In the middle was a little pair of Stairs without the Gate leading into it, and another within on the other side. Yet, I believe, both the Stairs and the Balisters are moveable, because 'tis likely that when the King comes forth, the Gate is clearly open; otherwise it would not be handsome, but this is onely my conjecture. We enter'd this Gate, ascending the Stairs upon the Rails, where we were met by the Messenger whom the above-said person had sent to the King, and who again invited us into the Palace by the Kings Order. Within the Gate we found a great Court, of a long form, without any just and proportionate figure of Archite∣cture; on the sides, were many lodgings in several places, and

in the middle, were planted divers great Trees for shadow: The King's chief apartment, and (as I believe, by what I shall men∣tion hereafter) where his Women were, was at the end of the Court, opposite to the left side of the Entrance. The Edifice, in comparison of ours, was of little consideration; but, accord∣ing to their mode, both for greatness and appearance, capable of a Royal Family. It had a cover'd porch in that form, as all their structures have, and within that was a door of no great largeness leading into the House. Here we found Cicco the Portugal youth, become an Indian in Habit and Language, but, as himself told us, and as his Portugal Name, which he still retain'd among the Gen∣tiles, demonstrated, no Renegado but a Christian; which I ra∣ther believe, because indeed the Indian-Gentiles admit not, nor care to admit other strangers to their Religion, as I have else∣where noted; for conjoyning so inseparately, as they do, their Religion to the Descents or Races of Men, as a Man can never be of other Race then what he was born of; so they also think that he neither can nor ought to be of any other Religion, although in Habit, Language, and Customes, he accommodate himself to the people with whom he lives. With the said Cicco we found many other of the King's Courtiers who waited for us, and here we convers'd with them a good while before the Gate, expecting a new Message from the King, who, they told us, was now bathing himself, according to their custom, after supper. Nor was it long before Order came from the King for us to enter, and accordingly we were introduc'd into that second Gate; and passing by a close room like a chamber, (in which I saw the Image of Brahmà upon his Peacock, and other Idolets) we enter'd into a little open Court, surrounded with two rows of narrow and low Cloysters, to wit, one level with the ground, and the other somewhat higher. The pavement of the porch was also something rais'd above the plane of the Court, so much as might serve for a Man to sit after our manner. The King was not in this small Court, but they told us we must attend him here, and he would come presently: Whereupon we betook our selves to sit down upon that rais'd pavement of the porch, the Courtiers standing round about us; amongst which, the Portugal Cicco, and ano∣ther Indian Man, (who, as they said, was a Christian, and being sometimes a slave to the Portugals, had fled hither for Liberty, and was entertain'd in the King's Guard) serv'd us for Interpre∣ters; but not well, because the Man spoke not the Portugal Tongue so much as tolerably, and Cicco having been taken when he was very young, remembred but little of his own Language.

No sooner were we seated in this place, but two Girls about twelve years old enter'd at the same Gate whereat we came in; they were all naked, (as, I said above, the Women generally go) saving that they had a very small blew cloth wrap'd about their immodesties, and their Arms, Ears, and Necks, were full of or∣naments

of Gold and very rich Jewels. Their colour was some∣what swarthy, as all these Nations are, but in respect of others of the same Country, clear enough; and their shape no less pro∣portionable and comely, than their aspect was handsome and wel∣favour'd. They were both the Daughters, as they told us, of the Queen, that is, not of the King but of his Sister, who is styl'd, and in effect is, Queen; for these Gentiles using to derive the descent and inheritance by the line of the Women, though the Government is allow'd to Men, as more fit for it, and he that governes is call'd King; yet the King's Sister, and, amongst them, (if there be more then one) she to whom, by reason of Age, or for other respects it belongs, is call'd, and properly is Queen, and not any Wife or Concubine of the King, who ha's many. So also when the King, (who governes upon the account of being Son of the Queen-Mother) happens to dye, his own Sons suc∣ceed him not, (because they are not the Sons of the Queen) but the Sons of his Sister; or in defect of such, those of the nearest Kins-women by the same Female line: So that these two Girls, whom I call the Nieces of the Samori, were right Princesses or Infantaes of the Kingdom of Calecut. Upon their entrance where we were, all the Courtiers present shew'd great Reverence to them; and we, understanding who they were, arose from our seat, and having saluted them, stood all the time afterwards be∣fore them bare-headed. For want of Language we spoke not to them, because the above-said Indian-slave was retir'd at a distance upon their coming, giving place to other more noble Courtiers: And Cicco stood so demurely by us, that he durst not lift up his eyes to behold them, much less speak; having already learnt the Court-fashions and good manners of the place. Ne∣vertheless they talk'd much together concerning us, as they stood, and we also of them, and all smil'd without understand∣ing one another. One of them being more forward could not contain, but approaching gently towards me, almost touch'd the Sleeve of my Coat with her hand, making a sign of wonder to her Sister, how we could go so wrap'd up and intangled in clothes as we seem'd to her to be: Such is the power of Custom, that their going naked seem'd no more strange to us, than our being cloth'd appear'd extravagant to them. After a short space the King came in at the same door, accompany'd with many others. He was a young Man of thirty or five and thirty years of Age, to my thinking; of a large bulk of body, sufficiently fair for an Indian, and of a handsome presence. He is call'd (as a principal Courtier, whom I afterwards ask'd, told me) by the proper name of Vikirà. His Beard was somewhat long, and equally round about his Face; he was naked, having onely a piece of fine changeable cotten cloth, blew and white, hanging from the girdle to the middle of the Leg. He had divers bracelets on his Arms, pendants at his Ears, and other ornaments with many Jewels and rubies of value. In his Hand he carry'd a painted

staff, (if it were not an Indian Cane) like a Shep-herd's staff, upon which fix'd in the earth, just as Shep-herds are represented in our Comedies, he stood leaning for a while. When he was saluted by us, he receiv'd us smiling, and with much courtesie; and whilst his two Neeces stood by him leaning against a high banck to sit upon, we stood orderly in the Court just before the King; and the whole Court and the Porches being full of other Courtiers who came in, partly, with the King, and partly, by some other little entrances. I will not omit the manner how those that entred saluted the King; for I saw more then one do it, and particularly, a Youth who enter'd a good while after the King by one of those little Gates; to whom in parti∣cular the King spake much, and of whom he seemed to make great account. In his salutation he advanced his joyned Hands over his Head, then parting them a little, so extended and ex∣alted, he smote them lightly together twice or thrice, to wit, the palm of one Hand with the four longest Fingers of the other joyned together; which whole action he repeated twice or thrice. Such as had weapons, lifted up their joyned Hands above their Heads, with their Swords, Ponyards, Bucklers, or other Arms in them; and instead of striking with their Fingers, as by reason of their Arms they could not, they bowed down their Hands so conjoyned, and made the points of their Swords touch the ground. No less full were the higher Cloysters round about of Women, who stood there to behold us; amongst whom stood apart in the most eminent place the Queen, Sister to the King, a Woman of ripe Age, cloth'd in blew Cotton as to her lower parts, and abundantly adorned with Jewels.

The King desiring to talk with us, caused the youth Cicco to draw near, and afterwards called for the Indian Slave above-men∣tioned; because Cicco, either out of excessive Reverence, or for that he had forgotten the Portugal-Tongue, durst not undertake to interpret. He asked our Captain who he was, and how called? The Captain would not confess himself Captain of a Ship, and so become known, but counterfeiting another Name, said, he was a private Souldier, and Companion to the rest of us; which the King seemed not to believe. He enquired likewise concerning the other Souldiers present; and above all, very particularly con∣cerning me, pointing at the pendant which I wore in my Ear, almost like their Custom of India, and looking upon me for it with some wonder, as a thing which he knew not-usual among the Portugals; whereupon I told him who I was, to wit, of what Country, and something I said briefly concerning the curiosity of my Travells; that I had run through so many Coun∣tries onely to see the world, and was at length come to his Court, being no Portugal, but of Rome, a different and remote Nation from Portugal; with all which he seem'd well pleas'd. He bid us several times put on our Hats; but our Captain, whose example 'twas fit for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to follow, being resolv'd not to make

himself known, not onely would not do it, but refus'd it both by gestures and words, which I liked not well; for shaking his Head and smiling, he answer'd that he would not, that they should not cause him to commit that false Latine, what ever else he did; that indeed it was not a thing to be jeasted in, with other such gallantries; he conceiving, as I believe, that herein consisted all the punctuality of this Audience on his part: So that none of the rest of us cover'd himself; but it would not have been ill done, if the favour had been with better Answers then by saying, as the Captain did twice or thrice, (with greater Courtship, as he thought) that it was hot, and therefore he would not put on his Hat, which his smiling betray'd to be but an excuse; though he conceiv'd he thereby shew'd himself an ex∣cellent Courtier, Then the King began to speak to our Cap∣tain, (whom he well perceiv'd to be the Chief of the company) concerning the Peace; yet saying no more then what he had sig∣nifi'd to our General, and desiring him to perswade the General not to depart so soon from Calecut, but to stay till he had con∣sulted better with his Ministers, and had time to give a better and more determinate Resolution. The Captain answer'd cuning∣ly, that these matters did not belong to him, who was a private Souldier, and was come thither onely to see the City and the Palace, whither he had been unexpectedly invited by his High∣ness; that as to the Peace, it was to be treated of with the Gene∣ral, who had already answered his Highness as far as he could, according to the Orders given him by the Vice-Roy; neverthe∣less that in Obedience to his Highness, he would deliver this Message to him in the Evening. The King saw that a Soul∣dier of ours had one of those Harquebuzes, which the Portugals call Baccamarti, which are very short, of a large bore, and with a Fire-lock after the English-fashion. He asked to have it brought to him to look upon; whereupon a Courtier taking it out of the Souldier's Hand reach'd it to the King, not giving it into his Hand, (for 'tis not lawful for them to touch a thing at the same time with the King) but (because it would neither have been handsome to have lay'd it down on the ground for the King to take it up) therefore he took this course; He set the but-end of the Harquebuz upon the ground at a little distance from the King, and then giving the bore-end a gentle cast from himself, made it fall into the Hands of the King, who held them ready for that purpose. The King taking the Harquebuz in his Hand, pre∣sently shaked the powder out of the pan upon the ground, lest any disaster should befall him, (for he perceived it was charged) then lifting it up to his Eye, he looked through the sight, shew∣ing thereby that he was a good markes-man, as they told us af∣terwards he was. He look'd much upon the Fire-lock as a thing unknown to them, for their Guns have onely match; and being he seemed much taken with this piece, I told the Captain it would be handsome to present it to him, and indeed had it been

mine, I should willingly have given it him. The Captain spoke to the Souldier, who, uncapable of such noble thoughts, answered that he would give it to the King if he might have forty Piasters for it, which was above twice the value. So that the King not offering to buy it, nor the Captain to lay out so much Money in order to present it to him, the pleasuring him there∣with was waved; nor was it otherwise offered to him, as in my opinion Civility required. Nevertheless the King never let it it go out of his Hand so long as we were with him. After∣wards he shewed us a little Parrot standing in an open Cage under the Cloyster, he endeavoured to cause it to speak in our presence; and because our Interpreters were not very good, he sent to call an eminent Servant of his, who spoke the Por∣tugal-Tongue better, to come and interpret in this Conver∣sation.

The Signori Portoghesi my Companions, little accustomed to Princes Courts, though otherwise well bred, gave me occasion to laugh within my self at two things. The first was, that it ap∣pearing to them unhandsome, that the King stood all the while he discoursed with us, as he did; or at most, leaned onely on the wall or his staff; they took upon them to speak to his Highness to sit down, and not put himself to such trouble. I disswaded the Captain from it by all means, because Kings are Kings, and sit or stand when they please, and do what they list, 'tis their part to command; nor are we to use those Comple∣ments with them which we do to our equals, but always leave them to their own will and pleasure, for this is the breeding of the Court: But my counsel prevailed little, for the Captain was resolved to speak and desire him to sit down, as he did, not once, but twice or thrice; of which, nevertheless the King made little account, and answered onely with a smile. The second thing that made me laugh, was, that when the King enter'd into the little Court, the door whereat he and we had enter'd before, was immediately made fast with an Iron barr, people also stand∣ing continually to guard it; and so likewise when any one came in, or was sent out by the King, it was presently shut with dili∣gence. The Captain and the other Portugals did not like this shutting of the door, and began presently to mutter amongst themselves, and to suspect that the King intended to detain them prisoners there, or to put some trick upon them; and what would the General and others say in Goa; for their coming to put themselves in a Cage thus, without the order and leave of their General, onely upon meer curiosity? I advis'd them to be quiet, telling them that it was not befitting a King to do such an act, nor was there any occasion why the King should be so treacherous; that we were not so many, nor so considerable that the doing thereof would be of any profit to him, or damage to the Portugal Nation. That it was fit the doors should be shut whilst the King was there in that manner giving Audience to so

many strangers together, arm'd, and of so little confidence with him as we were: That on the contrary, he had done us much Honour in inviting and admitting us to his presence with all our weapons, there being no Ambassador, nor publick person, or so much as known amongst us. This partly quieted them, although they very ill indur'd to see themselves shut up. I told them fur∣ther, that it belong'd to the King to dismiss us when he pleas'd, and that, should we be late, the General would excuse us for our delay, at least, if not for our too-great Curiosity, which yet was no high crime as the case stood, almost all the Souldiers be∣ing come a shore this day. Nevertheless they twice or thrice de∣manded of the King that he would let them go, alledging that it was already late to return aboard, as indeed it was; but the King alwayes exens'd it, and would not dismiss them, saying, That we must stay till the Man he had sent for was come, because he was desirous to talk a little better with us, and that he would send us aboard in his own Boats, at any time when it should be needful; for, there being no form'd Harbour at Calecui, but an open shoare, the Ships rode at a good distance from the Land.

At length came the expected Interpreter, who was a prime Brachman, and a Man of great Authority with the King; for I observed, that he alone of all that were present, leaned upon his staff as the King did, and, as himself said, he had sometimes treat∣ed of weighty affairs on his Kings behalf with the Portugals in the enterprize of Cognale, perhaps not in the dayes of this Samo∣ri, but of his Predecessor: So that he said, he was very well known to the Vice-Roy, and the chief Captains of Goa vers'd in those parts. Upon the entrance of this Man, the King call'd our Captain to come up to him upon the raised pavement of the Porch; he refused at first twice or thrice, but at length was prevailed with by the instances both of the King himself, and of this Brachman. Here the King fell largely to discourse with him, and with us about the Peace, about his desire to have the Fleet stay a while longer for establishing a firm Friendship with the Portugals, and about divers other things; many of which were the same that he had spoken before. In short, the Audience lasted till night, the two little Ladies his Neeces, being present almost all the time, (for they went and came now and then) and the Queen in the upper Cloyster; in beholding of whom, to speak truth, I was more attentive than in all hearing these discourses, which I well saw were of little importance, and therefore I can∣not relate more punctually. At length it growing dark, upon our Captain's importunity the King dismiss'd us, and the door being open'd, we were suffer'd to go forth; but first he caus'd many branches of Indian Figs and Lagne, to be brought and presented to us; the Courtiers giving them to our Captain and the other Souldiers, not by stretching forth the Hand, but by tossing them in the Air, as their custom is, I believe, to avoid being contami∣nated

by our contact. The King did the like, when at our departure he restor'd the Harquebuz to its owner; for he cast it after the same manner into the Hands of one of his Courtiers as it was cast to him, but gently, and with much care lest it should fall, bowing himself almost to the ground for that purpose, as it was necessary to do by reason of the shortness of the piece. These Ceremonies, of not being touch'd, and the like, of which in publick demonstration they are so rigorous, yet in secret and when they please, they do not so exactly observe. And 'twas told us of this King, that he is a great drinker of Wine, though rigorously prohibited by his Religion, and that he hath some∣times eaten and drunk at the same Table with Portugals very familiarly; and that he is a Man of very affable humour, and a great friend to a jovial life, as also his carriage towards us de∣monstrated. Besides the Lagne and Figs which he appointed some of his Servants to carry for us even to the Boats, he gave our Captain a wild Pig alive, which he caus'd to be brought from some inner rooms of the Court, and being ty'd with a rope to be carry'd likewise to the Sea-side, whither also he sent many, and some of the principal of his Courtiers, to accompany us. A little after us he sent again to the General, one of those two Men which had been at Goa, (to wit, he who conducted us to the Palace, and was present at the whole Audience) to visit the General in his Name, carry him new refreshments of Fruits, and desire him not to depart so soon. But before I proceed further, for the better understanding of what I have already written, I will here present to your view a rough and unmeasur'd Plat-form of the Samori's Palace, and the place where he gave us Audience.

[illustration] numbered floorplan of palace platform

• 1. The little Piazza without the first Gate of the Palace.
• 2. The first Gate guarded with Balisters.
• 3. A great Court within the first Gate, which should be longer in proportion to the bredth, but is drawn thus in re∣gard of the scantness of the paper, it hath lodgings about it in se∣veral places.
• 4. The King's House, and the Apartment of his Women.
• 5. The Porch of the said House.
• 6. The second Gate.
• 7. A dark Room lock'd up
• ...

• 8. A Door leading into the little Court.
• 9. Several Lodgings.
• 10. The little Court.
• 11. The place whence the wild Swine was brought.
• 12. The King denoted in several places, according as he mov'd whilst he was speaking.
• 13. The King's two Neeces.
• 14. A great Man of the King's, who serv'd for Interpreter.
• 15. The Queen in the higher Cloyster.
• 16. Our Company, with a greater number of Courtiers on each side of us, than the place allows to be here denoted.
• 17. Our Captain in the close of the Audience, and when he receiv'd the Lagne.

Being dismiss'd by the Samori, as is above-said, we return'd to the Sea-side to go aboard, it being now night; but because there were but two or three very small boats, in each of which not above two or three could go at a time, in regard the Sea was some-what rough, and we were many, it came to be above one a clock in the night before we all got aboard. Our Captain was one of the first, and he went presently to give an account of what had pass'd this day between us and the Samori to the General, who was minded to depart forth-with; but under∣standing that the Souldiers were not yet all embarqued, and particularly, the Captain telling him that I was still on shore, he gave order to move but slowly in expectation of me. In the mean time the Samori's Messenger went to him to desire him to stay a little longer; whereupon the General, though he knew it would be of little importance in reference to the Treaty of Peace, yet not to appear discourteous, and perhaps also upon account of some expediency in order to our Navigation, he determined to stay all this night in the Port of Calecut. The Messenger returning ashoar with this answer, found me alone of all the Fleer, still there, where some of the principal Nairi kept me company all the while, and left me not till they saw me in the Boat, using much diligence, to dispatch all others as soon as possible; and in the mean time that we waited, which was above an hour, holding me by the hand, and expressing many other caresses and demonstrations of kindness to me.

Before I leave Calecut, I shall here observe one strange custom of the people of these parts. The Gentil Nairi have no pe∣culiar Wives; but all Women are common amongst them; and when any man repairs to visit one of them, he leaves his weapons at the door, which sign sufficiently debars all others from en∣tring in to disturb him; nor does this course beget any disgust or jealousie. The Women are maintained by those men that have to do with them. The children neither seek nor many times know, who their Father is, but that descent by the Mo∣ther's side is alone considered, and according to that all inheri∣tances

are transferred. The same is observed among Princes and their Wives; the Queens, who are the King's Sisters, use to marry other neighbouring Kings, and go into their States to have children, who are to succeed in the Kingdoms of their Uncles, and by this means are of Royal blood both by Father and Mo∣ther. These Princesses are held in great esteem by the Kings their Husbands; yet if they are minded to try other men, they are not prohibited, but may and oftentimes do so, making use of whom they fancy for their pleasure, but especially of some Brachmans or other of their Husband's principal Courtiers, who with their privity and consent are wont to converse and practise with them most intrinsecally in the Palace. The King, and all others, as I have said, commonly go naked; only they have a cloth wherewith they are girded, reaching to the mid-leg. Yet when upon any occasion the King is minded to appear much in Majesty, he puts on only a white Vestment of very fine Cotton, never using either Cloth of Gold or Silk. Others also when they please may wear the like garment but not in the King's pre∣sence, in which 'tis not lawful for any to appear otherwise then naked, saving the Cloth above-mentioned. The Arms which every one wears, must not be laid aside at any time, especially not before the King; and, as I have elsewhere noted, every one keeps to one sort of Arms, which he first takes to, without ever changing. When two Kings happen to war together, each Ar∣my takes great heed not to kill the contrary King; nor so much as to strike his Umbrella wherever it goes, which is amongst them the Ensign of Royalty; because, besides that it would be a great sin to have a hand in Royal blood, the party or side which should kill or wound him, would expose themselves to great and irreparable mischiefs, in regard of the Obligation the whole Kingdom of the wounded or slain King hath to revenge him with the greatest destruction of their enemies, even with the certain loss of their own lives if it be needful. By how much such Kings are of greater dignity among them, so much longer this obligation of furious revenge endureth. So that if the Sa∣mori should be killed or wounded by the Army of the King of Cocin, who is his enemy, but of greater dignity; the people of the Samori stand obliged to one day of revenge, (others say three days) during which, every one is obliged to act their ut∣most to the utter destruction of those of Cocin, even with the manifest hazard of their own. But if the King of Cocin, who hath a greater repute, for honour at least, if not for power, should happen to be slain or wounded, by the people of the Samori; the fury of revenge is to last in those of Cocin all the time of their lives, (others say once a year) which would cause a great destruction of both sides. They call this term of time, or manner of revenge, Amocò; so that they say, the Amocò of the Samori lasts one day; the Amocò of the King of Cocin lasts all the life, and so of others. Of the Malabars who live

mixt with the Nairi in the Maritime Parts, and are Moors in Re∣ligion and all other Customs; I heard onely this Remarkable, That by a receiv'd and universal practise amongst the Women, they will never lie under the Men in the Act of Coition; which, because a thing extraordinary, I would not omit to mention.

December the twenty third, A good while after Sun-rise we departed from Calecut, but had the wind all day against us, and made but little way. At night we cast Anchor, because there is seldom wind enough for sailing in the night time; and being we coasted along the shore, we might cast Anchor at any time we pleas'd.

December the twenty fourth, We had the wind contrary again, making very little way; so that we cast Anchor many times, and in the Evening, because it was Christmass-Eve, the Litanies were sung in all the Ships; and afterwards we had Collations of Sweet-meats, and celebrated the Feast as well as the place afford∣ed. In our Ship, some Souldiers, who were employ'd to make a sort of sweet fritters of Sugar, for sport put into many of them certain powders which caused giddiness; so that almost all the Souldiers that ate of them, after the Collation seem'd drunk, and were constrain'd to betake themselves to sleep, which they did all night much more then that time and place requir'd; for, had Enemies come, the greatest part of the Souldiers being in this manner, I know not how we should have done.

December the twenty fifth, By break of day we arriv'd at Ca∣nanòr, where we presently landed to hear the divine Offices. Cananòr is a little place upon the shore, but near a Promontory, which makes a kind of Haven. The City is surrounded with walls, not very strong and well made, but in some places I know not by what negligence decay'd. It hath four Churches, to wit, La Sede, or the Cathedral; La Misericordia, which is a Con∣fraternity, and much like our Monte della Pieta, Santo Spirito, and other such; it hath correspondence with an other: There are of them in all the Plantations of the Portugals, and they do many good works; for almost all the pious works, which amongst us are done by divers Houses and Societies, this one place of La Misericordia do's amongst the Portugals; as, keeping of things De∣posited; transmitting Bils of Exchange safe; relieving the poor, the sick, and imprisoned; maintaining expos'd Children; mar∣rying young Maids; keeping Women of ill Lives when con∣verted; redeeming Slaves; and, in short, all works of Mercy, whereof a City or Country can have need. A pious thing in∣deed, and of infinite benefit to the Publick; the rather because they are in all Territories of the Portugals, and hold correspon∣dence together, even those of India with those of Portugal; so that they all seem but one body extending its members and in∣fluences incredibly profitable to several Countries. This pious Place is govern'd by Secular Confreres; to which Confraternity none are admitted but worthy Persons, upon certain decent

Conditions, and to a set number. So that the good Works which they do, and the great sums expended therein every year, accrew to the benefit not only of the Confreres, but of the Publick in ge∣neral, with much Charity; so that I do not account my time lost in making this little Digression. The third Church of Cananòr is San Francesco, where the Fryers of that Order reside; and the fourth, if I remember right, is Santa Maria della Vittorià. With∣out Cananòr is an entrench'd Fort, contiguous to the walls of the City, and under the Portugals jurisdiction: But about a musket∣shot distant, or more, is a great Village, which they call the Bazàr, where all sorts of Provisions and other Merchandizes are sold; the Building is like that of Calecut, and perhaps better; yet this is under the jurisdiction of the Gentiles, (though the Inhabitants are in great part Malabar-Moors) and by derivative Authority from a King of this Country whom they call the King of Cananòr, and who resides far from the Sea; 'tis govern'd by a famous Malabar-Moor, nam'd Agà Begel, whose House I saw, but not himself, having spent this whole day in walking up and down Cananòr, and the Bazar of the Gentiles; for I dined with our Captain on shore in the House of a Portugal married there: At night having viewed all, and bought abundance of dried Indian Figgs, and many Vessels of Conserves of the Pulp of young Indian Cane or Bambù, (which is very good to eat after this manner) of green Pepper, Cittrons, and other Fruits wont to be pickled by them in Vineger, and vendible here, very good, and in great plenty, at length we returned a Ship-board.

December the twenty sixth, We set sail from Cananòr; but for three dayes together sailed but little by reason of the accustom'd contrary wind, and our casting Anchor frequently as well in the day time as the night.

December the twenty ninth, We passed before Cagnarotto, whence some Men came in a Boat from the King of Banghel, (who lives there in Sanctuary with the King of that place his Friend and Kinsman) to visit and present our General in the Name of their Lord.

December the thirtieth, About noon we entred the Port of Mangalòr. I had a desire to go to Carnate to see that Queen, and had already given Money for a Boat to carry me thither, being I might sooner and better go so then with a Palanchino; but this journey was disappointed as well as my former, I know not by what unhappy destiny; for I understood that the Fleet was by all means to depart from Mangalòr the next day, so that I could not have time to go and return; and if I lost the opportunity of this Fleet, God knows when I should have another of passing to Goa, whither other considerations of my business required me to repair as soon as might be. So I deferr'd my going to Carnate, but with no small regret; for being deprived of the knowledge of that Queen, who was reported to me for a Lady of great Worth and Valour. Whilest we stayed ashore, I went to the

Church of San Francesco to visit those Fathers, where I found the General of our Fleet, Sig: Luis de Mendoza, whom I had never seen before. I found him a very compleat and gallant Cavalier, and, having been bred in the Court of Spain the Queens Page, a much better Courtier then other Portugal Cavaliers of India, who have not seen other Countries, are wont to be.

December the one and thirtieth, I heard Mass in the fore-noon and dined a shore with the Brother of Signor Tomè de Barrios, my Friend in Goa, at the House of the Padre Vicario of Mangalòr, named —, and known to me likewise at Goa. In the Even∣ing I went aboard, and when it was dark we went out of the mouth of the Port to put our selves before the whole Cafila, which here began to joyn with our Fleet, very numerous indeed, consist∣ing of above a hundred and fifty Ships, laden with Rice, which were going to Goa, from whence all that Provision is dispersed abroad; of which Cafila, our Ship being Captain of the Vant-guard, it behooved us to go first; but being the Cafila was so great, we cast Anchor just without the mouth of the Port, there expecting the day, and a sign to be given us by the General with his Canon: For it was requisite for all to keep as close together as possible, to the end that so many Ships of Merchandize, (disarmed and without Souldiers, saving the Convoy of the few Ships of our Fleet, some of which went before, some in the middle, and some alwayes behind) might go secure from the assaults and surprizes of Pirates; and indeed, to guard so many disarmed and laden Ships, that took up so much room at Sea, with so few armed Vessels, was no easie matter. But so it was, that we above all the rest were to take particular care that no Ship got before us, or separated from the Company, lest some disaster might befall them.

On the first of Ianuary, 1624. We set sail from Mangalòr to∣wards Goa, with the whole Cafila, which encreased hourly; other Merchant Ships joyning with us at all the Ports by which we passed, we giving them a sign with our Canon, and many times waiting for them till they came out. This first day we sail∣ed not above three Leagues, and anchored under Carnate, but not in such a place and time that I could go to see the Queen as I desired.

Ianuary the second, We set forth again very early, but a con∣trary North-West wind arising caus'd us to anchor among the Rocks, which they call Scogli di Santa Maria; whence some Men that went on shore, brought me some Jasmen, of a very goodly Scarlet-colour, of which sort I had never seen any Jasmen before, in any other place of the world; but for smell, it had little or none at all.

Ianuary the third, We set forth again at our usual hour, and the wind began to blow from the land, which in that place is on the East. We pass'd by Barselòr, and, a League beyond, anchored at the Rock of Camboli, where we waited for the

Cafila of Barselòr; we not entring there our selves, that it might dispatch the sooner.

Ianuary the fifth, Whilst we stay'd at Camboli expecting the coming forth of all the Cafila of Barselòr, in the Morning we dis∣cover'd twelve Ships coming towards us from the South; and knowing that they were not Merchants but Men of War, and having no News of any Armado that was to come from Goa at this time, we judg'd them to be Paroes of Malabar-Pirats, as indeed they appear'd; for the said Paroes are almost like the Ships of the Portugals, but somewhat lighter. And because we saw them make directly up to us, we prepar'd for fight, and sailed forwards to meet them; assuring our selves, that if they were Paroes, they came to assault us; since they could not but know that the Ships of our Armado, which alone were fit for fight, were fewer then theirs, and that the other Merchants Ships of the Cafila, whom we convoy'd, could serve for nothing else but either to fly away, if they were able, or to increase their booty in case our few arm'd Vessels should be beaten. The Ship wherein I was, being the Captain of the Vant-guard, was far before the rest, and alone towards that part whence the abovesaid Ships were coming. Having betaken our selves to our Arms, (which yet was not done without some confusion, because the things in the Ship were out of order, and the Souldiers unprovided of Powder, which was to be fetch'd out of the place where it was kept and distributed thus hastily in small quantities, being our store was but small) we consulted a while what to do, whether to wait for our other Ships which were behind, and so joyn all to∣gether in encountring the Enemy; or else to begin the fight, as we were, alone, till the rest came up to us. The first course seem'd safest and most considerate; the latter was more magnanimous, but with-all temerarious, because we were so distant from our company, that before they could come to succor us, our Ship might be wholly destroy'd; as being but one it might very easily be by so many, especially in that extreme furious way of fighting practis'd here, wherein there is great use of fire-works. Yet our Captain and the rest of us thought it was no time to demurr longer and consult; because the Enemy was so near, that to wait for our Company would have little advantag'd, but might much have prejudic'd us, giving them thereby presumptions of our weakness and fear: Wherefore we all cry'd out to go on; that since we were come to this pinch, 'twas better to incurr our loss alone with a valorous temerity by doing our duty, then to hazard the loss of the whole Armado and its Reputation, if the Enemy per∣ceiving us timorous and weak should take heart against us from our imprudent fear: That as it was our duty to go forwards, so it was the duty of our Companions to follow us and succor us, and not let us perish alone; that this care belong'd to them; that if they did otherwise, the fault would lie upon them, not upon us; that (in fine) let us give the onset, and leave Heaven to take

can of the rest. Thus resolv'd, we desperately sail'd forward. Our Companions that were nearest would have done the like; but the General, who was far behind in another place of the Cafila, shot off a Piece to command all to stay for him, reasona∣bly conceiving it the best way to attaque the enemy altogether; whereupon all the other Ships of the Fleet which were behind us, stood still awhile; but we alone, seeing our selves so far en∣gag'd and so near the Enemy, whatever the others did, would by no means stay but continu'd our course. Which Sig. Francesco Pesciotto Captain of one of the nearest Ships, beholding, and misliking that we should charge thus alone, and he quietly look on at a little distance, he lost all patience, and began again to make up after us, though a far off; the same did all the rest soon after, conceiving it the best way. We were now with∣in Falcon-shot (for greater Pieces then Falcons these Ships carry not) but forbore to fire till a nearer approach might make the shot more certain; which seem'd also to be the Enemie's design: when being come so neer as to speak and be heard, and standing ready to give fire both to the Ordnance and Musket, by the voi∣ces and cries on either side we found each other to be friends: for these Ships were an unexpected and extraordinary Fleet of Portugals sent to Cocin to convey securely from thence to Goa certain moneys of the Confraternity della Misericordia, and other Provisions. Hereupon the feud ceasing, the mortal thunder was turn'd into joyful salutations, with chearful noise of Drums and Trumpets; at the sound whereof the Morning beginning to clear up, seem'd also to hasten to rejoyce with us and part our erroneous fray. I have mentioned this passage at large, to the end the successes, inconveniences, counsels and resolutions en∣suing suddenly thereupon may be known; from all which, pru∣dent adviso's for other occasions may be deduced; and also to make known to all the world the demeanour of the noble Por∣tugal Nation in these parts; who indeed, had they but as much order, discipline, and good government as they have valour, Or∣mùz and other sad losses would not be now lamented, but they would most certainly be capable of atchieving great matters. But God gives not all things to all.

It being now broad day, we set sail with the whole Cafila; but by reason of contrary wind, sail'd no more then three leagues, and late in the evening came to anchor, in the place where we hapned to be; the contray Northwest wind beginning to grow more boisterous.

Ianuary the sixth, We had the wind still contrary, and having saild three other leagues, at the usual hour we cast anchor near the Rocks of Baticalà.

On the seventh, the said wind blowing somewhat favourably, about noon we pass'd by Onòr, and without staying discharg'd only one Gun to give notice for the Ships to come forth of the port, if any were there that would accompany us; for greater

diligence was not needful, because few come from thence. In the Evening the usual contrary North-west wind arising, we came to an anchor, a little distant from Mirizeo. At the second watch of the night, a good stiff South-wind arose; and in the forenoon next day we pass'd by the Rocks call'd Angediva, and at night came to an anchor somewhat Southwards of Capo falso.

Ianuary the ninth, the wind was contrary, our way short; and because we could not proceed forwards, we cast anchor neer Rio del Sale; also the next day, for the same reason we could get no further then an Enieda (as they speak) or Bay, call'd Mor∣mogòn, in the Island of Salsette contiguous to that of Goa on the South, but greater and divided from the same only by a River. This Island of Salsette is full of very fair Towns, and abundance of Houses. Above all, the Jesuits have the goodliest places, and 'tis counted that perhaps a third part of the Island is theirs; for besides three good Towns which belong wholly to them, they have also dominion and government in all the other Towns too which are not theirs; they have Churches everywhere, Lands and store of Goods; and I believe all the Parishes are govern'd by them in Spirituals with supreme Authority; whence this people acknowledg more Vassallage (upon the matter) to the Jesuits then to the King himself. The case is the same in another Island call'd Bardeos, adjacent also to that of Goa, but more Northward, which is under the government of the Franciscans. Nor is it otherwise in almost all the other Territories of the Portugals; so that it may justly be said that the best and perhaps too the greatest part of this State is in the hands of Clergy∣men.

Having anchor'd in the Bay of Mormogòn in good time, and knowing that we were not to depart the night following, our Captain with some others of us went ashore to see a Place and Church of the Jesuits call'd S. Andrea, which they told us was hard by: yet we sound it not so near, but that we walk't about a league to get to it, because we knew not the right way, but mistook it, and were fain to leap over very broad and deep ditches of water, into one whereof one our Company hapned to fall, to the great laughter of the rest, besides many other incon∣veniences. We found the Church large, neat and well built, with a fair square Court or Yard before it, surrounded with handsom Stone-walls, and within with some great Trees, under which were Banks rais'd to sit upon in the shadow. On one side of the Church was a very fair and well-built House for the Padre Rettore, who hath the present superintendency thereof; which Church and Building would be very magnificent not only for this place but for the City of Rome it self. We stay'd a good while discoursing with the F. Rector, who told us sundry news from Goa, and invited us to Supper; but fearing to arrive too late at the Fleet if we stay'd to sup here, we wav'd the Courte∣sie,

and taking leave of him at Sun-set return'd to the place where we had left our Ships; and though we had a Guide to con∣duct us by the best and nearest way, yet we got not thither to im∣barque till after two hours within night.

Ianuary the eleventh, at our departing from the Port of Mor∣mogòn this day, in which we were to arrive at Goa, the Gene∣ral, who was wont to go in the Rear-guard, being now mind∣ed to go in the middle of the Armada, commanded our Ship, (hitherto Captain of the Vant-guard) to remain behind all the rest for guarding the Rear-guard: where great diligence was to to be us'd, both that no stragling Ship might be in danger of be∣ing surpriz'd by Rovers, or any of the Merchants Vessels slip aside to avoid paying Custom at Goa, and go to unlade in other places of Counterband. Wherefore having sail'd the little re∣mainder of the way, and caus'd all the other Ships to enter, which were in number more then two hundred and fifty; we at length enter'd the Bar or Mouth of the Rio of Goa, where we anchor'd under a Port hard by, without going further to the City; it being the custom for no Fleets to arrive in the City without the advice and Licence of the Viceroy. Here we found the Ship, which alone was to go this year to Portugal already la∣den and ready to sail; as also some Galeons in readiness likewise, whether to be sent to Ormùz or elsewhere I know not. Sig. Ayres de Siqueida Captain of our Ship, having got leave of the Gene∣ral, went to Goa with a Manciva or Boat which came to him for that purpose; and I with Sig. Francesco Pesciotto Captain of another Ship, Sig. Manoel Leyera and some few Soldiers accompa∣ni'd him. We arriv'd at Goa when it was dark night, because 'tis three leagues from the mouth of the Bar to the City, almost di∣rectly from South to North; so that there is a considerable diffe∣rence between the altitude of the Pole at Goa, and the mouth of the Bar. Having landed, every one went to his own home; and I, who had no house ready for me, nor yet any servant, went alone, as I was, to lodg in the House of Sig. Antonio Baracio my friend, according as himself & Sig: Ruy Gomes his Brother had pro∣mis'd I should when I departed from Goa. As I was going thither I was unexpectedly met by the said two Brothers, who receiv'd me with their wonted courtesie. My Bed and Goods which I had in the Ship were soon after brought to the same place by the pro∣curement of Sig. Ayres. I understood here that my quondam servant the honest Cacciatùr coming hither from Ikkeri to Goa after his false dealing with me, had attempted to put a trick up∣on Signora Maria also, but it did not succeed. He feign'd that I had sent him beforehand to take order for a house against my return, and was importunate for mony to prepare and provide things necessary. My letter he ventur'd not to present but pre∣tended a misfortune at Sea, whereby it was lost, with other such inventions. Hereupon Signora Maria suspected him, and, with∣out my Letters, gave no credit to him, as neither did Signora

Maria da Cugna. So that seeing his devices to get mony from them, prov'd ineffectual, he came no more in sight; and we believe is gone into the Territories of the Moors amongst the Mahome∣tans, having heard no more news of him.

Ianuary the twentieth, a Proclamation was put forth by the Vice-roy for all Portugal Soldiers (they call all such as have not Wives, Soldati) and also all Dispacciati, though marri'd, to prepare to go to Ormùr; it being given out that the Vice-roy in∣tended to pass thither in person with a great Armada and Gale∣ons. Amongst the Portugals, those are call'd Dispacciati, who having ended their services, which every one is oblig'd to perform for eight years, only with that small pay and maintenance which is given to Servants (which indeed is very slender), upon petition to the King in Spain and representation of the faithfulness of their services, according as the same are greater or less, are dismiss'd by the King with some honourable and profitable Charge, as Cap∣tain of a Fort, and the like; to injoy the same for three years or some other determinate time. Which Charges they enter not upon as soon as the same are granted, but when it falls to them of course according to the time of their dismission: whereby it comes to pass that some never enjoy them as long as they live, nor yet their sons sometimes, unless very late, (in case the favour extend to their sons too) because all the said Charges or Offices go by seniority, every man' time beginning from the day of their dismission; and oftentimes it happens that for∣ty or fifty are dismiss'd at the same time with him, all who must first enjoy the same Office or else dy to make way for him. In brief, 'tis an invention of the Kings of Portugal, much for their own interest; for not having much to give in recompence of ser∣vices, they by this means pay the greatest part of those that serve them with hopes alone; which also prove very well to them; the men of this nation being of such an humor that they not only are contented with these bare hopes, and hold themselves well re∣quited for many great and toilsom service, but make great ac∣count thereof; for these Reversions, which are to fall God knows when, are the estate and support of many, the portions of many Daughters, and in brief, in respect of the little other estates they have in India, one of the best and most considerable advantages that they possess, besides their being of much reputation and ho∣nour. Now to all such as were in this manner dismiss'd was this Proclamation directed, obliging them to go to Ormùz with the Vice-roy under penalty of losing all their Reversions. But for all this, intelligent men did not believe that the Vice-roy would undertake this Expedition, both because they did not hold him a man likely to take up such a resolution, and because there were not such preparations made in Goa for his voyage, as was requisite.

Ianuary the two and twentieth, a Galeot under the command of Sig. Manoel de Paiva; our friend, arriv'd at Goa from Sindi, in which were many persons that had come to Sindi with other

Ships from Mascàt; amongst the rest there was a considerable Soldier belonging to Ruy Freira, who brought certain news of his own knowledge, how the said Ruy Freira having held Ormùz closely besieg'd for a long time, and brought the Defendants to great distress for want of all things; at length, no relief com∣ing to him, no provisions wherewith to continue the Siege, (his Victuals failing him) was constrain'd to raise the Siege and re∣turn to Mascàt with all his Army; yet with intention to make new provisions, and get new succours and ammunitions, and then to return again to besiege the place; which in the mean time the Moors omitted not to supply with all sort of necessaries for a long time, to repair the fortifications and re-inforce it with fresh Soldiers. All which consider'd, I hold the retaking of Ormùz very difficult, both in regard of the courage the enemy hath re∣sum'd by this action, and because the same scarcity of Victuals will happen frequently, and in a short time to the besiegers no less then to the besieged, being the Island affords nothing of it self, and our provisions must be fetcht from greater distance then those of the enemies: wherein not much diligence being us'd on our part, I doubt not but it will be very difficult for them to hold the Siege long; and when they intermit the same never so little, as they have done now, that short time is sufficient to secure the place from famine; because having the Continent so neer hand, and provisions there in much plenty, it may be in one day alone supply'd for many months. As for taking it by battery or otherwise; the Portugals being so few and little skill'd in such Arts, and on the other side the enemies so numerous and indefa∣tigable in undergoing toil and pains, I hold it very difficult. The Viceroy of Goa, who had been so cold in sending succours to Ruy Freira; because he would not that he should take Ormùz, but only hold it streightned till himself went in person to reap the fruit of others labours; that so he might with the glory of this victory cover the pass'd neglect he had committed in the shame∣ful loss of the Ships in the Voyage when he came into India: now hearing this news, and how Ormùz, which he thought he had in his clutches, was by the retreat of Ruy Freira (who would infallibly write into Spain of the wrong done him in not sending him any forces or succour during a year's time that he had been upon the attempt, and heinously charge the Viceroy for it) escap'd out of his hands, and become very difficult to be taken, was infinitely troubled thereat; and indeed I know not how he can excuse himself to his Master for so great negligences; and some have heard him lament himself much, and say that it was his own fault. However it were, the talk of his going to Ormùz be∣came very cold upon these news; and if it was not believ'd at first, after this it was held wholly desperate; although to encourage others to the expedition, he still kept up the report. The same Ship brought news, how Ruy Freira, whilst he was at the Siege of Ormùz with his few Ships, sent two to the streight of

Mecha, to see whether they could get any booty which might serve to support his forces; another to Sindi to fetch provisions, and ad∣vertise the Mogul's Ministers there not to send any Ships into Per∣sia, otherwise he should take them; yet neither those of Mecha, nor this of Sindi ever return'd to him; neither did this Captain send him any thing from Maschàt: so that he was constrain'd to remove his quarters. Besides, during his being before Ormùz, he had sent some other Ships to fall upon the Country of those Arabians whom they call Nactrilù, living upon the Coasts of Persia in the gulf above Mogostàn; and that this enterprize succeeded well enough, they having made great destruction, and taken much spoil: but afterwards the Captains of the same Ships being gree∣dy of prey, contrary to the order of Ruy Freira, and against the judgment of one of them who was the head of all the rest (little obedience is an ordinary thing among the Portugals, and causes infinite disorders) design'd to set upon another place, whose Go∣vernour, who was an Arabian Sceich, at first attempted to make them forbear with good words, saying that he was their Vassal, &c. but when he saw, that courtesie prevail'd not against their rapaci∣ty, he got his men together, and made head against them; so that assaulting them in a convenient place as they were out of order, he defeated them, killing many, and amongst those, di∣vers Captains and Soldiers of valour; which was no small loss. It was further related, that during the Siege of Ormùz, the be∣sieg'd being in great streights for all other things, and which was most important, of water also, which within fail'd them and was corrupted; yet Ruy Freira could not hinder them from ferching plenty of very good water as often as they pleas'd at a place of the Island without the Garrison, which they call Trumbàk; where, not through want of Soldiers, (for he might have had Arabians enough and others of those Countries) but for want of money to pay and support them, he could never place a guard to prevent the enemies from fetching as much water as they pleas'd. They said lastly, that Ruy Freira was at Massàt solici∣ting for aid, and preparing to return to Ormùz as soon as he should be provided of what was needful.

By the same Ship a Jew came from Sindi who had lately dwelt in Ormùz and came to Sindi by sea from Guadèl, which is a Port of the Kingdom of Kic and Macran, and was come to Guadal by land from Sphahàn. He was a sagacious person, and affirmed to me for certain that the Prince of Kic and Macran was a friend and obedient to the Persians, and that there passed through his Country infinite Cafila's of Merchandize which came from India to Guadèl by Sea, and from thence were transported into Persia upon Camels; and that this way was not only frequented since the taking of Ormùz which was declined during that War, but was also very secure and afforded much profit to the said Prince of Macran, because at Guadèl he received divers Customs of the abovesaid Merchandizes; and before this pass was open, he had no

profit at all. Yet this Jew could not tell me, whether this friend∣ship and obedience of the Macranite to the Persian, was because the Prince, who raigned there, was dead and succeeded by his younger Brother, who many years ago had fled into Persia to this Sciàh, as I have elsewhere mentioned in this Diary; or else because the two Brothers ne'r agreed together, and that he who raigned still, either for his own interest upon account of the said pass of the Cafila's, or through fear since the taking of Or∣mùz, or perhaps forced by War or other like Accidents, had disposed himself to be friendly and obedient to the Persian.

Ianuary the twenty fifth, The Jesuits of the Colledge of Saint Paul, (this day being the Feast of their Colledge) began to make part of their Solemnities, which were to be made for joy of the Canonization of their Saints Ignatio and Sciavier; the Ce∣lebration of which was deferred till now, that more time might be allotted for preparation. They came forth with a Cavalcade of all their Collegians divided into three Squadrons under three Banners, one of which represented the Asiaticks, one the Africans, and another the Europaeans; those of each Squadron being clothed after the manner of their respective Countries. Before the Ca∣valcade, went a Chariot of Clouds with Fame on the top, who sounding her Trumpet with the adjunction of Musick, published the News of the said Canonization. Two other Chariots ac∣company'd the Cavalcade, the hindermost of which represented Faith or the Church; the other in the middle was a Mount Par∣nassus, with Apollo and the Muses representing the Sciences pro∣fessed in the said Colledge; both which Chariots, were also full of very good Musick and many people. Moreover, they re∣mov'd from place to place amongst the Cavalcade five great Py∣ramids upon wheels, drawn by Men on foot, well cloth'd after the Indian fashion. Upon the first were painted all the Martyrs of the Order of Jesuits; upon another, all the Doctors and Writers of Books; upon another, figures of Men of all such Nations in their proper habits, where the said Order hath foun∣dations, to represent the Languages in which the Fathers of it preach: Another had abundance of Devises relating to all the Provinces of the said Religion; and lastly, another had all the Miracles both of Sant' Ignatio, and San Francesco Sciavier. All of these Pyramids had Epitaphs, Statues, and other Ornaments both at the pedestal and at the top; so that passing in this man∣ner through the principal streets of the City, they planted and left the said Pyramids in several places; one before the See or Archiepiscopal Church; one before the profess'd House of Giesù; one before the Church of San Paolo, where at first they kept the Colledge; but by reason of the badness of the Air, remov'd it from thence, yet the Church remaining to them, which was sometimes much frequented and magnificent, but at this day is but meanly provided for; so that they are still in contest with the City about it, who unwillingly consent to this changing of the Colledge.

The last they left before the new Colledge, the Church whereof they are wont to call San Rocco, and by the other Name also; but the Jesuts, resolute to keep their Colledge by reason of the fairness of the place, notwithstanding the oppo∣sition of the Augustine Fryers, who by long and intricate suits, use their utmost endeavor to hinder them from it; onely to the end not to have them Neighbours, under pretext that they de∣prive them of the fresh Air, and the prospect of the Sea: The Jesuits, I say, resolute to abide there, prevailing hitherto, both against the City, which re-calls them back to Sàn Paolo Vecchio, for greater convenience of the Students, and against the Au∣gustines, and against the King himself, who hath many times or∣dained their removal and the destruction of their new Colledge; nevertheless maintain themselves in possession of their new and sumptuous Fabrick, which also they daily inlarge, and nomi∣nate San Paolo Nuovo; for in India they will have all their Col∣ledges dedicated to Saint Paul, the Doctor of the Gentiles.

Ianuary the nine and twentieth, I went together with the Sig∣nori Baracci my entertainers and other friends, to see and spend a day at Guadalupe, which is a place of Recreation in the Island of Goa, distant from the City about two leagues, populous and full of Houses and Gardens of several Portugal Signori, who for pleasure go to dwell there some time of the year, as you at Rome do to Frascati which is the ancient Tusculanum. Guadulupe lies at the foot of a certain Precipice in a plain soil upon a spa∣tious Lake, which at one time of the year is quite dry'd up and sown with Rice, so that the prospect is always very lovely; be∣cause the Lake is either full of water, in which grow abundance of pretty Flowers and aquatick Plants; or else 'tis all green with Rice, which is sown before the Lake is totally dry and grows up to maturity before the Water return; so that it makes a very pretty Shew, and the more because this Water being collected in great rain, is fed also by a small but constantly running River; and though so kept there for many months, yet causes not any bad affection of the Air; but through the 'goodness of the Cli∣mate the Air is always better here then any where else. Nor is the Sea far distant, to wit the shore of the other more Southern River which forms the Island of Goa on the other side opposite to the City; and the mouth of that River which makes a secure and spacious Harbour, where sometimes even the greatest Portu∣gal Shipsride, and in old time the City stood there, so that they call the place at this day Goa Vecchia, or old Goa. As we re∣turn'd, we saw abundance of Villages and Palmeta's full of all sort of fruits, and many fair and well-kept Churches, as San Lo∣renzo, and others within a small distance; so that I had reason to judge this place to be held the most delicious of Goa.

Ianuary the thirtieth, Being in Guadalupe, in the Garden of the House where we were, which belong'd to Signor Simon Gomes our Friend, and Kinsman to the Sigg: Baracci, I saw a

Canella, or Cinamon Tree, of which some are found in Goa, but strangers. 'Tis as big a Tree as any, not a shrub as I imagin'd; some of the leaves, which have a taste of Cinamon, and are pleasant to be masticated, I keep among my baggage, to shew the same in Italy; as also some of the Tree Trisoe with its odoriferous Flowers, which blow every day and night, and fall at the ap∣proach of day, as I my self saw and observ'd of one that was planted before the Gate of our House. This Flower is very like the Iasmin of Catalonia, but the Canella — hath a yellow one, which is us'd by the Country-people instead of Saffron with their meats, and upon other occasions. Moreover, I saw and ob∣serv'd in the Lake two sorts of Flowers, one great, the other very small, both white, with something of yellow in the midst; the lesser hath no green leaves on the stalk to be seen, and the inner part of the white leaves is full of thick and long Doun: The greater Flower hath smooth, long, and strait leaves, and grows on a Plant whose leaves are large, and almost perfectly round, swimming on the surface of the water, totally expanded almost like those of a Gourd. Both these Flowers have a strange pro∣perty; in the night they are alwayes clos'd, in the day alwayes open, displaying themselves at the rising, and closing at the setting of the Sun; besides, that they are of a very excellent fragrant smell. I could not keep any to shew, because they are so ten∣der and so full of moisture, especially the lesser sort which is the fairest, that they fade presently upon being kept in papers, as the Custom is. The Indians call them — and tell a Fable of Brahma's being born of one of these Flowers, and afterwards re∣entring into one again, wherein he hath spent ten-thousand years. You see what fine Stories we have here; I leave them with you and kiss your Hands.

Notes

• I.
• II.
• III.
• IV.
• V.
• VI.
• VII.
• VIII.
• IX.
• X.
• XI.
• XII.
• XIII.
• XIV.
• XV.
• XVI.
• XVII.
• XVIII.
• XIX.
• XX.
• XXI.
• XXII.
• XXIII.
• XXIV.
• XXV.