Romæ antiquæ descriptio a view of the religion, laws, customs, manners, and dispositions of the ancient Romans, and others : comprehended in their most illustrious acts and sayings agreeable to history / written in Latine by ... Quintus Valerius Maximus ; and now carefully rendred into English ; together with the life of the author.

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Romæ antiquæ descriptio a view of the religion, laws, customs, manners, and dispositions of the ancient Romans, and others : comprehended in their most illustrious acts and sayings agreeable to history / written in Latine by ... Quintus Valerius Maximus ; and now carefully rendred into English ; together with the life of the author.
Valerius Maximus.
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"Romæ antiquæ descriptio a view of the religion, laws, customs, manners, and dispositions of the ancient Romans, and others : comprehended in their most illustrious acts and sayings agreeable to history / written in Latine by ... Quintus Valerius Maximus ; and now carefully rendred into English ; together with the life of the author." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 15, 2024.


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Quintus Valerius Maximus OF Memorable things.



I Have resolved with my self, to collect together the Deeds and Sayings of most note, and most worthy to be re∣membred, of the most emi∣nent persons both among the Romans and other Nations, taken out of the most approved Authors, where they lie scattered at such a distance, that makes them hard to be known; to save them the trou∣ble of a tedious search, who are willing to fol∣low their Examples. Yet I have not been over∣desirous to comprehend all: For who in a small Volume is able to set down the Deeds of

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many Ages? Or what wise man can hope to deliver the order of Domestick and Forraign story, which our Predecessors have done in such happy stiles, either with greater care, or more abounding Eloquence? Therefore, Caesar, thy Countries onely safety, thee I invoke in the be∣ginning of my Vndertaking, whom the con∣sent of Gods and men hath ordain'd the great Commander both of Sea and Land; by whose Divine providence those Vertues, of which I am to discourse, are most favourably cherish'd, Vices most severely punish'd: For if the an∣tient Orators did well to begin from the Om∣nipotent Jove, if the most excellent Poets did always call some particular Numen to assist 'um; much the rather does my little Work fly to your protection: For other Gods we adore onely in Opinion, you we behold equal to your Fathers and your Grand-fathers Stars in brightness, whose resplendent Lustres have ad∣ded not a little to the Ceremonies of our Reli∣gion. Others we receive for Gods, Caesars we make such. And because it is my intention to begin with the worship of the Gods, I shall dis∣course briefly of the nature thereof.

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CHAP. I. Of Religion.
  • 1. The people of Rome.
  • 2. Lucius Metellus, High-Priest.
  • 3. Ttus Gracchus.
  • 4. Coledge of Priests.
  • 5. Q. Fabius Dictator, and C. Flaminius Mr. of the Horse.
  • 6. Pub. Crassus High-priest.
  • 7. The Disciple of Aemilia the Veslal Nun.
  • 8. Marcellus junior, Consul.
  • 9. Lucius Furius Bibaculus.
  • 10. Lucius Albinius.
  • 11. C. Fabius Dorso.
  • 12. Q. Petillius Spurinus Praetor.
  • 13. Lucius Tarquinius the King.
  • 14. Marcus Attilius Regu∣lus.
  • 15. The Roman Senate
  • 16. C. Terence Varro.
  • 17. Appius Caecus, and the Family of Potinius.
  • 18. A Roman Souldier, and Brennus the Gaul.
  • 19. P. Turullius Admiral.
  • 20. Q. Fulvius Flaccus Censor.
  • 21. Q. Pleminio Legat for the Pretor.
Forraign Examples of Religion observ'd or neglected.
  • 1. Pyrrhus King of Epirus.
  • 2. Massanisa King of Numi∣dia.
  • 3. Dionysius the Elder of Sicilie.
  • 4. Thymasitheus Prince of the Lipaitans.
  • 5. The Souldiers of King Alexander.
  • 6. Perseus.
  • 7. Athenians.
  • 8. Diomedon an Athenian Captain.

1. OUr Ancestors appointed that the set and solemn Ceremonies should be ordered by the know∣ledge

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of the High-Priests; the right Administration of these Ceremonies, and authority for so doing, the observations of the Augurs, the Predictions of Apollo, should depend upon the Books of the Sibyls; but that the mysteries of Wonders should be unolded accor∣ding to the Rules of the Hetrurian Discipline: For by the antient Institutions, when we were to com∣mend any thing to the Gods, we gave our selves to Prayer; when any thing was earnstly to be desired of the Gods, ten to Vows; when any thing to be paid, to Thanksgiving; when enquiry after future suc∣cess was mae, to obtain by Request; when any so∣lemn Sacrifice was to be done, to sacrifice: By which means the significations of Wonders and Thunders were likewise discoverd.

So great also was the care of our Ancestors, not onely to observe, but to incease Religion, that by decree of Senate, ten of the Sons of the chief men were sent out of their most flourishing and opulent City to the several people of Htruria, to learn the Order and Discipline of Cremonies.

1. And when they had resolved to worship Ceres after the Greek manner, they sent for Calcitana, or, as others say, Calliphimia, from Vilia, which had not yet recei∣ved the name of a City, to be their Priestess, that they might not want a skilful Governess of the antient Ce∣remonies of the Goddess: To whom having in the City a most stately Temple dedicated, and being warn'd in the Sibyls Books to appease the ancient Goddess Cres in the time of Gracchus Tumult, they sent ten persons to Enua, where they believed her Sacred My∣steries were first instituted, to make an Atonement for themselves. And many times our Emperours and Commanders having obtained great Victories, have gone themselves to Pessinuntes, there to perform their Vows to the Mother of the Gods.

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2. Metellus High-Priest, when Posthumius the Con∣sul, and also a Flamin of Mars, desired Africa for his Province to make War in, commanded him under a penalty not to depart the City, thereby to desert his Function; believing that Posthumius could not safly ad∣venture himself in Martial Combats, when the Cere∣monies of Mars were neglected.

3. Praiseworthy was the Reverence of the Twelve, but more to be extoll'd, the obedience of the Twenty four Fafces: for Titus Gracchus sent Letters to the Colledge of Augurs out of his Province, by which he gave them to understand, that having perus'd certain Books belonging to the Sacred Mysteries of the peo∣ple, he found that the Tabernacle was erroneously ta∣ken at the grand Consular Assemblies for Election, which he had caus'd to be made; which thing being reported to the Senate, by command thereof C. Figulus returning out of Gallia, Scipio Nasica from Corsica, both laid down their Consulships.

4. For the same reason, P. Cloelius of Sicilie, M. Corne∣lius Cethegus, and C. Claudius, for that the Entrails were less reverently brought to the Altars of the Gods than they ought to have been, at several times, and in seve∣ral Wars, were commanded and compelled to leave the Flaminship. And because Bee fll upon the head of Sulpicius while he was sacrificing, he lost the Priest∣hood.

5. The peeping of a Mouse being overheard, was the reason that Fabius Maximus quitted the Dicta∣torship, and C. Flaminius ceased to be Master of the Horse.

6. To this we may add, that P. Licinius High-Priest thought fit to give the lash to a Vestal-Virgin, for that one night she had been negligent of the Holy fire.

7. But Vesta her self sav'd the Hand-maid of Emi∣lia the Vestal, who had let the fire out; for while she

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was worshiping, and had laid her Vail which was very rich upon the Hearth, presently the fire caught hold thereof.

8. No wonder then that the indulgence of the Gods was so great in preserving and increasing their Empire: for such a scrupulous care seemed to exa∣mine the smallest concernments of Religion, so that our City is to be thought never to have had her eyes off from the most exact worship of the Gods. And therefore when Marcellus, five times Consul, having taken Clastidium, and after that Syracuse, would have in performance of his Vows, erected a Temple to Ho∣nour and Vertue: He was opposed by the Colledge of Priests, who deni'd that one Domicil could be rightly dedicated to two Gods. For if any Prodigy should happen, it would remain doubtful to which Dity should be made Address: nor was it the custome to sacifice at once to two Deities, unless to some in par∣ticular. Upon which Admonition of the Priests, Mrcelus in two several Temples set up the Images of Honour and Vertue; whereby it came to pass, that neither the authority of so great a man was any hin∣drance to the Colledg, nor the addition of expence any ipediment to Marcelus, but that all Justice and Observation was given to Religion.

9. Lucius Furius Bibaculus hath hardy any Ex∣ample to parallel him, unless that of Marcelus: Nor is he to be deprived of the praise of a most pious and religious minde, who while he was Pretor, being com∣mandd by his Father, Principal of the Colledge of the Salian Priess, carried the Ancilia, six Lictors go∣ing bfore him; though he might have pleaded an excuse from that duty, by vertue of his place. But our City valued Rligion above all thing, preferring it before the authority of all soveraign Majesty: there∣ore their Emprours have not scrupled to obey in Sa∣cred

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things; believing they should the more easily ob∣tain the sole command of humane things, if they were constantly and truly obedient to the Divine power.

10. Which resolution hath been also bred up in the breasts of private persons. For when the City was taken by the Gauls, and that the Quirinal Flamen and the Vestal Virgins were forced to carry the Sacred things, taking every one a share of the burthen, ha∣ving now pass'd the Sublician Bridge, and ready to descend the Rock that leads to Ianiculum; they were spied by Alvanius, who was driving a Cart wherein he had put his Wife and Children, who no sooner saw them in that condition, but regarding publick Reli∣gion more than private Charity, commanded them to alight; and then placing the Holy things, and or∣dering the Vestal to get in, he left his own intended Journey, and drave them till he came to the Town of Caere; where, because they were curteously and re∣verently received, we testifie our thanks, and honour the memory of their Humanity: For thence it came to be instituted, that those Sacred Rites were called Ceremonies, because the Ceretans worshipped and obser∣ved them as well in the low as flourishing state of the Commonwealth: And that Mean and Country Cart, on a sudden the receptacle of so much Honour, came to equal, if not out-vie, the glory of a Trium∣phal Chariot.

11. About the same time, memorable was the Ex∣ample of observ'd Religion which Caius Fabius Dorso gave us: for when the Gauls besieged the Capitol, lest the accstomed Sacrifice of the Fabii should be put by, clad in a Gabin habit, and carrying the Sacred things in his hands and upon his shouldiers, he at length pass'd through the midst of the Enemy to the Quiri∣nal-Hill, where having performed what was to be done, he returned to the Capitol with Divine Adora∣tion

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of his victorious Atchievement, as if he had been a Victor indeed.

12. Great also was the care of preserving Religion among our Ancestors, where Publius Cornelius and Baebius Tamphilus were Consuls: For the Labourers that were digging a Field of Petillius the Scribe, at the foot of Ianiculum, delving somewhat deeper than ordinary, sound two little Stone-chests; in one where∣of was a Writing, declaring, That it was the body of Numa Pompilius Son of Pomponius: In the other were seven Books in the Latine Tongue, treating of the right of the High-Priest; and as many in Greek, dis∣coursing of Wisdom. For the preservation of the La∣tine Books they took especial care; but the Greek one, (for there seemed to be some things therein prejudicial to their Religion) Lucius Petillius the Pretor by decree of Senate caus'd to be burnt in a publick Fire made by the Officers belonging to the Sacrifices: for the an∣tient Romans could not endure that any thing should be reserved in the City, which might be a means to draw the minds of men from the worship of the Gods.

13. Tarquinius the King caus'd Marcus Tullius the Duumvir to be sow'd in a Sack after the ancient man∣ner, and to be thrown into the Sea, for that he had for a Bribe delivered to Petronius Sabinus a certain Book containing the Mysteries of the Civil Sacred things committed to his keeping. Most justly, see∣ing that violation of Trust deserves the same punish∣ment among men, as from the Gods.

14. But as to those things which concern the Ob∣servation of Religion, I know not whether Atilius Regulus have not excelled all that ever went before him, who of a famous Conquerour being now become a Captive, through the wiles and ambushments of Hannibal and Xantippus the Lacedaemonian, he was

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sent to the Senate and people of Rome, to try if h could get himself, being but one, and old, redemed for several young and noble Carthaginians; who when he came, advised the Senate to the contrary, and went back to Carthage, well knowing to what, cruel and inveterate Enemies he returned; but he had sworn so to do, if he could not obain the release of their Captives. Surely th Immortal Gods had rea∣son to have mitigated their fury; but that the glory of Atilius might be the greater, they permitted the Car∣thagians to take their own inhumane courses: As they who in the third Punick War would severely recom∣pence the death of so noble a Soul with the destructi∣on of their City.

15. How much more religious toward the Gods did our Senate shew themselves? which after the fa∣tal overthrow of Cannae, decreed that no women should mourn longer than thirty days, to the end the Rites of Ceres might be by them performed. For now the greatest part of the men lying slain upon the bloody accursed Earth, there was no Family in the City that did not partake of the general Calamity. And there∣fore the Mothers and Daughters, Wives and Sisters of the slain were compelled to put off their Mourning-weeds, and put on their White-garments, and to per∣form the office of Priests. Through which constan∣cy of observing Religion, forc'd the Deities themselves to blush, and be ashamed of raging any more against such a Nation, that could not be drawn from adoring them that with so much cruelty destroy'd them.


16. It is believ'd, that the reason why Varro fought with so much ill success at Cannaea against the Carthagii∣ans, was through the wrath of Iuno: for when he made

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publick the Circensian Games, being Aedil, he set a young Player of extraordinary beauty to watch in the Temple of Iupiter: which Fact being call'd to mind after some years, was expiated with Sacrifices.

17. Hercules also is reportd to have very severely revenged the abuse of his Worship: for when the Fa∣mily of the Potitii had intrusted his Ceremonies, the Ministry whereof belonged to them as it were by in∣heritance, to be performed by servants and prsons of mean dgree, of which Appius the Censor was the oc∣casion; all the flower o the Family, who were a∣bove thirty young men, di'd withn te space of one year; and the Name of the P••••itii, that was branch'd into twelve Famil••••s, was almost extinct; Appius also the Censor was stricken blinde.

18. A sharp Revenger also was Apollo, of an injury done to himself, who at the Sack of Carthage being spoil'd of his Robe of Gold, never ceas'd till the hands of the sacrilegious Souldier were found cut off among the broken pieces of his Image. Brennus, Captain, of the Gauls, entering into the Temple of Delphos, by Destiny was compelled to lay violent hands upon himself.

19. Nor was his Son Aesculpius a less violent Re∣venger of contemned Religion, who not enduring to behold a Wood consecrated to his Temple cut down by Turullius to build Ships for the use of M. Antonie, by a strange power so ordered it, that Turullius was by the command of Caesar, being judged to death while he was in the midst of his business, executed in the very Wood: And so the God ordain'd it, that being there remarkably slain by Caesar's Souldiers, that with the same death he expiated the loss of those Trees that were cut down, and secured the safety of those that were stnding.

20. Nor did Q. Fulvius Flaccus go unpunished,

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who in his Censorship translated the Marble Tiles from the Temple of Lacinian Iuno to the Fane of Fortuna Equestris, which he was then building at Rome: for he no sooner had done it, but he fell mad, and for very grief expired, hearing that of his two Sons, both Souldiers in Ilyria, one o them was dead, the other slain; by whose mishap the Senate being warned, or∣dered the Tiles to be carried back to Locri.

21. Much after the same manner did they punish the covetousness of Q. Pliminius, Legate to Scipio, in robbing the Treasure of Proserpina: for when he was brought in Fetters to Rome, before he could come to his Tryal, he died in Prison of a most filthy Disease. The Goddess, by command of the Senate, had not onely her Money restored, but double the sum.

Forraign Examples of Religion, observed or neglected.

1. As to the Fact of Pleminius, it was well punish'd by the Conscript Fathers. But against the sorbid Vi∣olencies of King Pyrrhus, the Goddess her self defen∣ded her self well enough: for the Locri being com∣pelled to give him money out of her Treasury, while he was sailing upon the Sea laden with his impious Prey, by force of a mighty Tempest his whole Navy was cast away upon the shoar adjoyning to the said City▪ where the money being found entire, was re∣stored to the most sacred Treasury of the Goddess.

2. But the Act of Mssanisa was of another na∣ture, whose Admiral having landed in Melita, and ta∣ken out of the Fane of Iuno certain Ivory-teeth of an immense proportion, and given them as a Present to the King; Massanisa no ooner understood from whence they came but he commanded them to be carri∣ed back n a Gally with five Oars, and put in the place

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whence they were taken, having caus'd certain Words to he carved upon them, signifying that the King had taken them ignorantly, and willingly restored them.

3. Dionysius, born at Syracuse, us'd to make Jsts of his Sacriledges, of which he committed more than we have now room to recount: for having plundered the Temple of Iuno at Locri, and sailing upon the Sea with a prosperous gale, laughing to his riends, he said, What a pleasant Voyage have the Gods granted to us Sacrilegious Robbers! Having taken alo a Cloak of Massie gold from Iupiter Olympian, which Hier the Tyrant had dedicated to him out of the spoils of the Carthaginians; and throwing over the Statue a Wool∣len-mantle, told his Companions, That a Cloak of Gold was too heavy in the Summer, too cold in the Winter; but a Woollen Cloak would serve for both Seasons. The same person commanded the Golden beard of Esculapius to be taken from his Statue in his Temple at Epidaurum, saying, It was not convenient for Apollo the Father to be without a Beard, and the Son to have so large a one. He also took away the Silver and Golden Tables out of other Temples, where finding certain Inscriptions, after the manner of Greece, that they be∣longed to the good Gods, then said he, Through their godnss we will make use of them. He also took away the little Statues of Victory, Cups and Crowns which they held in their hands being all of Gold, saying, He did but borrow them, not take um quite away: say∣ing. It was an idle thing, when we pray to the Gods for good things, not to accept um when they hold um forth to us. Who in his own person though he were not re∣warded according to his deserts, yet in the infamy of his Son, he suffred after death what in his life-time he had escaped.

4. For the avoiding whereof, Timasitheus Prince of the Liparitans by his wisdom provided for his own

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and his Countries safety: for when certain of his Sub∣jects, using Pyracy, had taken a Golden cup of a very great weight, and that the people were gathered to∣gether to divide the spoil, understanding that is was consecrated to Apollo Pythian in lieu of their Tenths by the Romans, he took it from them, and carefully sent it to Delphos.

5. Milisian Ceres, when Miletum was taken by A∣lexander, and that several Souldiers were broken into the Temple to plunder it, on a sudden depriv'd them all of their sight.

6. The Persians coming to Delos with a Navy of a thousand Ships, behaved themselves more irreligiously than rapaciously toward the Temple.

7. The Athenians banish'd Diagoras the Philoso∣pher, because he adventured to affirm that he knew not whether there were any Gods or no; or if there were any, of what nature they were. They also con∣demned Socrates, because he endeavoured to introduce a new Religion. They endured Phidias when he af∣firmed that it was better to make the Statue of Miner∣va of Marble rather than of Ivory, by reason it was more lasting; but when he added, that it was also cheaper, they commanded him silence.

8. Diomedon, one of the ten Captains who at Ar∣ginusa won a great Victory to the Athenians, but to himself the reward of Condemnation; being now led to his undeserved Execution, spake nothing else, but onely that the Vows which he had made for the safety of the Army might be performed.

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CHAP. II. Of Feigned Religion.
  • 1. Numa Pompilius.
  • 2. P. Scip. African the grea∣ter.
  • 3. L. Cor. Sulla.
  • 4. Q. Sertorius.
  • 1. Minos King of Crete.
  • 2. Pisitratus, Athenian.
  • 3. Lycurgus, Spartan.
  • 4. Zaleuus o Locri.

1. NVma Pompilius, that he might oblige his peo∣ple to the observance of Holy things, feigned to have familiarity by night with the Goddess Egeria; and that by her direction onely, the Worship of the Gods which he propos'd was instituted.

2. Scipio, sirnamed the African, never went about any private or publick business, till he had been for some while in the Fane of Iupiter Capitoline; and was therefore thought to have been begot by Iove.

3. Lucius Sulla, when he resolved to give Battel, embracing a little Image of Apolo, which was taken out of the Temple of Delphos, in the sight of all his Souldiers, desired the Deity to bring to pass what he had promised.

4. Q. Sertorius had a tame white Hart, which he taught to follow him over all the cragged Mountains of Lusitania, by which he feigned himself instructed what to do, or what not.


1. Minos King of Crete was wont to retire him∣self

Page 15

every ninth year into a deep and antiently-conse∣crated Den; and there staying some time, brought forth new Laws, which he there feigned were deliver∣ed to him by Iupiter.

2. Pisistratus, to recover the Tyranny of Athens, which he had lost, made as if Minerva her self had led him into the Castle; deceiving the Athenians by shewing an unknown woman who was called Phya, in the habit of Minerva.

3. Lycurgus perswaded the people that the Laws which he compos'd for the grave City of Lacedaemon, were made by the counsel of Apollo.

4. Zaleucus, in the name of Minerva, was accoun∣ted the wisest man among the Locrians.

CHAP. III. Of Forraign Religion rejected.
  • 1. By the Roman people.
  • 2. P. Cornelius the Pretor.
  • 3. Lucius Emilius Paulus▪

1. THe new Custom which was introduced among the Feasts of Bacchus, when it grew to Mad∣ness, was quite taken away. Lutatius, who finished the first Punick War, was forbid by the Senate to go to Preneste to consult Fortune; judging it meet that the Affairs of the Commonwealth should be gover∣ned by their own national Omens, and not those of Forraign Countries.

2. C. Cornelius Hispallus, a forraign Pretor, in the time that Popilius Laenas and M. Calpurnius were Consuls, by Edict commanded the Caldeans to depart out of Italy, who by their trivial tricks, and false in∣terpretations

Page 16

of the Stars, cast a gainful Mist before their eyes.

3. The same person banished those who with a counterfeit worship of Iupiter Sabazius sought to cor∣rupt the Roman Customs.

Lucius Emilius Paulus the Consul, when the Senate had decreed that the Temples of Isis and Serapis should be destroyed, and that none of the Workmen durst lay hands upon the Work, laying his Consular habit aside, and taking a Hatchet, was the first that broke open the Gates.

CHAP. IV. Of Luckie Signes.
Which the ROMANS took.
  • 1. Atius Navus the Augur.
  • 2. T. Gracchus, Son of Ti∣tus Tribune.
  • 3. P. Claudius Pulcher, and L. Jun. Pullus. Consul.
  • 4. Lucius Metellus High-priest.
  • 5. M. Tullius Cicero.
  • 6. M. Junius Brutus Pro∣consul.
  • 1. Alexander the Great.
  • 2. King Dejotarus.

1. LVcius Tarquinius the King having a minde to adde other Troops of Horse to the Troops which Romulus had fortunately enroll'd, being opposed by the Augur, in a great fury asked him, If that which he thought of might be done? Who answering, That it might, the King commanded him to cleave a Whet-stone with a Razor, which was not sooner brought, but Atius by an incredible act made the King admire the Effect of his Profession▪

Page 17

2. Titus Gracchus designing Tumult and Sedition, sought for Lucky Signes at home; which fell out ve∣ry sad, and contrary to his Expectation: for as he was going out of doors, he stumbled in such sort, that he broke one of his Toes. Then three Crows cawing on the wrong side, let fall a piece of a Tile just before him: But he contemning all these Signes, and being expelled the Capitol by Scipio Nasica the High-priest, was knock'd on the head with a piece of Chair of State.

3. P. Claudius, in the first Punick War, being ready to joyn Battel, yet being willing to know the Signes after the old Custome, when he that kept the Birds told him that the Chickens would not come out of the Penns, commanded them to be cast into the Sea, saying, If they will not eat, let um drink; together with Iunius his Colleague, lost the Roman Navy for ne∣glecting the Lucky Signes: Of which two, one fell by the Sentence of the People, the other prevented the ignominy of Condemnation by killing himself.

4. Metellus the High-priest travelling for Tuscula∣num, two Crows flew directly toward his face, as if they went to stop his journey, yet hardly prevail'd with him to return. The next night the Temple of Vesta was burnt, and Metellus sav'd the Palladium out of the fire.

5. M Cicero had his death foretold by an unlucky Signe: for being at the Village of Cajeta, a Crow srook off the Gnomon of a Sun-dial before his face, and by and by flying toward him, held him by the hem of his Garment, till his Servants came and told him that certain Souldiers were come to kill him.

6. M. Brutus having rallied the remains of his Army against Caesar and Antonius, two Eagles flew▪ one from one Camp, and the other from the other, and encountring one another, the Eagle which came out of Brutus Camp bing worsted, fled:

Page 18


1. Alexander being about to build a City in Egypt, Diocrates the Architect for want of Chalk laid out the streets with Meal: By and by a vast number of Birds from the next Lake, devoured the Meal; of which the Egyptian Priests made this Interpretation, That that City should in time afford great store of Provision to Strangers.

2. King Dejotarus, who was very prosperous in his Actions, was preserv'd by the sight of an Eagle: for seeing the place whence she came out, he would by no means go in there; and the house fell the next night e∣qual with the ground.

CHAP. V. Of Omens.
Which the ROMANS took.
  • 1. The Fathers Conscript.
  • 2. M. urius Camillus Di∣ctator.
  • 3. L. Aemilius Paulus Con∣sul.
  • 4. Caecilia Metelli.
  • 5. C. Marius in Exile.
  • 6. Cn. Pompeius Pro-Con∣sul.
  • 7. M. Brutus Pro-Consul.
  • 8. C. Cassius Pro-Consul.
  • 9. Q. Petillius Consul.
  • 1. The Prienians.
  • 2. Apolloniates.

THe observation of Omens is founded upon a cer∣tain touch of Religion, as depending not up∣on any fortuitous Chance, but upon Divine Provi∣dence.

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1. Whereby it came to pass, that when the City was destroyed by the Gauls, and the Senate was con∣sulting whether they should remove to Veii, or rebuild their own Walls, some Cohorts returning from Gar∣rison, a Centurion crying out in the place for publick Assemblies to his Eagle-bearer, Fix your Ensigne, we'll stay here in good time: the Senate hearing his voice, took it for a good Omen, and left off their designe of going for Veii. In how few words was the Domicil of the future Empire of the World designed? The Gods disdaining that the Roman Name sprung from happy Omens, should change its Seat, or that the glo∣ry of Victory it self should lie buried in the Ruines of a City already neer decay'd.

2. The Author of this most famous Work, Camil∣lus, while he was praying, that if the happiness of the people of Rome seemed to any of the Gods to be too great, that they would satisfie their Envy by any mis∣chief done to himself, at the end of his Prayer sud∣denly stumbling sell down; which Omen is thought to have related to the Condemnation which he after∣wards underwent. But deservedly did Victory and the Prayers of this great man strive together for praise: nor was the strife of his Vertue less, that he increased the good fortune of his Country, wishing all its evil fortune might fall upon his own head.

3. How memorable was that which befel L. Paulus the Consul! who being by lot designed to make War with Perseus King of Macedon, in his return to his house met his youngest Daughter at the door, and ob∣serving her to look something sad, kiss'd her, and de∣manded the cause of her discontent; who answered, That Persa was dead: that was the name of a little Dog which she highly esteemed, which di'd a little be∣fore. Paulus laid hold of the Omen, and upon a for∣tuitous saying, built the hopes of his future Tri∣umphs.

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4. But Cecilia the Wife of Metelus, when her Si∣sters Daughter rquired after the antient custom those Nuptial-Rites due to a Virgin of ripe years, gave oc∣casion to the Omen her self: for the Virgin having slaid in a certain Chappel for that purpose, and hear∣ing no body speak to her minde, wearied with long standing, she desired of her Aunt to let her have some place to sit down; to whom her Aunt repli'd, I freely give thee my Seat: Which saying proceeding out of kindness, prov'd ominous in the event; for not long after Cecilia dying, Metellus married the Virgin of whom we speak.

5. The observation of Omens was certainly the preser∣vation of Caius Marius, at what time he was adjudge an Enemy by the Senate, lying at the house of one Fannia at Minturnae for his security: For he observed an Ass-colt when he gave him Meat, that neglecting that, he ran still to the water. At which sight thinking that what was now offered by the Providence of the Gods, was to be followed, being himself otherwise very skilful in Religious Interpretations, he desired of the Multitude that came to his aid, that he might be con∣ducted to the Sea: and so getting aboard a little Ship, he sailed into Africk, and so avoided the Victorious Arms of Sylla.

6. Pompey the Great at the Battel of Pharsalia be∣ing overthrown by Cesar, and seeking to save himself by fligh, directed his Course to the Island of Cyprus, to gather more Forces there; and approaching the City of Paphot, and viewing a stately Edifice, he asked the Pilot the name of it; who answering, That it was called Kings Evil, presently lost all that little hope which he had remaining: nor could he dissemble it; turning his head another way, and weeping, betray'd the grief which he conceived from so dire an Omen.

7. To M. Brutus an Event befitting the Murther

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which he had committed, was designed him by an O∣men: For after that wicked deed, as he was celebra∣ting his Birth-day, and studying for some convenient Greek Verse, by accident he pitched upon one in Hem.

Me cruel Fate and Son of fair Latona slew.

Which God being by Caesar and Antonius given for the Signe, seemed as it were to be the occasion of his overthrow.

8. With such a strange Ejaculation, the Fortune of Cassius amazed his ears, who when the Rhodians begg'd of him that they might not be deprived of all the I∣mages of the Gods, made answer, That he had left the Sun: for having lost the Field in Macedon, he was not onely forced to leave the Effigies of the Sun, which he had granted them as suppliants, but also the Sun it self.

9. Worthy of remark is that Omen under which Petillius fell in the Ligurian War: for being to assail a Mountain that was called Letho, he boasted in his Exhortation to his Souldiers, saying, This day I will take Lethum or Hell: And fighting inconsiderately, confirmed by his death the truth of his fortuitous Speech.


1. To our own, we may adde two Forraign Exm∣ples of the same nature. The Samians when the Prie∣nenses sent to them for aid against the Carians, instead of Ships and Men, puffed with Arrogance, sent them a little Skiff; which the Samians interpreting as an Aid sent from Heaven, willingly received, and by a true Prediction of the Fates, found her to be the Captain of the Victory.

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2. Nor did the Apolloniates repent; for being press'd by the Ilyrian War, and craving aid of the Epidam∣nians, they answered, That they would lend the River Aeas, running by the Walls, to their assistance. They replied, We accept your Gift: and so gave the River the first place in the Army, as to their Captain. After which having unexpectedly vanquish'd their Enemies, attributing the success to the accepting the Omen, thenceforward they sacrificed to Aeas as a God, and made him their Captain in all their Battels.

CHAP. VI. Of Prodigies.
Which fell out among the ROMANS.
  • 1. To Servius Tullius.
  • 2. Lucius Marcius Centuri∣on.
  • 3. People of Rome and Vei∣entines.
  • 4. L. Salla Pro-Cnsul.
  • 5. The people of Rome at diers times.
  • 6. C. Flaminius Consul.
  • 7. C. Hostilius Mancinus.
  • 8. T. Gracchus Pro-Consul.
  • 9. M. Claudius Marcellus Consul.
  • 10. Cn. Octavius.
  • 11. M. Licinius Crassus, Pro-Consul.
  • 12. Cn. Pompey the Great.
  • 13. Julius Caesar Dictator.
  • 1. Xerxes King of Persia.
  • 2. Midas King of Phrygia, an Infant.
  • 3. Plato the Philosopher, an Infant.

OF Prodigies also, whether prosperous or unlucky, it is no way from our purpose to discourse.

1. While Servius Tullius was an Infant and asleep, his Attendants bheld a flame upon his head; which Prodigy Tanaquil the Wife of Tarquinius Priscus ad∣miring,

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she brought up Servius, who was the Son of a Servant, instead of her own Son, and advanced him to the Throne.

2. Equal happiness in Event did that flame promise which blaz'd upon the head of Lucius Marcius, Cap∣tain of the two Armies, which the deaths of P. and Cn. Scipio's had much weakned in Spain, while he was speaking to his Souldiers: for upon the sight of that, the Souldiers before fearful, now encouraged to reco∣ver their wonted Fortitude, with the slaughter of 38000 men, and a great number of Prisoners, they took two Camps of the Carthaginians crammed with spoil.

3. Also when after a long and sharp War the Veii could not be taken, though besieg'd within their own Walls, and that the delay was no less terrible to the be∣siegers than the besieged, the Gods themselves open'd the way to an unexpected Victory: or on a sudden the Lake Albanus, neither augmented by any showers, nor assisted by the inundation of any other Sream, rose far above its usual hight. To know the reason whereof, Messengers were sent to the Oracle at Delphos, who brought for answer, That they should let the wa∣ters that over-swelled the Lake into the Fields: For so the Veii would come into the power of the Romans. Which before the Messengers could bring back, a Southsayer of the Veii, take by one of our Souldiers and brought into the Camp, had also declared; so that the Senate doubly admonished, both obey'd the Gods, and got possession of the City.

4. Nor was this which follows an Omen of bad success: Lucius Sulla Pro-Consul in the Confederate War, while he was sacrificing before the Pretorium in the Country of Nolas, on a sudden beheld a Snake glide from the lower part of the Altar; at the sight whereof, by the advice of Posthumus the Southsayer, he led forth his Army, and

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got the strong Camp of the Samnites: which Victory was the first oundation and step to his future great∣ness.

5. Chiefly to be admired are those Prodigies which hapned in our City, P. Volumnius and Ser. Sulpitius being Consuls. And Ox his Lowing being chang'd in∣to Humane Speech, exercised the minds of all people with the strangeness of the Accident. Little pieces of Flesh also fell like showers of Rain from the Sky, of which a great part was devoured by the Birds; the rest lay many days upon the ground, neither offensive to the smell, nor irksome to the sight:

At the beginning of another Tumult, Monsters of the same nature were to be seen. A Childe of half a year old in the Cow-market, proclaimed a Triumph. Another Childe was born with an Elephants head.

In Picenum it rain'd Stones. In Gaul a Woolf came and took a Sword out of the Centinels Scabbard. Bloody Ears of Corn dropt among the Sheaves, as men were reaping neer Antium. The Waters of Ce∣rite were mix'd with Bloud. And before the second Punick War, an Ox was heard to speak, Look to thy self, O Rome.

6. Caius Flaminius being inauspiciously made Con∣sl, when he was preparing to fight with Hannibal at the Lake of Thrasymene, commanded the Ensignes to be taken up, when immediately his Horse stumbling, he was thrown to the ground and pitched upon his head: and nothing rgarding this Prodigy, when the Ensigne-bearers told him they could not stir the En∣signes, threatned to punish um if they did not dig um out. But of this rashness of his, would onely he himself, and not the whole people of Rome had felt the doleful success: for in that Battel 15000 Romans were slain, 6000 taken, and 20000 put to flight. The headless body of the Consul, Hannibal sought for, to

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have buried it, who had done what in him lay to bury the Roman Empire.

7. The headlong obstinacy of Caius Flaminius, C. Hostilius Mancinus followed with a vain obstinacy, to whom these Prodigies hapned as he was going Consul for Spain. Being resolv'd to sacrifice at Lavinium, the Pullets being let out of the Bin, flew to the neigh∣bouring Wood, and though sought for with all dili∣gence imaginable, could never be found: And when he was about to go abroad in the Port of Hercules, whither he went afoot, he heard a strange Voice, cry∣ing, Stay, Mancinus: With which affrighted, and in his return putting into Genoa, and there going aboard a little Boat, a Snake of a prodigious bigness appeared, and suddenly vanished out of sight. Which three Prodigies he equalled with the number of Calamities which befell him; and unfortunate Battel, a shameful Truce, and a most dismal Surrender.

8. The sad Event of Gracchus, a most dangerous Citi∣zen, who being an inconsiderate person, and being fore∣warn'd, would take no advice or counsel, makes his rashness less to be wondered at: For when being Pro-Consul, he was sacrificing among the Lucaus, two Snakes on a sudden creeping out of some hidden place, having eaten the Liver of the Beast which he had sacri∣ficed, retir'd to their lurking holes. And whereas by reason of this accident the Sacrifice was renew'd, the same Prodigy happen'd again. The third Sacrifice be∣ing slain, and the Entrails more diligently lookt to, neither could the Serpents be driven away when they came, not be hinder'd in their flight; which though as the Southsayers affirm'd, it signified that the Gene∣ral was to be careful of his own safety, yet was not Gracchus so careful, but that by the treachery of Fla∣vius, at whose house he lay, he was drawn to a place where Mago hid himself with an armed power, who slew him naked and without defence.

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9. The misfortune of the Consuls, equal Errour, and an end not differing from that of Titus Gracchus, draws me to the memory of Marcellus. He inflam'd with the glory of having taken Syracuse, and first of any driven Hannibal from the Walls of Nola, having resolv'd either to overthrow the Carthaginians, or at leaft to drive um out of Italy; and to that end pur∣posing with a most solemn Sacrifice to inquire into the will and pleasure of the Gods; The first Beast that was slain before the fire, the Liver was found without a head; the next had a Liver with a double head: which being view'd, the Southsayer with a sad countenance said, That the Entrails did not please him: the first were altogether bad, the second were not so good. Thus Marcellus being admonish'd not to do any thing rashly, the next night adventuring to go out with a few men to view the Enemies Camp, environ'd by a multitude of his Enemies in the Country of the Brutii, by his death occsion'd much sorrow and detriment to his Country.

10. As for Octavius the Consul, as he feared a most direul Omen, so he could not avoid it; sor finding the head of the Image of Apoll brokn, and so pitch'd in the ground that it could not be pull'd up, being at that time in Arms against his Colleague Cinna, he from thnce progno••••••cated his own ruine; in the midst of which fear he came to a sad end, and then the fix'd head of the Image was easily set in its place.

11. Nor must we pass over in silence Marcus Crassus, who is to be reckon'd one of the greatest losses of our Empire, who was warn'd by many and most remark∣able blows of Fate, before so great a ruine.

As he was drawing his Army out of Carrae against the Parthians, he had a mourning Garment brought him; whereas they should have brought him either a white or a purple Robe, when he was going to battle.

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The Souldiers march'd sad and silent to their places, whereas they were wont to run with loud acclamati∣ons: One of the Eagles could scarcely be pull'd up out of the ground; the other being pull'd up, turn'd it self the quite contrary way to which it ought to have been carried. These Prodigies were very great, but the Calamities of the overthrow were far greater; the slaughter of so many fair Legions, so many Ensignes, so much of the glory and beauty of the Roman Militia trodden to the ground by the Horse-men of the Bar∣barians, hopeful Young men besprinkled with the bloud of their Parents, and the body of their Com∣mander among the promiscuous heaps of the Slain, thrown a common Prey to the Fowls of the air. I wish I could speak what were more delightful; I re∣late the truth. Thus the Gods contemn'd become fu∣rious in their Anger; thus the Counsels of men are chastized, when they think to outbrave Celestial Ad∣monishments.

12. For the mighty Iove had abundantly warn'd Cn. Pompey, that he should not try the utmost hazard of War with Caesar, casting his Lightning full in the faces o his Battalions marching from Dyrrachium, covering his Ensigns with swarms of Bees, affrighting his whole Army with Nocturnal Terrours, and the flight of the Sacrifices from the Altars: But the Laws of invincible necessity would not suffer a mind, other∣wise remote enough from folly, to weigh those Prodi∣gies with a due consideration. And therefore while he extols his large Power, his Wealth above private use, and all those Ornaments which from his Youth he had contracted even to Envy, in the space of one day he lost um all. In the Temples of the Gods, the Statues turn'd of themselves. Such a noise of men shouting, such clattering of Arms, was heard at Anti∣ochia and Ptolemais, that the Souldiers ran to the Walls:

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Such a noise of Drums in the most secret places of Per∣gamus: in the Temple of Victory a Palm suddenly sprang up under the Statue of Caesar, in the Pavement between the Stones. Whereby it is plain that the Gods did favour Caesar, and fain would have recover'd Pom∣pey out of his Errour.

13. To thy Altars and most Holy Temples I ad∣dress my self, most Divine Iulius, that thou would'st favourably suffer the falls of so many great men to lie hid under the defence and tuition of thy Example: for we read that thou, the same day thou sat'st in the Gol∣den Seat clothed with Purple, that thou might'st not seem to have despised the honours which the Senate had with so much diligence designed, and with so much duty offered, before thou would'st publickly shew thy wish'd-for presence to the people, didst spend some time in that religious worship which was shortly to be given to thee; and offering a fat Ox which wanted a heart, the Southsayer told thee, the Omen concern'd thy life, and care of thy own preservation: Then was that Murther committed by those persons, who while they sough to ravish thee from the number of Men, translated thee to the number of the Gods.


Let us conclude the Domestick Relation of such Prodigies with this Example, lest by dilating farther upon those of the Romans, I should seem to transfer disagreeing Customs from the Temles of the Gods to private Habitations: I shall therefore touch upon For∣raign Presidents, which being related in Latine, as they are of less authority, yet they bring with them some∣thing of a grateful variety.

1. In the Army of Xerxes which he had amassed up against Greece, a Mare is said to have brought forth a

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Hare, bfore the Army had yet pass'd the Mountain Athos: by which kind of montrous birth, the event of such vast preparations was plainly shewed: For he that had covered the Sea with his Fleets, the Land with his Armies, was forc'd, like the most imorous Animal, with shameful flight to recover his own Kingdom.

Before he had ruin'd Athens, while he was ad∣vising how to invade Lacedaemon, a most wonderful Prodigy hapned while he was at supper: For the Wine being poured forth into the Cup, more than once, twice, or thrice, nay a fourth time, was changed into Blood. Whereupon the Magi being consulted, ad∣vised him to desist from his purpose. And had he had the least footstep of Reason in his vain breast, he might have prevented his ruine, being so often warn'd to take heed of Leouidas and the Spartans.

2. While Midas, to whose Scepter all Phrygia once was subject, was a child, a company of Ants laid a heap of Wheat in his mouth as he lay asleep. His Pa∣rents desiring to know what the meaning of the Pro∣digy should be, the Augurs answered, That he should be the richest of all men: Nor was the Prediction vain; for Midas exceeded all the Princes of his time, in plenty of Gold and Silver.

3. I should have by right and deservedly preferr'd Plato's Bees before Midas's Emmets; for they were onely Prognostications of frail and fading, these of so∣lid and eternal Felicity; while they brought Honey and laid it upon the lips of the little Infant, sleeping in his Cradle. Which thing being reported, the Interpre∣ters of Prodigies declared, That a most singular grace of Vltrance should hereafter drop from his mouth. But to me those Bees, not bred upon Hymettus cover'd with fragrant flowers of Thyme, but on the verdant Hiliconi∣an Hills of the Muses, flourishing with all sorts of learn∣ing, seem'd to distil into his mouth the sweetest nourish∣ment of Eloquence.

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CHAP. VII. of Dreams.
Of the ROMANS.
  • 1. Artorious Physician to Augustus.
  • 2. Calpurnia.
  • 3. P. Decii, T. Manlii Con∣sul.
  • 4. Of T. Atinius.
  • 5. Cicero in Exile.
  • 6. C. Sempronius Grac∣chus.
  • 7. Cassius Parmensis.
  • 8. Arterius Rufus a Roman Knight.
  • 1. Annibal.
  • 2. Alexander.
  • 3. Simonides.
  • 4. Croesus.
  • 5. Cyrus.
  • 6. Himera.
  • 7. The Mother of Dion. Ty∣rant.
  • 8. Amilcar.
  • 9. Alcibiades.
  • 10. An Arcadian.

NOw because I have touched upon the Riches of Midas, and the Eloquence of Plato, I will shew you how the quiet and safety of many men has been shadowed out under several representations.

1. And where shall I sooner begin, than from the most sacred memory of Divine Augustus? His Physi∣cian Artorius being asleep, the night before the day wherein the Romans fought one against the other in the fields of Philippi, the appearance of Minerva admo∣nish'd him to warn Augustus, then lying very ill, that notwithstanding his sickness he should not abstain from the Battel: Which Caesar hearing, caus'd himself to be carried in a Litter into the Field, where, while he laboured above his strength for the Victory, his Camp was taken by Brutus▪ What other 〈◊〉〈◊〉 we think then,

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but the Divine Benevolence so ordain'd it, that a per∣sonage destined to immortality, should not be subject to a Fate unworthy his Divinity?

2. Nor was it onely the Dream of Artorius that gave warning to Augustus, who had a natural perspi∣cacity and vigour to judge of every thing, as a fresh and domestick President: For he had heard that Cal∣purnia the Wife of his Parent Iulius, the last night that he lived upon earth, dream'd that she saw her Husband lie stabbed and bleeding in her bosom; and being affrighted with the strangeness of the Dream, was an earnest suiter to him to abstain from going to the Senate the next day: but he, lest he should have been thought to have been mov'd with a womans dream, went the rather to the Senate-house, where the Murtherers quickly laid violent hands upon him. It is not needful to make any comparison between the Father and the Son, both equal in their Divinity: for the one had made way for himself to Heaven by his own works, the other was to let the world enjoy his Vertues a long time. Therefore the Gods were one∣ly willing that the first should know the approaching change, which the other was to defer; it being enough that one Honour should be given to Heaven, and ano∣ther promised.

3. Admirable also was that Dream, and famous in the Event, which the two Consuls Decius Mus, and Monlius Torquatus dream'd, when they lay incamped not far from the foot of the Mountain Vesuvius, at the time of the Latin War, which was very sharp and dangerous: For a certain person foretold to both of them, that the Manes and Terra Mater claim'd as their due the General of one side, and the whole Army on the other: But that which Captain soever should assail the forces of the Enemy, and devote himself a Victim for the good of his Army, should obtain the Victory.

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This the Entrails of the Sacrifices confirmed the next moning to both Consuls, who endeavoured either to expiate the misfortune, if it might be averted, or else resolv'd to undergo the determination of the Gods. Therefore they agreed, that which Wing should begin to faint, the other should with his own life appease the Fates; which while both undauntedly ventred to perform, Decius hapned to be the person whom the Gods required.

4. The Dream which follows, seems to concern publick Religion. A certain Master of a Family ha∣ving caused his Servant to be whipped, and brought him to the punishment of the Fork in the Flaminian Circus, at the time of the Plebeian Plays, a little before the Show was about to begin, Iupiter, in a Dream, commanded Titus Atinius, one of the Vulgar, to tell the Consuls, That he that had done'd before the last Circensian Games, did no way please him; and that un∣less the fault were expiated by an exact restoration of the Plays, there would ensue not a little vexation and trou∣ble to the City. He tearing to involve the Common∣wealth by Religion to his own disadvantage, held his peace. Immediately his Son, taken with a sudden fit of sickness, died. Afterwards being asked by the same God in his sleep, Whether be thought himself pu∣nished enough for the neglect of his Command? yet re∣maining obstinate, was strucken with a general weak∣ness of body: At length, by the advice of his friends, being carried in a Horse-litter to the Consuls Tribunal, having fully declared the cause of his misfortunes, to the admiration of all men recovering his former strength, he walked afoot to his house.

5. Nor must we pass over in silence, that when M. Cicero was banished the City, by the Conspiracy of his Enemies, He diverting himself in a certain Village in the Country of Atinate, and falling asleep in the field,

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as he thought himself wandring through strange pla∣ces and uncouth Regions, he thought he met C. Marius in his Consuls Robes, who asked him, What he made there wandring with so sad a Countenance? Whereup∣on Cicero making his condition known to him, the Consul took him by the right hand and delivered him to the next Lictor, to conduct him to his own Mo∣nument, telling him, That there there was a more joyful hope of his better condition laid up for him. Nor did it otherwise fall out; for the Senate made a Decree for his return in the Temple of Iupiter built by Marius.

6. But C. Gracchus was most openly and apparently foretold, in a Dream, the mischief of an approaching mischance: for being asleep, he saw the shape of his Brother Titus, who told him, There was no way for him to avoid the same Fate which he had undergone, when he was driven out of the Capitol. This many related from the mouth of Gracchus himself, before he had under∣taken the Tribuneship, wherein he perish'd. And one Caelius a Roman Historian, said, He had heard much talk thereof while Gracchus was living.

7. But that which follows, far exceeds the dire Aspect of the foreging Narration. Antonius having lost the Battel of Actium, Cassius Parmensis, who had taken his part, fled to Athens; where he fell asleep in the night, being tired with care and trouble: He thought there came to him a person of a very great stature, black Complexion, his Beard deformed, and long hanging Hair, who being ask'd what he was, answer∣ed, Cacodaemon. Being affrighted with so horrid a sight, and terrible a name, he called up his Servants, and demanded of them if they saw any one in such a habit, either come in or go out of the Chamber: Who affir∣ming that no such had come there, he again betook himself to his rest; when immediately the same shape appeared to him again; whee waking altogether, he

Page 34

called for a light, commanding the Servants to depart. But between this night and the loss of his head, which Caesar took from him, there followed a very short space of time.

8. But the Dream of Aterius Rufus, a Roman Knight, was more plainly hinted to him: for he dream'd one night, at a time when there was a great Fencing-prize at Syracuse, that he saw himself slain: which he told the next day to those that sate by him in the Play-house. It happened afterwards, that neer to the Knights place, the Net-player was introduced with the Challenger, whose face when he saw, he said, that he was to be slain by the Net-player; and imme∣diately would have departed. They endeavouring by discourse to put away his fear, were the cause of the destruction of this miserable man. For the Net-play∣er being driven thither by his Antagonist, and cast up∣on the ground, as he lay along endeavouring to de∣fend himself, he ran Aterius thorough the body with his Sword.


1. The Dream also of Annibal, as it was detestable to the Roman bloud, so the prediction thereof was cer∣tain, whose waking not onely, but his sleeping was fa∣tal to our Empire. He had a Dream apposite to his purpose, and fitted to his wishes: fo he fancied a young man of humane shape, taller than ordinary, was sent to him by Iupiter, to be his Guide and Conductor in his Invasion of Italy; by whose command at first he followed his Foot-steps, without casting his eyes ei∣ther one way or another: afterwards, out of the eager desire in mortals to do what is forbidden, looking be∣hind him, he saw a Serpent of an immense magnitude destroying all before it: After that he beheld prodigi∣ous

Page 35

showers of Hall, with Thunder and dark Clouds. Being astonish'd, he asked, What that Monster meant? to which his Conductor, Behold, said he, the waste and devastation of Italy; therefore be silent, and commit the rest to Fate.

2. How gently was Alexander King of Macedon warn'd to take more care of his life, had Fortune ad∣vised him so well to avoid the danger! for he knew that the right hand of Cassander would be mortal to him, long before he felt it by the event: for he belie∣ved he should be slain by him, although he had never seen him. After some time, upon sight of him, e∣holding the resemblance of his nocturnal fear, so soon as he found him to be the Son of Antipater, re∣peating the Greek Verse so much in favour of the cre∣dit of dreams, he banish'd from his thoughts all suspi∣tion of the Poyson prepared for him as was publickly believed by Cassander.

3. More indulgent were the Gods to the Poet Si∣monides, confirming their admonition by the strength of repeated advice: For he coming ashore and finding a dead body of a man, buried it; whereupon he was by the same body admonished, that he should not set sail the next day: which he believing, staid ashore, but those that went to Sea were all cast away. He was not a little glad that he had trusted his life to the security of a Dream, rather than to the mercy of the Sea: And being mindful of the benefit receiv'd, eter∣niz'd the memory of the person in a living Poem, rai∣sing him up a better Sepulchre in the memories of men, than that which he had bestowed upon him on the shore.

4. Of great Efficacy also was that apparition to Craesus in his sleep, which first occasion'd in him great fear, afterwards greater grief: For it seemed to him that Atys, one of his Sons, the most excellent for

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strength of Body, and endowmens of Mind, and his design'd Successor, was violently murder'd. Thre∣upon the Young-man, though he were usually sent to the Wars, was kept at home. He had also an Armo∣ry stor'd with all sorts of Weapons, and that was re∣mov'd from him. He had Companions that us'd to go armed: They were also forbid to come near him. Yet Necessity gave access to grief. For there being a Wild-Boar, of an incredible bigness, that wasted the till'd fields of Mount Olympus, and kill'd several of the Countrey-people, and the Royal aid being implo∣red, the Son extorted from his Father leave that he might be sent to deliver the people from their Cala∣mity: which he the more readily granted, because the mischief was not threatned from Teeth, but from Iron. But while every one was intent and eager in killing the wild beast, obstinate Destiny prsisting in her in∣tended violence, directed a Spear ino his Body, which was intended against the Boar, and chose particularly that the right hand of him should be only guilty of the Murder, to whose charge and tuition the Father had chiefly committed his Son: which being conta∣minated with the blood of Chance-medley, fearing his Country-god, at the prayer of the person, was re∣purify'd by Sacrifice.

5. Neither was Cyrus a small argument of the ine∣vitable necessity of Fate; whose Birth, to which the Empire of all Asia was promis'd, Astyages his Grand∣father by the Mothers side sought in vain to hinder, by the predictions of a Dream. He married his Daughter Mandane, for that he had dreamt that she had over∣whelm'd all the Nations of Asia with her Urine, not to one of the Nobles, left the Right of Dominion might fall to his family, but to one of a small fortune among the Persians. When Cyrus was born he caus'd him to be expos'd, having dreamt that a Vine grow∣ing

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out of the Secret Parts of Mandane, should cover all his Dominions. But he was frustrated in all his endeavours and humane Counsels, not being able to hinder the felicity of his Nephew, which the Gods had so fully determined.

6. While Dionysius of Syracuse liv'd a private life, Himera, a womn of no mean parentage, fancied in her Sleep that she ascended into Heaven, and having there view'd the Seats of all the Gods, that she saw a strong man yellow-hair'd, scurfie countenanced, bound in Iron Chains to the Throne of Iove, and lying at his feet: and asking a young man who was her guide the meaning thereof, she was told that he was the ill fate of Sicily and Italy; and when his chains should e taken off, many Towns would be ruin'd: which Dream she declared the next day. Afterwards seeing Dionysius, by the help of Fortune, an enemy to the Liberty of Syracuse and the lives of the Innocent, freed from his Celestial Chains, entring the Walls of the Himeraei, she cryed out, This was he that she had seen in her Dream. Which being related to Dionysius, he caused her to be put to Death.

7. Safer was the Dream of the Mother of the same Dionysius; who, when sh had conceived him, fancied that she was brought to bed of a great Satyr: and con∣sulting the Interpreter of Prodigies, she understood that he should be the greatest and most powerful of all the Greeks of his time.

8. But Amilcar General of the Carthaginians, while he was besieging Syracuse, thought that he heard a voice proclaiming to him, that he should Sup the next day in that City. With great joy, as if Victory were promis'd him from Heaven, he prepared his Army for the Assault; at which time dissention arising between the Carthaginians and Sicilians, the Syracusans fallied ot, took his Camp, and brought him bound into the

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City. Thus deluded by his Hope, not his Dream, he supp'd a Captive in Syracuse, not, as he had conceiv'd, a Victor.

9. Alcibiades also beheld his lamentable end in a Dream, no way fallacious. For being slain and unbu∣ried, he was covered with the same Apparel of his Concubines, which he had seen himself cloathed in, in his Sleep.

10. The following Dream, for its manifest certain∣ty, though somewhat longer, craves not to be omit∣ted. Two familiar Arcadians travailing togethe came to Megara; one of which went to lye at his Friends house, the other at a common Inne. He that lay at his Friends house dreamt, that he heard his com∣panion intreating his help, for that he was abused by the Innkeeper, which he might prevent by his speedy presence. Leaping out of his Bed, he endeavoured to finde the Inne where his friend lay. But Fate con∣demning his humane purpose as needless, and be∣lieving what he had heard to be but a Dream, he went to Bed again and to sleep. Then the same person came wounded and beseech'd, that since he had neglected to assist him in his life-time, he would not delay to re∣venge his Death; for that his body slain by the Inne-keeper, was carrying out at the Gate in a Cart, cover'd with Dung. His friend, mov'd by his Prayers, made haste to the Gate, and stopt the Cart which was de∣scribed to him in his sleep, apprehended the Inne-keeper, and brought him to condign punishment.

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CHAP. VIII. Of Miracles.
Among the ROMANS.
  • 1. Castor seen in the Latin and Persian Wars.
  • 2. Esculapius appearing in the shape of a Serpent.
  • 3. Words spoken by Juno Moneta.
  • 4. Words spoken by fmale Fortune.
  • 5. Words spoken by a Syl∣van in the war of the Veii.
  • 6. Mars seen in the Lucan War.
  • 7. Penates returning from A ba to Lavinium of their own accord.
  • 8. Julius Caesar seen after his death.
  • 9. The Sepulchre of Pom∣pey miraculously found.
  • 10. The Death of Appius Claudius, Pro-Consul, foretold by a Miracle.
  • 11. The Scepter of Romu∣lus and Statues preserved from fire.
  • 12. Men brought to their graves revive.
  • 1. Erus Pamphilius revi∣ving after ten daies.
  • 2. An Athenian deprived of his Memory.
  • 3. A Woman suddenly struck dumb.
  • 4. Egles the Samian dumb suddenly, recovering his Speech.
  • 5. Gordis the Epirote born after the death of his Mother.
  • 6. Jason Pheraeus cured of an Impostume.
  • 7. Simonides the Poet e∣scaped the fall of a house.
  • 8. The death of Daphidas the Sophister foretold by the Oracle.
  • 9. The death of Philip King of Macedon fore∣told.
  • 10. The death of Alexan∣der miraculously fore∣told.
  • 11. The chance of a Rower.
  • 12. The strange Teeth of King Prusias his Son.
  • 13. Drypetine daughter to

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  • Mithidates born with a double order of Teeth.
  • 14. The accurate Sight of Strabo Lynceus.
  • 15. The hairy Heart of A∣ristomedes the Messenian.
  • 16. The annual Fever of Antipater the Poet.
  • 17. The equality of Poly∣stratus and Hippoclides in fortune.
  • 18. Mircles of Nature.
  • 19. The Serpent of Regu∣lus.

MAny Accidents also happen to men awake, and by day, as well as those which are invol∣ved in the clouds of darkness and dreams; which be∣cause it is hard to understand whence they proceed, or upon what reason grounded, are deservedly called Miracles.

1. Among the great multitude whereof, this first occurs. When Aulus Posthumius Dictator and Mani∣lius Octavius Captain of the Tuscans were in fight with great forces on both sides, at the Lake Regillus, and that for some time neither Party gave ground; Castor and Pollux taking the Romans side, overthrew the forces of the Enemy.

Also in the Macedonian War, P. Vatinius a Magi∣strate of Reate returning toward the City by Night, thought he met two beautiful Men sitting upon white Horses, who told him, that the day before Perseus was taken by Aemilius. Which when he related to the Senate, he was by them committed to Prison, as a contemner of their Majesty and Power. But after∣wards, when they understood by the Letters from Paulus that Perseus was taken the same day, he was not only delivered out of custody, but honoured wth a gift of Land, and vacancy from bearing Office. It was also farther found, that Castor and Polux did watch over the safety of the Common-wealth, and travail'd hard for the good of the same, for that they were seen to wash themselves and their horses in the Lake of

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Iuturna, and their Temple adjoyning to the Fountain open'd of it self, not being unlockt by the hand of any person.

2. But then we may relate how favourable the rest of the Gods were to our City. For when our City was visited with a triennial Pestilence, and that nei∣ther through divine Compassion or humane Aid any remedy could be found for so long and lasting a Cala∣mity; the Priests looking into the Sibyls Books ob∣serv'd, that there was no other way to restore the City to its former health, but by etching the Image of Esculapius from Epidaurus. The City therefore send∣ing their Ambassadours thither, hop'd that by its au∣thoity, the greatest then in the world, they might prevail to obtain the only remedy against their fatal misery. Neither did her hope deceive her. For her desire was granted with as much willingness, as it was requested with earnestness. For immediately the Epi∣daurians carrying the Ambassadours to the Temple of Esculapius (distant from the City some five miles) de∣sired them to take out of it whatever they thought convenient for the preservation of Rome; whose free benignity the god himself imitating by his celestial obedience, approv'd the courtesie of mortals. For that Snake, which but seldom or never seen but to their great benefit, the Epidaurians worshipt equal to Esculapius, began to glide with a mild aspect and gentle motion through the chief parts of the City, and being three days seen to the religious admiration of all men, without doubt taking in good part the change of a more noble Seat, hasted to the Roman Galley, and while the Marriners stood affrighted at so unusual a sight, crept aboard the Ship, and peaceably folding its self into several rings, quietly remain'd in the Cabbin of Q. Ogulnius, one of the Ambassadours. The Legats having return'd due thanks, and being in∣structed

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by the skilful in the due worship of the Ser∣pent, like men that had obtain'd their hearts desire, joyfully departed, and after a prosperous Voyage put∣ting in at Antium, the Snake, which had remained in the Ship, glided to the Porch of the Temple of Escu∣lapius, adorn'd with Myrtle and other Boughs, and twisted itself about a Palm-tree of a very great height, staying for three days in the Temple of Antium; the Ambassadours with great care setting by those things wherewith he used to be fed, for fear he should be unwilling to return to the Ship: after which he pa∣tiently suffer'd himself to be transported to our City. The Ambassadours landing upon the shore of Tiber, the Snake swam to the Island where the Temple was dedicated, and by his coming dispell'd the Calamity for remedy whereof he was sought.

Not less voluntary was the coming of Iuno to our City. The Veientes being taken by Furius Ca∣millus, the Souldiers by command of the General going about to remove the Image of Iuno Moneta, which was there in principal adoration, endeavour'd to re∣move it from the place where it stood. Among the rest, one of the Souldiers asked the Goddess in sport, whether she would go to Rome; to which the God∣dess replying she would, the jest was turn'd into ad∣miration. And now believing that they did not only carry the Image, but Iuno her self, with great joy they placed her in that part of the Aventine Mountain, where now we see her Temple stand.

4. The Image also of the Womens Fortune, about four miles from the City upon the Latine Road, con∣secrated together with her Temple, at the same time that Coriolanus was diverted from th destruction of the City by his Mothers tears, was heard, not once, bu twice to speak these words: In due manner have you seen me, Matrons, and in due manner dedicated me.

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5. But Valerius Publicola Consul, after the expul∣sion of the Kings, waged War with the Veientes and Hetrurians, while the one sought to restore Tarquirius to his Kingdome, the other sought to retain their new-recover'd Liberty: At which time, while the Hetru∣rians and Tarquinius had the upper hand in the Right Wing, there hapned such a sudden Consternation, that not only the Victors began to fly, but also drew the Veientes, struck with the same fear, along with them. On a sudden a loud voice was heard from the adjoin∣ing Arsian Wood, said to be uttered from the mouth of a Sylvan: But one more of the Hetrurians shall fall: The Roman Host shall obtain the Conquest. The truth of the Miracle appeared by the number of the dead Bo∣dies told.

6. What say ye to the Assistance of Mars, which facilitated the Victory of the Romans, is it not worthy of lasting memory? When the Brutians and Lucans with most inveterate Hatred and great Forces sought the destruction of the City of Thurinum, C. Fabricius Luscinus Consul on the other side endeavouring with all his might to preserve the same, and that the event of things seemed dubious, the Forces of both sides being met in one place, and the Romans not daring to venture battle; a young man of a comely stature began to exhort them to take courage; and finding them not very forward, laying hold of a Ladder, he posted through the middle of the Enemies body to the opposite Camp, and setting up his Ladder scal'd the fortification; and then crying out with a loud voice, that there was a step to Victory rais'd, he drew ours to assail, the Lucans and Brutians to defend their own Camp, where after a sharp Conflict they were utterly overthrown. For by the impulse of his own Arms, he deliver'd um over to be slain and taken by the Romans; Twenty Thousand being slain, Five

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Thousand taken, together with Statius Statilius Ge∣neral of both People, and Twenty Military Ensignes. The next day, when the Consul told the Souldiers that he had reserv'd a Crown for him who had shewed so much Courage in taking the Camp, and no young man was to be found to claim it, it was then known and believed that Mars had taken the Romans par. And among other demonstrations of the truth of the thing, there was a Head-piece found with two Plumes, which had covered his sacred Head. Therefore by command of Fabricius there was a Supplication to Mars proclaim'd, and thanks return'd to him with great joy by the Souldiers crown'd with Lawrel, in testimony of the assistance which they had received from him.

7. I shall relate now what being known in that age was faithfully deliver'd to those which succeeded: Aeneas bringing his houshold-gods with him from Troy, placed them in Lavinium: From thence they were by his Son Ascanius removd to Alba, which himself had built: which lest it should seem a force put upon them by the hands of men, they resolv'd to testifie their good Will. Wherein I am not ignorant how opinion hesitates in the asserting the truth of the mo∣tion and voice of the Immortal Gods. However, be∣cause we do not make a relation of things new, but only repeat what has been deliver'd, let the first Au∣thors vindicate the truth. It is our part not to refuse as vain, what the sacred Monuments of Story have consecrated for certain.

8. Having made mention of that City, from whence our own had its first original, heavenly Iulius the glorious offspring thereof comes into our mind, whom C. Cassius (never to be named without remembring his publick Parricide) while he was labouring coura∣giously at the Battle of Philippi, saw above mortal

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Stature, clad in a Purple Robe, and an angry Coun∣tnance, making toward him with full speed; at which sight affrighted he fled, having first heard these words utter'd, What wouldst thou do more, if it be too little to have kill'd? Didst thou not murther Caesar, O Cassius? But no Deity can be prevail'd against; therefore by injuring him whose mortal body still burns, thou hast deserved to have a god so much thy enemy.

9. Lentulus passing by the shore where the Bdy of Pompey the Great, murdered by the treachery of King Ptolemy, was then at the same time burning; altoge∣ther ignorant of his fall, cryed out to his Souldiers, How do we know but that Pompey may be now burning in yonder flame? The Miracle was, that he should igno∣rantly speak so great a truth as it were by inspira∣tion.

10. This was only the saying of a man; but that which came from the mouth of Apollo himself was more miraculous, a clear evidence of the Delphick Pre∣sge, which oretold the Death of Appius. He in the Civil War wherein Pompey had separated himself from his friendship with Caesar, through advice no less baneful to himself than disadvantageous to the Com∣mon-wealth, being willing to know the event of so great a Commotion; by his power in command (for he was Governour of Achaia) caus'd the chief Presi∣dent of the Delphick Oracle to descend into the inner∣most part of the holy Den, whence as more certain Answers are demanded, so the over-abundance of the divine exhalation becomes more noxious to those that give the Answer. The Virgin therefore through the impulse of the inspiring Spirit, with a most dreadful tone, among other obscure terms and aenigma's, thus return'd to Appius: The War concerns thee nothing, O Roman: Thou shalt have for thy lot, that part of Eu∣boea call'd Coela. He believing that Apollo had fore∣warned

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him to avoid the danger of the War, retired into that Countrey which lies between Rhamuns a noble part of the Countrey of Atica, and Cristus ad∣joining to the Chalcidic Bay, where consum'd with sickness before the battle of Pharsalia, he possessed the place assign'd for his burial.

11. These things may also be accompted as Mira∣cles; that when the Chappel of the Salii was burnt, there was nothing escap'd the fire but the Kings staff of Romulus. That the Statue of Servius Tullius rmain'd untouch'd, when the Temple of Fortune was con∣sum'd by fire. That the Statue of Claudia, plac'd near the entry into the Temple of the Mother of the Gods, hat Temple being twice consum'd by fire, once whn Nasica Scipio and L. Bestia, another time when Servilius and Lamia were Consuls, stood firm upon its Bais and untouch'd.

12. The Funeral Pile of Acilius Aviola brought no small astonishment to our City, who being taken or dead both by the Physicians and by his Friends, when he had been laid out for some time upon the Ground, the Flame no soone coming near his Body, bt he rose up and affirmed himself to be alive, calling for the assitance of his Schoolmaster, who only re∣main'd with him. But being encompass'd with the flames, he could no be drawn thence.

13. Lucius Lamia also, a person of the Pretorian Order, is said to ave spoken upon his funeral Pile.

FORRAIGN Examples.

1. But the fat of Erus Pamphilus has render'd the forgoing relations les miraculous; whom Plato af∣firm'd, tha alter he was thought to have been slain in Batl, and ad lain in the field ten days, when he came to be taken away and laid upon the funeral Pile,

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he reviv'd, and related strange things, which he saw while he lay dead.

2. And since we are come of Forraign Examples, there was a certain learned Man at Athens, who ha∣ving received an unlucky hurt with a Stone upon his Head, though he retain'd his Memory as to all other things very perfect, yet forgot his Learning, which he had follow'd all his life time. A dire and fatal Wound in the Soul of him that was wounded, as if having of purpose sought out every sense, it had pitch'd upon that particularly wherein the Patient most de∣lighted, burying the singular Doctrine and Learning of the person in the perpetual grave of Envy. To whom if it were not lawful to enjoy those Studies, it had been better that he had never obtain'd a taste of them, than to want the sweetness of what he once had in possssion.

3. But more lamentable is the narration of the fol∣lowing mischance. For the Wife of Nausimenes an Athenian hapning to take her Son and Daughter in the act of Incest, struck with horrour of so monstrous a sight, became suddenly dumb, so that she neither could express her present Indignation, nor ever after speak a word. They punish'd themselves for their own wicked act, with voluntary Death. Thus For∣tune that in a rage took from her her Speech, from them their Lives, was therein favourable to the Mo∣ther.

4. Aegles a Samian Wrastler born mute, when he saw the Rewards of a Victory, which he had won, taken from him, out of indignation for the injury done him, recover'd his Speech.

5. Famous also was the Birth of Gorgias an Epirote, a very strong man, who coming forth of his Mothers Womb as she was going to be buried, with his crying caus'd them that carried the Beer to stand, affording

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a strange Miracle to his Countrey, as one that receiv'd his Birth and being from the Funeral-Pile of his Mo∣ther. For at the same moment she in her Death yields to fate, the other is taken into arms alive be∣fore he was born.

6. A fortunate Wound was that which a certain person gave to Phaerean Iason, endevouring to have slain him. For striking at him with his Sword, he brake an Impostume in that manner, which could neither be broken nor cured by any skill'd in Physick, delivering him from an incurable Disease.

7. Equally belov'd of the immortal Gods ws Si∣monides, who being sav'd from imminent dangr, was also preserv'd from after-ruine. For while he was at Supper with Scopas at Cranon a City of Thessaly, news was brought him that two young men were at the door, earnestly desiring to spak with him. When he came to the gae, he found no body here. But at the same moment, the Roof of the Dining-room fell down, and kill'd both Scopas and all his Guests. What greater wealth, than so much felicity, which neither the rage of the Sea or Land could take from him?

8 I am not unwilling to adde to this the Story of Daphidas, that men may understand how profitable it is to ing the praises o the Gods, and obey the Divine Power. He being of their profession who are call'd Sophists, resolving to ask a frivolous question of the Oracle of Apollo, in derision demanded, Whether he should finde the Horse he had lost, when in truth he had none at all. To which the Oracle answer'd, That he should finde his Horse, but be kill'd with a all off his back. Bing upon his return, merry and laughing at the trick he had put upon the Oracle, he fell into the hands of Attalus the King, whom he had often abus'd with his scurrilous Verses, being out of his reach: And being by his command thrown headlong

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down a Rock, which was call'd The Horse, he receiv'd the just reward due to one that would go about to cavil with the gods.

9. Philip K. of Macedon being also admonisht by the same Oracle to have a care of the violence of a Cha∣riot, caused all the Chariots in his Kingdom to be cut to pieces, and alwaies carefully shun'd that place in Boeotia which is call'd The Chariot; and yet he could not avoid that kind of death which was foretold him: for Pansanias that slew him, had a Chariot engraven in the Hilt of his Sword.

10. And this fatal Necessity which the Father could not avoid, was a severe to his Son Alexander. For Calanus the Indian being about to throw himself, of his own accord, upon his Funeral-Pile, being ask'd by him whether he had any thing to command or tell him; made no other reply, but I shall shortly see thee. Nor was his answer in vain, for the violent Death of Alexandr speedily follow'd his violent decease.

11. These Royal Funerals are qual'd in Miracle by the fortune of a Rower in a Galley, who standing at the Pump in a small Tyrian Vessel, and by the vio∣lence of a Wave thrown out of the same, the force of a contrary Wave wash'd him into the Vessel again: congratulating and bewailing, at one time, his mi∣serable and happy condition.

12. What more? Are we not to believe that there are certain Mockeries of Nature in the Bodies of Men? tolerable indeed, because not horrid; ye no less miraculous, because unusual. The Son of Prusias King of Bithynia, bearing the same name with his Father, instead of an upper row of Teeth, had one continued Bone, though neither deformed nor unfit for use.

13. Dripetine also the Daughter of Mithridates, born of Ladice the Queen, having her mouth de∣formed with a double row of Teeth above and blow,

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was her Fathers Companion when he fled from Pom∣pey.

14. No less admirable were the Eyes of that per∣son, who is reported to have had so sharp a sight, that he was able to discover the Ships going out of the Pot of Carthage, from the Promontory of Lilybaeum in Sicily.

15. More admirabe than his Eyes was the Heart of Aristomenes the Messenian; which the Athenians, by reason of his admirable subtlety causing to be cut out, (for they had often taken him, yet still by his cunning he escaped them) found to be all over hairy.

16. The Poet Antipater the Sidonian, every year on the very day of his Birth had a Fever; and having lived to a great age, upon his Birth day died of a Fever.

17. Here we may very conveniently take notice of Polystraus and Hippoclides, Philosophers, who were bon th same day, ollowed the Precepts of the same Master Epicurus, possess'd the same Revenues, went to the same School, and living long Friends together, at length both died the same day. So equal was the fortune and friendship of their Society, that who would not think them born, bred, and deceas'd in the very bosome of divine Concord her self?

18. Why all this should come to pass, either to the Children of Kings, or to a most famous King himself, to a Prophet of a flourishing Wit, or be so remarkable in the Lives of Learned Men, or among the Vulgar sort, Nature it self, so fruitful in good or evil, hath never given a reason. No more than why among the wild Goats, which are bred in Crete, being wounded with darts, should fly for present help to the Herb Dittany, which being eaten immediately forceth the Dart and Poyson out of their Wounds. Or how it comes to pass that in the Island of Cephalenia, whereas all other beasts in other places are reresh'd with drink∣ing

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water, in that place they are wont to quench their thirsts by receiving the wind into their mouths. Or why at Crotona, in the Temple of Lainian Iuno, the ashes should remain undisturb'd, and not to be remov'd, what Wind soever blow. Or why one Fountain in Macedonia, another in the Countrey of Calenum, should have so much the property of Wine, as to intoxicate men. These things we do not so much admire, as think worthy of remembrance, eing well ascertain'd, that Naure may well assume to herself the greatest share of knowledg, who has the painfl charge of begetting all things.

19. And now seeing we are alking of things that exceed common reason, let us give a relation of that Serpent, which Livie has so elegantly described. For he saith, that upon the Banks of the River Bagrada in Africk so great a Serpent appear'd, as hindred the whole Army of Attilius Regulus from the use of the wate▪ Many Souldiers she swallowed down her filthy wid Mouth, many killed with the hideous bangs of her Ta••••: and when they could pierce her with no Dart or Spear, at length they were forced to plant their En∣gins of Battery against, and bruise her to pieces with huge Stones and Flints of massie weigh; and to all both Horse and Foot seemed more terrible than Car∣thage it self. At what time the stream being defiled with her Blood, and the air infected with the stench of her Body, the Roman Camp was forced to remove. The Skin of this Monster, he saith, was 120 foot long, and sent to Rome.

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CHAP. I. Of Matrimonial Ceremonies, and Duty of Re∣lations.
  • 1. Good Signes precding Marriage.
  • 2. Marriage-Feasts.
  • 3. Women praised for living Widows.
  • 4. First Divorce.
  • 5. Matrimonial liberty and decency.
  • 6. Conjugal Love.
  • 7. Modest Consanguinity.
  • 8. The Feast of Charistia, or Love.
  • 9. Age honoured.
  • 10. Youth observed, and in∣structed by example.

WHile we are searching into the rich and potent kingdom of Nature, it will not be unseaso∣nable to take notice of the antient and memorable In∣stitutions, as well of our own City, as of other Nati∣ons. For it is worth our while to know the first ori∣ginal of those happy Manners, and that way of living which we now enjoy under the best of Princes, seeing that the consideration of them may perhaps be profi∣table to the present Customes.

1. Among the Antients there was nothing either publickly or privately undertaken, unless they had first observed the signe; from which Custome, the South∣sayers were alwaies consulted before Marriages. And though they have left off the marking of Birds, or bodings of good or bad luck, yet nominally they fol∣low the foot••••eps of the old Custome.

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2. The Women supp'd with the Men sitting, but the Men lay down: which Custome among men was observed in Heaven. For Iupiter is said to sup lying on his Couch, while Iuno and Minerva are in∣vited to sit. Which kind of severe Custome our Age more diligently observes in the Capitol than in their Houses: It being more proper to adhere to the Discipline of Goddesses than Women.

3. They that were content to be married but once, were honoured with a Crown of Chastity. For they believed that Matron to have an incorrupted mind, and sincere Loyalty, that would not leave the Chamber where she had first deposited her Virginity: and e∣steemed the experience of many Matrimonies to be a signe of some Incontinency.

4. There was no Divorce between Man and Wife till Five Hundred and Twenty Years after the City was built. The first was Spurius Carilius, who di∣vorced his Wife for being barren. Who though he appeared to have a good excuse for what he did, yet there were that blamed him enough, being such as believed that Conjugal Loyalty was to be preferred be∣fore desire of Children.

5. But that the Honour and Modesty of Matrons might be more sacred, when they were call'd into Court, no man was permitted to touch them, that their Gar∣ments might not be defiled by the contact of a strange hand. The use of Wine was formerly unknown to the Roman Women, for fear it might bring them to any disgrace, because the first degree to forbidden V∣nus is from father Bacchus. Yet that their Chastity might not alway occasion undecent retirement, but that they might appear in a comely Garb of converse, through the Indulgence of their Husbands they wore Purple, and ornaments of Gold. For then Corru∣pters of Marriages were not fea'd, but Women

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might modestly behold, and chastly be beheld.

6. When there was any diffrence between Hus∣band and Wife, they went to the Chappel of the God∣dess Viriplaca, which is in the Palace: and having li∣bery to talk what they had a minde to, after the heat was over, they returned home very good friends. This Goddess had her name from appealing of men; wor∣thy of adoration, and to be worshipped not with choice but exquisite Sacrifices: as being the Keeper of dayly and Family-peace, rendring to men and women, under the same yoak of Peace, what is due to the Majesty of men, and the Honour of women.

7. This Modesty among Wives, is it not necessary among other Relations? for that I may by a small ex∣ample, set forth the great orce thereo: formerly neither Father us'd to wash with his Son at age, no Father-in-law with Son-in-law. Whence it appears, there was as much Religion attributed to Kindred and Consanguinity, as to the Immortal Gods; while a∣mong those that were thus ti'd, it was no more law∣ful to strip themselves, than it was in the Temple.

8. Our Ancestors also instituted a sacrd Feast, which was called Charistia, where none wre admit∣ted but Kindred; that i there were any difference a∣mong Relations, there might be a reconcilation by the help of Friends, in the midst of their sacrd Rites and holy Mirh.

9. Yuth gave to Old Age such circumspect and maniold Honour, as if the elder were the common Fa∣ther of the younger. There upon Council-day, if a∣ny young man wated upon any Senator, Relation, or Friend o his Father, to the Senate, they stay with∣out door till the other came to perorm the same duty home again. By which voluntary attendance they ccustom'd their bodies and minds to undergo publick Offices, and in a short time became more experienced

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in labour and meditation. Being invited to a Feast, they diligently inquired who was to be there, that they might not be forced to rise to give way to their Elder: and when the Cloth was taken away, they always rose and went away first: and all the time of Supper they were very sparing and modest in their discourse.

10. The Elder were wont to sing the famous deeds of their Ancestors, in Verse, at their Festivals, thereby to stir up Youth by imitation thereof. What mre splendid or more profitable than this kind of Combat? Youth honour'd Gray Hairs, and superannuated Age encourag'd those who were ready to enter into Action with the nourishment of their favour. What Athens, what School, what forraign Education may I pr••••er to this Domestick Discipline? This raised the Camilli Sci∣pio's, Fabricii, Marcelli, and Fabii: and that I may not be tedious in recounting all the lights of our noble Empire, thus the most glorious part of Heaven the sa∣cred Caesars obtained their same.

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CHAP. II. Of the Offices of Magistrates and Orders.
  • 1. The Roman Fidelity and Taciturnity.
  • 2. Authority of Magistrates, and observance of the La∣tin Tongue.
  • 3. C. Marius despising Elo∣quence.
  • 4. Consular Majesty.
  • 5. Constancy of the Roman Embassadours.
  • 6. Vigilancy of the Senate.
  • 7. Diligence of the Tribunes.
  • 8. Abstinence of the Magi∣strates.
  • 9. The Tryal of the Roman Knights, and Lupercalia.

1. SO high a Love had all our Ancestors for their Countrey, that there was not a Senator, who for many Ages would reveal the Transactions of the Fathers. Q. Fabius Maximus onely, and he also through imprudence, going into the Countrey and meeting P. Crassus by the way, told him what was done in order to proclaiming the Second Punick War, remembring that he had been Questor three years be∣fore, and not knowing tat he was not yet put into the Senate by the Censors, who were the only persons that gave admittance to those that had born Honours in that Assembly. However, though this were but a harmless errour in Fabius, yet he was severely repre∣hended for it by the Consuls. For they would by no means suffer Taciturnity, the best and safest bond of Government, to be violated in the least. And there∣fore when Eumenes King of Asia gave intelligence to the Senate, that Perseus was preparing to make War, it could not be known either what Eumenes said, or what the Fathers answered, till Perseus was taken.

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The Court was the faithful and deep breast of the Commonwealth, environ'd and fortifi'd with Silence; which they that enter'd, soon cast off private Love, cloathing themselves with publick Zeal. So that I may say, that one would have thought, that no man heard what was committed to the ears of so many.

2. But our antient Magistrates how they behaved themselves in bearing up the Majesty of the Roman People, from hence may be observed, that among all their other marks of Gravity, this they punctually maintain'd, not to talk with the Greeks but in the Latine Tongue. And also causing them to lay aside the volubility of their own language, forc'd them to speak by an Interpreter, not only in our own City, but in Greece and Asia: That the honour of the Latine Tongue might be spread with greater veneration a∣mong other Nations. Not but that they had their Schools of Learning, but that they did not hold it con∣venient that the Gown should in any thing be subject to the Cloak. Believing it a poor and low thing, that the weight and authority of Government should be tam'd by the charms of Eloquence.

3. And therefore, Caius Marius, thou art not to be condemn'd of clownish Rigour, not to let thy old age, crown'd with a double Lawrel, illustrious with German and Numidian Trophies, be softned and over∣come by the Eloquence of a vanquish'd Nation. Per∣haps, lest while he appear'd a forrainer in the exercises of his Wit, he might seem a Runagate from his native Rites and Customes. Who therefore open'd the way to the Greek Pleadings that now deafen our ears? Molo the Rhetorician, as I am perswaded, who likewise sharpned the studies of M. Cicero. For he was the first Stranger that was ever heard in the Senate without an Interpreter; which Honour he receiv'd not undeser∣vedly, having mainly advanc'd the force of the Roman

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Eloquence. Of conspicuous felicity is Arpinum, whe∣ther you respect the one as a great contemner of Lear∣ning, or the other as the abounding Fountain there∣of.

4. With great diligence this Custome also was ob∣served by our Ancestors, that no person might walk between the Consul and the last Lictor, though he went along by vertue of his Office, unless he were a Child and the Son of the Consul. Which Custome was so obstinately maintain'd, that Q. Fabius Maxi∣mus, five times Consul, and besides in prime Autho∣rity, and honour'd with Age, being rqustd to go between him and the Lictor, for fear of being over∣born by the crowd of Samnites, with whom he was going to treat, yet refus'd the Courtesie. The like did that same Fabius when he was sent by the Senate to his Son Consul at Suessa. For as his Son was dispaching Causes without the City, he took his Horse to ride through the prease; but his Son seeing him afar off, sent a Lictor to him, commanding him to alight and come afoot, if he had any thing to say to the Consul. Whom Fabius readily obeyed, saying, Son, I did not this in contempt of thy Authority, but only to try whether thou knewet how to behave thy self like a Consul or no: Nor am I ignorant what is my Duty to my Countrey; but I prefer publike Institutions before private Piety.

5. Having done with the Fabii, Men of an admi∣rable Constancy offer themselves, who being sent to Tarentum by the Senate to demand certain things; af∣ter they had received many Injuries, one of them having a Pisspot thrown upon his Cloaths, they were brought to the Theater, or place of Audience, and finished the whole business of the Embassie; but as to what they had suffered, they uttered not a word, lest they might seem to talk more than what they had

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given them in charge: for it was impossible that any vexation at the afronts which they had received, could make them alter the respect which they had to Antient Custome.

6. But I will pass from Customes grown obsolete through Vice, to the most severe Institutions of our Ancestours, before the Senate sate continually in that place which was call'd the Little Senate-House; they never were assembled by Edict, but bing cited they came immediatly. For they thought h pra••••e of that Citizen much to be call'd in question, that was to be compell'd to shew his Duty to his Country. For whatever is forc'd by Compulsion, is lookt upon as rather done by Constraint than Duty.

7. We are likewise to remember, that it was not lawful for the Tribunes of the people to be admitted into the Senate; but being plac'd upon Seats before the Doors, there it behov'd 'um diligently to hear and examine the Decrees that were undr Vote, that if there were any thing which they misliked, they might hinder them from passing. And therefore the Letter T was wont to be subscrib'd at the bottome of all the antient Decrees of the Senate: by which Mark it was understood that the Tribunes had consentd. Who although it were their bsiness to lie perdu for the good of the People, and to suppress the growth of ambitious attempts; yet they suffer'd them to use Silver Vessels, and to wear Gold Rings given them at the publick charge, by the sight of such things to render the authority of their Magistracy the more con∣spicuous.

8. Whose Authority as it increased, so their absti∣nence was most strictly commanded: For the Entrails of the Sacrifices ffered by the Tribunes, were brought to the Questors of the Treasury. The worship of the Gods, and humane Continence, was shewn in those

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Sacrifices of the Roman people, our Captains learning at those Altars what holy hands they ought to come prepared with. And such honour they gave to Conti∣nence, that many times the Debts of those that had well behaved themselves in the government of the Re∣publick, were paid by the Senate: For they esteemed it an unworthy thing, that the dignity of those men should suffer at home, by whose industry the Common∣wealth had obtained splendor abroad.

9. The Youth of the Order of Knighthood, twice every year, were wont to shew themselves in a publick Spectacle at the chage of some great Person, upon the day of the Lupercal Feasts, which was the time of the approbation of Knights. The Custome of the Lupercals were beg•••• by Romulus and Remus, at such a time as thy were making merry, for that their Ucle Namitor had permitted them to build a City in the pace where they were brd up, under Mount Palatine, which Evander the Argive had consecrated by advice of Fautulus their Fostr-father. For there∣upon they mde Sacrifice, and having slain several Goats, and eat and drank somewhat more largely than ordinary, they divided themselves, and in their jollity made a sportive Combat together; the memo∣ry of which Pastime is celebrated with annual succes∣sion of Holidaies. As for the Knights which were named Trabeati, Quintus Fabius appointed their pu∣blike Shw upon the Ides of Iuly. He also, being Censor with Pub. Decius, in commemoration of a Se∣dition which he had appeas'd, when the Comitia or publick choice of Magistrates was almost fallen into the hands of the meanest people, divided the whole Rout into four Tribes, which he called City-Tribes; by means of which wholesome act, being a man other∣wise famous in Warlike Acts, he obtain'd the name of Maximus, or Greatest.

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CHAP. III. Of Military Institutions.
  • 1. Souldiers first tax'd by Pole.
  • 2. Military Exercise.
  • 3. The first use of the Velites, or light-armed.

THe Modesty of the People is also to be commen∣ded, who by freely offering themselves to the la∣bours and dangers of War, prevented their Comman∣ders from putting those that were tax'd by Pole to their Oaths; whose extreme poverty being suspected, made them incapable of being trusted with the Publick Arms.

1. This Custome confirm'd by long use, C. Marius first brake, making Souldiers of those that were tax'd by Pole. A noble Citizen, yet by the Novelty which he brought in, not so propitious to Antiquity. Not unmindful, that if Military Sloath should persist to despise humility, he himself might be deem'd a Com∣mander cess'd by the Pole. Therefore he thought i best to obliterate that proud way of choice among the Roman Armies, lest the contagion of that mark should spread it self to the obscuring his own glory.

2. The Discipline of handling Arms was recommended to the Souldiers by P. Rutilius Consul, Colleague with C. Mallius: For not following the example of any Commander before him, calling together the Teachers of the Gladiators, from the Plays of C. Aurelius Scaurus, he first began to have the Souldier learn the way of shunning and giving blows, according o the reasons of Art; mixing virtue with art, and art with virtue; strengthen∣ing vertue with the force of art, and encouraging art with the force of strength.

3. The use of the Velites, or light-armed, was first experienc'd when Fulvius Flaccus besieged Capua. For when our Horse, being in number fewer, were not able to resist frequent excursions of the Campa∣nion Cavalry, Q. Naevius a Centurion choosing out of the Foot certain that were nimble of body, armed with light and crooked Spears and little Targets, or∣dered them with a swift runnig jump to joyn them∣selves

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with the Horse, and by and by as swiftly to re∣tire; whereby the Foot being mingled with the Horse, with thei Darts not only infested the men, but the horses likewise. Which unusual way of Fight was the only overthrow of the Companian Treach••••y. For which cause Naevius the author of it is still had in great honour.

CHAP. IV. Of Shews.
  • 1. Theaters first built.
  • 2. Places oppointd for su∣periority.
  • 3. The Original of Comical Scenes.
  • 4. Of Secular Plays.
  • 5. First Secular Playes.
  • 6. Ornaments and pride of lays.
  • 7. First Gladiator, and Wrestling Shews.

1. FRom Military Institutions we are next to come to the City-Camps, that is to say, the Theaters, for that upon them were many Combats oftentimes for victory, invented both for the recreation of Men, and worship of the Gods; not without some blushing tincture upon the face of Peace, to see Dlight and Religion contaminated with civil blood, meerly for Scenical Ostentation.

2. They were begun by Messalla and Cassius, Cen∣sors; but by the authority of Scipio Nasica, the whole furniture of all their work was publiquely sold. After∣wards a Decree of Senate pass'd, that no one should have any seas in the City, nor within a Mile thereof, or behold the Playes sitting, to the end that Manhood in standing, joyn'd with relaxation of the Mind, might be a mark of the Roman Fortitude.

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3. For Five Hundred Fifty Eight years, the Senate stood mix among the common People to behold the publick Shews. But this custome Ailius Srranus and L. Scribonius Edils abrogated, when they made Plays to the Mother of the Gods, following the judgment of the Elder Africanus, and setting up seats for the Sena∣tors distinct from the people. Which thing alienated the Affection of the common people, and weakned the high esteem which they had of him.

4. Now I shall rhearse the beginning and first ori∣ginal Institution o Playes. In the time that Sulpitius Peticus and Licinius Stolo were Consuls, a most vio∣lent Pestilence had afflicted our City, then at peace a∣broad, with new cares of preservation from inestine calamity: And there was no help in any humane ad∣vice, all reliance was upon the strict and new wor∣ship of Religion. Nor would the favour of the Gods lend any ear to the Verses compos'd for their atone∣ment, until the time which Romulus, upon his ra∣vishing the Sabine Virgins, consecrated with particu∣lar Festivals, which he called Consualia. Now as it is the custome of men to pursue small beginnings with an ardent affection, the young men added gesture to the pious and reverent words which they us'd towards the Gods, though with a rustick and uncompos'd mo∣tion of their Bodies. Which occasioned the calling of Ludius out of Hetruria, whose comely swiftness after the manner of the Curetes and Lydians, from whom the Hetrurians had their Original, was a plea∣sing Novelty to the eyes of the Romans: and because Ludius was among them called Histrio, therefore all Players were afterwards called Histriones. At length the Discipline of playing advancd it self to the mea∣sures of the Sayrs: whence first of all the Poet Livie took the affections of the people with Historical Argu∣ments. He being often bawl'd at by the people, to

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please um having injur'd his Voice, at length by the assistance of a Boy and a Musician perform'd his Acti∣on in quiet: for he alwaies acted his own Works him∣self. The Attelans were call'd in by the Osci; which fort of recreation being temper'd by the Italian Seve∣rity, continued without any blemish; for they were neither remov'd from their Tribe, nor debarr'd of Mi∣litary Stipends.

5. And because it appears by their names whence the other Plaies had their derivation, it may not seem absurd to relate the beginning of the Secular Games, the knowledg whereof is least certain. At what time the City and Country was afflicted with a most violent Pestilence, one Valesius a certain rich man, who led a countrey-life, his two Sons and his Daughter being all desperately sick, as he was reaching some hot water for um from the fire, kneeling of his knees, pray'd his familiar Houshold-gods that they would turn the evil from his Children upon his own head. Presently he heard a voice, which told him his Children should recover, if he would carry them down the River Tiber to Tarenum, and there refresh them with hot water from the Alar of Dis and Proserpina. Being troubled at this Prediction, because it was a long and dangerous Voyage; yet hope overcoming his present fear, he car∣ried the Children to the Banks of Tiber, (for he lived in a house of his own, in a Village call'd Eretum, ad∣oining to the Countrey of the Sabines) and in a little Vessel sayling to Ostia, he put in about the middle of the Night at the Field of Mars. At which time th Children being thirsty, and there being no means to relieve um, for that there was no fir in the Vessel, the Pilot told him, that he had discovered a smoak not far off. Who thereupon being commanded to go ashore to Terentum, that was the name of the place, he ha∣stily took a Cup, which assoon as he had fill'd out of

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the River in that place where the smoak arose, he return'd very chearful, believing that now he had ob∣tained the footsteps of a Remedy sent from Heaven, and in a field that rather seem'd to smoak than have any reliques of fire; getting such fuel as by chance he met with, and stedfastly pursuing the Omen, with continual blowing, he kindled a fire, and brought warm water to the Children. Which they had no sooner drank off, but falling into a quiet sleep, they sudden∣ly recover'd of their distemper. Waking, they re∣lated to their Father, that they had seen they knew not what gods, which wip'd their Skins with a Sponge, and commanded them that they should offer Sacrifices of black Beasts at the Altar of Dis and Proserpina, where the Potion of water was first brought them, making withal Nocturnal Plays and Tables covered. The Father, because he saw no Altar there, believing that it was expcted that he should build one, went to the City to buy one, leaving upon the place certain Workmen to dig the foundaion. They in prosecu∣tion of their Masters command having digg'd a mat∣ter of 20 foot deep, at lengh beheld an Altar inscri∣bed to Father Dis and Proserpina. Which being told to Valesius by his Servant, he left off his purpose of buying an Altar, and offr'd black Sacrifices at Teren∣tum, and provided Plays and cover'd Tables three whole Nights together, for that he had three Chil∣dren.

5. Whose example Publius Publicola, who was the first Consul, following, out of a desire to recover the health of his Citizens, making publick Vows at the same Altar, offer'd certain black Oxen to Dis and Pro∣serpina, and caus'd Plays to be acted and Tables co∣ver'd for three Nights together, and then cover'd the Altar with earth as it was before.

6. As Wealth increas'd, Pomp and Magnificence

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was added to the Religion of Plays. To which pur∣pose Q. Catulus imitating the Companion Luxury, was the first that cover'd the Seats o the Spectators with Canvas. Cn. Pompey before any other temper'd the heat of Summer, by bringing little Streams to run a∣long the sides of the Ways. Cn. Pulcher was the first that adorn'd the Scenes with variety of Colours. Which afterward Anonie cover'd with Silver. Pe∣treius with Gold. Q. Catnius with Ebony. Lucullus made them of turn'd work. Spinther adorn'd them with Silver. Afterwards Scautus abolishing the use of Punick Cloaks, brought in fashion a more exquisite kind of Garment.

7. The Gift of Gladiators Shews was first presen∣ted in Rome in the Ox-Market, in the Consulship of App. Claudius and M. Fulvius. Another was given by Mareus and Decius the Sons of Brutus, to honour their Fathers Funerals. The Shews of the Wrestlers were presented at the charge of M. Scaurus.

CHAP. V. Of Frugality and Innocency.
  • 1. The first Golden Statue in the City.
  • 2 The Civil Law, with Holidays first proclaimed.
  • 3. The first examination of Witchcraft.
  • 4. The first Colledge of Mu∣sicians.
  • 5. The Frugality of the Autients.
  • 6. The Chappel of the Goddess Feaver.

1. NEver any man beheld a Golden Statue either in the City, or in any other part of Italy, till there was one erected by M. Atilius Glabrio to his Father, of

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the Order of Knighthood, in the Temple of Piety: Which Temple he himself dedicated in the Consulship of Cor. Lentulus and M. Bebius Tamphilus; his father having obtain'd the end of his Vow, when he had o∣verthrown Antiochs at the Battle of Thermopylae.

2. The Civil Law was for many Ages concealed a∣mong the most sacred Areana and Ceremonies of the immortal Gods, and only known to the High-Priests; but at last made common by Cn. Flavius a Scribe, whose Father was a Slave manmitted: He being also made the Charioter Aedil, though to the great offence and indignation of the Nobility that were Freemen born, first ordain'd the Publication of Holy-days. Coming to visit his Colleague that was sick, nd none of the Nobles, of which the Room was full, rising to let him sit, he commanded his Seat of Office to be brought him; and so in vindication of his own Ho∣nour, and scorn of their Contempt, sate down.

3. The examination of Witchcraft, formerly un∣known to the Customs and Laws of the Romans, came to be in use upon the detection of several Crimes com∣mitted by certain ancien Matrons; who having se∣cretly poyson'd their Husbands, being at length disco∣vered by a Maid-servant, above an hundred and se∣venty suffer'd death.

4. The Colledge of Musicians drew the eyes of the common people upon them, being wont upon private and publick Spectacles to play in Consort, in vary-colour'd Habits and Masques. From thence they took farther liberty. Of old being forbid to diet in the Temple of Iupiter, which was the anti••••t Custome, in great discontent they reired to Tibur. But the Senate not brooking the want of their service at the scred Fstivals, by their Ambassadors requested of the Tiburtines, that they would send um back to Rome. They relusing to go, the Tiburtines invited um to a

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great Banquet, and while they were overcome with Sleep and Drink, put um in Carts, and sent um away. When they were return'd, they were restor'd to their former honour, and their priviledges of Play granted them. They us'd Masks, being asham'd of their be∣ing circumvented in drink.

5. The plain Diet of the Antients was a most cer∣tain sign of their Humanity and Continency. For then the greatest men took it for no discredit to Dine and Sup in open view. Nor had they any Banquets which they were asham'd to conceal from the eyes of the People. They were so addicted to Continence, that the use of Pulse was more frequent than Bread. And therefore that Cake, which was us'd in their Sacrifices, was made only of Barley and Salt. The Entrails were sprinkled with Barley; and they fed the Pullets whence they took their Omens, with Pulse. For of old, they thought the Offerings of their Diet, by how much the plainer it was, so much the more efficacious to appease the Gods.

6. Other Gods they ador'd, that they might do them good. But to the Disease Feaver they built a Temple, that she might do them the less hurt. Among which there was one in the Polatium, another in the Court of Marians Monuments, a third at the upper end of the Long Village. And there were all Reme∣dies laid up, proper for the sick. These were found out by experience to asswage the heats of human rage, besides they preserv'd their Health by the most certain assistance of Industry: Frugality being as it were the Mother of their Sanity, an Enemy to luxurious Ban∣quets, and altogether averse from riotous drinking, and immoderate Venus.

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CHAP. VI. Of Forreign Institutions.
  • 1. Frugality of the Spar∣tans.
  • 2. Their Military Custome.
  • 3. The Athenian Custome against idle Persons.
  • 4. Their Areopagus.
  • 5. Their honour of Vertue.
  • 6. Their punishment of In∣gratitude.
  • 7. Various Institutions of the Massilienses.
  • 8. The Ceii poysoning them∣selves.
  • 9. The Law of the Massili∣enses concerning armed Strangers.
  • 10. The Custome of the Gauls in lending.
  • 11. The Custome of the Cim∣brians and Celtberians in their first Onsets.
  • 12. The opinion of the Thra∣cians of the misfortunes of Life.
  • 13. The mourning of the Ly∣cians.
  • 14. The Fidelity of the Indi∣an Women to their Hus∣bands.
  • 15. Prostitution of the Punic Women.
  • 16. The Custome of the Persi∣ans in Education of Chil∣dren.
  • 17. How the Namidian Kings preserved their Au∣thority.

1. THe City of Sparta follow'd the same Rules, be∣ing the nearest to the Gravity of our Ance∣stors: who continuing for some years most obedient to the severe Laws of Lycurgus, would by no means permit the eyes of their Citizens to behold the delica∣cies of Asia; lest being tempted with the Allurements of that Countrey, they should degenerate into a volu∣ptuous Life. For they had heard that all manner of Excess, all kind of unnecessary Pleasures did there a∣bound;

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And that the Ionians were the first that used Anointing and giving Crowns and Garlands at Feasts, and brought up the custome of a Second Course, no small incitements to Luxury. And it is no wonder, that men delighting in Labour and Patience, would not that the most indissoluble Nerves of their Coun∣trey should be weakned and broken by the contagion of forreign Delicacies: finding it easier to decline from Vertue to Luxury, than to recede from Luxury to Vertue. Which that it was no vain fear of theirs, their Captain Pausanias made apparent, who after he had perform'd great Actions, was not asham'd to suffer his Fortitude to be softned with the effeminate Beha∣viour and Apparel of Asia.

2. The Armies of the same City were never wont to joyn Battle, till they had heated their Courage with the sound of their Flutes, whose Tunes went all in Anapaestic measures, whereby they were taught to assail their Enemies with smart and thick Blows. They also were wont to use Scarlet Coats, to hide the Blood of their Wounds. Not that the sight thereof was any terrour to them, but that their Enemies should gain no heart or Courage thereby.

3. Remarkable was the Valour of the Lacedaemo∣nians in War; yet no less memorable were the most prudent Customes of the Athenians in Peace: Among whom Sloath was ferreted out of her lurking holes, and brought to receive punishment as a Criminal, in their publick Courts of Justice.

4. There was also among them a most sacred Councel, call'd the Areopagus, where diligent enquiry was wont to be made what course of life every one took, and what every one did to maintain themselves; that men might be induced to follow honesty, finding so severe accompt was taken of their Actions.

5. This Council first introduced the custome of

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giving Crowns to vertuous Citizens, encircling fir•••• the famous Brows of Pericles, with two little wreaths of Olive. A noble Institution, whether we look at the thing, or the Person. For Honour is the most fruitful nourishment of Vertue; and Pericles a most worthy person for Posterity to take the example of giving Honour to desert.

6. What shall we say of that most memorable In∣stitution among the Abenians? When a Servant ma∣numitted by his Patron, and afterwards convicted by him of Ingratitude, the Servant was thereupon de∣prived of his Liberty. We dismiss thee, said the Coun∣cel, an impious contemner of so great a gift. Nor could they be induced to believe that he would prove a pro∣fitable Member of the City, who was so wicked in his own Family. Be gone therefore, and be a Servant, that knowest not the value of being free.

7. The Massilins likewise to this day retain a very great strictness in Discipline, through their observance of antient Customes, eminent for their lve to the Ro∣mans. They permt a man to make void the liberty which he has given to his Servant, if they finde the Servant to have deceived the Master three times. The fourth time they give no relief to the Master, whose own fault it was to let himself be injur'd so often. The same City is also a most strict observer of Severity; for they give no admission to Mimicks to come upon the Stage, the subject of whose Plays consisting generally in relations of Adulteries, lest the Custome of behold∣ing should beget a Custome of committing the crime. They shut their doors against all that beg under pre∣tence of Religion; esteeming Simulation and Super∣stition two things not to be endur'd. The Sword with which Criminals are put to death, hath been there ever since the City was built, so rusty, that it is scarce fit for the purpose, but still remains to shew the

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great veneration which they give to antient Monu∣ments.

There are also two Coffins at their Gates, in the one of wich they put the bodies of Free-men, in the other of Servants, and so put them in a Cart to be carried to the Grave: the Funeral is performed with∣out lamentations or crying for the Dead, making only a domestick Sacrifice, and providing a Collation for the Kindred. For what avails it to indulge Human Passion, or to envy the Gods, because they would not share their Immortality with us? Poyson is also kept in the City, and is given to those who give sufficient reason to the Six Hundred (that is the name of their Senate) why they desire to die. Manly Courage be∣ing temper'd with Kindness, while the Senate takes care that they do not inconsiderately make away them∣selves, yet are willing to give as easie a Death as may be to those that upon good grounds desire it.

8. Which Custome I believe not to have had its original in Gaul, but to have been brought ou of Greece, finding it to have been observ'd in the Island of Ceum, at what time going for Asia with Sextus Pompeius, I came to the City of Iulida. It happened that there was in the City a Woman of very great Quality, but very aged, that had resolved, after ac∣compt given to the Senate why she desired to live no longer, to make her self away with Poyson, thinking her Death would be more famous through the pre∣sence of Pompey. Nor could he, a person full of all Vertue, and of a sweet disposition, refuse her Petition. And therefore after he had in a most eloquent Orati∣on, that dropt from his lips like Honey, us'd all the perswasions that might be to disswade her from her purpose, and saw he could not prevail, he permitted her to take her course. So having ast the Ninetieth year of her Age, with a great magnanimity and

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chearful Countenance, throwing her self upon a Bed, which was more gayly trimm'd than ordinary, and leaning upon her Elbow, beholding Pompey, The Gods, said she, whom I leave behind, not those to which I am going, give thee thanks; because thou either dost exhort me to live, nor loath to see me die. As for my self, who have always been in Fortunes favour, lest out of a de∣sire of life I should finde her frowns, I am willing to change the remnant of my breath for a happy conclusion, leaving behind me two Daughters, and seaven Grand children. After that exhorting them all to Unity, and dividing her Estate among them, giving her Cloaths and Do∣mestick Sacrata to her Eldest Daughter, with a won∣derful chearfulness she took the Cup wherein the Poy∣son was mixt, in her right hand: Then pouring out her Offerings to Mercury, and invoking his Deity to grant her a pleasant Journey to the best part of the Infernal Region, greedily she drank the Potion off. Then as the Poyson seized her particular parts, she told us; and when she found it approaching to her Bowels and Heart, she call'd her Daughters to do their last Duty of closing her Eyes. Our People admiring at so strange a sight, departed with tears however in their Eyes.

9. But to return to the City of the Massilians, from whence this Digression made us wander▪ There is no person to enter their City with a Dart: But going forth again, he that received it is ready to return it agains endeavouring thereby to make their Entertain∣ment as safe as courteous.

10. Going out of their Walls, we meet an antient Custome of the Gauls, who were wont to lend Money, to receive it again in the other World; being per∣swaded of the truth of the Immortality of the Soul. I should call them fools, but that they were of the same opinion as Pythagoras.

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11. The Philosophy of the Gauls was covetous and usurious; that of the Cimbrians and Celtiberians cou∣ragious and resolute; who in Battle-array rejoyced that they should gloriously and happily die, but upon their Death-beds lamented that they should perish poorly in shame and misery. For the Celtiberians thought it a crime to survive in Battle, when any Friend was slain, for whose preservation he had de∣voted his life.

12. But the People of Thrace deservedly challenge to themselves the praise of Wisdome, who at the Birth of Children weep, at the Funerals of Men re∣joyce; taught by no other Precepts than the true condition of Human Nature. And therefore, let all Creatures but extinguish in themselves the love of Life, which compels them to act and suffer many ugly things, especially when it lies in their power to make a happy and blessed end of living.

13. Wherefore the Lycians, when they have any occaion of lamentation, put on Womens Apparel: that being moved with the deformity of the Habit, it might be a motive to them to make a quicker end of their sorrow.

14. But why should I insist longer upon the praise of Men, though most couragious in this kind of pru∣dence? Let us observe the Indian Women, where it was the Custome for one Man to have many Wives▪ Among whom so soon as the Husband died, there us'd to be great strife and contention, which was the best belov'd by the dead. She that gets the Victory, tri∣umphing for joy, is led by her Kindred to her Hus∣bands Funeral Pile; which being set on fire, with a chearful and smiling Countenance, she throws herself into the midst of the flames, and is burnt with her Husband, accounting herself most happy in her end. Bring forth the Cimbrian boldness, adde to that te

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Celtiberian saith, to this joyn the generous wisdom of Thrace, not forgetting the cunning custome of the Lycians in Mourning; there is none of these that ex∣cels the Indian Funeral, into which the pious Wife, assured to die, enters, as into her Nuptial Bed.

15. To their glory I will adde the infamy of the Carthaginian Dames, that by comparison it may ap∣pear more odious. They had among um the Temple of Dry Venus, where the Matrons were wont to meet. There, by the injury of their Bodies, they were wont to raise themselves Portions; accounting it no disho∣nour, to tie the honest Marriage-Knot with such a dishonest Band.

16. But the Custome of the Persians was more lau∣dable, who were never wont to see their Children, till they were Seven Years old; that so they might the more easily brook their loss, if they died in their In∣fancy.

17. Nor was the Custome of the Numidian Kings to be blam'd, who were never accustom'd to give a Kiss to any Mortal. Esteeming it fitting, that Soveraign Authority should be void of all common and familiar Customes, that might lessen the Reverence due to Ma∣jesty.

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CHAP. VII. Of Military Discipline.
Observed by the Ro∣mans,
  • 1. P. Scipio Emilianus Cos.
  • 2. Q. Metellus Numidicus.
  • 3. P. Rupilius Cos.
  • 4. Caius Cotta.
  • 5. Q. Fulvius Flaccus Cen∣sor.
  • 6. A. Posthumius Tubertus Dictator, and T. Manlius Torquatus.
  • 7. Quintus Cincinnatus Dictator.
  • 8. Q. Papirius Cursor Dict.
  • 9. L. Calpurnius Piso Cos.
  • 10. Q. Metellus Proconsul.
  • 11. Q. Fabius Maximus Proconsul.
  • 12. P. African the Greater.
  • 13. P. African the Less.
  • 14. L. Emilius Paulus Pro.
  • 15. The Roman Senate.
  • 1. The Carthaginian Se∣nate.
  • 2. Clearchus Captain of the Spartans.

I Now come to the principal Glory, and chief esta∣blishment of the Roman Empire, remaining to this day in a healthy continuance of inviolable Liberty, knit together with most firm and lasting cords of her Military Discipline, in the safeguard of whose bosome Peace and Tranquillity securely repose.

1. Pub. Cornelius Scipio, who received his Sirname from the ruine of Carthage, being sent Consul into Spain, that he might curb the insolent spirit of the Citizens of Numantium, grown proud and losty through the remisness of the Captains his Predecessors, the same moment that he entred the Camp, made a Law, that

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they should throw away all things whatsoever which they had about them, that was only for bravery and pleasure, and otherwise, unnecessary. Whereupon there were above two thousand Whores, Sutlers and Huck∣ses turn'd out of the Camp. Upon which the Army, being clear'd of all that luggage and filth, that lately for fear of death had sham'd themselves with an ignomi∣nious Truce, now refresh'd, and recovering new vi∣gour and courage, in a short time laid the fierce and haughty Numantium level with the ground. Thus Mancinus miserably surrendring himself, was an ar∣gument of Discipline Neglected; Scipio gloriously triumphing, publish'd the reward of Discipline Re∣vived.

2. Metellus following his example, when in the War with Iugurth he took the command of the Army as Consul, corrupted through the Lenity of Albinus, labour'd with all his might to recover the antient Discipline. Nor did he aim at particular parts, but immediately reduced the whole into Order. First he remov'd the Sutlers out of the Camp, and forbid Meat ready drest to be sold. He permitted none of the Souldiers to have Servants or Horses to carry their Arms, or to fetch or provide um Victuals. Then he changed the place of the Camp, and fortified himself in the same manner, as if Iugurth had been at hand, with Ditch and Breast-work. Now what was the event of Continence restored, and Industry revived? It obtain'd frequent Victories, and innumerable Tro∣phies from that Enemy, whose back under an ambi∣tious Commander, it had not been the good fortune of the Roman Souldiers to see before.

3. Nor did they a little countenance Military Disci∣pline, who not regarding the affectionate ties of Kin∣dred, did not refuse to revenge the breach and neglect thereof to the infamy of their Families. For Publius

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Rupilius the Consul, in that War which he wag'd in Sicily against the Fugitives, banished his Son-in-Law out of his Province, for loosing negligently the Castle of Tauronnitanum.

4. Caius Cotta caus'd Pub. Aurelius Peeuniola, his ne Relation, to be publickly whipt (or rather run the Gauntler) & to serve as a common Souldier afterwards, for that through his fault, in the absence of the Consul, who going to Messau to consult the Auguries, had left him in command of the Army, the Fortification was burnt, and the Camp almost taken.

5. Quintus Fulvius Censor turn'd his Brother ou of the Senate, for that he had prsumed to send home a Cohort of the Legion wherein he was a Tribune, without the leave of the Consul. What more difficult for a man to do, than to send back with ignomihy to his Country a person nearly related by Family and Marriage; or to use the severity of Stripes to a person allied in a long series of Blood and Kindred; or to beed his Censors rown upon the dear Relation of a Bro∣ther?

6. But our City, which hath fill'd the world with wonderful Examples of all sorts, with a double face beholds her Axes reeking with the Blood of her Com∣manders, lest the disturbance of Military Disciplin should go unpunish'd, pompous abroad, but the cause of private grief enough; uncertain whether to per∣form the office of congratulating or comforting. And therefore with doubtful thoughts have I coupled you two together, most severe observers of Warlike Disc∣pline, Posthumus Tubertus, and Manlius Torquatus▪ For I apprehend a fear of sinking under that weight of Praise which ye have merited, and discovering the weakness of my Wit, while I presume to represe•••• your Vertue as it should be. For thou, O Posthu••••s Dictator, didst cause thy victorious Son Aulus P••••••∣humus

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to be beheaded; thy Son whom thou didst be∣get to propagate the succession of thy renowned Race, and the secret instructions of thy most sacred traditi∣ons, the allurements of whose infancy thou hadst che∣rish'd in thy Bosome and with thy Kisses, whom a Child thou hadst instructed in Learning, a Man in Arms; good, couragious, and obedient both to thee and to his Countrey; only because without thy com∣mand, without thy leave, he had overthrown his ene∣mies, thy fatherly command was the Executioner. For I am certain, thine eyes, orewhelm'd with darkness in the brightest light, could not behold the great work of thy mind. But thou Manlius Torquatus, Consul in the Latine War, didst command thy Son to be carried away by the Officer, and to be slain like a Sacrifice, though he obtain'd a noble Victory, for that he had presum'd to fight with Geminius Metius Captain of the Tuscans, when provoked to the Com∣bat by him. Esteeming it better, that a Father should want a couragious Son, than thy Countrey want Military Discipline.

7. Again, of what spirit think ye was Quintus Cincinnatus the Dictator, at that time when the Aequi being vanquished, he compelled Minutius to lay down the Consulship, because the Enemies had besieged his Camp? For he thought him unworthy the greatest command, whom not his Virtue, but his Trenches and his Breast works secur'd, and who was not ashamed to see the Roman Arms, trembling for fear, shut up in their Turn-pikes. Thus the most commanding twelve Fasces, with whom remain'd the chief honour of the Senate, of the Order of Knighthood, of all the Peo∣ple, with whose Nod all Latium, and all strength of Italy was govern'd, now shatter'd and broken, sub∣mitted to the punishing authority of the Dictatorship. And lest the breach of Military Honour should go un∣punish'd,

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the Consul, punisher of all Crimes, must himself be punished. By these Propitiatory Sacrifices, as I may so say, O Mars the Father of our Empire, when we degenerated from thy auspicious Discipline, thy Deity was appeas'd: By the infamy of Kindred, Rela∣tions and Brothers, by the murder of Sons, and the ignominious degrading of Consuls.

8. To the same purpose is that which follows. Pa∣pirius Cursor Dictator, when Q. Fabius Rullianus Ma∣ster of the Horse had contrary to his command brought forth the Army to Battle, though he return'd a Victor over the Samnites, yet neither mov'd with his Virtue, with his Success, nor with his Nobility, he caus'd the Rods to be made ready, and the Conquerour to be stript. A spectacle of wonder! to behold Rul∣lianus, Master of the Horse, and a victorious General, his Cloaths pull'd off, his Body naked, to be lacerated with the stripes of an Executioner, to no other end than to sprinkle the glorious honour of his Victories, so lately obtain'd, with the fresh Blood of those Wounds, which he had received in the Field, drawn from his Body by the knotted stripes of the Lictor. At length the Army, mov'd by his Prayers, gave him the oppor∣tunity of flying into the City, where in vain he im∣plored the aid of the Senate; for Papirius notwith∣standing persever'd in requiring his punishment. Wherefore his Father, after having been Dictator, and three times Consul, was compell'd to appeal to the People, and upon his Knees to beg the assistance of the Tribunes in the behalf of his Son. Neither by this means could the Severity of Papirius be restain'd; but being intreated by the whole City, and by the Tribunes themselves, made a protestation, that he forgave the Punishment not to Fabius, but to the City of Rome, and the Authority of the Tribunes.

9. L. Calpurnius Piso also being Consul, being in

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Sicily making war against the Fugiives, when C. Ti∣tius Commander of the Horse being environ'd and op∣press'd by the multitude of the Enemy, had with the rest of his Souldiers deliver'd their Arms to the Ene∣my, he punisht him wih several marks of Ignominy: He commanded him to march barefoot, in the first Ranks, from Morning till Night, with a Jacket, the skirts▪ whereof were cut off, and his Cloak slit from top to bottom: he forbad him also the converse of Men, and use of the Baths; and the Troops which he commanded having taken away their Horses, he divided them among the Slingers. Thus to his great honour did Piso revenge the great dishonour of his Countrey, having brought it so to pass, that they who out of a desire of Life, and deserving to be han∣ged, had suffer'd their Arms to become the Trophies of Fugitives, and were not ashamed to permit the ignominious yoak of Servitude to be laid upon their Liberty by the hands of Slaves, might experience the bitter enjoymnt of Life, and covet that Death which they had so effeminately avoided.

10. Not less than that of Piso was the proceeding of Q. Metelius; who at the Battle of Contrebia having placed five Cohorts in a certain station, and seeing them retire through the multitude of their Enemies, he commanded them immediately to endeavour to re∣cover their ground again; withal severely adding, that if any of them flying were found in the Camp, he should be used as an Enemy; not hoping by this means to regain what they had lost, but to punish them with the manifest hazards of the ensuing Com∣bat: Yet they having received this check, weary as they were, having no other encouragement but De∣spair, renewed the fight, and with the slaughter of their Enemies recover'd their station. So that there is nothing like Necessity to harden humane Imbcillity.

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11. In the same Province, Q. Fabius the Great being desirous to bring down the fierce pride of a most haughty People, forcd his gentle disposition for a time to lay aside all Clemency, and to use himself to utmost Rigoul and Severity. For he cut off the hands of all those that ran out of any Garrison of the Ro∣mans and were taken: That the sight of their maimed Limbs might breed in others a fear of revolting. For those rebellious Hands cut from their Bodies, and scatter'd upon the bloody Earth, taught others to be∣ware how they committed the like Treasons.

12. Nothing could be more milde than the Elder Africanus; yet for the establishment of Military Disci∣pline, he thought it convenient to borrow something of Severity from his own natural Lenity. For having taken Carthage, and gotten into his power all those that had fled from the Romans to the Carthaginians, he more severely punisht the Roman than the Latin Fu∣gitives. For the first, as Deserters of their Countrey, he nail'd to the Cross; the other, as perfidious Allies, he only beheaded. I shall not urge this act any far∣ther, both because it was Scipio's, and for that it is not fitting that a servile Punishment should insult over Roman blood, though deservedly shed, especially when we may pass to oter relations not dipt in domestick Gore.

13. For the latter Africanus, the Carthaginian Power being destroy'd, made the Fugitives of other Nations to fight with Beasts in the publick Shews which he made for the people.

14. Lu. Emilius Paulus, after he had vanquished Perseus, caus'd all those that he had taken that were guilty of the same Crime to be thrown to the Ele∣phants, that by them they might be trod to death. A most profitable Example, if we may be permitted mo∣destly to judge of the actions of the greatest men with∣out

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reproof. For Military Discipline requires a severe and quick way of punishment: For force consists of Arms, which when they grow disobedient will soon oppress others, unless they be brought low them∣selves.

15. But it is now time to make mention, not of what has been actd by particular men, but what order the whole Senate took to preserve and defend their Military Discipline. Lucius Marcius Tribune of the People having with wonderful courage got together the remains of the two Armies of P. and Cn. Scipio's, which the victorious Carthaginians had almost ruin'd, and being by them unanimously made General, writing to the Senate a relation of his transactions he thus be∣gins: L. Marcius Propretor. Which usurp'd Title the Senate would not permit him to take, knowing that it was the Custome for the People, not the Ar∣mies, to choose the General. Which being a time that the Common-wealth was in great danger, and had sustain'd great Losses, one would have thought they should have rather flatter'd the Tribune, who they saw so fairly acting for the restauration of their former Honour. But no Overthrow, no Merit could sway the Senate more than their Military Discipline. And we may remember what a couragious Severity their Ancestors us'd in the Tarentine War: Wherein the Forces of the Common-wealth being very much weakned and broken, when they had receiv'd a great number of their Captive Fellow-Citizens, which Pyr∣rhus had sent them of his own accord; they decreed, that they who had serv'd on Horseback, should serve among the Foot; and they who had served as Foot, should be-listed among the Slingers. Moreover, that none of um should come within the Camp, nor be permitted to forifie the place assign'd them without the Camp▪ nor that any of um should make use of a Tent

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made of Skins. But they propoundd the Ancient Custome of Military Discipline to all those that took double Spoils from the Enemy. These Punishments made them, that were late the deformed Gifts of Pyrrhus, to be his most eager and fierce Enemies. The same rigour did the Senate use toward them that de∣serted the Common-wealth at Cannae: For when by the strictness of their Decree they had reduced them to a worse condition than they who are dead, and at the same time had received Letters from Marcellus that they would send um to him, to assist him in the storm of Syracuse; the Senate wrote b••••k, that they were not worthy to be admitted into his Camp. But they would send um to him, provided he would do with um as befitted the honour of the Common-wealth, That they should never be freed from Service, that they should never receive any Military Reward, nor be permitted to return into Italy while there were any Enemies therein. Thus has Vertue alwaies despis'd pusillanimous minds. How hainously was the Senate offended that the Souldiers suffr'd Q. Pe∣tellius the Consul, most couragiously fighting against the Ligurians, to be slain? For they would neither let the Stipend of the Legion go on, nor pay them any Arrears, for that they had not offer'd their Bodies to the Darts of their Enemies for the safety of their Emperour. And that Decree of so noble an Order remains a glorious and eternal Monument of Petellius same, under which his Ashes rest renowned in the Field by his Death, in the Senate by their Revenge. With the same Courage, when Hannibal sent them the liberty to redeem Six Thousand Romans which he had taken, and which were Prisoners in his Camp, they scorn'd his Kindness; well knowing, that if Six Thousand Young-men had resolv'd to die bravely, they could not have been taken basely. So that it

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was hard to say, which redounded most to their Igno∣miny, that their Countrey had so little esteem and care of them, or that their Enemies shewed so little fear of them. But if at any time the Senate shew'd themselves severe in the maintenance of Military Disci∣pline, certainly then they did it in a high measure, when they imprison'd the Souldiers that had rebe∣liously possess'd themselves of Rhegium, and Iubellius their Captain being dead, had of their own heads chosen M Caesius his Secretary for their Leader; and notwithstanding that M. Fulvius Flaccus Tribune of the People declar'd that they proceded contrary to the Custome of their Ancestors, yet persisted in their resolution. However, that they might act with less envy, they order Five Hundred after they had been whipt for several successive daies to be-beheaded, or∣dering their Bodies to be buried, and forbidding any Lamentation or Mourning to be made for them.

FORRAIGN Examples.

1. This, Conscript Fathers, was gentle and full of mildness, if we consider the violence of the Carthagi∣nian Senate in ordering their Warlike Affairs; whose Captains imprudently managing a War, though it proved successful, were nevertheless nayl'd to the Cross: Imputing what they did well, to the assisting Favour of the Gods; what they did amiss, to their own Miscarriage.

2. Clearchus, Captain of the Lacedaemonians, pre∣serv'd his Military Discipline by a famous and notable Saying, continually pealing into the ears of his Soul∣diers, that they ought to fear their General far more than the Enemy. Openly declaring, that they must expect to suffer the same pains flying, which they were fearful to receive in fight. Nor did they admire to be

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thus threatned by their Captain, when they call'd to mind their Mothers language, who when they went to Battle were wont to admonish um, that they should either return alive with their Arms, or else be brought back dead with their Arms. Thus instructed within their own houses, the Spartans us'd to ight. But e∣nough of these Forreign Examples, having more plen∣tiful, and those more appy, to glory in of our own.

CHAP. VIII. Of the Right of Triumphing.
  • 1. Two Laws. concerning Triumphs.
  • 2. The Contentions of C. Lutatius Consul, and Q. Vlerius Praetor a∣bout Triumphing.
  • 3. Cn. Fulvius Flaccus de∣spising his Triumph.
  • 4. Why Triumph denied to Q. Fulvius and L. Opi∣mius.
  • 5. Why also to Pub. Sci∣pio the Greater, and M. Marcellus.
  • 6. The Banquets of those that Triumphed.
  • 7. Of those that never Tri∣umph'd upon a Civil Victory.

MIlitary Discipline being vigorously maintain'd, was that which won all Italy to the Roman Empire, together with the command of many Cities, great Kings, and mighty Nations; open'd the Streights of the Pontick Sea, deliver'd up the Brricadoes and Fortresses of the Alps and the vast Mountain Taurus; and of a little Cottage of Romulus, made it the Pillar of the whole World. Out of whose bosome since so many Triumphs have flowed, it seems seasonable now to discourse of the Right of Triumphing.

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1. Some Commanders have requir'd Triumphs to be decreed them for light Battels: and therefore there was a Law made, that no Captain should triumph unless he had slain Five Thousand of his Enemies in one Set Field. For our Ancestors believ'd, that the Glory of our City consisted not in the Number, but in the Glory and Magnificence of her Triumphs. And lest so brave a Law might come to be obliterated by too greedy a desire of the Lawrel, it was supported with another Law, which L. Marius and M. Cato Tribunes of the People brought in. For that made it criminal for any Emperour to multiply in their Let∣ters to the Senate, the number of Enemies slain or Citizens lost. And they were also commanded assoon as they enter'd into the City, to swear before the City-Questors to the truth of what they had written to the Senate.

2. Having mention'd these Laws, it will be seaso∣nable to relate what was adjudged thereupon, wherein the Right of Triumphing was discuss'd and debated among most worthy Personages. C. Lutatius the Consul and Q. Valerius the Praetor had overthrown and utterly ruin'd a very great Navy of the Carthagi∣nians near the Coat of Sicily, whereupon the Senate decreed a Triumph to Lutatius the Consul. But when Valerius requested that a Triumph might be granted to him, Lutatius withstood it, lest through the honour of Triumph, the lesser Authority should be made equal to the greater. The contention grow∣ing higher and higher, Valerius sues Lutatius, pre∣tending that the Carthaginian Navy was not over∣thrown by his Conduct. Lutatius puts in Sureties to answer. The Judge between them Atilius Calatinus meets, before whom Valerius pleads, that the Consul was lame and lay in his Litter, and that he perform'd all the Offices of the General. Then Calatinus before

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Lutatius made his defence: Tell me (said he) Valerius, if you two were of contrary opinions whether to fight or not, whether were the command of the Consul or the Pretor to be obey'd? Valerius answered, that he could not deny but the Consul was chifly to be obey'd. Again, said Calatinus, if the Consuls and your Omens were different, which were first to be follow'd? The Consuls, replied Valerius. Then said the Judge, See∣ing that upon these two Questions, about the Chief Command and the Priority of Omens, thou Valerius hast confest they Adversary to be superiour in both▪ I am not to make any further doubt. And there∣fore, Lutatius, though you have as yet made no De∣fence, I give judgment on your behalf. A Noble Judge, that in a business that was apparent, would not spend and rile away his time. More probable and justifiable was the Cause of Lutatius, who defen∣ded the Right of a most Soveraign Honour. Yet was it not ill done of Valerius to rquire the Reward of a prosperous and couragiously fought Battle; though it were not so lawfully demanded by him as by the o∣ther.

3. What shall we say to Cn. Fulvius Flaccus, who when the Senate had decreed him th Honour of Tri∣umph, so much coveted by others, yet contemn'd and refus'd it? Having enough to do with other things that befel him. For he no sooner enter'd the City, but he was vext with publick Proscutions, and at length was sent into Exile, to expiate the offences which he had committed for want of Religion.

4. Wer therefore were Q. Fulvius and L. Opimius, the irst of which having taken Capua, and the latter forc'd the Fregellans to a surrender, both requested of the Snte liberty to Triumph. Both had done great things, yet both missed of their desire. Not out of any envy that the Conscript Fathers had against um,

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but out of their care of preserving the Right of the Law; whereby it was enacted, that Triumphs should be only decreed to those that had enlarged the Em∣pire, not to those who had only recovered what was in the possession of the Roman People beore. For there is as much difference between adding what was not, and restoring what was, as there is between the beginning of a good Turn and the end of an Injury.

5. This Law whereof I speak was so carefully ob∣served, that Triumphs were denied to P. Scipio and M. Marcellus, though the first had recverd both Spains, and the latter had taken Syracuse; by reason that they were sent to the mangement of those af∣fairs, without being advanc'd to any publick Office of Magistracy. Spain ravish'd from the Empire of Car∣thage, and the Head of Sicily cut off, yet could not the Commanders joyn their Triumphal Chariots. But to whom? To Scipio and Marcellus, whose very Nmes resembled an eternal Triumph. But the Se∣nate, though they coveted nothing more than to see crown'd those Authors of solid and true Vertue car∣rying upon their shoulders the safety of their Coun∣trey, thought better to reserve them for a more justly menrited Lawrel.

6. In this place I am to adde, that it was the Cu∣stome for the General that triumph'd to invite the Consuls to Supper, and for them so invited not to go; that no person on the Day of Triumph should appear of greater Authority, at the same Feast, than the Tri∣umpher.

7. But though any Commander had done great things and never so profitable to the Common-wealth in a Civil War, yet he was not to have the Title of Imperator, neither were any Supplications or Thanks-givings decreed for him, nor was he to Triumph ei∣ther in Chariot or Ovant. For though such Victories

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were necessary, yet they were full of Calamity and Sorrow, not obtain'd with Forraign Blood, but with▪ the slaughter of their Countreymen. Mournful there∣fore were the Victories of Nasia over T. Gracchus, and of Opimius over C. Gracchus. And therefore Catulus having vanquish'd his Colleague Lepidus, with the ha∣voc of all his Followers, return'd to the City, shew∣ing only a moderate joy. Caius Antonius also, the Conquerour of Catiline, brought back his Army to their Camp with their Swords clean wash'd. Cinna and Marius greedily drank Civil Blood, but did not presently apply themselves to the Altars and Temples of the Gods. Sylla also, who made the greatest Civil Wars, and whose Success was most cruel and inhu∣mane, though he triumpht in the height of his power, yet as he carried many Cities of Greece and Asia, so shew'd not one Town of the Roman Citizens.

I am grieved and weary of ripping up the Wounds of the Common-wealth. The Senate never gave to any one, nor did any one desire it, while the Fathers of the City wept. But every one stretched out his hand for the Oaken Garland, which was the Reward of him that had saved the Life of a Citizen. After∣wards the eternal glory of the Imperial Family.

CHAP. IX. Of the Severity of the Censors.
  • 1. Of Camillus and Post∣humius towards the Batchelours.
  • 2. Of Valerius Maximus and C. Junius Brutus toward Antonius.
  • 3. Of Cato toward Flami∣nius.
  • 4. Of Fabricius toward Rufinus.
  • ...

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  • 5. Of M. Ant. and L. Flac∣cus toward Domitius.
  • 6. Of Nero and Salmator to themselves and to the People of Rome.
  • 7. Of Mssaa and Sem∣pronis to the four hun∣dred Knights.
  • 8. Of M. Regulus and P. Polius toward the re∣mains at Cannae.
  • 9. Who after they were blemisht came to the Cen∣sorship.

THe most indissoluble Cord of Military Discipline, and the strict observation of the same, admonish me to pass from thence to the Censorship, the Mistriss and Guardian of Peace. For as the wealth of the People of Rome, by vertue of their Commanders, in∣creast to such a vastness; so their Modesty, Continen∣cy and Conversations were examin'd by the Censors Severity. A work equalling the glory of Military Actions. For what avails it to be couragious abroad, and live ill at home? To take Cities▪ conquer Na∣tions, and lay violent hands on Kingdoms, unless there be Reverence, Justice and Honour in the Courts of Law and Council? For unless that be, Riches hea∣ped unto the Sky will have no stable Foundation. Necessary it is therefore to know these things, and to record the Acts of the Censors Authority.

1. Camillus and Posthumius, being Censors, com∣manded them that lived unmarried till they were old, to bring a sum of Money into the Treasury by way of Penalty: deeming them worthy of further punish∣ment, if they should complain of so just a Constitution. Justly taxing them for not observing the Law of Na∣ure in begetting, seeing they had receiv'd Natures be∣nefit in being born. Seeing also that their Parents, by bringing them up, had oblig'd them to a debt of con∣tinuing thir Off-spring. To this they added, that For∣tune had given um a long time to exercise that Duty, and yet they to deprive themselves of the name both

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of a Father and a Husband. Go therefore, said they, and pay that which may be useful to the numerous Po∣sterity of others.

2. This Severity M. Valerius Maximus and C. Iu∣nius Bubulcus Brutus imitating in a punishment of the same nature, put L. Antonius out of the Senate, for that he had repudiated a Virgin, whom he had married without consulting any of his Friends. But whether this Crime were greater than the former, I know not well to determine: though this may e said, that by the former the sacred Rites of Matrimo∣ny were only contemn'd, by the latter injur'd. With great prudence therefore the Censors thought him n∣worthy to have admission into the Senate.

3. Thus Portius Cato removed L. Flaminius out of the number of the Senators, for that he had in his Province caus'd a condemn'd person to loose his Head; choosing the time of execution at the will and for the sight of a Woman with whom he was in love. He might have been forborn in respect of the Consulship which he had born, and the authority of his Brother T. Flaminius. But the Censor and Cato to shew a double example of Severity, thought him the rather to be degraded, because he had with so notorious and foul a crime defil'd the Majesty of so great and high an Authority; and that he had thought it a slight mat∣ter, to give the same respect to the eyes of an Harlot delighted with humane Blood, and the suppliant hands of King Philip.

4. Why should I mention the Censorship of Fa∣bricius Luscinus? All ages have told us, and will still declare to us, that Cornelius Rufinus was by him turn'd out of the Senate, because he had bought some Silver Houshold-stuff, to the value of ten Pounds, as afford∣ing a bad example of Luxury.

5. M. Antonius and L. Flacus remov'd Duronius

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from the Senate, because he had abrogated a Law, whereby the costs of Banquets was limited, with very good reason for so doing. For how impudently did Duronius in the Pulpits for Orations utter these words! There are bridles put into your mouths, most worthy Se∣nators, by no means to be endured. Ye are bound and bmper'd in the bitter shackles of Servitude. For there is a Law made, that ye ought to be frugal. Let us ab∣rogate therefore that command, so deformed with the rust of nasty Antiquity. For what need of Liberty, if they that will kill themselves with Luxury, may not?

6. Let us now produce a pair, linked together with the same Chain of Vertue, and society in goodness, yet dissenting when they came to be struck with the hook of Emulation. Claudius-Nero, and Livius Sali∣nator, in the second Punick-war, strong supports of the Commonwealth; yet how divided was their Censor∣ship! For when they numbered the Centuries of the Horse, of which number, by reason of the strength of their years, they themselves were, when they came to the Polian Tribe, the Cryer seeing the name of Sali∣nator, bgan to doubt with himself whether he should call him or no; which when Nero understood, he caused his Colleague not onely to be cited, but to fell his horse, because he was condemned by the judgement of the people. Salinator also prosecuted Nero with the same severity, giving this for a reason: Because he had not sincerely returned into Friendship with him. To whom if any of the Celestial Deities had signified that they in a long series of posterity should lay the foundation of our Guardian Princes Family, they would soon have entered into a strict League of indis∣soluble kindness, being such as were to leave their pre∣served Country to thirty divided Off-spring. But Sa∣linator advntured to cast thirty four Tribes among the Aerarii, because that having condemned him, they af∣terwards

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made him Consul and Censor, pretending they must either be guilty of very great rashness or perjury. The Moetian Tribe onely he left void of dis∣grace, who by their Suffrages judged him neither to merit Condemning, or worthy of Honour. How constant and resolute a Genius had that man? who neither by the sad event of Condemnation, nor by the multiplication of Honour, could be brought to carry himself otherwise than severely in the Administration of the Commonwealth!

7. Four hundred Young-men also of the Order of Knighthood, being a great part thereof, patiently un∣derwent the Censors Mark of disgrace; all which M. Valerius, and P. Sempronius, taking their horses from 'um, reduced into the Order of Aerarii, for that being commanded to work at the Entrenchments, they ne∣glected o go.

8. Shameful Cowardise was likewise by the Cen∣sors severely punished: For Attilius Regulus, and Fu∣rius Philus, caused the Questor Metellus, and several Ro∣man Knights, to be degraded among the Aerarii, ta∣king their horses from 'um, because that after the over∣throw at Cannae, they had made a resolution to leave Italy; setting a great mark of Infamy upon them for a∣nother thing. For being taken by Hannibal, and af∣terwards by him sent as Embassadors for exchange of Prisoners, because they could not obtain their request, they would not return: but it was convenient for all of Roman blood to keep their Faith, wherefore Regulus the Censor noted them for Perjury; whose Father ra∣ther chose to suffer utmost torment, than break his word with the Carthaginians. This Censorship tran∣slated it self out of the City into the Camp, which would that the Enemy should neither be feared nor deceived.

9. Two Examples, being alike, we have thought fit

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to adde. C. Geta being remov'd by L. Metells and Cn. Domitius Censors from the Senate, was afterwards made Censor himself.

Also M. Valerius Messala having been disgraced by the Censor, was afterward advanced to the Censors place. For such Disgrace sharpens Virtue; Shame stirring them up to use all their endeavors to become worthy Citizens, to whom the Censorship ought to be rather offer'd, than taken from them.

CHAP. X. Of Majesty.
Of the ROMANS.
  • 1. Q. Metellus Numidi∣cus before the Iudges.
  • 2. Of the Elder Africanus before Antiochus, and o∣thers.
  • 3. Of Aemilius Paulus a∣mong the Macedonians.
  • 4. Of the Greater Africa∣nus to the King Massi∣nissa and Carthagini∣ans.
  • 5. Of Rutilius the Eile a∣mong the Cities of Asia.
  • 6. Of Marius proscrib'd a∣mong the Minturnians.
  • 7. Of Cato Uticensis in the Senate.
  • 8. The same towards the People of Rome.
  • 1. Harmodius and Ari∣stogiton to Xexes.
  • 2. Xenocrates among the Athenians.

THere is also that Majesty among Illustrious Men, as it were a private Censorship, without the Honour of Tribunals, without the attendance of Offi∣cers, powerful in the obtaining of Greatness.

1. For what greater Honour could be given to any one, than what was given to Metellus, though he stood

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accus'd of a Crime. For when he pleaded for himself upon a charge of Bribery, and his Accompts were de∣manded by his Accusers, and were brought forth to be inspected, the whole Council refused to look upon them, lest they should sem to doubt of the truth of any thing that was therein contained. For the Judges lookt upon the Life of so great a man, as an argu∣ment that he had prudently administred the Com∣mon-wealth. And thought it an unworthy thing o ballance a little Wax and a few Writings with the In∣tegity of so famous a Person.

2. But what wonder, that due honour was given to Metellus by his Fellow-citizens, which an enemy did not refrain to render to the Elder Africanus? For An∣tiochus, in the War which he made against the Romans, having taken his Son Prisoner, not onely honourably entertained him, but also sent him to his Father, laden with Royal Gifts, though he were then almost driven out of his Kingdom by him. But the enraged King rather chose to reverence the Majesty of so great a man, than revenge his own misfortune. To the same Africanus being retired to his Country-house in the Village of Liternium, several Captains of Pirates being in the same place, came to see him: He believing they came to do him some mischief, placed a Guard of his Domestick Servants upon the top of his house, being well prepared with force and courage to beat them off▪ Which when the said Captains perceived, immediately sending back their Souldiers, and throwng their Arms away, they approach to the Lord, declaring themselves to be his friends, requesting the sight and company of so great a man, as it had been a favour from Heaven, and desiring him to vouchsafe them the secure specta∣cle of his greatness. Which words when the Servants related to Scipio, he commanded the doors to be un∣lock'd, and the Captains to be let in; who reveren∣cing

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the Threshold as it had been some sacred Altar, or Religious Temple, with great eagerness approach∣ed to kiss his hands. And after they had spent a long time in admiration of him, leaving great Gifts in the Porch, such as they us'd to offer to the Immortal Gods, they departed to their Ships. What could be more noble than this effect and fruit of Majesty? What more plasing to behold or enjoy? His enemy appeas'd their wrath with admiration. His Presence stupified the joyful eyes of the Pyrats. Should the Stars falling from Heaven offer themselves to men, they could nt be capable of greater adoration.

3. This hapned to Scipio being alive; this other to Aemilius Paulus bing dead. For when his Funerals were celebrated, and that by chance certain Princes of Macedon were then abiding at Rome as Embassadors to the Senate, they willingly offer'd themselves to car∣ry the Fneral Bed. Which will seem so much the greater Honour, considering that the forepart of the Bier was adorn'd with the Trophies of his Macedonian Conquests. For how great must be the honour which they gave to Paulus, whom they would not refuse to carry, with the Ensignes of their own calamity in the face of all the people! Which Spectacle added to his Funeral a resemblance of another Triumph. For thus did Macedon render thee, O Paulus, illustrious twice in our City▪ by their Spoils, safe and victorious; venerable in his Death, by their Shoulders.

4. Nor was it a small honour done to thy Son Scipio Aemilianus, whom thou giving in Adoption, wouldst have to be the Ornament of two Families. For being but a Young-man, and sent by Lucullus the Consul out of Spain into Africa, the Carthaginians and Massinissa made him Arbitrator of the condition of Peace, as if he had been Consul and Emprour. Carthage ignorant of her Destiny: For hat vey gory

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of aspiring Youth, by the indulgene of Gods and Men, was preserv'd for the ruine of that City. Inso∣much that being taken, it gve him the Sirname of Africnus; being destroyed, it occasion'd the rise of the Cornelian Family.

5. What more miserable than Condemnation and Exile? Yet the Conspiracy of the Publicans could not avail to diminish the Authority of Publius Rutilius, Who going into Asia, all the Ciies of that Prvince, hearing where he was retir'd, sent their Ambasadors to attend him. Who could now judge him an Exile, but rather a Triumpher in such a place?

6. Marius also, being cast down into the depth of utmost Misery, escapt out of the jaws of danger, by the benefit of his Majesty. For a publick Slave, a Cim∣brian by his Country, being sent to kill him, as he lay shut up in a private House in Minturnum, durst no attempt him, with his Sword drawn, though an old Man, unarm'd, and almost famisht; but struck blind with the brightness of his Countenance, he flung a∣way his Sword, and astonish'd and trembling ran away. For the Slaughter of the Cimbrians presented it self before his eyes; and the Calamity of his van∣quish'd Nation quell'd his Courage. The Immortal Gods deeming it an unworthy thing, that Marius should be slain by one single erson of a Nation, who had subdued the whole. The Minturnians also taken with the Majesty of his Person, though now under the burthen of Misery, and unavoidable Destiny, yet preserv'd him safe: Nor could the most severe Victory daunt them, for fear lest Sylla should revenge their preservation of Marius; though Marius himself might have been sufficient to deter them from preserving Marius.

7. The admiration also of the stout and vertuous Life of Porcius Cato, render'd him so wonderful to the

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Senate, who having prefix'd a day for the Publican to answer, contrary to Caesar's will, and being there∣fore by his command carried by the Lictor to Prison, the whole Senate was not ashamed to follow him; which thing did not a little soften the perseverance of his divine Soul.

8. At another time, the same person beholding the Floral Plays which Mssius the Aedil set forth, the pople were ashamed to require that the Mimicks should appear naked; which when he understood from Favonius, his great friend, that sate close by him, he de∣parted out of the Theatre, lest his presence should in∣trrupt the custome of the Show▪ Whose departure the people loudly applauding, renewed the ancient custome of Jesing in the Scenes; confessing that they attributed more to the Majesty of one man, than they claimed for the sake of the Generality. To what Riches, to what Power, to what Triumphs, was this priviledge granted before? A small Patrimony, Manners restrained within the bounds of Continence: a small train of Followers, house shut against Ambition: One Image of his Pa∣ternal Genealogy; not the most comely Aspect, but a vertue hightned with all perfections. Hence it was, that whoever would Characterize a just and famous Citizen, described him by the name of a Cato.


1. We must give some place also to Forraign Ex∣amples, that being mix'd with those of our own Na∣tion, the variety may be the more delightful▪ Xerxes having taking the City of Athens, carried away the brazen Statues of Harmodius and Aristogiton, who en∣deavoured to free that City from Tyranny; which a long time after Seleucus taking care to return to their proper places, when they came into the Haven of

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Rhodes, the Rhodians inviting them that brought them into teir City, laid the Statues upon the sacred Cu∣shions of the Gods. Nothing more happy than such a Memory, that gave so large a Veneration to a little Brass.

2. How great Honour was also given by the Ath∣nians to Xenocrates, famous for his equal Piety and Wisdome! who when he approached the Altar, being necessiated to give his testimony in confirmation that all which he had spoken was truth; all the Judges rose and forbid him openly to take his Oath, believing it proper to grant that to his Sincerity, which they were not to remit to themselves in the place of giving Sentence.

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CHAP. I. Of Towardliness.
Examples whereof a∣mong the Romans in
  • 1. Emilius Lepidus, a boy.
  • 2. Cato of Uica.
  • 3. Cassius Longinus.
  • 1. Alcibiades the Atheni∣an.

I Will now touch upon some certain Infancies and E∣lements of Vertue, and of a Soul that in process of time is to advance to the top of Glory: Relating the tasts thereof given from the certain Experiments of Towardliness.

1. Emilius Lepidus, yet a boy, going into the field, kill'd an Enemy, and sav'd a Citizen; in memory of which action there is in the Capitol a Statue garnish'd and girt with a Senator's virile Robe, by order of the Senate placed there; esteeming it unjust hat he should not be of age for Honour, that was so ripe in Vertue. Lepidus prvented what was to Age ordained, by his Celerity in doing bravely; carrying away a double Ho∣nour out of the Battel, of which his years scarce ad∣mitted him to be a spectator: For the Arms of men preparing for Combat, drawn Swords, the flight of Darts, the noise of Horse-men charging, the furious violence of Armies joyning, strikes terrour into young

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men. Among all which the childhood of the Emilia Family was ble to deserve a Crown, by carrying a∣way the poils of his Enemy.

2. This Courage was not wanting in the Childhood of M. Cato: For he being bred up in the house of M. Drusus his Uncle, the Latins came to him then Tribune of the people, requesting a City. At which time the boy being requested by Poppedius Prince of the Latins, lying at Drusus house, to speak on their behalf to his Uncle, with an unmov'd countenance made answer, He would not: and being again and again impor∣tun'd, continu'd in his resolve. Then Poppedius taking him up into the highest part of the house, threatned to throw him down headlong, unless he would yield to his request; but nothing could make him alter his mind: Which made them cry out, Happy is it for us Latins, and Allies, that this is but a Youth, from whom▪ were he a Senator, it were impossible for us to obtain our Petition. For in his tender minde Cato retain'd the Gravity of the whole Court▪ and by his perseverance frustrated the Latins, who had a desire to learn the Laws and Cu∣stoms of our City.

The same, prson coming in his Virile Robe to kiss the hand of Sylla, and seeing the heads of the proscri∣bed persons brought into the Porch of his house, mo∣ved with the horridness of the Spectacle, asked his School-master Sarpedon, Why there was no body to be found that would kill so great a Tyrant? Who ma∣king answer, That men wanted not will, but oppor∣tunity, his person being so strongly guarded; The Lad dsired he might have a Sword given him, affirming, He could easily kill him, as being wont to sit upon his bed-side. His master perceived his courage, but would not allow of his intention; and afterwards always brought him to Sylla to be examined. Nothing than this more admirable. A Lad taken in the Work-house

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of Cruelty, fear'd not a Victor, who at that time murder'd Consuls, whole Towns, Legions, and the greatest part of the Order of Knighthood. Had Ma∣rius been in his place himself, he would have sooner consulted his own safety, than the Death of Sylla.

3. Whose Son Faustus had a good Cuff on the Ear given him by C. Cassius his School fellow, for saying in vindication of his Father's Proscriptions, that had he been a Man, he would have done the sme. A worthy hand, that would not embue it self in the blood of his Countrey.


1. And to repeat something of the Grecians, that Alcibiades, whose Vertues or whose Vices were most pernicious to his Countrey, we cannot say; for with the one he deceiv'd his Citizens, with the other he oppress'd um: He being a Youth, and coming to his Uncle Pericles, and beholding him sitting melancholy in a pivate place, askd him, why he shewed so much trouble in his Countenance. Who replying, that he had by command of the City built the Out-gates of the Castle of Minerva, and was not able to give any ac∣compt of the vast Treasure spent in the service, and that therefore he was troubled: Rather should you endeavour, said the Boy, to finde out a way, how yu should give no accompt. Thus a▪ most great and wise man, not able to counsel himself, follows the ad∣vice of a Child, and so order'd it, that the Athenians engaged in a sharp War with their Neihbours, had no time to look after Accompts. But let the Athe∣nians consider, whether they had most reason to la∣ment or be glad for the Birth of Alcibiades; whose Stories fluctuate in a doubtful opinion between admi∣miration and detesttion of the person.

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CHAP. II. Of Fortitude.
ROMAN Examples whereof are
  • 1. M. Hortius Cocles.
  • 2. Celia the Virgin.
  • 3. Romulus.
  • 4. A. Cornelius Cossus.
  • 5. M. Marcllus.
  • 6. the Dullrs, T. Man∣lius Torqatus, M. Va∣lerius Crvus, and P. Scipio Aemil••••nus.
  • 7. C. Atiliu.
  • 8. The Rman Knights at the Battle of Verrugo.
  • 9. The same in the Fight against the Samnites.
  • 10. The Roman Souldiers in holding in the Punic leet.
  • 11. A Roman Souldier at the Battle at Cannae.
  • 12. Q Licinius Crassus Procons.
  • 13. Q Metellus Scipio Procos.
  • 14. M. Cato of Uica.
  • 15. Porcia.
  • 16. M. Cato Son of the great Cato.
  • 17. Scipio Nsica.
  • 18. Emilius Scurus.
  • 19. Julius Caesar Procons.
  • 20. Three Soldiers, Vib us Acceus, Valeriu Flac∣cus, T. Pedanius.
  • 21. Q. Cotius Achilles.
  • 22. C. Attilius.
  • 23. Coesius Scaeva.
  • 24. L. Sicinius Dentatus.
  • 1. Jubllius of Campania.
  • 2. Gobrias the Persian.
  • 3. Leonids the Spartan.
  • 4. Othryadas the Spartan.
  • 5. Epaminondas a Th∣ban.
  • 6. Theramenes of Athens.
  • 7. Theogenes of Numan∣tium.
  • 8. The Wife of Asdrubal.
  • 9. Harmonia the Daugh∣ter of King Gelo.

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HAving done with the beginnings and growth of Vertue, we will now prosecute the act it self, whose most ponderous force and efficacious nerves consist in Foritude. Nor am I ignorant, Great Founder of our City, Romulus, that the first honour of this nature ought to be assign'd to thee: but first suffer me, I beseech thee, to prevent thee with an Example, to which thou thy self dost owe somehing of admi∣ration; seeing that without the benefit thereof Rome it self, thy own work, had not become so famous.

1. The Hetrurians making an irruption into the City over the Sublician Bridge, Horatius Cocles kept the farther end thereof, and with an indefatigable Fight sustain'd the whole body and force of the Enemy, till the Bridge was broken behind him; and when he saw his Countrey freed from imminent danger, flung himself armed into Tibur; whose Fortitude the Immor∣tal Gods admiring, rewarded him with a safe coming off. Being neither hurt with the height of the Fall, nor the weight of his Armour, nor touch'd with the Darts that flew upon every side of him. And there∣by he drew the eyes of all his Fellow-citizens, of all his Enemies upon his own single person; the one a∣mazed with admiration, the other in a trance between joy and fear. And separated two great Armies close∣ly engaged; repelling one, and defending the other. And lastly, by his single Strength was as great a guard to our City with his Shield, as Tibur with her Chan∣nel. And therefore the Hetrurians departing might well say, They had vanquish'd the Romans, but were beaten by one Horatius.

2. Clelia makes me almost forgetful of my purpose: Daring a most noble Enterprize at the same time, a∣gainst the same Enemy, and in the same Tibur. For being given in Hostage among other Virgins to Por∣senna,

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she escap'd the Watch in the Night-time, and getting a horse, she presently got to the River which she swam over; freeing her Country not onely from a Siege, but from fear of danger, holding out a Light of Vertue to men.

3. I now return to Romulus, who being provoked to Combat by Acro King of the Cenicenses, hough he be∣lieved himself Superior both in the number and cou∣rage of his Souldiers, and that it was sa••••r for him to fight with his whole Army than in single Combat, with his own right hand he snach'd away the Omen o Vi∣ctory: nor did fortune fall his undertaking; for ha∣ving slain Acro, and vanquished his Enemies, he brought away rich spoils and trophies, which he offer'd to Iupiter Feretrius. For which let this suffice: for Vertue consecrated by publick Religion, needs no pri∣vate praise.

4. Next to Romulus is Cornelius Cossus, who conse∣crated his spoils to the sme Deity, when being Master of the Horse, when he had slain the Captain of the Fidenates in battel. Great was Romulus in the begin∣ning of this commenced Glory: and much was gai∣ned by Cossus, for that he would imitate Romulus.

5. Nor ought we to separate the memory of M. Marcellus from these Examples, in whom there was so great a courage, that he set upon the King of the Gauls environ'd with a great Army neer the River Po, onely with a few Horsemen, whose head he presently cut off, and spoild'd him of his arms, which he dedicated to Iupiter Feretrius.

6. The same Vertue, and the same manner of Com∣bat T. Ma••••ius Torquatus, Valerius Corvus, and Emilia∣nus Scipio, made use o: for they voluntarily challeng'd the Captains of the Enemy, and slew them; but because they did those actions under the command of others, thy did not dedicate their spoils to Iupiter Feretrius.

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The same Scipio Emilianus, being i Spain under the command of Lucullus, at the same tme that Intercaria a strong Town was besieged, was the first that got up∣on the Walls. Neither was there any person in the whole Army, considering his Nobility, his hopeful Youth, and future Acts, whose safety ought to have been more regarded and consulted. But then the most noble Young men, to enlarge and defend their Coun∣try, sustain'd the greatest pains and perils; deeming it below themselves to excel in Dignity and not in Ver∣tue. Therefore Emilianus chose a Warlike life, which others for the hazard thereof avoid.

7. Among these, Antiquity offers a most famous Example of Fortitude. The Romans being over∣thrown by the Army of the Gauls, and forced to retire into the Capitol▪ and well knowing the Walls of their Fortresses not able to receive their whole number, took a necessary resolution to leave their old people in the open City, that the young men might be the better enabled to defend what was left. Yet at that most miserable and calamitous season, was not our City for∣getful of their pristine Vertue: for though deprived of their Honour, they sate with their doors open, in their Running-chairs, with the Habits of their Magi∣stracy and Pristhood, that in their night of sorrow they might retain the Splendor and Ornaments of their past life, and might encourage the people more coura∣giously to undergo the burthen of their Calamity. Their Aspect was Venerable in the sight of their Ene∣mies, who were not a little moved at the Novelty of what they saw, considering the magnificence of their Ornaments, and their strange kinde of boldness. But who could imagine, but that the Gauls, now Victors, would soon have turn'd their admiration into Laugh∣ter, and into all manner of Conumely? Thereore Caius Attilius would not stay to expect that injury;

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for he fiercely laid his Stick cross the pate of a Gaul that too familiarly stroaked his Beard, offering his o∣dy freely to the Souldier that out of madness cme ru∣shing to kill him. Thus Vertue knows not how to be taken, and Patience knows no disgrac. To yield to Fortune it accompts sadder than any death; and it in∣vents new and generous kinds of perishng, if he may be said to perish that comes to such an end.

8. We are now to gve due honour and glory to the Roman Youth, who when C. Sempronius Attarinus, Consul, had sought wih ill success at the battl o Ver∣rugo, against the Volsci, ls our Battel just upon the point of flying, should receive a Rout, dimounting from their Horses, immediately rallied into Foo-com∣panies, and broke the Enemies Ranks; who being thus forced to retire, the Roman Youth possessd themslves of the next Hills, and so ordered it, that th Volsci turning all their Force upon them, wre the cause that our Legions got in the mean ime a very great refrsh∣ment to confirm their Courage. And thus while they thought of obtaining the Trophies, the night separa∣ted both Armies, uncertain whether they parted Vi∣ctors or vanquish'd.

9. A noble Flower of the Order of Knighthood was he also, by whose wonderful Fortitude Fabius Maximus Rullianus, Master of the Horse, was acquit∣ted o a Crime whih he was like to have fallen into, of loosing a Battel to the Samnies: For Papyrius Cursor being gone to the City to renew the inspection of En∣trails, he was left chief Commander in his absence: And although he were doubtful of leading the Army out to battel, yet at length joyning battel with the E∣nemy, he fought not so unsuccessully as rashly: For without question he had the worst. At which the Young Nobility pulling the bridles off their horses, spurr'd them with all their might against the very a∣ces

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of the Enemy, by an obstinate Gallantry restoring a Victory wrung out of the hands of the Enemy, and the hope of Rullinus, which his Country now con∣ceived of is being the greatest of our Citizens.

10. But of what a prodigious strength were those Souldiers, who wading the slippery Sea as they had been on firm Land, hal'd back the Punick Fleet by main strength to the shore, though endeavouring to fly with the labour of all their Oars?

11. About the same time, and of the same repute was that Souldier, who at the Battel of Cannae, where Han∣nibal rather brake the power than the courage of the Romans, when his wounded hands were unable to hold his Arms, graspimg a Numidian about the neck that came to strip him, he bit off his Ears and his Nose, expiring in the midst of that revenge. An odde kinde of Event in fight, where the party killed is stronger than he that kills him: For the Carthaginian liable to revenge, rejoyc'd the dying person, and the Roman was his Revenger at the very conclusion of his life.

12. Publius Crassus making War in Asia with Ari∣stonicus, bing set upon by the Thracians, of which he had a great number for his assistance, between Smyrna and Elea; for fear he should come into their power, he avoided the shame by resolving to die: For he thurst his Riding-rod into the eye of one of the Barbarians, who enraged with the pain thereof, thrust Crassus into the side with his Cutlace; and while he revenges him∣self, freed the Roman Emperour from the shame of ha∣ving lost his Honour. Crassus shewed Fortune that she intended to have punished a person altogether un∣worthy of so great an Indignity, as being one that not onely prudently but couragiously broke the snares which she had laid to entrap his Liberty, and restored his own Dignity to himself, although now given to A∣ristonicus.

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13. The same resolution Scipio made use of, who having unsuccessfully endeavour'd to defend the cause of Pompey his Son-in-Law in Africa, endeavour'd to fly into Spain; but understanding that the Shp where∣in he was, was taken by the Enemy, he ran himself through, and so alling down upon the Poop, when Caesar's Souldiers asked for their Commander, he made answer, The Commander is well: having power on∣ly to speak so much as to testifie, to his eternal praise, the Greatness of his Minde.

14. Not less the Moniment of Vtica were thy last breathings, mighty Cato; out of whose Wounds flowed more Glory than Blood. For with a fierce Constancy lying upon the Sword, thou wert a most noble Example of Instruction, That to all good Men Dignity and Honour without Life, is far better than Life without Honour.

15. Whose Daughter had no Womanish Spirit: Who knowing the resolution that her Husband Brutus had taken to kill Caesar, the night before the day wherein that most horrid act was committed, assoon as Brutus was gone out of the Chamber, she call'd for a Razor, pretending to pare her Nails; and as if she had let it fall by chance, gave her self a Wound there∣with. Upon the cry of the Maids Brutus coming in, began to chide her that she had took the Barber's trade out of his hands. To whom she privately whisper'd, This is no rash action of mine; but as things now stand, a most certain proof of my Love towards thee. For I was resolv'd to try, if thy purpose should not succeed according to thy desire, how bravely and pa∣tiently I could kill my self.

16. More happy in his Offspring was the Elder Cato, out of whose Loins sprang the Family of Porcius. Who being in battle sorely press'd upon by his Enemy, his Sword fell out of the Scabbard▪ which though he

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saw encompass'd with such numbers of his Enemies yet such was his obstinacy to recover it, that he would not give ovr, til he had done it: so that at length he seem'd not to have wrung it out of the hands of dagr, but to take it up in security. Which fight so terified his Enemies, that the next day they came to him to bg for Peace.

17. The Forritude of the Gown may be mixt with Warlik Actions, deserving the same honour in Courts of Ju••••ice as in the Camp. When T. Gracchus, having got the favour of the People by his profuseness, en∣deavour'd to oppress the Common-wealth, and open∣ly declar'd, that the Senate being put to death, all things ough to be transacted by the People; The Se∣nate being summon'd into the Temple of Faith by Mucius Scaevola Consul, began to consult what at such a time o do: and all being of opinion, that the Con∣sul ought to govern the Common-wealth by force of Arms, Scaevola denied that he would do any thing by force. Then replyed Scipio Nasica, Because (saith he) the Consul, while he follows the course of Law, doth that which will bring both the Law and all the Roman Empire in jeopardy; I as a private person offer my self to be commanded, and to command according to your Will. Then lapping his left hand in his upper Coat, and lifting up his right, he openly proclaim'd, They who desire the safety of the Common-wealth, let um follow me: at which words being followed without de∣lay by the honest part of the Citizens, he brought Grac∣chus to the Punishment which he deserved.

18. Also when Saturninus Tribune of the people, the Pretor Glaucia, and Equitius designed Tribune of the people, had raised most terrible Seditions in our City, and no body durst oppose themselves against the fury of the people; Emilius Scaurus was the first that advised C. Marius the sixth time Consul, that he should

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defend the Laws and Liberty by the Sword; and pre∣sently commanded Arms to be brought, and being come, put them upon his aged body, now almost quite wasted with Age; and then leaning upon his Dart, stood before the door of the Council-house; with the small remnants of his life, keeping the Common-wealth from expiing: For the constancy of his minde encourag'd the Senate and the whole Order of Knight∣hood to revenge.

19. But as we have hitherto related the Fortitude of Arms and Arts, let us remember the sacred Iulius, the chief Glory of all the Stars, the truest Pattern of Vertue. When he saw his men almost fainting through the innumerable multitude and fury of the Nervae, taking a Shield out of a Souldiers hand, that he beheld fighting but weakly, he began under the covert thereof to behave himself with great Vigour; by which act he infusd Courage into the whole Army, and restored the tottering fortune of the Battel. The same person seeing the Eagle-bearer of the Martian Legion with his back turn'd in a posture of flight, catching him by the Jaws he brought him back to his place again; and then stretching his right hand toward the Enemy, he cry'd out, Why dost thou go this way? yonder is the Enemy which thou art to fight with. Thus with his hands one Souldier, with his severe reprehension, corrected the timorousness of all the Legions, and taught them who were ready to be overcome, how to vanquish.

20. But that we may proceed to one act of Manly Vertue: When Hannibal besieged the Roman Army in Capua, Vibius Acceus, Colonel of the Pelignian Cohort, threw an Ensigne over the Carthaginian Rampire, cur∣sing himself and his fellow-Souldiers if ever they let the Enemy enjoy it; and so to recover it again, he wa the first that made the Assault, the whole Cohort fol∣lowing him; Which when Valerius Flaccus, a Tribune

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of the third Legion, turning to his own, said, I see we are come here to be Spectators of other mens Vertue; but for be it from us to suffer the Glory of the Romans to give place to the Valour of the Latins. For my own part, I desire either an honourable death, or a happy Issue of my venurousness; therefore am resolved to fall on though I am alone. These words being heard, Pedanius the Centuion catching up the Ensigne, and holding it in his right hand, This, said he, shall be with me within the Enemies Rampire: Let them follow that are unwilling it should be taken. With that he flew into the Cartha∣ginian Camp, drawing the whole Legion after him. Thus the couragious Temerity of three men, made Han∣nibal who thought himself Master of Copua, hardly to be safe in his own Camp.

21. Neither was Q. Curius any thing behinde them in Fortitude; who for his stoutness was irnamed Achil∣les: For not to reckon up all his famous Actions, we shall make appear by two Atchievements onely, how great a Warriour he was. In the time that Metellus was Consul, he was sent a Legate into Spain, carrying on the Celtiberian War as Lieutenant under the Con∣sul: hearing that he was challenged out to fight by a certain Young man of that Nation, though he were then just going to Dinner, he caused his Arms and his Hose to be privately conveyed ot of the Camp, lest the Consul should orbid him, or otherways hinder him; and following the Celtiberian, that was vaun∣tingly curvetting to and fro about the field, slew him, and taking the spoils of his dead Enemy, return'd Triumphing to the Camp. He also compelled Piresius, one of the most noble and stoutest among the Celtibe∣rians, who also gave him a particular Challenge, to yield to him: Nor was the noble Youth asham'd to give him his own Sword and Souldiers Coat in the view of both Armies. And also requested, that so soon

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as there was Peace between the Celtiberians and the Romans, that there might be a strict League of Friend∣ship between them.

22. Nor must we pass by C. Attilius; who being a Souldier of the tenth Legion, and fighting on Caesar's bhalf in a Sea-engagment, when they had cut off his rght hand with which he held a Ship of the Mas∣silians took hold of the Vessel with his left: nor did leave fighting till the Ship was taken and sunk. The Valour also of Cynaegyrus the Athenian, whose peri∣nacy in pursuit of the Enemy was not unlike this, Greece, so fluent in extolling the Praises of her own Hro's, has sufficiently inculcated into the memory of Posterity.

23. The Naval-glory of Attilius, requires that we should rhearse the praise of Caesius Scaeva a Centurion, under the command of the same Empires: For he maintaining a Castle which was committed to his charge, and which a Captain of Pompey's was sent to take with a great number of men, he slew all that adventured to come nee; and fighting afoot without the least giving back, at length fell upon a vast heap of people that he had slain. His head, shoulders, and thighs wre cut and magld, his eyes poakd out, his Targe pircd through in a hundred and twenty places. Such Souldiers did the Discipline of Divine Iulius bred; of which the one with the loss of his right hand, the other with th loss of his eyes, terrified their Enmies: The one after his loss a Victor, the other a looser, yet not vanquishd.

But thy invincible Courage, O Scaeva, in every part of the nature of things, I know not how to extol with admration enough, because by thy excellent Vertue thou hat left it doubtful, whether thou didst make a more nob•••• Fight at Sea, or speak a more illustrious Speec by Lnd. For in the War wherein Caesar not

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content to limit his fame within the bounds of the Ocean, laid his celestial hands upon the Isle of Bri∣tain, being carrid with Four of his Souldiers, and set ashoar upon a Rock near the Land, which the Enemy had possest with a very strong Army, after the Ebb, by the falling of the water, had made the pas∣sage easie from the Island to the Rock, which was di∣vided before; being assaulted with a very great num∣br of the Barbrians, Seaeva only keeping his station immoveable, the Darts flying about his ears, and the Enemy every way endeavouring to assail him, fix'd in the Bodies of his Adversaries as many Piles with his single right hand, as would have serv'd five Souldiers for a Battle of a whole days continuance: at length, drawing his Sword and beating back his Enemies, sometimes with the Point, and sometimes with te Hilt, he became such a spectacle of Wonder, not on∣ly to the Romans, but to the Britains also, which none but those that beheld it, could have imagin'd. At length, Anger and Shame forc'd them that were tir'd to do their utmost, when he, run through the Thigh, his Face batter'd with Stones, his Head-piece bruised in several places, commits himself to the Sea, and laden with two Coats of Mail, escap'd through the Waves, which he had dyed with the Blood of his Enemies. Coming to his General, not having lost his Arms, but well bestow'd um, when he deserv'd his praise, he begg'd his pardon. Great in fight, but greater in the remembrance of Military Discipline: Therefore by the best Esteemer and Discerner of Virtue, both thy deeds and words were rewarded with the honour o a Centurions command.

24. But let the Memory of Luc. Sicinius Dentatus conlude all the Roman Examples of the Fortitude of the Roman Warriours; whose Deeds, and the Rewards of his Actions, may be thought to exceed the limits of

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belief; but for the credit of the Authors, among whom we finde M. Varro, who attest the same in their Memorials, whom they affirm to have been in an Hundred and Twenty pitch'd Battels: being endued with that Courage of Mind and Strength of Body, that he seem'd to carry away the greatest share of the Victory: And of these Battles there were Eight wherein he fought upon Challenges, while both Ar∣mies lookt on. He is said to have saved fourteen Citi∣zens, to have received orty five Wounds upon his Breast, not having one Scar upon his Back. He fol∣lowed nine several Triumphal Chariots of several Generals, drawing the eyes of the whole City that be∣held the multitude and pompous glory of his Rewards. For he had eight Golden Crowns, fourteen City-Crowns, and three Mural-Crowns, together with one Obsidional Garland, Chains one hundred eighty three, Bracelets one hundred and sixty, Spears eighteen, Trappings twenty five. Ornamnts sufficient for a Legion, rather than for the use of a private Souldier.


1. That Blood was also confounded out of many Bodies into one, with great admiration, in the Town of the Calibes; where Fulvius Flaccus having con∣demn'd the chief of the City to loose their Heads for their Perfidiousness in Campania, and that he was by Letters from the Senate order'd to see execution done; Iuellius Taurea a Campanian freely offer'd himself to him, crying out as loud as he could, Because, said he, O Fulvius, thou art so desirous of shedding blood, why dost thou delay to sheath thy Sword in my Bowels, that thou maist have an occasion to boast, that thou didst once kill a stuter man than thy self? Who replying that he would gladly do it, but that he was otherwise orderd

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by the Senate; Beold me, then replyed the other, upon whom the Conscript Fathers have laid no commands, utwardly quiet enough, but meditating a great work in my mind: and immediately killing his Wife and Chil∣dren, fell upon his own Sword. What kind of person must we believe him to be, who was so willing with the slaughter of himself and his Relations to testifie, that he would rather delude the Cruelty of Fulvius, than make use of the Mercy of the Senate?

2. Again, how great was the Courage of Gobrias, who, when he freed the Persians from the sordid and cruel Tyranny of the Magi, having thrown one of the Magi down in a dark place, and lying with all his weight upon him, and perceiving that one of his Compnions in his noble enterprize was afraid to kill the Tyrant, for fear of hurting him, cryed out, Vse not thy Sword ere a whit the less timorously for fear of me; rather thrust it through us both, that this fellow may die the more speedily.

3. In this place we meet with Leonids, a Noble Spartan, than whose Designe, Enterprize and Issue there was nothing more courageous. For being pla∣ced in the Streights of Thermopylae against the whole force of Asia, only with Three Hundred of his Citizens, through the obstinacy of his Virtue, he drave Xerxes to despir, who a little before was a burhen both to Sea and Land; not only terrible to Men, but one that threatned to chain the Sea, and etter the Hea∣vens: but being through the perfidiousnss of the In∣habitants of that Country deprived of the advantage of the place, he resolv'd to fall, rather than leave the station where his County had set him. And therefore he exhorted his people with so much chearfulness to that Battle where they were sure to perish, crying out, Fellow-souldiers, let us Dine like such as are to Sup in the other world. Death was all their hopes, yet fear∣less

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they obeyed their Leader, as sure of Victory.

4. The glorious Battle and Death of Ohryades, is only seen in the praise, rather than in the larger space of Thyarete. Who spoiling the enemy of Victory, by Letters written with his own Blood; after his own fate, would not carry into the bosome of his Country the bloody superscripions of his Trophies.

5. But a most sad effort▪ follows the most excellent effects of the Spartan Vertue. Epaminondas, the chief Felicity of Thebes, and the first scourge of the Lacede∣monian Valour, when he had broken the antient glory, and till that time invincible publick glory of that City, in the two Battles of Mantinea and Leuctra, being run throgh with a Spear, and fainting for want of Blood and Breath, ask'd those who endeavour'd to recover him, First, whether his Shield were safe; and next, whether the Enemy was quite vanquish'd: Which when he found according to his desire, Fellow-Souldi∣ers, said he, this is not the end, but a fortunate and an∣spicious beginning of my life: For your Epaminondas u now born, because he thus dyes. I see Thebes by my Conduct and Command the head of all Greece. The strong and courageous City of Sparta submits, vanquish'd by our Arms, and Greece freed from her bitter Tyranny. Not having Children, yet I die not without Children; I leave Leuctra and Mantinea behind me. Then commaning the Spear to be pull'd out of his Body, he expir'd. Whom if the Immortal Gods had suffr'd to enjoy his Victories, a more glorious Redeemer had never enter'd the Walls of any City.

6. Nor was the Constancy of Theramenes the Athe∣nian inconsiderable, being compell'd to die in Prison, where without any signe of fear he drank the Potion prepar'd for him by the thirty Tyrants; and smiling upon the publick Officer that brought it; Tell Critias, quoth he, I drink to him, and therefore take care that

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thou carry him the Cup, assoon as thou canst. Now this Critias was the cruellest of all the Tyrants. Certainly it is as easie to free a mans self from punishment, as to endure punishment: and thus Theramenes, as if he had died in his Bed, departed this life; by his ene∣mies thought to have been punish'd, in his own opi∣nion yielding only to common fate.

7. But Theramenes receiv'd his Constancy from Learning and Education: But the natural Ferity of the people taught Theogenes the Numantine to take the same course. For the affairs of Numantium being in a low and lost condition, himself excelling all others in Wealth, Honour and Nobility, getting a great quantity of combustible matter together, he set his own Street, which was the fairest in the whole City, on fire, and laying a naked Sword in the midst of it, he commanded two persons to fight together, that the Head of him that was kill'd might be cast upon the flames: and having by this strong engagement consumd every body else, at length he threw himself into he fire.

8. And that I may rehearse the destruction of a Ci∣ty at eqal enmity with ours; when Carthage was ta∣ken, the wife of Asdrubal upbraiding him with Impi∣ety for begging onely his own life at Scipio's hands, taking hr Children which she had by him in her right and let hand, willing to die, she flung her self into the flaming Ruines of her Country.

9. To this Example of Female-fortitude, I will adde one stout Casualy of two Virgins. Whn through the most pestiferous Sedition of the Syracusans, the whole Family of King Gelo, afflicted with end∣less Calamities, was reducd to one Virgin-daughter, named Harmonia, and that the Enemy made several offers of violence upon her; Her Nurse took a Childe somewhat like her, and hving dress'd it in royal Ap∣parel,

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exposed her to the fury of her Enemies▪ who when she was about to be slain, would not declare her condition. Harmonica admiring her condition, and not willing to outlive so much Faith, called back the Murtherers, and confessing who she was, was the cause of her own death. Thus a covert Lye was the bane of the one, the open truth the destruction of the o∣ther.

CHAP. III. Of Patience.
ROMAN Examples, whereof are two.
  • 1. C. Mutius Cordus, first called Scaevola.
  • 2. Pompey Embssadour to King Gentius.
  • 1. A Macedonian Youth.
  • 2. Zeno Eleatean,
  • 3. The other Zeno.
  • 4. Anaxarchus Abderite.
  • 5. Theodorus of Syra∣cuse.
  • 6. The Indians.
  • 7. The African slave con∣temning Death and Tor∣ments.

FOrtitude hath been apparent to the eyes of men by the famous Deeds boh of men and women: and by her incitement, Pattence appears grounded upon as firm foundations, not being endued with a lss generous Soul, but so like the one to the other, that she seems to have recived her birth either with her or from her.

1. For what has a greater resemblance to what I have ormerly related, than the Act of Mutius, who grieving to see our City vexed with a long and grievous

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War, by Porsenna King of the Heturians, privately got armed into the Camp, endeavour'd to have slain him as he was sacrificing before the Altar: But sailing in the Enterprize, and being laid hold on, he neither con∣cealed the cause of his coming; and bsides that, with a wonderful patience shew'd how little he fear'd any torment they could put him to: For as it were out of an enmity to his right hand, because he could not use it in the slaughter of the King, he held it in the fire, enduring it to be burnt off. Certainly the Im∣mortal Gods never beheld with more heedful eyes any Offering made them. And it forced Porsenna himself, forgetful of the danger, to turn his Revenge into Ad∣miration. Return, quoth he, to thy own Friends, and tell them how I have given thee thy life for seeking mine. Whose Clemency Mutius no way flattering, more for∣y to see him live, than glad of his own life, return'd to the City with a sirname of eternal glory, being cal∣led Scaevola.

2. Most approved also is the Vertue of Pompey; who being sent upon an Embassie, and taken by the way by King Gentius, and commanded to reveral the Counsels of the Senate, thrust his finger into a burning Candle: which patience of his made the King not onely despair of getting any thing out of him by force, but also very desirous of the friendship of the Romans. But lest, while I strive to enumerate more Domestick Examples of this sort, I should be forced to embroyl my self in the relations and stories of our civil Dis∣cords, which as thy contain the Relation of most fa∣mous men, so they renew the publick Grief, I shall pass to those of Forraign Nations.


According to the ancint Custome of Greece, the

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most eminent Noblemens Sons did always attend upon King Alexander when he sacrificed: Among which there was one who while he stood before the King, holding the Censer, a live cole fell upon his arm, which though it burnt his flesh so vehemently that the stink thereof offended the nostrils of all the standers by, yet the Lad would by no means discover his pain, fearing to disturb the Sacrifice by letting fall the Cen∣ser, or to offend the Kings ears by complaining. The King pleased with the patience of the Youth, and wil∣ling to make a more certain tryal thereof, prolong'd the Sacrifice beyond his wonted time; yet nothing would alter the constancy of the Lad. Had Darius cast his eyes upon this wonder, he would have known that Souldiers of such a race were not to be overcome, while in their tender age he beheld them endu'd with such a strength.

There is that vehement and constant Discipline of the Minde, I mean Philosophy excelling in Learning, ruler of the venerable Mysteries of Doctrine, which being receiv'd into the breast of men, they presently lay aside all dishonest and unworthy affections, and being armed with the true weapons of Vertue, ad∣vance themselves above all fear and thought of pain.

2. I will begin from Zeno of Eleas; who being a most wise observer of the nature of things, and most sedulous to kindle Courage and Vigour in the minds of Youth, purchased Credit to his Prcepts by Exam∣ples of his own Vertue: For departing his Country, where he might have lived secure in Librty, he went to Agrigentum, then groaning under a most miserable servitude, confiding in his Conversation and Manners, that he was in good hopes to work the Tyrant, though a Phalaris, out of the ferity of his rude nature. After some time obsrving that the Custome of Dominion was more prevalent than wholsome Counsels, he stirr'd

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up and inflam'd the minds of the most noble Youth with a desire of recovering their Liberty. Which be∣ing reveal'd to the Tyrant, he call'd the People into the Market-place, and in their presence began to pu∣nish Zeno with most exquisite torments; oftentimes asking him who were his Confederates in the Con∣spiracy. Zeno would name none of them, but only those that were the Tyrants chiefest Friends and Rela∣tions; and then upbraiding the Agrigentines with their sloath and ear, rais'd such a suddain commotion in their minds, that they fell upon the Tyrant and stoned him to death. It was not the suppliant Voice, the miserable Cries of an Old-man upon the Rack, but his strong and serious exhortation, that changed the Courage and Fortune of the whole City.

3. A Philosopher of the same Name, being put up∣on the Rack by Nearchus the Tyrant, whose Death he had conspi'd, did not only appear a Conquerour of his pain and punishment in concealing his Confede∣rates, but shewed himself more covetous of revenge; and thereore telling the Tyrant that he had something to declare, which it was fit that no body else should hear, he was tereupon loosen'd from the Rack, and pretending to whisper in the Tyrants ear, when he saw his time, caught his Ear in his Teeth, nor would let go, till with the loss of his Life, the other had lost a member of his body.

4. Anaxarchus imitating the same Patience, and being put upon the Rack by Nicocreon, Tyrant of Cy∣prus, when he could by no means be restrain'd from casting the most bitter tauns and reproaches imagi∣nable against the Tyrant, who at length threatned to cut out his Tongue; This part of my body neiher, quoth he, effeminate Youngman, shall be in thy power: and presently biting it off with his teeth, when he had

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sufficiently chew'd it, he spit it into the Tyrants mouth gaping for anger. That tongue wonderfully astonish'd the ears of many, especially of Alexander the King, having before so wisely and eloquently de∣scribed the condition of the Earth, the scituation of the Sea, the Motion of the Stars, and lastly the Na∣ture of the whole World. Yet he fell more gloriously than he liv'd, seeing such a couragious conclusion approv'd the illustriousness of his profession, and beau∣tified with such a noble end. And Anaxarchus did not only not forsake living, but render'd his Death more famous.

5. In vain did Hieronymus the Tyrant weary the hands of the Executioners with the Tortures of Theo∣dous a most eminent person. For the Tyrant was forced to break his Whips, loosen the Strings, take him from the Rack, and quench the burnig Plates, ere he could make him confess his Consederates. At length, by accusing one of the Tyrants Guard, upon whose shoulders as upon hinges the whole weight of the Government hung, he sav'd one of his most faith∣ful Friends. And by the benefit of his Patience not only conceal'd the Secrets of the Conspiracy, but oc∣casioned his own revenge. For Hieronyms, while he covetously tears his Enemies flesh, rashly lost his Friend.

6. Among the Indians the Exercise of Patience is re∣ported to be so obstinately observ'd, that there be some that go naked all their days, hardening their Bodies in the xtreme cold of Caucasus, sometimes walking tho∣row fire without any complaint. And by this con∣tempt of pain, they gain no small honour, receiving from thence the title of Wisdom.

7. Such things as these arise from minds high and fraught with knowledg: but this is no less to be ad∣mired in a Slave.

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A Barbarian Slave grieving for the loss of his Ma∣ster, presently setting upon Asdrubal, slew him. And when being apprehended he was tormented all manner of ways, yet he constantly retain'd in his mouth the joy which he had in his revenge. Vertue therefore not excited by the trouble of attaining, suffers her self to be always possess'd by vigorous Ingenuities; nor affords a taste of her self large or thristy according to the difference of the persons, but being exposd equally to all, esteems more what it brings of desire than worth: And therefore leaves thee to examine the weight thereof, by the consideration of the benefits receiv'd by her, that thou mayst carry away with thee as much, as thy Courage is able to bear.

CHAP. IV. Of those who being meanly born, have advan∣ced to great Honours.
Among the ROMANS.
  • 1. Tullus Hostilius.
  • 2. Tarquinius Priscus.
  • 3. Servius Tullius.
  • 4. Terentius Varro.
  • 5. M. Perperna.
  • 6. M. Porcius Cato.
  • 1. Socrates the Athenian.
  • 2. Euripides and Demo∣sthenes.

HEnce it many times falls out, that Men born of mean Parentage arrive to the highest pitches of Honour and Preferment; and on the contrary, that Men of most Noble Extraction, falling into some dis∣grace, change that light which they received from their Ancestors into darkness. Which will appear more

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apparent by their Examples. I shall begin with those whose change from low to high degree, affords a kind of plasing Majesty.

1. A poor Country Cottage entertain'd the Infan∣cy of Tullus Hostilius. His Youth was employ'd in keeping shep, his riper years govern'd the Roman Em∣pire, and doubly augmented it; his old age embelli∣shed with most excellent Ornaments, shin'd in the highest Pinacle of Majesty.

2. But Tullus though he were great, and admirable in his growing great, yet was he but a private Exam∣ple. But Tarquinius Priscus was by Fortune brought to our City to possess the Roman Septe: A Forrainer, because born at Corinth; to be scorn'd, as being begot by Demaratus a Merchant; and one to be ashamed of, because his Father was an Exile: But by the prospe∣rous event of his Condition he became industrious, in∣stead of ignominious, glorious instead of being envi'd. For he extended the bounds of the Empire, and re∣form'd the Worship of the Gods with new Sacrifices: He increased the number of Senators, and amplified the Order of Knighthood. And what was the per∣fection of his praises, his most eminent Vertues were such, that the City had no cause to repent that she had rather brrowed a King from her Neighbours, than chosen one of her own.

3. But in Servius Tullius Fortune shewed her greatest power, by giving us a King born a stranger to this Ci∣ty; who happened to sway the Scepter many years, to appoint a Lustrum four times, and to triumph thrice. Briefly, whence he came, and how far he proceeded, the Inscription of his Statue sufficiently witnsses, being ntrigu'd with a servile Sirname, and a Royal Title.

4. By a strange rise Varro ascended to the Consul∣ship, from his Fathers Butchers stall: Yet Fortune thought it not enough to bestow the twelve Fasces up∣on

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one brought up by the gains of the most sordid Ware, unless she had given him Emilius Paulus to be his Colleague: And she so insinuated her self into his favour, that when by his rashness he had ruined the Power of Rome, at the Bttel of Cannae▪ yet she suf∣fered Emilius to be slain, but brought Varro safe to Rome: Nay, she brought forth the Senate to meet him without the Gates, and giving him thanks that he would be pleased to return; and so advanced him, that the Dictatorship was allotted to the Author of their greatest Calamity.

5. Nor was Marcus Perpern a small disgrace to the Consulship, as being made Consul before he was a Citizen; but in War more profitable to the Common∣wealth than Varro the General: For he took King Aristonicus, and revenged the slaughter of Crassus and his Army. Yet was his death, whose life had triumph'd, condemned by the Papian Law: for they compelled his Father, not being able to claim the priviledges of a Roman Citizen, and prosecuted therefore by Sabellius, to return to his Original Station. Thus was the name of Perperna clouded, his counterfeit Consulship a kind of Government like a Mist, a fading Triumph, and his Off-spring a Sojourner in a strange City.

6. But the beginnings of Porcius Cato were search∣ed for out by publick Vote: Who render'd his name most famous at Rome, which was scarcely known in Tusculum. The lasting Monuments of the Latin Tongue were by him adorn'd, Military Discipline re∣form'd, the Majesty of the Senate increased, his Fami∣ly establish'd, to which the last Cato was no small ho∣nour.


1. But to joyn Forraign Examples to the Romans;

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Socrates not onely by common consent of all persons, but by the Oracle of Apollo, judg'd to be the wisest a∣mong men, was born of Phanarete a Midwife, and Sophroniscus a Stone-cutter; yet he came to be one of the most resplendent Lights of Glory, and not unde∣servedly. For when the Wits of most learned men were busied in blinde Disputations, and endeavoured to set down the prove the measures of the Sun, Moon, and the rest of the Stars, rather by multiplicity of words, than certain Arguments, (for they under∣took to tell the compass of the whole World) he di∣verted men from these unlearned and unnecessary que∣stions, and taught them to dive into the nature of Man, and the secret Affctions that lay hidden in his breast: So that if Vertue be esteem'd for its self, much more such a Master as teacheth the best Rules of life.

2. What Mother Euripides had, or what Father Domesthenes had, was unknown to the Age they lived in: Yet the most certain opinion of the Learned is, That the Mother of the one sold Pot-herbs, and the Fa∣ther of the other dealt in Knives. However, what can be more famous than the Tragedies of the one, and the Orations of the other?

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CHAP. V. Of those who have degenerated, being born of Noble Ancestors.
  • 1. The Son of Scipio Afri∣canus.
  • 2. Q. Fabius, the Son of him, sirnamed Allobro∣gicus.
  • 3. The Son of Clodius and Fulvia.
  • 4. Marcus Hortensius Cor∣bio.

HEre follows the second part of a double promise, to be made good by relating the blemishes in the Coats of Illustrious men: Because we are not to re∣late the stories of those that have degenerated from the glory of their Ancestors.

1. For what could be more like a Monster than the Son of the Elder Scipio Africanus? who receiving his beginning from so Illustrious a Family, could endure to suffer himself to be taken by a small party of King Antiochus; when it had been better for him to have died a voluntary death, than between two the most fa∣mous Sirnames, the one obtained by the destruction of Africk, and the other got by the Conquest of Asia, to suffer his hands to be bound by the Enemy, and to be beholding to his mercy for a pitiful life, over whom Scipio was to obtain, in a small time, a Triumph, most glorious in the sight of Gods and men. Coming to claim the Pretorship, he appeared in the field with such a spotted and bedaub'd white Gown, that had it not been for the courtesie of Cicereus, who was his Father's Secretary, he would not have obtain'd the honour.

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Though it had been no great matter whether he had a Repulse or a Pretorship so obtain'd; for when the stan∣ders by saw what a soul Gament he had on, they were the occasion that he neithr durst place his Chair, not hear Causes. Moreover, they took a Ring off his fin∣ger, upon which the head of Alexander was engrav'd: Good Gods! from what Thunder die ye suffer so much Darkness to proceed?

2. Again, Q. Fabius Maximus the Son of Q. Fabius Maximus, sirnamed Allobrogicus, what a luxurious and dissolute life did he lead? whose other Vices to oblite∣rate, yet might his Manners be seen by one act of dis∣grace, that Q. Pompey, the City-Pretor, would not let him meddle with his Father's goods. Neither was there any person in so great a City, that would speak against the Decree: For men grived to see that that money which was to maintain the splendour of the Fabian Family, should be spent in Riot and Excess. Thus he whom his Father's indulgence left his Heir, the publick severity dis-inherited.

3. Clodius the fair was in great favour with the peo∣ple; yet his Wife Fulvia wearing a Dagger, shew'd that he suffered his warlike Spirit to be subject to the commands of a Woman. Their Son called also by the name of Clodius the Fair, beside that he had led a slothful and effeminate life in his Youth, was also in∣famous for his egregious dotage upon the most com∣mon Whores, and died a most sameful death: For his belly being eaten up, he surrender'd his life to the greedy appetite of his own soul inemperance.

4. Hortensius Corbio also the Nephew of Quintus Hortensius, who in the greatest plenty of ingenious and illustrious Citizens, attain'd the highest degree of Elo∣quence and Authority, led a life more obscure and for∣did, than all the Strumpets put together. At length his Tongue was as common at the pleasure and lust of

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every one in the Bawdy-houses, as his Fathers Ora∣tory was diligently employ'd for the good of his Fel∣low-Citizens.

CHAP. VI. Of Illustrious men, that delighted more than ordinary in rich Apparel, and sumptuous adorning themselves.
  • 1. Scipio the Greater.
  • 2. Asiatic Scipio.
  • 3. Cornelius Sylla.
  • 4. C. Duilius.
  • 5. C. Papirius Maso.
  • 6. C. Marius.
  • 7. M. Cato of Utica.

I Am not ignorant what a dangerous Journey I have undertaken: Therefore I will recall my self, lest while I continue to pursue the remaining Shipwracks and Miscarriages of the same nature, I should intrigue my self in useless Relations: I will therefore retreat, and suffer those deformed shadows to lie hid in the deep Abyss of their own shame; thinking it more to the purpose to declare what illustrious Personages have given themselves an unusual liberty in their Habits and Dresses, the Authors of new Customs.

1. P. Sciio being in Sicly, there intent upon the reinforcing and transporting his Army into Africa, as he that minded nothing more than the ruine of Car∣thage, was at the same time accustomed to the Gymna∣sium, and wore a Pallium, or long Mantle, and those finer sort of shoes called Crepidae. Yet did he handle the Carthaginians never a whit the more softly for that: For his Divertisement made him more eager,

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seeing that strong and active Wits, the more they use Retirement, the more vehement they are in Command. Thereby perhaps he also thought to win the favour of the young Gentry, while he followed their Customes of Habit and Diet. For to those Exercises he applied himself, when he had much and long tired himself, and had constrained his other Limbs to prove their Strength by Military Labours, wearied with the one, recreated with the other.

2. We likewise behold the Statue of Lucius Scipio with a Chlamys or a short Cloak about his Shoulders, and embroidered Slippers. In which Habit, as he was wont to wear it alive, they cloahed his Essi∣gies.

3. Lucius Cornelius Sylla also, when he was Empe∣rour, thought it no disgrace to walk the streets of Na∣ples mantled in a Short Cloak, and Embroidered Shoes upon his Feet.

4. C. Duilius also, that first triumphed by Sea over the Carthaginians, when he had been feasting, was wont to return home with Wax-Torches and Min∣strels going before him, causing his noble Success in War to be spread abroad by his Nocturnal Revel∣ling.

5. Papirius Maso also, not being able to obtain a Triumph, though he had signally deserved of the Common-wealth, began a new way of Triumphing in the Alban Mountain, and set a president for others afterwards to follow. For when he was present at any Shew, he used a Myrtle instead of a Larel Crown,

6. Unusual also was the act of Caius Marius, who having Triumphed over Iugurth, the Cimbrians, and Teutons, was alwaies used to drink out of a Cantbarus, or Kan. Because that Bacchus returning in triumph out of Asia, was said to use that sort of Cup; that while

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he drank, he might seem to compare his Victories with those of the God.

7. Marcus Cato also, being Praetor, pleaded the Con∣demnations of Scaurus, and the rest of the Criminals, without his Tunic, only in his Purple Gown.

CHAP. VII. Of Self-Confidence.
Among the Romans, in
  • 1. Scipio the Greater.
  • 2. Scipio Aemilianus Coss.
  • 3. Scipio Nasica Coss.
  • 4. Livius Salinator Coss.
  • 5. P. Furius Philus Coss.
  • 6. Licinius Crassus Procos.
  • 7. Cato the Greater.
  • 8. Aemilius Scurus.
  • 9. M. Antonius the Orator.
  • 10. The Roman Senate.
  • 11. Accius the Poet.
  • 1. Euripides the Poet.
  • 2. Antigenidas the Musi∣cian.
  • 3. Zeuxes the Painter.
  • 4. Phidias the Graver.
  • 5. Epaminondas of Thebes
  • 6. Hannibal the Carthagi∣nian.
  • 7. Cotys King of Thrace.
  • 8. Androclidas, Leonidas, Agis, Spartans.

THese, and other Examples like these, are marks of a Vertue assuming something to it self, by a new custome of Liberty. But by those that follow, it shall appear how confident Vertue is of her self.

1. P. and Cn. Scipio being with the greatest part of the Army very much distrest by the Carthaginians, all the people of that Province taking put with the Ene∣my, no other of our Captains daring to adventure thi∣ther; Publius Scipio, being then but in the Twenty

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Fourth year of his Age, proffe'd himself. Which confidence of his afforded both safety and victory to the Romans. And the same confidence he had at home, he us'd in Spain. For when he was besieging the City of Badia, he caus'd all those that came to his Tribunal, in matters of Law, to put in Sureties to appear at a certain House which was within the Walls of the Town the next day; and immediately taking the City, at the same time and place that he had ap∣pointed, he caus'd his Chair to be plac'd, and there sate in Judgment. Nothing more Heroic than such a Confidence, nothing more true than such a Prediction, nothing more efficacious than such a Celerity, nothing more worthy than such an Authority. Not less cou∣rageous, nor less prosperous was his Passage into Africa: into which he transported his Army, contrary to the command of the Senate. In which thing, had he not trusted more to his own opinion, than the counsel of the Conscript Fathers, there would have been no end of the Second Punic War. Equal to this was that Confidence of his, that when after he was landed in Africa, he had taken several of the Scouts of Hanni∣bal's Army, he neither put them to death, nor in pri∣son, nor enquir'd any thing into the state and condition of the Enemy; but caus'd them to be led through all the Companies of his Army: And then, after he had ask'd them whether they had taken a sufficient view of what they were commanded to take no••••ce of, cau∣sing provision to be given to them and their horses, he freely dismiss'd um in safety. With which Confidence of mind he dampt the Courage of the Enemy, before he had vanquish'd their Arms. But to come to the private acts of his sublime confidence; When he was call'd to an accompt for Fourty Thousand Sesterces of the Money of Antiochia, he took the Book wherein his Expences were wrote down, and by which he

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might have clear'd himself from the Accusation of his enemies, and tore it publickly; disdaining that any doubt should be made of what he had acted, as being the chief Commander: Pleading for himself in this wise; I am not to give an accompt to your Treasury, most Noble Senators, having commanded a forreign King∣dom, which by my Government and Conduct, I have made more plentiful than twice an Hundred Thousand Sesterces. Neither do I think ye are come to that height of malice, as to doubt of my Innocency. For when I had subdued Afric wholly under your Iurisdiction, I brought nothing thence that I could call mine own, but a Sirname. They have not therefore rendered me covetous of the Punic, nor my Brother of the Asiatic Treasure, seeing we are bot more wealthy in Envy, than in Money. Which stout defence of Scipio the whole Senate approved.

Like this was another act of his. When finding that the urgnt occasions of the Common-wealth re∣quired Money to be taken out of the Publique Trea∣sury, and that the Questors were shie of opening it, because it seem'd to be something against the Law; being a private person he demanded the Keys, and compell'd the Law to yield to Necessity. Which confidence grew from the assurance which he had, that all the Laws were by that means secur'd. I will not be tired with the relation of his Actions of this na∣ture, seeing that he himself was never wearied in the exercise thereof. P. Nevius Tribune of the People, or as some relate, the two Petellii, had prefix'd him a day to appear before the People; who appearing in great multitudes in the Forum, he ascended the Pulpit for Orations, and putting a Triumphal Crown upon his Head; This day, said he, most Noble Romans, did I compel Carthage, hoping great things, to submit to your Laws: And therefore I hold it just that you go with me to the Capitol, to give thanks to the Gods. Which

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most splendid Speech of his had as noble a success. For immediately the whole Senate, the whole Order of Knights, and all the People follow'd him to the Tem∣ple of Iupiter. The Tribune remained alone to plead to the people without the people, being deserted in the Forum with great contempt of his Calumny. At lengh, to avoid the shame, he went also to the Ca∣pitol himself; and of an Accuser, became a great ad∣mirer of Scipio.

2. Scipio Aemilianus, the famous Hir of his Fa∣thers Courage and Magnnimity, being at the Siege of a strong City▪ and perswadd by some that he should place round about the Walls thereof shap Iron Spikes, and stop all the open Passages with Planks covered with Lead, and stuck with Spikes, to hinder the Sallies of the Enemy; made answer, that it was not for him to fear those that he sought to take.

3. To what ever side of Memorable Examples I turn me, I am forced, nolens volens, to remain in the Family of the Scipio's. For how can we in this place pass over Scipio Nasica, illustrious for his magnani∣mous Mind and Saying? There being a likelihood of great Scarcity, Curatius Tribune of the People compelled the Consuls, in a publick Assembly, to pro∣pose in Court the buying of Corn, and sending Em∣bassadours to that end and purpose. For the hinder∣ing of which design, being of little profit, Nasica be∣gan to make opposition; upon which a great clamour arising among the People: Romans, said he, be quiet, for I understand much better than you do, what the ne∣cessities of the Commonwealth require. Which words o his they no sooner heard, but with a silence full of veneration, they made it appear, how much a greater respct they had to his Authority, than to their own want of Nourishment.

4. The stout mind also of Livius Salinator is to

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be delivered to Eternal Memory; who, when he had defeated Asdrubal, and the Army of the Carthaginians in Vmbria, and that it was told him that the Gauls and Ligurians were without order, and without their Officers, scattered from their Colours, easie to be overthrown with a small party; he made answer, That those were to be spared, lest the Enemy should want Messengers of their great defeat at home.

5. This was a warlike presence of minde, that which we relate, though in a person of the Gown, not less praiseworthy; which Furius Philus shewed in the Senate: For he compelled Quintus Metelus, and Quintus Pompeius, men of Consular degree, being his professed Enemies, and upbraiding him because he did not go into Spain, which province he had chosen, that he should send Lieutenants thither, upon his departure frm Rome to march along with him; a confidence not onely couragious, but almost rash, that durst admit so neer him two of his most Capital Ad∣versaries; and trust the management of Affairs in the breast of Enemies, which was hardly to be intrusted with his friends.

6. The act of this person, if it be not displeasing, certainly the purpose of L. Crassu, who was the most Eloquent among his Ancestors, cannot admit of re∣proof: who having obtained the Province of Galli in his Consul••••ip, in which Province Carbo had con∣demn'd his Father, when he came to have an inspecti∣on into Carbo's actions, he not onely not remov'd him from his Dignity, but assign'd him a place in the Tri∣bunal, and ordered nothing without his presence in Council: So that sharp and vehement Carbo got no∣thing by his Gallick Expedition, but onely that he thereby understood that a guilty Father had been ba∣nished by a just and honest man.

7. The Elder Cato being often called to plead for

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himself, yet never convicted of any Crime, at length reposed so much confidence in his Innocency, that be∣ing publickly questioned, he made Gracchus his Judge, to whom he bare a singular hatred▪ by which excel∣lency of his Courage he abated the envy of his Prose∣cutors.

8. The same was the fortune of M. Scaurus, the same length of years, the same courage of minde: Who being accused before the Pulpits for Orations, that he had taken money of Mithridates to betray the Commonwealth, pleaded his Cause in this manner: It is unjust, O Romans, said he, that I who have lived among one sort of people, should come to give an account of my actions among another; yet I will dare to ask ye all, the greatest part of whom could not possibly be present at the Deeds which I have done, and the Honours which I have attain'd. Varius Suetonensis says that M. Scau∣rus brib'd by the King, has betray'd the Commonwealth: Whom of the two do you believe? The people mov'd with admiration of his Saying, with their loud Cries forced Varius to desist from his violent and mad prose∣cution.

9. Contrariwise did M. Antonius, the Eloquent man: For he, not by refusing, but by embracing his own defence, testified how innocent he was. Going Questor into Asia, he was on his Journey as far as Brun∣dusium; where being informed by Letters that he was accused of Incest before the Pretor Cassius, whose Tri∣bunal, because of his severity, was called the Rock of the Guilty, though he might have shun'd it by the benefit of the Memmian Law, which forbids the Names of them to be taken who are absent upon the Affairs of the Publick, yet he return'd to the City; by which advice of a good Confidence, he not onely obtained a quick absolution, but a honester departure.

10. These that follow, are also splended Examples

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of noble Confidence. For in that War which was undertaken against Pyrrhus, when the Carthaginians had sent a Navy of an Hundred and Thirty Ships to Ostia, to the assistance of the Romans, the Senate were pleased to send Messengers with Instructions to tell their Captain, that they did not use to enter into Wars which they were not able to carry on without the help of Strangers; and that therefore he might re∣turn with his Navy to Carthage. The same Senate some few years after, when the Roman power was almost broken by the Overthrow at Cannae, sent a Re∣cruit of Forces to the Army in Spain; whereby they shew'd, that although Hannibal was with his Army at the Capene Gate, how little they valued his ap∣proach. Thus to carry themselves in Adversity, what was it else, but to compel Fortune, overcome with shame, to return to their side?

11. It is a great leap to descend from the Senate to the Poet Accius. But that we may pass from him more decently to forreign Examples, let us produce him. He, when Iulius Caesar a great and powerful man came into the Colledge of Poets, would not so much as rise: not that he was forgetful of his Gran∣deur, but that he believed himself superiour in com∣parison of their Studies. And therefore not guilty of the Crime of Insolence, seeing the contest was about Volumes, not Statues.


1. Nor was Euripides to be accompted insolent at Athens, who, when the People requir'd him to strike out such a Sentence out of a certain Tragedy, appear∣ing upon the Stage, told um, That he composed Fables to teach them, not by them to be taught. That Confi∣dence is certainly to be praised, which weighing the

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esteem of a mans self, arrogates so much to its self, as to keep contempt and insolency at a distance.

And therefore his answer to Alcestides The Tragick Poet; who complaining to him, that he could not make above three Verses the last three days, and that with a great deal of labour too, when the other boa∣sted that he could write an Hundred; The reason is, said Euripides, because thine are only to last three days, and mine are to last to eternity. For the fluent wri∣ting of the one, perish'd within the first bounds of Memory; but the elaborate and constant Stile of the other will be carried through all Ages upon the wings of time.

2. I will adde an Example upon the same Stage. Antigenidas the Musician, cried out to a Scholar of his rare in his Art, but not approved by the People, Sing to me and the Muses. For perfect Art, though it want the flattery of Fortune, doth not therefore want a just confidence in its self.

3. But Zeuxis having painted Helen, thought it not fit to expect what men would say of his Work, but presently added these Verses out of Homer, Iliad. 3.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
I cannot blame the man that for her strives, Like an Immortal God she is —

So that the Painter did not arrogate so much to his Art, to think he had drawn so much Beauty, as Leda might assume through her Celestial Birth, or Homer express by his divine Wit.

4. Phidias also alluded to the Verses of Homer in a

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notable Saying. For having finish'd the Statue of Iupiter Olympic, than which never humane hand did make a more famous Piece, being ask'd by his Friend, whither he directed his mind when he form'd the Face of Iupiter of Ivory, as if he had seem'd to fetch it from Heaven; reply'd that he made use of these following Verses; Iliad. 1.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
— With his black brows he to her nodded, Wherewith displayed were his Locks Divine, Olymyus shook at stirring of his Godhead.

5. But now the most renowned Captains suffer me no longer to insist upon mean Examples. For Epa∣minondas, when his Citizens in anger commanded him in contempt to take care of paving the Streets in the Town (which was one of the lowest Offices among them) without any hesitation took it upon him, pro∣mising in a short time to make the City most beautiful. By his wonderful Industry making the most vile Office to be coveted for a great honour.

6. But Hannibal remaining i Exile with King Pru∣sias, and being the occasion of his giving Battle, though the other told him that the Entrails portended no good Success, made this reply; Hadst thou rather, said he, believe a little Calves flesh, than an old General? A brief and concise Answer, considering the number of the Words; considering the sence, a copious reply, and of great authority. For he that had wrung out of the hands of the Romans both Spains, and having reduc'd the force of Gallia and Liguria under his subjection, had open'd a new Passage through the Alps, laying at the Kings feet the dire memory of the Thrasymene

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Lake, the famous monument of the Punic Victory at Cannae, Capua taken, and all Italy rent and torn, could not endure that his glory, witnessed by long experi∣ment, should be put in competition with the Liver of one Sacrifice. And certainly, as to what concern'd the exploring of Military Sacrifices, and making con∣jectures of Warlike Conducts, the breast of Hannibal was far above all the little fires, all the Altars of Bi∣thynia, in the judgment of Mars, himself.

7. That saying also of King Cotys, was the mark of a most generous Spirit, who so soon as he understood that the Athenians had given him a City, made answer, that he would give them the Law of his Nation. Thereby equalling Thrace to Athens, lest by account∣ing himself unable to require such a benefit, he should have been esteem'd to have thought too meanly of his Original.

8. Nobly was it said also of both the Spartans, one of whom being reproved that he went to battle being lame, reply'd, That it was his intention to fight, and not to run. The other being told that the Sun us'd to be obscur'd with the Darts of the Persians; A very good story, quoth he, for we shall fight the better in the shade. Another Person, of the sam City and Courage, made answer to his Host, shewing him the high and broad Walls of his City; If ye made um for your Wo∣men, said he, ye did well; if for your Men, 'twas igno∣miniously done.

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CHAP. VIII. Of Constancy.
  • 1. Q. Fulvius Flaccus.
  • 2. Q. Fabius Maximus.
  • 3. Q. Calpurnius Piso.
  • 4. Metellus Numidia.
  • 5. Seaevola the Elder.
  • 6. Sempronia Sister of the Gracchi.
  • 7. Pontius the Centurion.
  • 8. Mevius the Centurian.
  • 1. Blassius the Salapian.
  • 2. Phocion the Athenian.
  • 3. Socrates the Athenian.
  • 4. Ephialtes the Athenian.
  • 5. Dion of Syracuse.
  • 6. Alexander the Great.

THere remains the labour of Constancy, as it were due to him that has demonstrated an open and couragious breast endued with good Confidence: For Nature has provided that whoever believes himself to have comprehended any thing orderly and rightly in his minde, should stifly defend it, and put it into act against opposition; or if not done, should bring it to effect without delay maugre all resistance.

1. But while I seek for an Example of what I pro∣pound, looking about me at a distance, before all the rest, the Constancy of Fulvius Flaccus offers it self. He at that time held Capua, which through the falla∣cious promises of Hannibal, had resolv'd by their vile Revolt to put the Kingdom of Italy into the Conque∣rours hands. Having therefore made a true value of the Enemies Crime, he purposed with himself wholly to extirpate the Senate of Capua, who were the Au∣thors of that wicked Decree. To this intent he sent them all to Theana, and Calena, laden with Chains,

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into two several Prisons, resolving to execute his pur∣pose, when he had done some other things which re∣quired a more necessary speed. In the mean time a Rumour being spread of more favourable Proceedings being intended toward them, left they should escape their deserved punishment, he took horse in the night-time, posts to Theana, where he put to death all that were in custody there; thence hasting to Calena, he finish'd the work of his severe Resolution: For though while yet the Campanians were bound to the stake, he had received Letters in favour of them, he notwith∣standing kept the Letters as he reeived them in his left hand, commanding the Lictor to do his duty; nor would he open them, till he knew it was too late to obey them. By which Constancy of his he sur∣mounted the glory of a Victory: For if we make his Estimate by dividing the praise between himself, we shall finde him greater in Capua punish'd, than in Ca∣pua taken.

2. This was a Constancy is Severity; that which follows, a most admirable Constancy in piety, which Fabius Maximus render'd indefatigable for the good of his Country. He told out the Money to Hannibal for the Captives; being publickly defrauded of it, he said nothing. The Senate had made Minutius Master of the Horse, equal to him in Authory, he held his tongue. And although provoked with many other injuries, he persisted in the same habit of minde; nor would ever give his passion liberty to be angry with the Com∣monwealth, so stedfast was the love he bare to his Ci∣tizens. In his managing the War, was not his Con∣stancy the same? The Roman Empire broken at the overthrow at Cannae, seem'd scarce able to provide a∣nother Army; and therefore believing it to be better to delay and weary the force of the Carthaginians, than to come to Handy-blows with all his power,

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though provoked with the frequent taunts of Hanni∣bal, though he had many times a fair opportunity of well succeeding offer'd, yet he would never recede from his own wholesome deliberations, not so much as to the hazard of a Skirmish; and which is most dif∣ficult, he every where appear'd to be Superiour both to Anger and Hope. And therefore as Scipio by figh∣ting, so he by not fighting reliev'd his Country: For the one ruin'd Carthage by his Celerity, the other by his delay took care that Rome should not be destroy∣ed.

3. By the following Narration it will also appear, that Gaius Piso being Consul at a time of much turbu∣lency and combustion in the Commonwealth, did be∣have himself with a wonderful Constancy. The fury of the people being highly moved by the delusions of M. Palicanus, a seditious person, endeavour'd to com∣mit a most foul, act at the great Assembly for choosing Consuls, intending to have given into his hands a most large Power, whose vile actions requir'd rather the utmost severity of punishment, than any the least mark of Honour. Nor was the furious flame of the Tribunes Authority wanting to incense the amazed Multitude. In this miserable and shameful condition of the City, Piso being plac'd before the Pulpit for Orations, though not by the hands of the Tribunes, and all flocking about him; and demanding of him whether he would declare Palicanus Consul, now chosen by the Suffrages of the People, answered; First, that he did not believe the Commonwealth had been overwhelm'd with so much darkness, as to act a thing so unworthy. And when the People still press'd him to declare the Election, crying out If it were unwor∣thily done, let it be so, he replied, I will make no de∣claration. With which short Answer he bare away the Consulship from Palicanus, before he had obtain'd

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it. Thus Piso contemn'd many terrible hazards, dis∣dainining to renounce the well-grounded rigour of his mind.

4. Metllus sirnam'd Numidian, for a perseverance of the same nature, endured a storm much unworthy his Majesty and generous Manners. For when he perceived what Saturninus in his designes of mischief aim'd at, and what ruin they would bring to the Commonwealth, if not timely prevented, he rather chose Banishment, than to submit to his Laws. Could there be any person thought more constant than this man? Who rather than he would act contrary to his judgment, suffer'd the want o his own Countrey, where he had attain'd to the highest degrees to Digni∣ty.

5. However, though I prefer no one before him, yet may I not undeservedly compare with him Scaevola the Soothsayer. Sylla having now quite deeated his Op∣posers, and got the upper hand of his Enemies, and got possession of the City, armed as he was, compell'd the Senate to accomplish his most eager desire, that Marius might be by them declar'd an open Enemy. Whose Will when no one durst withstand, Scaeola alone being requir'd, refus'd to give his opinion in the Case. And when Sylla began with a frowning look to threaten him; Though, said he, thou shouldst shew me the bands of Souldiers with which thou hast surrounded the Senate, though thou threaten death never so often, thou shalt never make me yield, in hopes to keep warm my little and aged blood, to declare Marius an Enemy, by whom this City and all Italy has been preserv'd.

6. What has a Woman to do with publick Ora∣tions? If the Custome of our Countrey be observed, Nothing. But where Domestick Peace and Quiet is toss'd upon the waves of Sediton, the Authority of Antient Custome gives way. And that which Vio∣lence

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compels, more avails, than that which Modesty perswades and directs. And therefore, O Semproni, Sister of Titus and Caius Graccbus, Wife of Scipio Ae∣milianus, I will not comprehend thee in a Narrative envious of thy worth, as absurdly inserting thee a∣mong the most weighty Examples of Vertue: but be∣••••use that being brought to answer before the People, by a Tribune of the Vulgar, thou hast not degenerated from the greatness of thy Ancestors in s vast a con∣fusion, I will eternize thy Memory. Tho wert for∣ced to stand in that place, where the greatest Perso∣nages of the City were wont to be affronted. The highest in Authority powr'd out their Threats against thee with a severe and cruel Brow, backt with the Cris of the rude Multitude. The whole Forum eagerly endeavour'd that thou shouldst acknowledge with a Kiss Equiius, whom they unjustly labour to impose upon the Sempronian Stock, as the Son of Ti∣brius thy Brother: yet didst thou thrust him from thee, a Monster brought out of I know not what pro∣undity of darkness, approaching with an execrable boldness, to usurp a relation of Consanguinity, where he had nothing of Alliance.

7. The great Luminaries of our City will not take it amiss, if in the number of their flaming Lights the virtue of the C••••turions also make bold to shew it self▪ For as humble Degree ought to reverence Great∣ness, so antient Nobility ought rather to cherish than despise those who are but newly advanc'd, by acts of Vertue. Wherefore then ought Pontius to be driven out of the Company of these Examples, who being upon an Out-guard in Caesar's Army, and surprized by a Party of Scipio's, when there was but one way left for him to save himself, if he would serve under Pom∣pey his Son in-law, fearless made this answer: Scipio,

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I thank thee for thy kindness, but I have no occasion for my Life upon any such condition.

8. C. Mevius a Centurion of divine Augustus, a person of mean Extraction, yet of a heroic Minde, and observing the same Constancy of Resolution, having signaliz'd himself by many Personal acts of Valour in the War with Mark Antonie; being at length taken by an Ambuscado of the Enemy, and brought before Antonie to Alexandria, and being demanded what pu∣nishmment he deserv'd: Command me, said he, to be killed, for neither the benefit of Pardon, nor present Death shall compel me to cease to be a Souldier of Caesars, nor now to begin to take thy part. But the more constantly he contemn'd his Life, the more easily he obtain'd it. For Antonie immediately set him at Liberty for his Vertue.


1. Many other Roman Examples remain of this nature; but I must avoid tediousness, and therefore suffer my Pen to slip to Forraign presidents. In the first front whereof let Blassius appear, than whose Constancy there was nothing more stedfast. He de∣signing to restore Salapia, where he was born, to the Roman Empire, being then garrison'd by the Cartha∣ginians; to this purpose, with more desire to com∣pass his Plot, than hope of obtaining his end, he bold∣ly adventures to draw in Dafius, one that most fiercely disagreed with him in the administration of Affairs, being wholly devoted to Hannibal, but one without whose assistance he could not bring his designe about. This man presently reports to Hannibal all that had pass'd between him and Blassius, adding of his own what he thought would increase his own commenda∣tion, and render his enemy more odious. Hannibal

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calls them both before him; the one to justifie, the other to defend what he stood accused of. Now it falling out of so that the matter was brought before the Tribunal, while other matters of more moment were in dispatch, Blassius with a fair face and low voice earnestly admonish'd Dasius, to favour and assist the Romans: whereupon Dasius crying out, that he was impudently sollicited in the very presence of the Cap∣tain by the Prisoner; which because it seem'd incre∣dible, and was heard only by one, and spoken by an enemy, the truth was not believ'd. But not long after the wonderful Constancy of Blassius drew Dasius to his pary, by which means he delivered up Salapia to Marcelus, with Five Hundred Numidians that were there in Garrison.

2. Phocion the Athenian, when the Athenians had had prosperous success in the management of an affair contrary to his advice, yet so obstinately defended his own opinion, that he told them in his Speech, that though he rejoyced in their Success, yet his Councel was much the better, if they had followed it. For he did not condemn what he saw well done, seeing it had succeeded, what they undertook by ill advice; ac∣compting the one fortunate, the other wisely advis'd. Fortune makes rashness to be approv'd when it pro∣spers by bad counsl, which as it causes more vehe∣ment mischief, so the good it brings is the more un∣expcted. The manners of Phocion, pleasing, liberal and endued with all sweetness, were the cause that he was by the consent of all men adorn'd with the Sirname of Good. And therefore Constancy, which by nature seems more rigid, flow'd more gently out of his mild Breast.

3. But the mind of Socrates, clad with the strength of Viility, produced a more rugged Example of firm Resolution. The whole City of Athens, being car∣ried

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away with a most wicked and barbarous errour, had pronounced a most sad sentence against the ten Praetors, that had overthrown the Navy of the Lace∣demonians at Aeginusae. It hapned that Socrates was then in so great Authority, as at whose discretion the People made their publick Edicts; who thinking it an unworthy thing, that so many and so well deserving persons should unworthily be taken off by the violence of Envy, oppos'd his own Constancy to the Rashness of the Multitude: Nor could he be compell'd by the Clamours and violent Threats of the People, to give his consent to their publick madness. Which being thus by his opposition hindred from raging in a lawful manner, resolved unjustly to embrue their hands in the innocent blood of the Praetors. Yet was not So∣crates afraid of the Eleventh Fury of his enraged Country, like enough then to have taken his Life also.

4. The next Exmple, though not of the same splendour, yet is it to be accompted as a certain expe∣riment of Constancy, as well in regard of the Efficacy as the Fidelity of the person. Ephialtes at Athens was commanded to accuse several persons, and among the rest to set down the name of Demostratus, whose Son was Democrates, a Youth of excelling Beauty, and by him ardently belov'd. The Accuser therefore, cruel by reason of his Office, but considering his pri∣vate affection miserable and guilty, when the Boy came to entreat for mitigation of his Fathers punish∣ment, prostrating himsel at h•••• Lovers feet, Ephialtes could not endure to behold him; but which his head cover'd, weeping and lamenting, suffer'd him to pour forth his Prayers in vain. Yet nevertheless he con∣demn'd Demostratus, whom he had with a sincere fide∣lity accused; having got the Victory, I cannot say whether with greater praise or torment, because that before he inflicted punishment upon the Guilty, he vanquish'd himself.

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5. Him Dion of Syracuse exceeds, though by an example of a various nature. Who being advis'd by certain persons to be more wary of Heraclides and Calippus, in whom he had plac'd a great confidence, as now plotting designes against him, made answer, that he had rather loose his Life, than out of fear of a violent Death, make no distinction between his Friends and his Enemies.

6. The which follows is not only admirable for the thing it self, but also illustrious, when we consider the Author. Alexander King of the Macedonians, having in a very great Battle broken the Forces of Da∣rius, being almost scalded with the heat of the Weather and his Travail, threw himself into Cydnus, a River running by Tarsus, eminent for the excellency of the water. Upon a suddain, with drinking over-much, his Nerves being stupified with cold, and his Arteries benumm'd, he was carried in tha condition to a Town adjoining to the Camp, to the great conster∣nation of the whole Army. While he lay ill at Tarsus, in the extremity of his Sickness, the hopes of present Victory boyl'd in his Breast. And therefore calling his Physicians, he sought for all Remedies to restore his health; who all pitching upon one Potion, which was to be made and given him by the hands of Philip his Friend and Companion, he received Letters at the same time from Parmenio, advising him to beware of the treachery of Philip, whom Darius had certainly corrupted. Nevertheless, after he had read the Let∣ters he drank off the Potion, and then gave the Letters to Philip to read. For which constant opinion of the Reality of his Friend, he received a most worthy Re∣ward from the Immortal Gods, who would not per∣mit the Remedy of his Health to be disappointed by any surmised Suspition of Treachery in the delivery of it.

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CHAP. 1. Of Moderation.
Among the ROMANS.
  • 1. P. Valerius Poblicola Coss.
  • 2. Furius Camillus Exile.
  • 3. Marcius Rutilius.
  • 4. L. Quinctius Cincin∣natus Cos.
  • 5. Q. Fabius Maximus Rullianus.
  • 6. The Elder Africanus.
  • 7. Claudius Marcellus.
  • 8. Sempronius Gracchus Cos.
  • 9. Claudius Nero Consul.
  • 10. P. Scipio Aemilianus Cos.
  • 11. Q. Mucius Scaevola.
  • 12. Metellus Macedonian.
  • 13. Metellus Numidian.
  • 14. Cato of Utica.
  • 15. Calpurnius Bibulus Proc.
  • 1. Architas Tarentine.
  • 2. Plato Athenian.
  • 3. Dion of Syracuse.
  • 4. Thrasybulus the Athe∣nian.
  • 5. Stasippus of Tagea.
  • 6. Pittacus Mitylene.
  • 7. Seven wise men.
  • 8. Theopompus King of Lacedaemon.
  • 9. Antiochus King of Sy∣ria.

I Shall pass to the most wholesome part of Instructi∣on, Moderation of Mind, which will not suffer our Minds to be diverted from the right way by the As∣salts of Rashness. Whence it falls out to be not only without reprehension, but most wealthy in the trea∣sures

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of praise; and therefore let us shew the effects thereof in men of Fame.

1. And that I may begin from the Cradle of Ho∣nour, P. Valerius, who for the honour he bore the Ma∣jesty of the people, was called Poblicola▪ who after Kingship was driven out of Rome, seeing the whole stress of their power, the Ensignes of their Authority translated to himself under the Title of Consul, he reduced the envious height of Magistracy to a Habit easily to be endured. He made the Fasces give way to the Axes, in all publick Assemblies laying them down at the feet of the people: he brought the number of the Fasces to be less by one half, and of his own accord took Lucretius to be his Colleague in Authority; before whom, because he was the Elder, he caused the Fasces to be carried first. He also enacted a Law in the As∣semblies of the Hundreds, That no Magistrate should strike or kill a Roman Citizen; so that the freer the Condition of the City was, the more he by little and little extenuated his own Authority. He also pulled down his own house, because that being seated in a higher part of the City, it seemed to have the resem∣blance of a Castle. Thus lower in his house, did he not appear higher in his glory?

2. I can no sooner forsake Poblicola, but I am pleas'd in coming to Furius Camillus: Whose Translation and change from great Ignominies to highest Command, was so moderate, that when his Fellow-Citizens, after that Rome was taken by the Gauls, required his assi∣stance, being then an Exile in Ardea, he had no soo∣ner began his Journey to Veii, there to take charge of the Army, but that he understood all things were con∣firmed in most solemn manner in relation to his being made Dictator. Magnificent was the Veientine Tri∣umph of Camillus, famous was his Victory over the Gauls, but much more admirable that his Pause: for it

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was a harder labour for him to overcome himself than the Enemy; neither avoiding adversity with too much haste, nor meeting adversity with too much joy.

3. Equal to Furius in Moderation, was Marcius Ru∣tilius Censorinus: For being a second time created Cen∣sor, he called the people together to an Assembly, and in a Speech most sharply reprehended them, that they had twice conferred that Office upon him; seeing that their Ancestors thought rather fit to abridge and con∣fine the time of holding the same, as being too great for one man. Both did well, boh Censorinus and the people: for the one instructed them to bestow their high Honour with Moderation, the other intrusted themselves in the hands of a moderate person.

4. Go to! L. Quinctius Cincinnaus, what a Consul was he? whose honour when the Conscript Fathers would have continued not onely for his egregious acts, but because the people intended to continue the same Tribunes again the next year, neither of which could be legally done; he hindered the endeavours of both, not onely restraining the endeavours of the Senate, but constraining the Tribunes to follow the Example of his own Modesty.

5. But Fabius Maximus having observ'd that him∣self had been Consul five times, and oftner by his Fa∣ther, Grandfather, and Great-Grandfather, at the As∣sembly of the People, where his Son was created Con∣sul, pleaded very hard with the people, That they would permit a vacation of Honour to the Family of the Fabii: Not that he did mistrust the Vertues of his Son, for he was a person of great Honour, but that the su∣pream Honour of the Commonwealth should not re∣main in one Family. What more powerful than this Moderation, that could so overcome his Fatherly af∣fections, which are generally so strong in Parents?

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6. There was no Gratitude wanting among our Ancestors to give the rewards due to the Elder African; seeing that they have endeavoured to adorn his greatest Enterprizes with equal Honours. Willing they were to place his Statue in the great Halls of Justice, and Publick Assemblies, over the Rostra in the Court; and in the Temple of Iupiter himself, they were willing to adorn his Statue with Triumphal Habits, and lay it upon the Cushions or Beds of the Gods in the Capitol. They would have given him the Consulship as long as he lived, or a perpetual Dictatorship. But he not en∣during any Act of the People, nor Edict of the Senate to pass in his behalf, carried himself with more Ho∣nour in refusing those Honours, than he had got in obtaining them.

With the same strength of mind he defended the Cause of Hannibal in the Senate, when his own Citi∣zens by their Ambassadors accused him of raising Sedi∣tion among um. Adding, that it did not become the Conscript Fathers to meddle in the affairs of the Car∣thaginians; with a most high moderation consulting the safety of the one, and the dignity of the other; which amounted to a Victory, while both seemed to act the parts of an Enemy.

7. But Marcus Marcellus, who was the first that taught that the Carthaginians could be vanquished, and Syracuse taken, when in the time of his Consul∣ship the Syracusans came into the City to complain against him, he would not permit the Senate to hear the Cause, because his Colleague was by chance absent, lest the Sicilians should grow fearful or remiss in their Accusation: But assoon as his Partner retur∣ned, he himself was the first that put the Senate in mind of calling in the Syracusans; and patiently heard them while they made their Complaints. And though they were commanded by Levinus to depart, yet he

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caused them to stay, that they might be present at his defence. Afterwards when both parties had been heard, he followed them going out of the Court, that the Senate might be the more free in passing their Sen∣tence. And when their Accusations were rejected, he courteously embraced hem, suppliantly entreating him to receive them into his protection. Moreover, having drawn Sicily by Lot, he yielded that Province to his Colleague. And indeed so often may the Prai∣ses of Marcellus be varied, as he made use of various degrees of Moderation toward his Associates.

8. How admirable did Tiberius Gracchus render himself! For being Tribune of the People, though he bare a profess'd hatred to the Scipio's both African and Asiatic; yet when the Asiatic Scipio not being able to pay the Money wherein he was condemn'd, was therefore by the Consul commanded to be carried to Prison, upon his appeal to the Colledge of Tribunes, when no man would intercede for him, he dissenting and departing from the Colledge, made a Decree: And when every one thought that in the writing there∣of he would have us'd the words and expressions of an angry enemy; In the first place he swore that he was not friends with Scipio, and then recited this Decree of his own framing: That whereas Cornelius Scipio had cast into Prison the Captains of the Enemy, led before his Chariot on the day of his Triumph; it was unworthy and unbecoming the Majesty of the Roman Peo∣ple, that he should be led thither himself. And there∣fore he would not suffer it to be done. Then willingly the Roman People saw how Gracchus had deceived them in their opinion, and extoll'd his Moderation with deserved Praise.

9. Claudius Nero, is also to be number'd among the choice Examples of principal Moderation. He was partner in glory with Livius Salinator in the defeat

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of Asdrubal. Yet he chose rather to follow him tri∣umphing on Horseback, than to accept of that honour of Triumph, which the Senate had equally decreed to him; because the action was perform'd in Salinator's Province. Wherefore he triumph'd without a Cha∣riot, so much the more renownedly, because only the Victory of the one, but the Moderation of the other was thereby commended.

10. Nor does the Younger Africanus suffer us to pass him by in silence: Who being Censor, when he mu∣ster'd the Army, and in the Sacrifice then wont to be made, the Scribe was also singing a solemn Hymn of Praise set down in the Books, the Gods were suppli∣cated to prosper and advance the affairs of the Roman People: They are, said he, in a condition good and great enough, and therefore I desire the Gods to preserve them safe as they are. And therefore ordered the Song to be mended accordingly in the publick Records. Which Modesty the Censors when they muster'd ever after us'd in their Prayers. Prudently believing, that then the increase of the Roman Empire was to be fought, when they fought for Triumphs but Seven Miles from the City. But when they now possessed the greatest part of the World, that it was a piece of over-Covetousness to desire more. Being happy if they lost nothing of what they had already won.

Nor did his Moderation appear less in his Censor∣ship before the Tribunal. For when he was mustering the Centuries of the Horsmen, when he saw Licinius the Priest appear according to his Summons; I know, said he, that he hath perjur'd hims••••f in a set form of fram'd words for the nonce. And therefore if any one would accuse him, he would be a witness: But when no man appear'd, Deliver thy Horse, said he, Priest, and buy the Censor's mark lest I be forced to act the part of an Accuser, Witness and Iudge against thee.

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11. Which temper of minde is also taken notice of in Q. Scaevola, a most excellent Personage: For being produced as a witness against a Criminal, when he had answered that which seemed to make much against the party, he added at his going away, that they ought not to give him onely Credit, unless many others did aver the same thing; for that to believe the testimo∣ny of one, seem'd to be of a very evil Example: Whereby he produced that Faith which was due to his Sincrity, and at the same time gave wholsome advice for the Common good.

12. I am sensible what Citizens, what Deeds and Sayings of theirs I am forced to comprehend in a nar∣row compass of Oration; but when many and great things are to be spoken concerning the renown of great men, there is no relation comprehending infinite persons and transactions that can perform both. And therefore our purpose is not to praise, but to record them all; and therefore the two Metelli, the Macedo∣nian and Numidian, two the greatest Ornaments of their Country, desire leave to be briefly remember'd. The Macedonian Metellus had most eagerly contended with the African Scipio; and this Contention arising out of an Emulation of each others Vertue, grew to most grievous and terrible hatred of each other: but when he heard it reported that Scipio was slain, he ran into the publick street with a sad Countenance and confused Out-cry, crying out, Arm▪ arm, Citizens arm, the Walls of our City are defaced and ruined: For Sci∣pio was violently slain at home in his own house. Oh unhappy Comonwealth in the death of Africanus, but happy in the generous and kinde Lamentation of Macedonicus▪ For at the same time he made known how brave a Prince she had lost, and how brave a one she enjoy'd. He ordered his Sons also to be the Sup∣porters of his Bier, adding this voice of Honour to his

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Funeral, That it would never be their fortune to perform that Office to a greater man. Where were now those many Quarrels in the Court? those many dissentions before the Pulpits for Orations? where the Gown-co∣tests of so great Leaders and Commonwealths-men? All these this most Venerable Moderation utterly can∣cell'd.

13. But the Numidian Metellus driven from his Country by Popular Faction, retir'd into Asia; where when he received Letters as he was at Tralles beholding certain sports, reporting that with the universal con∣sent of Senate and People, his return to his own Coun∣try was freely granted him, he would not stir out of the Thatre till the Play was ended: Not shewing a∣ny change of gladness to those that sate next him of any side, but confin'd his great joy within himself, car∣rying the Countenance in his Exilement, as at his Re∣storation. So indifferently did he behave himself be∣tween Adversity and Prosperity, by the advantage of his Moderation.

14. So many Families being numbered up famous for one kind of Vertue, is it fit that we leave out the Portian Name, as wanting their share in this part of Glory? The younger Cato will not so permit it, not a little trusting to no small Exemplar of his own Mo∣deration. He had brought the Cyprian Money with great diligence and sincerity into the City; for which Office the Senate ordained, that at the next Praetorian Assemblies Extraordinary consideration should be ta∣ken: but he would not suffer it to be done, affirming it to be unjust, that what was never decreed to any o∣ther, should be decreed to him. And lest any new Custome should arise from his person, he rather chose the hazards of the field, than to accept the kindness of the Senate.

15. While I am endeavouring from hence to pass to

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Forraign Examples, Marcus Bibulus, a person of great Dignity, and sacred for his high Honours, lays hands upon me; who when he lay in Syria, receiving News that two of his Sons, of admirable hopes, were both slain by the Souldiers of Gabinius, the Murtherers of whom were afterwards sent him bound by Cleopatra, to take the revenge of so great a Calamity at his own pleasure. He, notwithstanding so great an advantage was offered him, that a person so provoked could not desire a greater, yet caused his Grief to give way to his Moderation, sending immediately back to Cleopatra the Butchers of his own flesh and blood; telling her withal, That the power of Revenge did not belong to him, but to the Senate.


1. Architas the Tarentine, while he almost drowns himself at Metaponius in the Precepts of Pythagoras, after long labour and study, having freighted himself with the whole Body of Learning, returned into his own Country; where when he came to look after his Estate, he found, through the negligence of his Bayliff, his Farms very much decay'd and spoil'd: Whereupon beholding his ill-deserving Servant, I had most certain∣ly, said he, punish'd thee according to thy desert, but that I am angry with thee. And therefore he had rather let him go unpunish'd, than in his anger punish him more than was just.

2. The Moderation of Architas was over-liberal, that of Plato more temperate. For being over-vehemently provok'd by a Servant that had committed a great Crime, fearing he should himself exceed the measure of his chastisement, committed the correction to his Friend Speusippus; deeming it an unhandsome thing if he had done amiss, that the fault of his Servant, and

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the correction of Plato should deserve the same repre∣hension: which makes me no less wonder that he was so constantly moderate toward Zenocrates his Scholar. Plato was informed that he had spoken ill of him ma∣ny times. He without hesitation slighted the accusa∣tion. The Informer very seriously asked him, Why he did not believe him? who replied, That it was not credible that he whom he loved so well should not love him as well again. At length when the envie of the Make-bate confirm'd his story with Oaths, he affirm'd, That he did not believe him perjur'd; however, if Ze∣nocrates did say such things of him, he would not have said them, but that he thought it convenient to speak so. One would have thought his Soul had not kept her Station in a Mortal Body, but in a Celestial-Tower, and as it were armed, that could so invincibly keep off the Incursions of Humane Vices, keeping the whole number of Vertues in the close Fortress of the breast.

3. Dion of Syracuse could not deserve equal Com∣mendation with Plato for Learning, but of his Mode∣ration he gave a larger Experiment. He being expel∣led his Country by Dionysius the Tyrant, went to Me∣gara; where coming to give the King of that City a Visit, but not finding admittance after a long and te∣dious waiting, said he to his friend, This is patiently to be endured, for perhaps when we were in Authority ee our selves did something like this. By which tranquilli∣ty of Minde he made his own Exile more pleasing to himself.

4. Thrasibulus is next to be recorded: who when the people of Athens were forced to leave their Coun∣try through the Cruelty of the Thirty Tyrants, and to live miserably dispersed, and wandering without any home, brought them back to their own Country. Howver, he made the victorious Restoration of their Liberty more renowned by his most applauded Mode∣ration:

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For he made a Law, That no mention should b made of things past. This Act if Oblivion which the Athnians call Amnestia, restored the shaken and decaying State of the City to its former condition of Honour.

5. Not lss admirable is this that follows. Stasip∣pus o Tegea, when his friends advisd him by any means to kill or remove a person that was his Rival in the Admini••••ration of the Commonwealth, though o∣thrwise a very just and upright person, denied to do any such act, earing ta the plce in Government, which a good man now enjoyed, should be possssed by one of a pervese and vil disposition, coming in his room.

6. The brast of Pittacus was well endued with Modration, who being bcome an absolute Tyrant over his Country, when Alcaeus the Poet not onely pro∣secuted him with an inveterate hatrd, but with the strength of his sharp Wit, onely gave him to under∣stand what was in his power to do.

7. The mention which I have made of this man, brings to our consideration the Moderation of the se∣ven Wise men. A certain p••••son had bougt a Draught of certain Fishermen in the Country of Milsium; who bringing up a goden Tab•••• of Delphos, o a very ex∣ceeding great weight, a vry great Dspute arose; these affirming he sale onely of Fish, the person affirming he bought the Draught in general. By reason of the novlty of the Accident, and the value of the Trea∣sure, the business was referred to the judgment of all the City: they thought it convenient to consult the Oracle to whom the Table belonged: the God an∣swered, that it was to be given to him that excelled in Wisdom, in these words:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Who first in Wisdom all excells, to him the Tripos give.

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Thereupon the Milesians by consent gave the Table to Thales: he yielded it to Byas, Byas to Pittacus, and so from one to another, a length it came to Solon, who gave the attribute of chiefest Wisdom, as also the re∣ward, to Apollo himself.

8. And to witness the Moderation of Theopompus, King of the Lacedaemonians; who being the first Au∣thor of the creation of the Ephori, which were to be a Curb to the Kingly power in Lacedaemon, as the Tri∣bunes were a Curb to the Consular Authority in Rome; and for that cause reprehnded by his wife, that he had done that which would lessen the grandeur of his Children: I shall leave it less, said he, but more lasting. Rightly said; for that power is most lasting that gves limits to it self. Therefore Theopompus by binding a Kingdom in legal Fetters, the more he withdrew it from Licentious power, the more he fixed it in the good will of his Subjects.

9. But Antiochus being driven by L. Scipio to the utmost limits of the Kingdom, beyond the Muntain Taurus, having lost Asia and all the adjacent Kingdoms, thought hmself bound, without dssimulation, to re∣turn thanks to the Romans, that being freed from great Cares, they had con••••n'd him to govern a moderate Territory. And indeed there is nothing so Illustrious or Magnificent, which may not be tempered by Mode∣ration.

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CHAP. II. Of Reconciliation.
  • 1. M. Aemilius Lepidus and M. Fulvius Flaccus Censors.
  • 2. M. Livius Salinator and C. Claudius Nero Coss.
  • 3. The Elder Africanus and T. Sempronius Gracchus.
  • 4. M. Tullius Cicero and A. Gabinius.
  • 5. P. Clodius Pulcher, and T. Cornelius Lentulus.
  • 6. L. Caninius Gallus and C. Antonius.
  • 7. M. Caelius Rufus and Q. Pompey.

WHich being demonstrated by many and most renowned presidents, let us pass to a most rare Affection of the Mind, or the course of Hatred to Friendship, and let us pursue it in a pleasant Style. For if the boisterous Sea prove calm, and the stormy Sky appear with a serene aspect, and War making a change for Peace, be no small cause of comfort▪ the asswagement of the bitterness of Hatred is to be ce∣lebrated with a candid Narration.

1. Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, twice Consul, and high Priest, equal in the Splendor of his Honours to the Gravity of his Life, bare an inveterate and continued Hatred to Fulvius Flaccus, a person of the same digni∣ty; which assoon as they were both declared Censors together, he laid aside in the Field. Believing it un∣reasonable for those to be at private difference, who were coupled together in Supreme publick Authority.

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That judgment of his mind the present Age hath ap∣proved, and the old Writers of Annals have recorded to us as a thing most worthy of applause.

2. Now would they let the illustrious advice of Li∣vius Salinator for the ending of Quatrels be unknown to Posterity. For though he went into Exile with a burning hatred against Claudius Nero, anger'd at the testimony which he gave against him; yet when the People has recall'd him, and made him Farmer with Nero in the Consulship, he commanded himself to for∣get his own disposition, which was most fiery, and the heavy injury which he had received. Lest by de∣nying to take the Consortshp of Government, through the inward disaffection of his mind, he should have acted the part of an evil Consul, by shewing his hatred to his Enemy. Which inclination of his mind to a better disposition, in an unsafe and difficult conjuncture of affairs, wrought no small advantage to the City and all Italy; while they supported with an equal strength of vertue, were the first that broke the force and turn'd the fortune of the Carthaginians.

3. A fair Example also we finde in the Elder Afri∣can and T. Gracchus of Enmity laid aside. For at the sacred Rites of that Table, to which they came with a boyling Hatred each to other, from the same Table they departed entire Friends. For Scipio, at the me∣diation of the Senate, not contented to enter into Friendship with Gracchus in the Capitol, at the Feast of Iupiter; he there also espoused his Daughter Cor∣nelia to him.

4. This gentile humour appear'd chiefly in M. Ci∣cero: For he most vehemently defended A. Gabinius accus'd of Bribery, who had expell'd him out of the City in his Consulship. And the same person pre∣serv'd P. Vatinius from two publick Judgements, though were alwaies an enemy to his Dignity: As

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without any imputation of Levity, so with some Praise. For with better pretence Injuries are over∣come by Benefits, than retaliated with obstinate Ani∣mosity.

5. Which act of Cicero's seem'd so laudable, that P. Pulcher, his utter Enemy, did not disdain to follow it. Who being accus'd of Incest by the three Lentuli, re∣ceived one of them into his protection, at the same time accused for corrupting the People, to obtain an Office: and gave his mind wholy (beholding the Judge, the Praetor, and the Temple of Vesta) to act all Friendship for the same Lentulus, though the other at the same time endeavoured to ruine his reputation with a foul crime.

6. Caninius Galus also shew'd himself wonderful in Courtesie both toward the Criminal, and to his Accu∣ser: For to Antonius, whom he had condemn'd, he gave his Daughter; and Colonius, by whom he was accused, he made Overseer of his Estate.

7. As for Caelius Rufus, though his Life were in∣famous, yet the Py that he shewed to Q. Pompeius was to be applauded; who being cast at a publick Trial by himself, when his Mother Cornelis, would not restore the Farms, which he had conveyed to her in trust, at the request of Lentulus in a Letter, he with great servency made a Journey to her: He shewed the Letter, which testifid the Necessity of Pompey; where∣by he overcme the impious Covetousness of Cornelia. A deed, for its most compssionate Humanity, to be applauded even in Caelius himself; and to be imitated, though Rufus were the Author.

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CHAP. III. Of Abstinence and Continence.
ROMAN Examples.
  • 1. Scipio African the Elder.
  • 2. Cato of Uica.
  • 3. Nero Claudius Drusus and Antonia.
  • 4. Cn. Martius Coriola r.
  • 5. Curius Dentatus Cos.
  • 6. C. Fabricius Luscnus os.
  • 7. Q. Aelius Tubero Cos.
  • 8. L. Aemilius Paulus Pro∣cos.
  • 9. The Roman Ambassa∣dours Fabius Gurges, Cn. Fabii Pictores, and Q. Ogulnius.
  • 10. L. Capurnius Piso.
  • 11. Cato the Elder.
  • 12. Cao of Utica.
  • 13. P. Scipio Emlianus.
  • 14. The People of Rome.
  • 1. Pricles the Athenian.
  • 2. Sophocles the Athenian.
  • 3. Xenocrates the Acade∣mic.
  • 4. Diogenes the Cynic.

WIth great care and most deliberate study are we now to relate, how those impetuous desires of Lust and Avarice have by Reason and Councel been remov'd from the breath of great Persons. For that City, that Family, that Kingdom easily remains in a lasting and firm degree of Establishment, where Lust and Avarice challenge the least prerogaive. For where those Plagues of Humane kinde have gotten sooting, there Injury prevails, and Infamy rages. But forgetting those, let us call to minde Costumes contrary to those most pestilent Vices.

1. Scipio in the twenty fourth year of his Age, having taken New Carthage in Spain, and conceiving

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in his mind prosperous hopes of taking the greater Carthage, had regained into his power many Hostages, which the Carthaginians kept close in that Town, and among the rest a Virgin of most surpassing Beauty ma∣ture in years, though he were young, unmarried and a Conquerour, yet understanding that she was of a Noble Family among the Celtiberians, and affianced to Indibilis, one of the Princes of that Countrey, he sent for her Parents and her Spouse, and delivered un∣touch'd to her own Friends, adding to her Dowry the Gold that was brought for her Ransome. Which Continency and Bounty of his so moved Indibilis, that he wrought with the Celtiberians to take part with the Romans, thereby approving himself truly grateful for so great a favour.

2. As Spain was a witness of this mans Abstinence, so did Epirus, Achaia, The Cyclade Islands, the Sea-Coast of Asia, and Cyprus, give testimony to the Con∣tinence of Cato: From whence when he had the charge of sending great sums of Money, he carried himself as free from Wantonness, as from desire of Gain, though he had opportunity enough to have been in∣temperate in both: For the Royal Treasure was all at his charge, and he was forced every where to take up his Lodgings in Cities the most fruitful of all pleasures. And this is testified in writing by Minatius Rufus, his faithful Companion in the Cyprian Expedition. Though I rely not altogether upon his testimony; the subject it self is a sufficint proof, seeing that Cato and Con∣tinence were both born from the same Womb of Na∣ture.

3. Most certain it is that Drusus Germanicus, the glory of the Claudian Family, a rare Ornament of his Countrey, and which is above all the rest, for the greatness of his Actions, considering his Age, near ap∣proaching to the Grandeur of his Imperial Father-in-Law

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and Brother, was eminently known to have con∣fin'd his love of Women within the particular and sin∣gle affection to his own Wife. Antonia also, a wo∣man surpassing in Praise the Masculine Renown of her Family, recompensed the love of her Husband with a Fidelity answerable: And after his decease, in the Flower of his Age and Beauty, espoused her self to the House of her Mother-in-law; so that in the same bed the Vigorous Youth of the one extinguished, the ex∣perienced Widowhood of the other grew aged. And so let this Chamber put an end to these Examples.

4. Let us now spend some time upon Examples of those who never car'd for money. Calus Marcius a young Gentleman of the Porcian Family, descended from the Renowned Progeny of King Ancus; who had their siname from Coriolum a Town of the Volsci by them taken: when for his noble acts of Fortitude, he was praised at the head of the Army by Posthumiu Cominius the Consul, and reward given him of Mili∣tary gifts, besides a hundred Acres of Land, hs choice of ten Captives, as many Horses with their Trapping, a Herd of a hundred Oxen, and a great weight of Silver; yet he refused all, accepting of nothing but the liberty of one Captive that was his Host, and one Horse for service: Through which circumspect Mo∣deration of minde, it is hard to judge whether he me∣rited most in deserving or refusing those Rewards.

5. But M. Curius, a most exact Rule of Roman Frugality, as well as a pefect President of Fortitude, was not asham'd to shew himself sitting upon a Coun∣try-form before the fire at Supper in a Wooden platter. (You may guess at his Dainties.) He contemn'd the Riches of the Samnites, the Samnites admir'd his Po∣verty: For when they brought him a great weight of Gold, sent him by their Country-men for a Present, and kindly desired him to accept of it, he fell into a

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laughter, and presently, quoth he, You that are come hi∣ther upon a needless, if I may not call it idle Embassie, go tell the Samnites, That Curius had rather command rich men than be rich himself; and carry back that pretious gift invented to the evil of mankinde; and remember tht I cn neither be overcome in Battle, nor be corrupted with Money. The same person when he had driven Pyrrhus out of Italy, nevertheless would not touch the least part of all those Royal spoils that did so inrich the City. Moreover, he would not exceed the usual measure of Popular assignment, though the Senate gave to himself Fifty Acres of Land, to the people but Seven Acres; esteeming him no good Citizen, that could not be contented with what was given to o∣thers.

6. Of the same opinion was Fabricius Luscinus, greater than any person of his time in Honour and Authority; in Estate not above the meanest: Who when the Samnites, who were under his protection, sent him a Present of Ten pound of coyned Silver, Five pound weight of Gold, and as many Servants, he sent them back to Samnium; by the advantage of his Continency rich without Money, and attended with∣out a Family; so much did he abound in Honour pur∣chased by the contempt of those things. Nor was the expctation of Fabricius unanswered in the refusal of those Presents: For the Embassadour returning to Pyr∣rhus, and hearing Cyrnas the Thessalian telling the King of a certain Athenian famous for his Wisdom, who was of opinion that men should do nothing but for pleasure's sake, look'd upon it as a monstrous say∣ing, and immediately decri'd that kind of Wisdom, both before Pyrrhus and the Samnites. For though the Athenians did glory in their Learning, yet there was no prudent pro but would rather chuse to fol∣low the self-denial of Fabricius, than the Precepts of

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Epicurus: which the event prov'd true: For that City which indulged so much pleasure, lost a very large Dominion; but an industrious and laborious Country holds its own: And this City could bestow that Li∣berty, which the other valu'd not.

7 One might easily conjecture Elius Tubero, sirna∣med Carius, to have been the Disciple of Curius and Fabricius, to whom, being then Consul, when the Eto∣lians sent a vast present of Silver Plate, not onely of a very great weight, but also most exqisi••••ly wrought; by reason that their Embassadours whom they had formerly sent to congratulate him, upon their return had related how they saw him feeding onely in Ear∣then Dishes: He immediately bid them be gone with their Baggage, admonishing them withal, that they should not think that Continency and Poverty wanted the same supply. How well did he prefer his own Do∣mestick meanness before the Etolian Splendour, if the succeeding Ages would have followed his Example! But now to what a height are we grown, that Servants refuse to make use of that Houshold-stuff, which would serve a Consul before?

8. But after the overthrow of Perseus, Paulus had so glutted the old Hereditary poverty of our City with Wealth, that at that time the Roman people first began to think of laying Taxes; yet no way enriched his own Family, accompting it enough that he by his Vi∣ctories got Honour, while others got the money.

9. To this sound judgment of his, Q. Fabius Gur∣ges, Cn. Fabius Pictores, and Ogulnius, subscri∣bed, who being sent Embassadours to King Ptolomy, sent those Gifts which they had privately receiv'd from the King, into the publick Treasury, before they would give an account of their Embassi to the Senate; judg∣ing that there was nothing due for faithful service to the publick, but the reward of Praise. But now the

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Senate shew'd their gratitude, and the exact discipllne of our Ancestors. For what they had laid up in the Treasury was restor'd to the Embassadours not only by the Decree of the Senate, but by the consent of the People, which was by the Questors with the same willingness paid. Thus the Liberality of Ptolomy, the Abstinence of the Embassadours, the Equity of the Senate and People, had in all an equal share of ap∣plause.

10. That Calpurnius Piso was an Imitator of the Fabii and Ogulnii, the Story makes manifest. The Consul having freed Sicily from the bloody War of the Fugitives, like a Commander rewarded those with Gifts, whose assistance he had made most use of; a∣mong the rest he gave to his Son, who had behaved himself valiantly, a Crown of Three Pound weight of Gold, saying withal, That the chief Magistrate should not take out of the publick Treasure to expend upon his own Family; and that therefore he would leave so much Gold over and above to the Young man in his Will, to pay for it; that though he received his Honour publickly, be should receive the price privately from his Father.

11. Let us see if wee can finde any great person in this age that makes use of Goatskins for his Coverlid, and while he rules all Spain, has but three Servants to attend him; that spent no more than Five Hundred Farthings and somewhat over in his preparation for his Journey; that drank the same Drink, and eat the same Meat which the Mariners fed upon; would not that be wonderful indeed? Yet all this did the Elder Cato patiently endure, confining himself with an ex∣traordinary delight to a pleasing custome of Fruga∣lity.

12. The Younger Cato was born at a great distance from the Continence of the antient times, coming into the world at such a time, when the City abounded in

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Riches and all manner o Voluptuousnes. Yet h having a command in the Civil Wars, and having his Son along with him, nevertheless had but twelve Servants with him; in number more than the former Cato used, but the alteration of the times being con∣sider'd, fewer.

13. I am not a little delighted in repeating the Acts of Illustrious Heroes. Scipio Aemilianus, after he had born two Consulships, and been eminent for two Tri∣umphs of his own Conquests, yet went upon a great Embassie accompanied with no more than Seven At∣tendants. And yet 'tis believed he might have pur∣chas'd more with the Spoils of Carthage and Numan∣tium, but that the praise of his great deeds should ac∣crew to himself, the Spoils to his Countrey. And therefore when he travell'd through the Countries of his Associates and Allies, and other forraign Nations, they were not accompted his Slaves, but his Victories. Nor did men consider how much Gold and Silver, but how much weight of worth he bare about him.

14. This Continence appear'd in the very breasts of the generality of the People, but it shall suffice to relate two Examples of ages far distant one from another. Pyrrhus when he saw the violence of his fury at a stand, & that the hearts of his Epirotes began to fail, designing to purchase the good will of the Roman People, whose Vertue he could not overcome, had transported almost all the wealth of his Treasures into our City. But when his Embassadours went from House to House with great Gifts fit for the use of Men and Women, they could not finde a door open to them. Thus the more stout than prosperous defender of the Tarentine petu∣lancie, was repulsed and defeated as well by the Cu∣stomes as Arms of the City; nor can I determine which was the greatest Victory. In that storm also with which Marius and Cinna infested the Common∣wealth,

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wonderful was the abstinence of the People. For when they lest the people at liberty to ransack the houses of them that were by themselves proscribed, there was no man to be found that would lay hands upon the Prey of civil Discord. For every one ab∣stained from using violence toward them, as from things consecrated to the Gods: Which compassio∣nate abstinence of the common people, was a tacit re∣proach to the Cruelty of the Victors.


1. And lest we should be thought to envy the same applause to strangers, Pericles Prince of the Athenians, having for his Companion in the Pretorship Sophocles the Tragoedian, whom he observ'd at the same time to utter certain Expressions over-lavish in the praise of a beautiful Boy that pass'd by, reprehended him in these words: That a Magistrate ought to keep his eyes from lustful desires, as well as his hands frm unlawful gain.

2. Socrates himself being now stricken in years, and being demandd by one whether he yet mindd his Youthful dalliances, The Gods have taught me better, said he, for I fld from it of my own accord, as from a furius Contagion.

3. Of equal Continency was Xenocrates in his old Age; of whose opinion the following Relation is no small testimony. Phryne, a noble Curtesan of Athens, while he was in drink, laid herself upon the bed by him, having receiv'd a sum of money to try if she could tempt him. But though he neither refused to hear her flattering allurements, nor to let her stroak and handle him, but let her lie daliying in his bosome, yet he at length put her off without prevailing in her designe. An abstemious act of a mind endu'd with wisdom. But the saying of the Curtesan was very facetious: For the

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young men deriding her that she being so handsome and witty, could not win the affction of an old man; and refusing to give her what they had engaged, she made answer, The Bargain was to deal with a Man, and not a Statue. Could this Continence of Xenocrates be more truly demonstrated, more truly or properly by any one than by the expression of the Curtesan her self? For Phryne with all her Beauty could not weaken nor move the most constant Abstinence of the Philo∣sopher.

4. What think ye of King Alexander? could he tempt him with his Riches? You would have thought him a Statue, though equally assail'd as well by the King as by the Curtesan. The King sent Embassadours to him with a Present of some Talents, whom being brought into the Academy, was entertain'd according to his custom, after his mean and poor fashion. The next day the Embassadours asking him if he would have his Money told out, I had thought, said he, by your ye∣sterdays entertainment, that you had understood that my condition does not require Money. Thus while the King was desirous to buy the Frienship of the Philosopher, the Philosopher dnies to sell it him.

5. The same Alexander having obtained the name of Invincible, could not conquer the Continence of Diogenes the Cyni•••• to whom, as he was sitting in the Sun, when he came and bid him tell him wherein he might do him a kindness, as he lay in the shade, of a sordid conversation, but of a stout minde, quoth he, As to the rest of thy prffers, by and by; but in the mean time, do not stand between me and the Sun. Which words carried a deep sense with them: so that Alex∣ander might sooner overcome. Darius with his Arms, than remove Diogenes from his low estate to love wealth. The same person being told by Aristippus at Syracuse, seing him washing Pot-herbs, that if he

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could but flatter Dionysius he need not eat such trash, made this retort, quoth he, If thou couldst eat this mean fare, thou needst not flatter Dionysius.

CHAP. IV. Poverty praised.
  • 1. P. Valerius Poplicola.
  • 2. Agrippa Menenius.
  • 3. C. Fabricius Luscnus and Q. Aemilius Papus.
  • 4. Of Captains called from the Plough to command Armies.
  • 5. C. Attilius Regulus Cos.
  • 6. M. Attilius Regulus.
  • 7. L. Quinctius Cincin∣natus, Dictat.
  • 8. The Elian Family.
  • 9. Elius Tubero, and L. Paulus Emilius.
  • 10. Cn. Cornelius Scipio.
  • 11. M. Emilius Scaurus.

THat Children are the greatest Ornaments to Wo∣men, we finde written by Pomponius Rufus in his Book of Collections, in these words. When a Campanian Lady lying at the House of Cornelia, Mo∣ther of the Gracchi, shewed her her Jewels and other Ornaments, which were the fairest of any in that time, Cornelia held her in discourse till her Children return'd from School. And these, quoth she, when they appeared, are my Ornaments. For he hath all things that covets nothing, and much more certainly than he that possesses all things. For great Estates many times fail, but a good Habit of Minde is above the violence of Fortune. And therefore what matters it, whether we put Riches in the highest part of Feli∣city, or Poverty in the lowest degree of Misery? Especially when the chearful countenance of Wealth is full of many conceal'd Bitternesses; and the more

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rugged and deformed aspect of Poverty many times abounds with many sure and solid Contents.

1. The pride of Tarquin having put an end to King∣ly Government, Valerius Publicola with Iunius Brutus his Colleague auspiciously began the Office of Consul∣sip. The same person having afterwards born three Consulships to the great content of the People, and by many and most renowned Actions having en∣larged the Grandeur of his Nobility: And yet this great Pillar of History died, not leaving a Patrimony sufficient for the expences of his Funeral, which were therefore defray'd at the Publick charge. It imports not to make any farther search into the Poverty of so great a Person, for it is apparent what he possessed when he lived, though being dead he wanted both a Bier and Funeral-Pile.

2. We may well guess how high in Dignity Agrip∣pa Menenius was, whom the Senate and People chose Arbitrator of their differences, and to make peace be∣tween um. For how great ought he to be, who was Umpire of the publick Safety? This man, unless the People had gathered among themselves the sixth part of a Penny to make up the Sum, could not have de∣frayed his meer Funeral-Expences, dying so poor that he wanted for the decency of Burial; and therefore the City divided by pernicious Sedition, were content to be reconcil'd by the Ghosts of Agrippa, who though they were poor, yet they had observed them to be reli∣giously sincere. Who as he had nothing while he lived that could be publikly taxed, yet being deceas'd had the Concord and Unity of the City for his Patri∣mony.

3. I cannot deny but that there was Silver in the Houses of Caius Fabricius and Q. Emilius Papus, the most principal men of their times. But Fabricius seem'd the more prodigal, because he had a Horn-fot

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to his Drinking-cup. But Papus seem'd more head-strong, who having received his Goods as hereditary, would not alienate them for religions sake.

4. They were also certainly very rich who were call'd from the Plough to be made Consuls; for plea∣sures sake they plough'd the sandy and barren Soil of Pupinia, and ignorant of delicacy scatter'd those vast clods with cntinued sweat and labour; so that those whom the dangers of the Common wealth call'd to be Emperours and Generals, their want at home (for why should truth conceal a Sirname?) compell'd to follow the call of Cowherds.

5. They who were sent by the Senate to call Atilius to undertake the Government of the Roman People, found him sowing in his Garden; but those hands, hardned with Countrey-labour, establish'd the safety of the Common-wealth, and defeated mighty Armies of the Enemies; and those hands that lately held the Plough, now hold the reins of the Triumphant Cha∣riot: Nor was he asham'd, when he had laid down his Ebony Staff, to return again to the Plough Tail. Well may Atilius comfort the Poor, but much more instruct the Rich, how little the troublesome care of gathering Riches, advantages the true desire of pur∣chasing solid Honour.

6. Of the same name and blood, Atilius Regulus, the greatest glory and the greatest calamity of the Punic War, when he had ruin'd the wealth of the most in∣solent Carthaginian by the success of many Victories, and understood that his authority was continued for the next year, upon considration of his worthy deeds; he wrote to the Consuls, that his Bayly of his little Farm that he had in the Countrey of Popinia was ded, and that one that he had hired was gone away with his Utensils of Agriculture, and therefore de∣sired that a Succssour might be sent him, left his land

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lying untill'd, his Wife and Children should want Bread. Which when the Consuls had rlated to the Senate, they caus'd his ground to be let, and setled a Livelihood upon his Wife and Children, and ordered those things that he had lost to be redeem'd. Such was the Example of Atilius's vertue to our Treasury, that every Age will boast of among the Romans.

7. Equally large were the Farms of L. Quinctius Cincinn••••us: For he possssed only seven Acres of Land▪ and of these he had lost three, forfeited for a Fine, being bound to the Treasury; and with the rest of this little Land he paid another Forfeiture for his Son Caeso, for not appearing when he was call'd to answer the Law. And yet when he was ploughing only four Acres of this Land, he not only upheld the dignity of his Family, but had the Dictatorship con∣ferr'd upon him. He accompts himself to live splen∣didly now, whose House stands upon as much ground as all Cincinnatus Frm contain'd.

8. What shall I say of the Aelian Family? How ic were they? There were Sixteen of that name, whos little Cottage stood where now the Marian Monu∣ments stand, and a small Farm in the Countrey of th Veii, that needed fewer men to till it than it had Owners▪ and in the Parishes call'd Mximus and Fla∣minia they had the ground where the Theater stood bestowed upon them for their vertue by the Publick.

9. That Family had not one scruple of Silver, be∣fore that Paulus, after he had utterly defeated Perses, gave to Aelius Tubero, his Son-in-Law, five Poun weight of Gold, out of the Spoils that were taken. I omit, that the chief person of the City gave his Daugh∣ter in marriage to one whose amily and Estate was so exceeding low. And he himself died so vry poor, that unless he had sold one Farm which he had left, there had not been sufficient for th Dowry of his

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Wife. The minds of Men and Women were then most noble in the City, and the worth of every Man was then in all things weighed against his Goods and Estate. For every one made it his business to serve his Country, not himself: And they rather chose po∣verty in a rich Empire, than riches in a poor Empire. And to this noble resolution that reward was given, that it was not lawful to buy any of those things which were due to Vertue; and the wants of Illustrious Men were supply'd out of the publick Stock.

10. And therefore, when Cneus Scipio had written out of Spain to the Senate, desiring that a successor might be sent him, for that he had a daughter now fit for marriage, and that no portion could be provided for her, without he were present: The Senate, lest the Commonwealth should loose a good Captain, perform∣ed the office of a Father, and having with the advice of his Wife and Relations agreed upon the Portion, caused it to be paid out of the publick Treasury. The Portion was two thousand pieces of brass mony: whereby not only appears the kindness of the Conscript Fathers, but the usual measure of the ancient Estates may be guessed at. For they were so small, that Tatia the daughter of Cato was said to have brought her Husband an exceeding Portion, when she brought him ten thousand pieces of brass mony. And Megullia, that entred her husbands house with fifty thousand pie∣ces of brass mony, was called for that reason, the Maid with the Portion. And therefore the Senate vindica∣ted the daughters of Fabricius Luscinus, and Scipio, from being portionless, by their own Liberality, seeing their Parents had nothing to give them but their wealthy honours.

11. What inheritance M. Scaurus received from his Father, he himself relates in the first Book that he hath wrote concerning his Life. For, saith he, he had but

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ten Slaves, and the whole value ef his Estate, was but thirty five thousand pieces of mony.

These Examples therefore we ought to regard, and quiet our minds with the Consolation thereof, who are always complaining of the scantiness or our own Fortunes▪ We find no Silver, or a very small quan∣tity, few Servants, seven Acres of barren Land, do∣mestick Indigency, Funeral expences publickly defray'd, Daughters without Portions: But we behold famous Consulships, wonderful Dictatorships, and innumera∣ble Triumphs. Why do we therefore with continual reproaches torment a mean Fortune, as the chief evil of human kind? Who though with not superfluously flowing, yet with faithful breasts, nourished the Pop∣licolae, the Emilii, the Fabricii, the Curii, the Scipio's, the Scauri, and all those other supports of Vertue e∣qual to these. Let us ather pull up our spirits, and comfort our minds, debilitated with the sight of mony, with the memory of former times.

CHAP. I. Of Bashfulness, or Modesty.
  • 1. Of the people of Rome.
  • 2. C. Terentius Varro Cos.
  • 3. C. Cicereius Candidate.
  • 4. L. Licinius Crassus Candidate.
  • 5. Pompey the Great.
  • 6. C. Julius Caesar Dict.
  • 1. Spurina the Hetrurian.
  • 2. The Spartan Embassa∣dors.

FRom whence it seems seasasonable to pass away to Bashfulness; for this instructed the most just

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men to neglect their own private Estates, and to have regard only to the publick. A vertue worthy, that to her should be Temples rear'd and consecrated, as to a Celestial Numen; as being the Parent of all good Counsel, the Guardianess of the most solemn Offices, the Mistress of Innocency; dear to her own, accepta∣ble to Strangers, and in all places, and at all times, carrying a favourable Aspect.

1. But that we may return from the praises to the actions thereof, from the first building of the City, to the time that Africanus and T. Longus were Consuls, the Senate and People sate at the beholding all Specta∣cles and shews promiscuously together: yet not one of the people would venture to take place before any of the Senate. So circumspect was the modesty of our Citizens; a most certain experiment whereof ap∣pear'd on that day, when T. Flaminius being by the Censor removed from the Senate, was contended to stand in the hindermost part of the Theater, though he had been Consul, and was the brother of Flaminius the Vanquisher of Philip King of Macedon. Which the people no sooner beheld, but they compelled him to take that place which his Dignity required.

2. Terentius Varro gave a great wound to the Commonwealth, by his rash giving battle at Cannae. Yet by his refusing to take upon him the Dictatorship, which after that was decreed him by the full consent of the Senate and People; by his bashful modesty, made satisfaction for the fault of a most fatal overthrow: and through his modest behavior, made them impute the publick Calamity, not to him, but to the anger of the Gods.

3. Let us behold a more famous piece of Mode∣sty. Fortune, not without great envy, had brought Cn. Scipio, the son of the elder Africanus, together with Cicereius the Scribe, into the Common Hall for

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Election of Pretors; and very much reprehended he was, that he had abused the Nobility and authority of so great a person, by appearing at such an Assem∣bly. But Cicereius turned his crime to his praise. For when he saw himself preferr'd by all the Centuries be∣fore Scipio, he went out of the Temple, and throw∣ing off his Candidates Garment, came in again and gave his voice for Scipio. Being more willing to yield the Pretorship to the memory of Africanus, than to Challenge it for himself. Nor was the reward of his Modesty small; for though Scipio obtained the Pretor∣ship, yet Cicereius was more applauded.

4. And that we may not presently leave the Com∣mon-Hall, when L. Crassus stood for the Consulship, and was by all perswaded ater the manner of the Can∣didates, to go ound the Forum, and bg the voices of the peple, he could by no prswasions be induced to do it, though Q. Scvola his Fathr in law, a most wise and grave p••••son, wer present with him; whom he therefore desired to depart, as one who proffered his service in vain; more regardful of the modesty of his dignity, than mindful of the respect o his white Robe.

5. Pompey the Great, being overthrown at the Bat∣tle of Pharsalia, when all the people came forth to meet him, as he was entring into the City of Larissa; Go, said He, and perform this office to the Victor. A person not deserving to be overcome, had he not been vanquished by Caesar: most gentle in Calamity; who because he could not use his authority, made use of his modesty.

6. Which as it often appear'd most eminent in Cai∣us Caesar, so most remarkably at his death: For being assail'd with the points of many parracidical weapons, when his divine Soul was separated from his mortal Body, could not be frighted, after he had received a∣bove twenty three wounds, from his obedience to Mo∣desty.

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For he let down the lower part of his Gown with both hands, that he might fall with the lower part of his Body covered. In this manner not men, but the Immortal Gods, recover their own habitati∣ons.


That which follows, I will ascribe to Forraigners, as happening before any City was given to Hetruria. There was in that Country one Spurina, a young man of surpassing beauty; whose lovely aspect, alluring the eyes of the most Illustrious Ladies, and who there∣fore believing himself to be suspected of unchastity by the Husbands and Parents of those women; with ma∣ny wounds gash'd and spoyl'd the beauty of his C••••n∣tenance; choosing rather deformity for the Guardian of his fidelity, than that his beauty should be the In∣citement of others Lust.

2. At Athens, a very aged person coming into the Theater, when there were none that would rise to give him place, he came at length where sate the Embassa∣dors of the Lecedemonians. Who being moved with the age of the person, not only by rising up shew'd their reverence to his aged years, but also gave him leave to sit in the most honourable place among them. Which when the people beheld, with great applause they approved the modesty of a Forraign City: And it is reported that one of the Embassadors should say, That the Athenians knew what was well done, but ne∣glected to do it themselves.

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CHAP. VI. Of Conjugal Love.
Among the ROMANS.
  • 1. T. Gracchus the Elder.
  • 2. C. Plautius Numidian.
  • 3. M. Plautius.
  • 4. Julia the Daughter of Caesar.
  • 5. Porcia the Daughter of M. Cato.
  • 1. Artemisia wife of M••••∣solus.
  • 2. Hipsicratea. Daughter of Mithridates.
  • 3. Lacaena. Of the Family of the Minye.

FRom a gentle and mild Affection, I will proceed to another as equally honest, yet somewhat more fervent, and of a more vehement Nature; and offer not without greatest Veneration, as it were certain Images of Lawful love, to the Contemplation of the Reader, effectually relating the actions of established and firm fidelity between married people, difficult to imitate, but profitable to be known; seeing that when a man knows the most excellent Examples, it will be a shame to him to follow the meanest.

1. Titus Gracchus having caught two snakes in his own house, a Male and Female; and being told by the Soothsayer, that if he let go the Male, it por∣tended the death of his Wife; if he let go the Female, his own suddain decease; following that part of the prediction that portended his own, rather than the death of his Wife, he caused the Female Snake to be ••••t go; and was so hardy as to behold his own de∣struction in the death of the Snake kill'd before his

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face. And therefore I cannot determine whether Cornelia were more happy that she had such a Husband, or more miserable in his loss. O Admetus, cruel king of Thessalia, and by a great Judg condemned of an unpardonable crime! who wrt so content to change thy own life for the death of thy Wife, and couldst en∣joy the comfort of this light, after she had voluntarily submitted to dye, only to prolong thy days: having a heart inferior to a womans, before thou hadst tryed the indulgence of thy parents.

2. A meaner Victime to Misfortune than T. Gracchus, though of the Senatorian order, was C. Plaucius the Numidian, yet as to affection of the same nature, equal to him in affection. For hearing news of the death of his Wife, impatient of grief, he stab'd him∣self with his Sword; but by the timely coming in of hs Servants being hindred from executing his purpose, and the wound being dressed and bound up, he no sooner found his oportunity, but cutting his Swathes, and taring open the wound again, he would not endure his soul opprest with grief to remain in his Bowels: Testifying by the violence of his death, what a Conjugal flame he had shut up in his brest.

3. As of the same name, so endued with the same love, was M. Plautius. Who being commandd to return with the Confederate Navy into Asia, and put∣ting into Brundusium, whither his Wife Orestella coming to visit him, fell sick and dyed: after she was laid upon the Funeral pile, betwixt the last duties of anointing and kissing her, he fell upon his naked Sword: whom his friends, as he was in his Military Coat, and Booted, laid by his Wife. Whose Monu∣ment is yet to be seen at Tarentum, with this Inscrip∣tion, THE LOVERS TOMB. And it is not to be question'd but that if there were any sence left in departed Souls, that they enter'd Elysium joyful of each others company.

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4. The same Affection is noted in Iulia, the daugh∣ter of C. Caesar. Who when she saw the Garment of her Husband Pompey the Great brought home sprin∣kled with Blood from the Common-Hall where the Aedils were chosen, swounded away, and with the suddainess of the fright miscarried; and presently expired, to the great detriment of the whole world: Whose tranquility had not been disturb'd with so se∣vere a fury of so many Civil Wars, if the Amity of Caesar and Pompey had remained lin'd with the Bonds of common Affinity.

5. All Ages will also with due admiration reve∣rence thy most chast fires, O Porcia, Daughter of Mar∣cus Cato, who understanding that her Husband Brutus was overthrown and slain at the Battle of Philippi, not having a weapon ready, didst swallow burning Coals. thy feminine Soul imitating the masculine Death of thy Countries welfare.


1. There are some Forraign Amours just and ho∣nest, not shadow'd nor obscur'd with the vail of Igno∣rance, of which it will be sufficient to touch upon a few. How much. Artemisia Queen of Caria bewailed the Death of her Husband Mausolus, might seem a light thing, to the most exquisite honours of all sorts which she did him, and the Magnificence of that Mo∣nument, which became one of the Seven Wonders of the World. For why shouldst thou labour to recount all those Honours, or insist upon the Glory of that Monument, when she her self would not be satisfied without being the living and breathing Sepulchre of Mausolus, by the testimony of those who repot that she drank up his Ashes mixt in a certain drink?

2. Hipsicratea also the Queen so entirely loved Mi∣thridates

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her Husband, that she let go all the reins of Affection. For whose love she apparell'd her beauty in Mans Apparel; and accustom'd her self to man∣like Exercises, cutting her Hair, and betaking her self to her Horse and Arms, that she might the more easily partake of his labours and dangers; and not only so, but after he was overcome by Pompey, follow∣ing him with an indefatigable Body and Minde in his flight through many rough and barbarous Nations. Whose faithful society was a great comfort and as∣swagement of the Misfortunes and Calamities of distressed Mithridates: For with his Court and Family he seem'd to wander, but with hs Wife only to live in Exile.

3. But why should I rummage Asia, why the immense Solitudes of Barbarous Countries, why the lurking Holes of the Pontic Sea? When Lacedemon, the most splendid glory of Greece, lays before our eyes a prin∣cipal Exemplar of Conjugal Fidelity, to be compared for the wonder of the action with the most and grea∣test Miracles of that City.

4. The Minyans setled in the Island of Lemnos, and drawing their Original from the antient Companions of Iason, through success of time expell'd by the Pe∣lasgi, wanting the wealth of others, seated themselves in the high Taygetan Mountains: whom at length the Spartans entertained, as descended from the Tyndaridae, which noble pair of Brothers had displayed their splen∣dour in that renowned Ship translated to the Stars; and thus mingled among them, they enjoyed the same Laws and Priviledges. But this good turn they tur∣ned to the injury of the well deserving City, affecting the Kingdome, and therefore committed to the pu∣blick Prison, they were reserv'd for publick punish∣ment. Which when they were to suffer, according to the Custome of the Lacedaemonian in the Night∣time,

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their Wives, of noble Race, desiring leave of the Keepers to take leave of their dying Husbands, entred the Prison, and changing their Habits, gave their Husbands liberty, having covered their Faces under pretenc of sorrow, to depart. Now what shall I adde more in this place, but that the were Wives worthy for the Minyans to marry?

CHAP. VII. Of the Bond of Friendship.
Among the ROMANS.
  • 1. T. Sempronius Grac∣chus with C. Blosius.
  • 2. Sempronius Gracchus with Pomponius and Lucretius.
  • 3. Lucius Rheginus with Servilius Caepio.
  • 4. T. Volumnius with M. Lucullus.
  • 5. Lucius Petronius with P. Caelius.
  • 6. Servius Terentius with D. Brutus.
  • 7. C. Laelius with Scipio, and M. Agrippa with Augustus.
  • 1. Damon and Pythias.
  • 2. Alexander the Great with Ephestion.

LEt us now consider the Bond of Friendship, potent and mighty, and no way inferiour to the strength and force of the Blood. In this more certain and de∣monstrable, that this the chance of birth a foruitous work produces; the other the uncompell'd Will con∣tracts, upon grounds and reasons of solid judgment, And therefore it is an easier thing, and less subject to reprehension, to slight a Kinsman than a Friend. For the one betokens a wicked ingratefull disposition, the

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other only a levity of minde. For when the life of man lies as it were in a solitude, without the guard of Friend∣ship, so necessary an assistance ought not unadvisedly to be chosen, but being once approved, ought not in any measure to be despised. But the most sincere Friendship always appears in Adversity; where whatever good offices are performed, proceed from a constant kind∣ness and affection. The adoration of Felicity, being to be attributed more to Flattery than Love, is full of Suspicion, and still desires more than it expends. For men of unshaken fortunes more desire friends, either for a guard, or for their society. For affairs that go well and prosperously, as being favour'd with heaven∣ly Success, have the less need of other assistance. And therefore their Memories have lasted longer in the Book of Mmoires, who have deserted their Friends in Adversity, than their who have only been the Com∣panions of Prosperity. No man talks of the familiars of Sardanapalus. Orestes is better known by his friend Pylades, than by Agamemnon his Father. For the Friendship of the one consum'd away in the partici∣pation of Luxury and Delight; but the mutual Soci∣ety of the other, in a sad and hard condition, grew famous by the trial of their Miseries. But why do I mention Forreigners, having first to do with our own Countrymen?

1. T. Gracchus was esteem'd to have been an Enemy to his Countrey▪ and not undeservedly; because he preferr'd his own Authority before the Welfare there∣of. Yet in this evil designe of his, how faithful a Friend he had of C. Blosius of Cumae, will be worth our while to relate. An adjudged Enemy, suffering the highest Punishment, not permitted the honour of Bu∣rial, wanted not however his kindness. For when the Senate commanded Rupilius and Laenax the Consuls to proceed against all those that had been partakers

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with Gracchus, and that Blosius presented himself be∣fore Laelius, to beg pardon for himself, urging his familiarity with Gracchus for an ecuse; when Laeli•••• demanded of him, whether if Gracchus had comma∣ded him to set fire on the Temple of Iupiter, would he have done it? That, said he, Gracchus had never commanded: He had done enough and more, for he ventur'd to defend those Customes which the Senate condemn'd. But that which follows was much more confident and more dangerous; for being still prest by Laelius to make an answer to his question, he resolute∣ly persisted, affirming, that if Gracchus had com∣manded him to burn the Temple, he would have done it. Who could have thought he had been so wicked, had he held his peace? Who would not have accounted him wise, had he been less free in his speech, consi∣dering the necessity of the time? But Blosius neither with an honest Silence, nor with a prudent Answer cared to preserve himself, lest he should be thought to have silenced the memory of his unhappy Friend∣ship.

2. In the same Family eqully prevalent Examples of Friendship arise. For when all the Designe and Counsels of Gracchus were utterly defeated and all his Conspiracy brought to light; being deserted of all assistance, only his two friends Pomponius and Laetori••••, by interposing their own bodies, covered him rom the Darts that fel round about him. And of these two, Pomponius, that he might more easily escape, with∣stood a whole body of Souldiers that eagerly pusued him at the thrice-double Gate; nor could he be moved wile he lived, till at length having received many Wounds, he fell, and (hough I am apt to believ un∣willingly) was forced to permit them passage ovr his dead Carcal. Laetorius made a stand upon the Subli∣cian Bridge, and ill Gracchus was pass'd over main∣tain'd

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it with the heat of his Courage, till at length overpowr'd with the multitude, turning his sword upon himself, he made a nimble jump into Tiber, and so perisht, shewing that kindness to the friendship of on person by his voluntary death, which Horatius Co∣cles, in the same place, had shewn to his whole Coun∣try. What renowned Souldiers might the Gracchi have had, would they have followed the courses which their Fathers or Mothers Father had done? With what a couragious fury might Blosius, Pomponius and Laetorius have assisted them in the gaining Trophies and Triumphs, the stout Associates of such furious enter∣prizes! and taking part with an inauspicious friendship▪ but by how much the more miserable, by so much are they the more certain examples of a generous fidelity.

3. But L. Rheginus, if you examine him as to his sincerity due to the publick, was much to be blam'd by Posterity; If you look upon the faithful pledg of his fidelity, we are to leave him in the safe harbour of an applauded Conscience. Who when Caepio Tribune of the people was thrown into Prison, by reason that through his fault our Army was dfeated by the Cim∣brians and Teutons, remembring the ancient friendship between them, set him at liberty; and not content to have shewn himself so much a friend, accompanied him also in his flight. O great and most invincible Numen friendship; when the Common-wealth had seiz'd with one hand, to pull him out of the other with thy own arm! and when she requires thee to be real, thou con∣fin'st thy self to banishment. So gentle is thy Domi∣nion, to make men prefer punishment before ho∣nour.

4. Wonderful was this thy work, but more praise-worthy that which follows. For call to mind, how thou hast celebrated the constant love of T. Volumnius to his friend without any dammage to the Common∣wealth;

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who being by descent of the order of Knight∣hood, and having an entire kindness for M. Lucullus, whom M. Antony slew for taking part with Brutus and Cassius, having full Liberty to fly, he stuck close to his dead friend; giving himself so much over to tears and Lamentations, that by his extream Devotion to his friend, he was the cause of his own death. For by reason of his continued and constant sorrow, he was carried before Antony: and standing before him, Com∣mand me, said he, O Emperour, to be carried back to the body of Lucullus, and there slain. For he being dead, I ought not to stay behind, being my self the Author of his unhappy going to war. What more faithful than so much love▪ He sought to ease his sorrow for his frinds death, by the hatred of his Enemy; to render him more miserable, making himself more envy'd. Nor were Antonies Ears shut: for being led where he desi∣red, having kiss'd the dead body of Lucullus, and m∣brac'd his sever'd head, being lifted up to his breast, he laid down his own neck to receive the Victors blow. Let Greece now boast of Theseus yielding to the un∣lawful love of Pirithous, and for his sake entring into the Dominions of Father Dis. Thy are vain that relate it, fools that believe it. To see the mingled blod of friends, wounds sticking upon wounds; and death sticking upon death, these are the true signs of Roman friendship; those, the stories of a people accustmed to fain ridiculous wonders.

5. L. Petronius also claims to be a paraker in this praise. He by the favour of Caelius, being of a very mean Extraction, came to be advanc'd into the ordr of Knights, and had very considerable military im∣ployments beside. For which, because he could not pay his thanks when Caelius was in prosperity, he shew'd himself nobly grateful to him in his adversity. Caelius was made Governour of Placentia, by Octavius te

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Consul: Who after the Town was taken by Cinna's Army, being old and sickly, and fearing to fall into the hands of the Enemy, resolved to dye by Petronius's hand; who finding that he could by no perswasions change his resolution, according to his desire kill'd him first, and then joyned his own death to his; that he might not supervive him, by whom he had attained to all his Honour. So that Magnanimity occasioned the Dath of the one, Piety the Fall of the other.

6. We are to joyn Ser. Terentius with Petronius, though it fell out that he did not dye for his friend, as was his desire. For a noble Intntion is not to be valued by the issueless Event. For he was slain as much as in him lay, and Brutus escaped the danger; who flying from Mutin, and receiving intelligence of certain Souldiers sent by Antonius to kill him, endeavoured in a certain place, by the benefit of the Night, to steal that Life of his which deservd just Punishment. There Terentius assayling to break through with a faihful Lye, favoured by Darkness it self, feigned himself to be Brutus, offering his Body to the ury of the Souldi∣ers. But bing known by Furius, whose charge it was to execute the office of revenge, he could not hinder the punishment of his friend by his own death. So that against his will he was compell'd by fortune to live.

7. From this dreadful and horrid face of Friend∣ship, let us digress to the more srene and placid countenance of Affection. And having brought it forth where all things are full of Tears, Lamentation and Slaughter, let us place it in the Palace of Prospe∣rity, shining with Beauty, Honour, and abounding Wealth. Come forth therefore from those Seats that are believed to be consecrated to the Shades of the Blessd, here Decimus Lelius, there M. Agrippa, having wisely and prosperously chosen the one the greatest

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Friend of the Gods, the other of Men; and bring a∣long with thee the whole Society, which under your Conduct, laden with Praises and Rewards, receive the venerable Stipends of sincere Fidelity: For suc∣ceeding Ages beholding your constant Minds, your stout Enterprises, your inexpugnable Taciturnity, your diligent and watchful care for the dignity and safety of your Friends, the publick testimonies of your mutual Love; and lastly, the most plentiful fruits thereof, the more willingly, the more religiously shall be bu∣sied in exercising and admiring the Laws of Friend∣ship.


1. My desire is to continue still in the Examples of my Native Countrey, but the candor of the Roman City admonishes me to relate the Gallantry of other Nations. Damon and Pythias, instructed in the sacred Secrets of Pythagorean Prudence, had contracted such a faithful Friendship between themselves, that when Dionysius of Syracuse would have put one of them to Death, and that he that was so suffer had got leave to go home to his house, to settle his affairs, the other was not afraid to be Surety to the Tyrant for his re∣turn. So that now he was free from the peril of Death, that had his Neck but now under the Axe; and he is now in danger, that was free before. And therefore all people waited the event of an accident so new and rare. The day prefix'd being come, and the party not returning; and therefore every one con∣demning him of folly, that had so rashly undertaken for the other; though he remain'd certain of the Fi∣delity of his Friend: At the very Hour and Moment which Dionysius prefixed, the other appeared. The Tyrant admiring the Courge of both, gave a full

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pardon to so much Fidelity; farther desiring them to receive him into the Society of their Friendship, pro∣mising a most strict observance thereof. Such is the power of Friendship, to beget contempt of Death, take away the sweet desire of Life, tame Cruelty, turn Ha∣tred into Love, and to reward Punishment with Kind∣ness: to which there is almost as much worship due, as to the Ceremonies of the Gods. For they are the Links of publick, this of private Safety. And as the Temples of the Gods are sacred Houses, so the faithful Breasts of men are Temples fill'd with a certain holy Spirit.

2. Which King Alexander certainly believed to be a truth. Who being possess'd of the Camp of Darius, where all his Relations and Kindred were, he came with Ephestion most of all belov'd by him covering his side, to speak to them. At whose approach the Mo∣ther of Darius taking heart, lifting up her Head as she lay prostrate upon the ground, saluted Ephestion, flattering after the manner of the Persians, mistaking him for Alexander, because he was more amiable for his Stature and Beauty. But being made sensible of her errour, in great fear she sought for words to ex∣cuse it. There is no reason, replyed Alexander, to be troubled for this, for this is another Alexander also. Whom shall we congratulate? him that said it, or him that heard it? While the King endued with a great Soul, having already grasp'd the whole World, either by his Victories, or in his thoughts, in so few words made so equal a division of it to his Compani∣on. O the Gift of a Royal Tongue, as fair to the Receiver as to the Giver! Which I reverence as a pri∣vate man, having had the experience of the Bounty of a most wise and renowned person toward my self. And I do not doubt but it may become me to think my Pompey to be like Alexander; while he will have

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his Ephestion to be another Alexander. And therefore I should be lyable to a very great errour, to pass over the Example of constant and kind Friendship, without any mention of him: in whose minde, as in the breast of most loving Parents, my prosperous condition of Life hath flourish'd my Misfortunes have remain'd contented. From whom I have received all increase of profit freely offer'd; by whom I have stood more firmly against mishap; who by his own prosperous Conduct and good Omens, hath render'd our Studies more pleasant and delightful. And therefore I fed the envy of some with the loss of my best friend, dividing my kindness, such as it was, to some that knew not how to make use of it. But there is no Prosperity so modest, that can escape the teeth of Envy. But in what retirement are some to be avoided, with what allure∣ments of kindness canst thou restrain their inveteracy? There is no remedy but they will rejoyce and be tickled at the misfortunes of others, as well as at their own good. They are rich in the Losses, wealthy in the Calamities, immortal in the Death of other men. But while they insult over the miseries of others, un∣experienced in their own, let them have a care of the best revenger of their Insolency, the Variety of Hu∣man Condition.

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CHAP. VIII. Of Liberality.
  • 1. Q. Fabius Maximus.
  • 2. Paula Busa of Canusi∣um.
  • 3. Q. Considius a Roman Knight.
  • 4. The People of Rome to King Attalus.
  • 5. The People of Rome to the Greeks.
  • 1. Hiero King of Sicily to the Romans.
  • 2. Gillias of Agrigentum to his fellow-Citizens.

LEt us recal our work, that had straid in a pious Digression, in exposing our own discontents, to its former course, and now take Liberality into conside∣ration; which hath two probable Fountains, true Judgment, and honest Benevolence. For when it springs from these, then only is it duely founded: A Gift being acceptable for its greatness, but somewhat more efficacious, when it is seasonable.

1. Beyond the price of the thing, we find a most inestimable moment of an opportunity, which with the expence of a small sum of Money rendr'd Fabius Maximus highly applauded so many Ages since. He had received the Captives from Hannibal, upon a Contract for so much Money. Which when the Se∣nate would not stand to, sending his Son to the City, he sold the only Farm which he had in the world, and presently sent Hannibal the Money. If we consider the Sum, but small, as being the price but of seven Acres of Land, and those lying in Pupinia; but con∣sidering the Soul of the Giver, a most large sum, and

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far exceeding the Money. For he would rather want his Patrimony, than that his Countrey should be poor in Credit. So much the more to be commended, as it is a more certain signe of a real meaning, to stretch beyond ability, rather than to do the same act out of superfluity. For the one can do what he performs, the other more than he is able.

2. Therefore a Woman of the same time, Busa by name, the richest in the Countrey of Apulia, won her self an ample testimony of Liberality; though per∣haps not so great, if we compare her flowing Riches to the Poverty of the Fabians. For though she re∣lieved about Ten Thousand of our Citizens, the re∣mains of the Battle of Cannae, within the Walls of Ca∣nusium, yet she shewed her self munificent to the Ro∣mans, without prejudice to her Estate. But Fabius for the good of his Countrey exchang'd Poverty for Want.

3. We finde also in Quinctus Considius a most whole∣some Example of Liberality, not without some profit to himself. Who when the Fury of Catiline had put all the Commonwealth into such a tumult, tha the Rich themselves, the Rents of Possessions falling, were not able to pay their Creditors; he having the Sum of one Hundred and Fifty Thousand Sesterces at use, would not suffer any of his Debtors to be call'd upon, either for Principal or Interest: and as much as in him lay, sweetned the bitterness of publick Confusion by his own private Quiet: opportunely testifying, that he made profit only of his Money, not of Civil Blood. Now they who act with rigour in business of this na∣ture, when they carry bloody Money home, may hence learn to know, with what 'an accursed and im∣pious joy they rejoyce, if they do not loath to read the Decree of the Senate, which gave Considius publick thanks.

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4. Methinks the People of Rome seem to complain of me, that while I am reporting the Munificence of particular persons, I am silent of theirs: For it re∣dounds to their great praise, that it should be reported, what noble minds they have born to Kings, Cities and Countries: For the glory of all renowned acts flourishes and revives by often rehearsal. After they had conquer'd Asia, they gve it as a Gift to King At∣talus to possess; believing the future Empire of our City would be more high and splendid, if they should lay up the richest part of the World, rather in the Treasury of their Gratitude than Profi. A Gift more happy than the Victory it self. For to have possess'd much, mght prcure Envy; to have given away so much, could never want a glorious esteem.

5. It is impossible o praise sufficiently in writing th divine spirit of the Roman People. For ater Phi∣lip King of Macedon was vanquish'd, when all Greece flock'd to behold the Isthmian Games, T. Quinctus Flaminius, having caus'd silence to be made by sound of Trumpet, commanded a Crier to proclaim these words: The Senate and People of Rome, and Q. Flaminus their General, command all the Cities of Greece, that were under the Iuris∣diction of King Philip, to be free. Which be∣ing heard, the People were at first struck with a sud∣den unexpected joy, and, not believing what they had heard, were for a while silent. But upon the second Proclamation of the Crier, they fill'd the Skie with such a cherful din, that it is certainly reported, that the Birds, which at that instant were flying that way, fll down amaz'd and errifid with the noise. They had great Souls, to take off the yoke of Servitud from the necks of so many Capt••••es, and to give Liberty to so many noble and opulent Cities. To whose Majesty it belongs, tat not onely what they frely give, but

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also their giving of it, be memorably eterniz'd. There being the celebration of gain'd applause, here of applause repeated.


1. Hiero, King of Syracuse, hearing of the over∣throw which the Romans receiv'd at the Lake of Thra∣symene, sent to Rome three hundred thousand Bushels of Wheat, two hundred thousand Bushels of Barley, and two hundred and fourty Pound weight of Gold: And not being ignorant of the Modesty of the Romans in receiving such Gifts, he made as if he had presented them a Congratulation of Victory, that he might com∣pel them, moved by Religion, to accept of his Muni∣ficence. Liberal first in his ready will to send, and prudent in taking care that it should not be sent back.

2. I will adde to him Gilias of Agrigentum, who may be thought to have had the very bowels of Libe∣rality. He was potent in Wealth, but more wealthy in the Generosity of his Mind than in his Riches; and always more busily employed in spending and finding waies to bestow, than in getting Money. So that his House sem'd to be a kind of Shop of Magnificence. For there all Monuments fit for Publick Use were erected, there all Plays were set out for the delight of the People, there were all preparations for Feasting, and thence the scarcity of Corn was supplied. This to the generality; privately the Sick were reliev'd, Portions given to poor Maids, and comfortable Sup∣plies to them that were broken by Misfortune; Guests and Strangrs courteously received both in City and Countrey, and liberally presented at their dparture. One time, among the rest, he fed and clad Five Hun∣dred Gelensian Horsemen, who were by Tmpest for∣ced

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upon his Territories. What more? You would have said he had no Mortal Bofome, but the very Breasts of propitious Fortune herself. For what Gillias possess'd, seemed to be the common Patrimony of all Men. For whose Prosperity and increase of Wealth, not only the City of Agrigentum, but all the neigh∣bouring Regions continually praid. Place on the other side the Chests of some shut up with Locks, inexorable to all Pity; do you not think this expense far more laudable, than that wary Parsimony?

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CHAP. I. Of Humanity and Clemency.
  • 1. The Roman-Senate.
  • 2. L. Cornelius Scipio, Cos.
  • 3. T. Quinctius Crispinus.
  • 4. M. Claudius Marcel∣lus, Procos.
  • 5. Q. Metellus Macedo∣nicus, Proconsul.
  • 6. P. Scipio Aemilianus.
  • 7. The Elder Africanus, Procos.
  • 8. L▪ Aemilius Paulus Cos. 2.
  • 9. Cn. Pompey the Great, Procos.
  • 1. Alexander the Great.
  • 2. Pisistratus the Athenian
  • 3. Pyrrhus King of Epirus.
  • 4. Antigonus King of Ma∣cedon.
  • 5. The Companians.
  • 6. Hannibal the Cartha∣ginian.

WHat better Companions▪ could I have found out for Liberality, than Humanity and Clemen∣cy! The first of which shews it self in want, the second in business, the third in doubtful Fortune. Now when we know not which to esteem best▪ yet the com∣mendation of that seems to crave precedency, which takes its denomination from the Godhead it self.

1. I will begin with the most humane and merciful Acts of the Senate. Who when the Embassadors of the Carthaginians came to the City about the Redem∣ption

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of Captives, immediately without receiving their Money; restor'd them above two thousand seven hundred and fourty young men. I may well think that the Ambassadours themselves were amazed to see such an Army of Enemies set at Liberty, so much Money despised, and so many Carthaginian Injuries forgiven, and that they thus said to themselves, O Munificnce qual to the favour of the Gods of the Romans! and happy our Embassie beyond our wishes, For we hve received a kindness which we never de∣served. Nor was this a smaller testimony of the Senate, who when Syphax, formerly a most opulent Kng of Numidia, their Captive, was dead in the Prison of Tibur, oder'd him to be inted at the Pu∣blick Expence; that to whom they had given Life, they might also adde the honour of Burial. The same Clemency thy us'd toward Persus, who dying at Alba where he was kept in safe custody, sent down a Questor to bury him at the Publick Charge, not per∣mitting his Royal Reliques to lye dishonour'd. These things they perform'd to Enemies and Captives after their Death. The nxt were their Favours shewn to their Friends in prosperity and living. After the end of the Macedonian War, Musicrates, Massinissa's Son, be∣ing sent back to Paulus, with those Horsemen which which he had brought to the assistance of the Romans to his Father, his Flet being scatter'd by Tempest, and himself putting in sick at Brundusium: The Se∣nate no sooner had news thereof, but they sent a Que••••or thither, not only to defray the Expences of him and his Retinue, but also to take care for the pro∣viding all things necessary for the restoration of his Health: and that they might not want Ships to carry them safe and well into Africa, they ordered to be given to each Horseman a Pond weight of Silver, and to every Footman five Hundred Sesteres. Which so

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ready and compleat Humanity of the Conscript Fa∣thes, might perhaps have so far prevail'd upon Massi∣nissa, that had his Son died in the Expedition, he had the less grieved for it. The same Senate, when they heard that Prusias King of Bitbynia was come to con∣gratulate their Victory over Perseus, sent Cornelius Scipio, then Questor, to meet him as far as Capua: and ordered that the best House in Rome should be hired for him; and that he and his Retinue should be entertain'd the Publick Charge. And indeed in the reception of that great King, the whole City seem'd to have the countenance but of one entire Friend. So that he, who came an entire friend to our City, re∣turn'd with a double affection for us. Neither was Egypt ignorant of the Roman Clemency: For King Ptolomy being thrown out of his Kingdom by his younger Brother, and coming to Rome with a small Attendance, and in a mean Habit, to crave aid of the Senate, tooke a Lodging in the house of an Alexandrian Painter. Which when the Senate understood, sending for the Young man, they made a very great excuse, for not having sent the Questor to meet him after the antient Custome, and for not providing entertain∣ment for him; as not happening through their ne∣gligence, but through his suddain and private Entry. After which they accompanied him to a publick House, desiring him to lay by his mean Habit, and fix them a day to wait on him. They also took care to send him Gifts by the Questor every day; and by these degrees of kindness advanced him from Expulsion to the Royal Throne. So that he had more hope in the assistance of the Roman People, than fear of his own Misfortune.

2. To come now from the Conscript Fathers in ge∣neral to particular Senators; Lucius Cornelius the Con∣sul in the first Punic War, when he had taken the City

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Olbia, for the relief of which Anno Captain of the Carthaginians valiantly fighting was slain, buried his Body out of his own Tent, bestowing a noble Funeral upon it. Nor was he asham'd to appear at the Exe∣quies of an Enemy, believing that his Victory would be the less envied both by Gods and Men, when there was so much of Humanity mix'd with it.

3. What shall I say of Quinctius Crispinus, whose Gentleness and mild Disposition, the potent Affections of Anger and Glory could not disturb? He had en∣tertain'd with great civility Badius of Campania at his house, and with great care recovered him from a dan∣gerous Sickness: Who after the revolt of the Campa∣nians, provoking Crispinus to fght with him at the head of the Army; Crispinus, who knew himself to be above him both in Strength and Courage, chose ra∣ther to give him good councel than to overcome him. What dost thou go about to do, Madman, said he? Or whither do thy foolish desires carry thee? Must thou needs rage with a publick Impiety, that art fallen from private Charity? Couldst thou finde none among all the Ro∣mans, upon whom to exercise thy villanous arms, but only Quinctius, to whose Houshold-gods thou owest both a return of honour and safety? The League of Friend∣ship and our Hospitable Gods, with us sacred Pledges, though with you of no accompt, will not suffer me to combat with thee. Nay, if in the shock of both Armies, I should have known thee overturned by the force of my Buckler, I would have recalled my Sword from thy Neck. And there∣fore it is thy crime, that thou didst intend to kill a Guest; but the Death of a Guest shall not be mine. And therefore seek out some body else for the courage of thy right hand, for mine has learnt to save. But Heaven gave to both a deserved Issue; for Badius was slain in the fight, Quinctius valiantly fighting came safe off with ho∣nour.

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4. And now the Clemency of M. Marcellus, how fa∣mous and how memorable an Example ought we to accompt it? Who after he had taken Syracuse, from the Castle took a view of the City below, once flourish∣ing, now almost ruin'd in Misery: he beholding the miserable state thereof, could not refrain from Tears. So that if some person that knew him not had beheld him, he might have been thought the Looser, not the Victor. This consolation hadst thou in thy calamity, fair City, that though it was not lawful for thee to stand safe, yet thy fall was gentle under such a Con∣querour.

5. Quintus Metellu warring in Spain against the Celtiberians, lying at the Siege of Centohricum, when the Engine was fix'd, and he was just ready to beat down that part of the Wall which was fittest to be batter'd, preferr'd Clemency before an approaching Victory. For when the Gentobricenses had opposed the Sons of Rhetogenes, who had fled to him, against all the shot of the Engine, lest the Children should be cruelly kill'd in the fight of their Father (though Rhe∣togenes himself bid him not fear to go on with his Bat∣tery for all that) he rais'd his Siege. By which act of Clemency, though he took not one City, yet he took the hearts of all the Celtiberians, and thereby so far prevailed, as not to want many Hostages to keep them faithful to the Roman people.

6. Splendidly also did the Humanity of the Elder African appear, who having taken the City of Car∣thage, sent to all the Cities of Sicily, to fetch the Ornaments of their Temples, which the Carthaginians had taken from them, and to take care to restore them to their proper places. A Kindness acceptable both to Gods and Men.

7. Equal to this was he Humanity of his Grand∣father. His Questor selling the Captives at the Spear,

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sent him a Boy of a very excelling Beauty, and very well habited; whom when he understood to be lest an Orphan by his Father, and educated under the tuition of his Uncle Massanisa, and that without his leave he had immaturely takn Arms against the Romans; he not only thought it convenient to pardon the errour of the Youth, but to give that respect which was due to the Friendship of a Prince so deserving of the Roman People. And therefore having bestowed a Ring, a Gold Button, and a broad emboss'd Tunick, a Spanish Jacket, and a Horse with all Furniture upon him, he sent him to Massanisa with a Convoy to attend him. The Romans believing these to be the greatest fruits of Victory, to restore the Temples their Orna∣ments, and Kings their Kindred.

8. Nor is the Memory of L. Paulus to be forgot, who when he heard that Perseus, a Captive now, be∣fore a King, was brought before him, went to meet him in all the Ornaments of a Roman General, and with his right hand rais'd up the King, endeavouring to cast himself at his feet, and in the Greek tongue bid him be of good chear; and bringing him into his Tent, caus'd him to sit next him in Council, not thinking him below the honour of his Table. Range the Army in view, which conquer'd Perseus, and the Story which I have related, it may be doubted which sight would be most delectable. For though it be a renowned thing to overcome an Enemy, yet is it no less praise-worthy to take compassion of him in mi∣sery.

9. This Humanity of L. Paulus teaches me not to forget the Clemency of Cn. Pompey: Who having overthrown Tigranes King of Armenia, who not only made cruel Wars with the Romans himself, but also protected Mithridates, a most inveterate Enemy to our City, would not suffer him to lye prostrate at his

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feet; but giving him words of comfort, caus'd him to put the Diadem, which he had cast away, upon his Head again. And having laid certain commands up∣on him, restor'd him to his former Dignity.

10. How noble an Example of Clemency afforded was Cn. Pompey, how miserable an Example of Pity desired! For he that had impal'd the Brows of Tigranes with Regal Ornaments, his Head dispoyl'd of Three Triumphal Crowns, could not finde a Burial-place in that, which was but now, his own world: But cut from his Body, wanting a Funeral Pile, was presented as a Gift of Egyptian Perfidie, lamentable in the very eyes of the Victor. For assoon as Caesar beheld it, forgetful of his Enemy, he put on the Countenance of a Father-in-law; and then, as became himself, he caus'd the Head of Pompey to be burnt with most pre∣tious Odours, and paid his Tears to the memory of him and his Daughter. For if the mind of that divine Prince had not been so tender, He that a little before was accompted the Pillar of the Roman Empire (so Fortune turns the scales of Humane Affairs) had lain uninterr'd. Caesar also hearing of the Death of Cato, was heard to say, That he envied Cato's glory, as Cato had envied his; giving his Estate safe and whole to his Children. And certainly it would have been no small part of Caesar's divine endeavours, to have been the safety of Cato.

11. And certainly the Soul of Mark Antonie did not want the knowledg of equal Humanity. For he gave the Body of Mar. Brutus to his Freeman to bury. And that he might be the more honourably burnt, caused him to be covered with his own Imperial Robe; be∣lieving him as he lay, not an Enemy, but a Citizen, all hatred now forgotten. And when he understood the Freeman had taken away the Imperial Garment, in great anger he commanded him to be punished, using

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first this Speech; Didst thou not know, said he, the Fu∣neral of how great a man I committed to thy charge? His stout and pious Victory at Philippi the Gods wil∣lingly beheld, nor could they stop their ears at these words of generous Indignation.


1. From commemorating Roman Examples, being carried into Macedon, I am compell'd to set forth the Manners of Alexander. Whose Fortitude in War, as it deserved infinite renown, so his Clemency merited high respect and love. He, while he visits all Nations with an indefatigable swiftness, being overtaken at a certain place with a storm of Snow, observ'd a Mace∣donian Souldier, decrepit with age, almost nummed with Cold, himself sitting in a high Chair near the fire. Who therefore considering not the quality, but the age of both, descends from his seat, and with those hands with which he had subdued the wealth of Da∣rius, takes the benumm'd Souldier and leads him to his on ••••at, saying, That that would be wholesome to him, which was Capital among the Persians, to sit in the Kings Chair. What wonder then if they thought it a pleasure to serve such a Captain so many years, to whom the safety of a Common Souldier was more dear than the grandeur of his own Person? The same Personage also yielding not to any Mortal, but to Na∣ture and Fortune, though faint with the violence of his distemper, yet leaning upon his Elbow, he reacht out his right Hand to all that would take their leaves of him. Who would not run to embrace that hand, which now opprest by Fate, sufficed to embrace an Army, with an Humanity as vivacious as his Cou∣rage?

2. Humanity is of no robust nature, yet we may

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declare the Clemency of Pisistratus, Tyrant of Athens▪ Who when a Youngman inflamed with the Love of his Daughter, meeting her in the Street, kist her; and being therefore desired by his Wife to punish him, made answer, If we punish those that love us, what must we do to those that hate us? A worthy Saying; to which we must adde, that it came out of the mouth of a Tyrant.

Thus he took the affront offered his Daughter; thus the injury done to himself more commendably. For being incessantly taunted and reviled by his friend Thrasippus at Table, he so restrained his anger and his tongue, as if he had been one of the Guard reviled by the Tyrant: and as he went away, thinking he had retired sooner than ordinary for fear, he kindly in∣vited him to stay. Thrasippus being in the heat of his drink, spit all in his face, and yet he could not move him to revenge. He pull'd away his Sons also, de∣siring to intercede for the abuses of him that was their Father. The next morning when Thrasippus intended to punish himself with a violent death, the Tyrant came to him, and giving him his faith that he should still remain in the same degree of favour with him, kept him from the execution of his purpose. Had he done nothing else worthy of honour or memory, yet by these very acts of his he had sufficiently recommen∣ded himself to Posterity.

3. Patient and gentle also was the mind of King Pyrrhus, Who hearing that some of the Tarentines at a great Feast has spoken largely in his disgrace, he call'd for those that were present, and demanded of them, if they had spoken those things which he had been told. Whereupon one of them made answer, If our Wine had not fail'd us, those things which we spoke of thee, would have been but baubles and trifles, to what we should have said. This so pleasant excuse of

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their Drunkenness, and simple confession of the truth, turn'd the Kings Anger into laughter; by which Cle∣mency of his he so far prevailed, that the sober Taren∣tines gave him thanks, and those that had been drunk wish'd him well. The same height of Humanity caused him to send Mico with a Convoy for the greater safety of the Roman Ambassadours, whom he heard were coming toward him for the redemption of Cap∣tives. And for their more honourable reception, he himself with a Body of Horse richly attired went out of the Camp to meet them. Not so much corrupted with the success of Prosperity, as to hinder all prospect of respect from them with whom he was at greatest Enmity.

4. Of which mild temper he received the due re∣ward at the last hour of his death. For when he had invaded the City of Argos with most dismal Omens, and that Alcyoneus the Son of King Anti∣gonus had brought his head cut off, with great joy, as a most happy act of Victory to his Father, labouring in the defence of the City; Antigonus rebuking his Son for insulting over the ruine of so great a man, forget∣ful of humane Calamity, took up his Head from the ground, and cover'd it with the Hood wherewith his own head was cover'd, after the manner of the Mace∣donians, and caused it, being return'd to the body, to be honourably burnt. And when his Son Helenus was brought a prisoner to him, he commanded him to bear a Royal Minde, and to continue his Regal Habit, and moreover gave him the bones of Pyrrhus, inclosed in a Golden Chest, to carry into his Countrey of Epi∣rus to his Brother Alexander.

5. The Campanians also, when our Army was com∣pell'd by the Samnites to pass under Gallowses at Caudium, entring their City not only unarmed but naked, received them as kindly as if they had enter'd

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in Triumph, bearing the Spoils of their enemies be∣fore them. Immediately presenting the Consul with all the Ensignes of his Honour, and bestowing upon the Souldiers Cloaths, Arms, Horses and Provision, taking away the want and deformity of the Roman overthrow. Had they been as constant against Han∣nibal for the Roman Empire, they had not given an occasion for the rage of the cruel Axes.

6. Having made mention of a most bitter Enemy, with those actions of kindness which he performed to the Romans, I shall make an end of the subject in hand. For Hannibal having sought the body of Ae∣milius Paulus slain at Cannae, with all diligence, as much as in him lay, would not permit it to lye un∣buried. He also caused the body of T. Gracchus, who fell unhappily into the ambushment of the Lucans, to be honourably buried, and deliver'd his bones, to be carried into his own Countrey, to our Souldiers. When Marcellus was slain in the Countrey of the Brutii, while with more eagerness than consideration he en∣deavoured to spy the actions of the Carthaginians, he sought him out, and laid him upon the Funeral Pile, clad in a Carthaginian Jacket, and adorn'd with a Crown of Gold. And therefore the sweetness of Hu∣manity penetrates into the very breasts of rude Barba∣rians, mollifies the cruel and severe eyes of Enemies, and bends the most insolent pride of Victory. Nor is it a difficult thing for Clemency to finde an easie pas∣sage through hostile Weapons, and Swords drawn hand to hand. It overcomes Anger, throws down Rage, and mingles hostile Blood with hostile Tears. Which produced that admirable Speech of Hannibal, delivering his judgment at the Funerals of the Roman Captains. Wherefore Paulus, Marcellus and Gracchus brought him more honour by their Funerals, than by their Deaths. For he deceived them with his Punic

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subtilty, but honoured them with his Roman Cle∣mency. And you, brave and pious Souls, have en∣joyed Obsequies not to be repented o; for as you fell more desirably in your Countrey, more nobly for your Countrey; so ye recover'd the honour of that last office due to ye, which by misfortune ye had lost.

CHAP. II. Of Gratitude.
Among the ROMANS.
  • 1. The Roman Senate.
  • 2. The Roman Youth.
  • 3. The Roman People.
  • 4. M. Minutius Rufus Master of the Horse.
  • 5. Q. Terentius Culeo.
  • 6. Citizens redeem'd in Greece.
  • 7 Q. Metellus Pius Cos.
  • 8. Caius Marius Cos. IV.
  • 9. L. Sylla Dictator.
  • 10. The Libitines.
Of Forreign Kings.
  • 1. Darius of Persia.
  • 2. Mithridates of Pontus.
  • 3. Attalus of Asia.
  • 4. Massanisa of Numi∣dia.

NExt let us take a view of the grateful and ingrate∣ful effects and actions of the Minde, that Vertue and Vice may receive their due reward, from a due estimate of the value of either. However, because they are distinguished by contrary ends and designes, we also intend to separate them in writing: And therefore let us begin with those things, that rather deserve praise than reprehension.

1. And that we may take our rise from publick Acts, let us take into our consideration Marcius Corio∣lanus, who invading his own Country, and having

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brought a very great Army of the Volsci to the very Gates of the City, threatning the utter destruction of the Roman Empire; yet at the intercession of his Mo∣ther Vituria, and his Wife Volumnia, he was per∣swaded to give over his violent Enterprise. In me∣mory whereof the Senate gave very great Priviledges to the Order of Matrons. For they order'd that men should give the upper hand to Women in the street, as acknowledging the Womens Garment to have been a greater safety to their City than their Arms: They added also a new distinction of Coiss to the adornments of their Ears; they also permitted them to wear Purple and Gold Laces; and more then all this, they erected a Temple and an Altar to Womens Fortune, just in the same place where Coriolanus's wrath was appeased, to testifie their grateful acknowledgment of so great a benefit, by their religious respect and reverence that they had of it.

For which the Senate was no less famous at the time of the Second Punic War: For when Capua was be∣sieged by Fulvius, there were two Women in the Town that would by no means be perswaded from shewing eminent signes of good Will toward the Ro∣mans; the one named Vestia Opidia the Mistriss of a good Family, the other Cluvia Facula an Harlot; one which dayly sacrificed for the success of the Roman Army, the other still supplied the necessities of the Roman Captives. The Town being taken, the Se∣nate restor'd them both their Liberty and their Goods; and if they had any other Boon to crave, bid them freely demand it, for that they were as free to give it. It was more wonderful that the Senate had leisure, in a time of so much Exultation, to return thanks to two mean Women, than that they took upon them to do it.

2. What more commendable than that of the Roman

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Youth, who in the Consulship of C. Nantius and Minutius lifted themselves voluntarily to give assistance to the Tusculanes, who were enter'd into the Terri∣tories of the Aequi, who had a little before most stoutly defended the Roman Empire. A new thing, to hear the whole Army listing themselves, lest their Coun∣trey should seem to want a grateful mind.

3. A great Example of Gratitude was that of the People toward Q. Fabius Maximus: Who dying after he had born Five Consulships, with great success and advantage to the Commonwealth, strove who should bring in most Money to advance the splendour and magnificence of his Funeral. Let us prize the Re∣ward of vertue, when we finde brave men to be more happy in their Burials, than the sloathful in their Lives.

4. With no small glory was another piece of Grati∣tude shewn to the other Fabius, yet living. For when Minutius, Master of the Horse, was made equal in Commission with him being Dictator, by an Act of the Senate, which was never done before, and dividing the Army had fought apart with Hannibal in Samni∣um; yet he seeing the great Overthrow he had like to have had by his own Rashness, had not Fabius come in timely to his relief, he presently acknowledged him for his Father, and commanded him to be saluted Patron and Preserver by his own Legions; and laying down his Commission of Equality, submitted the Mastership of the Horse to the Dictatorship, as of right it ought to have been; correcting the impudent errour of the Vulgar, by the grateful signification of his Minde.

5. A Story to be related upon as good grounds, is, that Terentius Culeo, a Pre••••rian by Birth, and of the Senatorian Order, should follow as he did the Tri∣umphant Chariot of the Elder Scipio, with his Cap in

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his hand bare-headed, for that being a Captive to the Carthaginians, he had been retaken by him. And therefore he deservedly return'd, in view of the whole people, the acknowledgment of a Benefit received from him, as from his Patron, who was the Author of his Liberty.

6. But when Flaminius triumph'd over Philip, there was not only one, but two thousand Roman Ci∣tizens that followed his Chariot bare-headed; who having been taken in the Punic Wars, and being sold into Greece, had been by his care collected together and restor'd to their former Freedome. The Honour of the General seem'd redoubled that day, who at the same time let the People see their Enemies by him o∣vercome, their Fellow-Citizens by him preserved: Also their preservation was doubly acceptable to all, seeing that so many, and those so grateful persons, had recovered their deserved Liberty.

7. Metellus, as famous for his Tears as others for their Victories, obtain'd the name of Pious, for his passionate and constant Love of his Father in Exile∣ment: This man being Consul, was not ashamed to entreat the People on the behalf of Q. Calidius, Can∣didate for the Pretorship, because that he being Tri∣bune, was author of the Law by which his Father was recall'd. He always after call'd him also the Patron of his House and Family. Nor did he thereby any way derogate from his greatness which he had ob∣tain'd; seeing that it was not the Lowness of his Spirit, but the Gratefulness of his Minde, which made him submit the grandeur of his Dignity to the greatest desert of an inferiour person.

8. And therefore the Gratitude of C. Marius was not only eminent, but seem'd to be the effect of a vio∣lent Passion: For observing two Cohorts of the Ca∣mertians to have bravely withstood the Fury of the

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Cimbrians, contrary to the Condition of the League, he immediately made them free of the City. Which act of his he both truely and nobly excused, saying, That in the noise and hurry of Battle, he could not hear the words of the Civil Law. And indeed it was a time then, wherein there was more need to defend, than hear the Law.

9. Sylla in the Combat of Praise every where fol∣lows the footsteps of Marius. For being Dictator, he not only uncovered his Head to Pompey being a pri∣vate person; but rising in his Chariot, did alight from his Horse. And this in the Publick Assembly he de∣clared himself to have done willingly, remembring that the other when he was but two and twenty years of Age had taken his part, with his Fathers Army. There were many remarkable things in Pompey, but I know not whether any thing hapned to him more re∣markable than this, that the surplusage of his kindness caused Sylla at length to forget him.

10. And while we talk of Men in high Splendour, let there be some place for meaner Gratitude. For Cornutus the Pretor being commanded to bargain for the Funerals of Hirtius and Pansa; they who provided all Necessaries for Funerals, belonging to the Temple of Libitina, promised the use of their things and their attendance gratis; because they were slain fighting for their Countrey. And by their constant and earnest desire procured, that the ordering of the Funeral might be at the rate of Sesterce Mny, though at their own charges. Whose praise, setting the Law aside, their condition rather augments than extenuates; seeing them the only contemners of gain, that lived by no other thing than gain.

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FORRAIGN Examples.

Let not their Ashes take it ill, if Kings of Forraign Nations come next in order to be mentioned after this sordid tribe, which either was not to be mentioned at all, or else to be placed in the last part of Domestick Examples. But since honest acts done by the meanest ought not to slip our Memory, while they obtain a distinct and proper place, they neither seem to be added to the one, nor preferr'd before the other.

1. Darius being yet a private person, was mightily taken with a short Vestment of Syloson the Samian; and by his more curious viewing of it, caus'd Syloson to give it him freely, who so much desir'd it in his mind. But how great a value he put upon that small Gift, he soon made known when he enjoyed the Empire, giving to Syloson the whole City and Island of the Sa∣mians for his possession. Not that he honour'd the price, but the opportunity and season of the Gift; and rather consider'd from whom the Gift came, than to whom it was given.

2. Magnificently grateful also was King Mithrida∣tes, who made an exchange of all his Prisoners taken from the Enemy, for one Leonicu a most stout pre∣server of his own person from eminen danger, who was taken in a Sea-fight by the Rhodians: accompting it more noble to give his most bitter Enemies an ad∣vantage, than to be unmindful of one that had so well deserved of him.

3. More liberal yet were the People of Rome, for they gave all Asia for a Gift to King Attalus. Though Attalus was not behinde-hand in the Justice of his last Will and Testament, by which he return'd it to them all back again. So that the Munificence of the one, and the Gratitude of the other, cannot be set down

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in so many words of praise, as the vast Cities given in friendship and religiously restor'd.

4. Nor can I tell whether the breast of Massanisa were not in as high a measure replete with the pledges of Gratitude. For he by the benefit of Scipio's and the Roman friendship being put into the possssion of a very large Kingdome, by a most constant and loyal Amity continued the memory of that noble Gift to the very end of his life, which he enjoyed to a very great age. Insomuch that not only all Africa, but all other Nations knew him to be more faihful to the Family of the Cornelii, and the City of Rome, than to himself. He, though he were very hard put to it by the Cartha∣ginians, and was hardly able to defend his own King∣dome, deliver'd to Scipio Aemilianus, Nephew to the other Scipio, the greatest part of the Numidian Army, when he was sent for into Spain to the assistance of Lucullus, preferring former benefits before the present danger. He now near his end, leaving great Riches and Fifty Sons behind him, besought M. V. Manlius, then Proconsul in Africa, to send Scipio Aemilianus who then was under his command to him; believing he should die more happy, could he but commit his last words and breath to his Embraces. But his death preventing the coming of Scipio, he gave in charge to his Wife and Children to acknowledge but one people in the world, the Romans; and but one Family among the Romans, that of the Scipio's. That he left all entire to Aemilianus, giving him the sole power of making a division, and that whatever he ordained, they should observe as inviolable, as if he had left it by Will. Thus died Massanisa, having prolong'd his life through many and divers varieties of changes to the hundredth year. By these and such other Exam∣ples, is well-doing increased and continued among men. These are the Motives, these the Incentives,

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for which we burn with a desire of well-deserving. And certainly these are the greatest and the most splen∣did sort of Riches, to be accompted opulent in be∣stowing Riches. The religious regard whereof since we have so far prosecuted, let us now shew how it has been contemn'd, that we may the better know the difference, which is most acceptable and laudable a∣mong men.

CHAP. III. Of Ingratitude.
  • 1. The Senate of Rome to Romulus.
  • 2. The People of Rome to∣ward Camillus and o∣thers.
  • 3. Of Sextilius toward C. Caesar the Oratour.
  • 4. Of Popilius toward M. Cicero.
  • 5. Of Cn. Pompey the Great toward Cn. Carbo.
FORRAIGN Exam∣ples.
  • 1. Of the Carthaginians toward Hannibal.
  • 2. Of the Spartans toward Lycurgus.
  • 3. The Athenians to The∣seus.

1. THe Senate placed by the Parent of our City in the highest degree of Honour, yet miserably tore him in pieces in the Senate-House; and thought it no crime to take away his Life, who had given life to the Roman Empire. That rude and fierce Age con∣taminated with the Blood of their Founder, the known Piety of posterity cannot dissemble.

2. This ingrateful errour of a debauch'd minde shortly after caus'd the sad repentance of our City.

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Camillus, the most triumphant Enlarger, and the most certain Defender of the Roman Power, yet could not preserve himself in his own City, whose safeguard he had establish'd, encreas'd and enlarg'd. For being accused by L. Apuleius Tribune of the People, for ha∣ving embezled the Spoils of the Veientines, he was by a hard, and as I may say Iron Sentence, condemn'd and sent into Exilement. And at such a time, when having lost a most hopeful Son, he was rather to have been relieved with Comfort, than to have been laden with Calamities. But his Countrey unmindful of the extraordinary Merits of so great a Person, heapd the affliction of Exilement upon the loss of his Son. Poorly done, for Fifteen thousand Pence (a pitiful Sum) to de∣prive themselves of so great a Prince. The Elder African, when Rome was almost quite broken by the Arms of the Carthaginians, when she lay bleeding to death, and bleeding out the very last drop, restored her again, and made her Mistress of all Africa; in re∣compence whereof, his Countrey-men continued him to a poor Village near a stinking Lake▪ of which he seem'd to be sensible to his death, causing this In∣scription to be put upon his Tomb: INGRATEFVL COVNTREY, THOV HAST NOT SO MVCH AS MY BONES. What more unworthy the necessity which they put him to, what more just than his com∣plaint, or more moderate than his revenge? He de∣nied his ashes to a City, which he had preserved from being reduced to ashe. Terefore was this revenge a greater unkindness to ungrateful Rome, than the vio∣lence which Coriolanus offer'd to it. For he onely affrighted Rome, this man made Rome ashamed: not being willing, such was his piety, o complain of their Severity, till after his Death. For, no question, it was a kind of comfort to him, that his Brother had suffered the same before; who after he had over∣thrown

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Antiochus, and reduced Asia under the sub∣jection of the People of Rome, was by the People ac∣cused of converting the publick Money to his own private use, and thrown into prison.

No less inferiour in Vertue was the Younger Afri∣canus, nor yet more fortunate in his end. For alter he had quite reduced to nothing two Cities, Numantia and Carthage, both threatning destruction to the Ro∣man Empire, met with his murtherer at home, but not with one to revenge his death in all the Forum. Who can be ignorant that Scipio Nasica was as famous for Counsel, as the other two Scipio's were for War? Who kept T. Gracchus from strangling the Common∣wealth with his pestiferous hands; yet he, because of the low esteem which his Citizens had of his Virtue, under the specious pretence of an Embassie, went into a voluntary Exilement, as far as Pergamus, and there spent the remainder of his days, never sought after by his ungrateful Countrey.

I still keep in the same name, not having yet done with the complaints of the Cornelian Family. For P. Lentulus, a most famous Citizen and eminent Lover of his Countrey, after he had overthrown C. Gracchus in a pitched field in the Countrey of Aventinum, as a re∣ward of that Victory, whereby he preserved the Laws, Peace and Liberty of his Countrey, was not permitted to live in the City, and therefore wearied with envy and slaunder, he begg'd a Lieutenancy of the Senate; and having made a set Speech, wherein he prayed to the Immortal Gods that his ingrateful Countrey might never have occasion to use him again, he went into Sicily, and there spent the remainder of his days.

3. But what Satyr can be sharp enough, what words severe enough to express the Ingratitude of P. Sexil∣lius? who being defended and fairly brought off from an Accusation highly Criminal by C. Caesar, yet be∣trayed

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and delivered him up to the cruelty of his ene∣my, coming to his house for shelter in the time of Cinna's proscription. Had his accuser implored the same kindness upon his knees, it had bin inhumane to have denied him. For those that injuries do cause us to hate, misery makes us to compassionate. But Sex∣tilius betrayed not his Accuser, but his Protector, to the cut-throat hand of his most inveterate adversary: if for fear of death, unworthy of life, if for hope of reward, most worthy of death.

4. To repeat another Example of the same na∣ture. M. Cicero had defended C. Popilius Lenas of the Countrey of Picena, with no less Care than Eloquence, when his Cause was very doubtful. This Popilius after∣wards, being neither in word or deed injur'd by Ci∣cero, of his own accord begg'd of M. Antonius; that he might be the person to be sent by him to cut his Throat in his Banishment; and having obtain'd that detestable Commission, away he flew over-joy'd to Cajeta; and that very person, I need not say who was the author of his dignity and safety, but also one who ought to have been respected by him to the ut∣most, that very person did he command patiently to lie down, and have his head struck off. And thus laden with the head of the Roman Eloquence, and the most famous right hand of Peace, he return'd with joy to the City, as if he had brought along with him the Spoils of some Enemy. Letters are too imperfect to set forth this Monster, seeing there is not another Cicero living to bewail his unhappy fate.

5. What shall I say of thee, Great Pompey, I know not: While I consider the vastness of thy great For∣tune and Renown, that once orespread the Sea as well as the Land. But though we should be silent, the Death of Cn. Carbo, by whom thou wert protected in thy youth, when contesting in the Forum for thy

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estate, slain by thy command, will never be forgot∣ten: by which ingrateful fact, thou didst seem to stand more in awe of Sylla's Power, than so consult thine own Honour.


1. But lest other Cities should insult, after we have confess'd our own Infirmities; we finde that the Car∣thaginians had an intention to have kill'd or banish'd Hannibal, after that for their honour and for the en∣largement of their Empire, he had slain so many of our Generals, and cut to pieces so many of our Armies; that had he but slain so many common Souldiers of his Enemies, it had won him renown sufficient.

2. Lacedaemon never bred a greater or more profi∣table Citizen than Lycurgus; being a person that the Pythian Apollo did not disdain to speak to, when he consulted the Oracle, and told him, He knew not whether he were to be accompted a Man or a God. Yet neither the Integrity of his Life, nor the constant Love which he bare his Countrey, nor all the whole∣some Laws which he had made, could preserve him from the hatred of his Citizens. For sometimes they threw stones at him in the Streets; they put out one of his Eyes, and at last utterly banish'd him out of his Countrey. What may we think of other Cities, when a City so famous as this for Constancy, Moderation and Gravity, proved so ungrateful against a Citizen so well deserving?

3. Take Theseus from Athens, and either there would have been no such thing as Athens, or else not half so famous. For he reduced his scatter'd Coun∣treymen into one City: and gave the shape and form of a City to a wild and clownish People before. When he was but a Youth, he quel'd the usurping Tyran∣ny

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of Minos: He tam'd the boundless insolency of the Thebans: He assisted the Sons of Hercules; and where∣ever Enormity was grown headstrong and monstrous, he overcame it by his Vertue and his Power. Yet was he banished by the Athenians, and the Island Scyros, less than the Exile, became only famous for his Tomb. Solon also that made such wholesome Laws, and so famous withal, that had the Athenians used them still, they had been still the Lords of great Territories: Who took Salamine a strong Fortress that threatned their ruine, and was but a little distance from them: Who foresaw the Tyranny of Pisistratus, and was the first that durst advise the People to resist him by force of Arms; in his old age lived an Exile in Cyprus. Nor was it his hap to be buried in his own Countrey, of which he had so well deserved. The Athenians had dealt well by Miltiades, had they, after the Battle of Marathon, wherein he overcame the Persians, with their loss of three hundred thousand Men, sent him presently into Exile, and not kept him in prison till he died: Nay more than that, they would not suffer his Body to be buried, till Cimon his Son had surrender'd him∣self into the same place. A sad Inheritance for the Son of so great a Captain, who was himself after∣wards one of the greatest Captains of that Age. Ari∣stides also, who was the Rule of Justice all over Greece, and the greatest example of Continence that ever was, was commanded to depart his Countrey. Happy A∣thens, could they have found out any one that had been either a Good Man, or a Lover of his Countrey, after this man was gone, with whom Sanctity itself seem'd to go along! Themistocles was a notable example of all that had experience of the Ingratitude of their Coun∣trey? For when he had setled Athens in Peace, and raised it to be the most famous, the most wealthy, the Mistriss of all Greece, he found his Countrey-men so incens'd a∣gainst

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him, that he was forc'd to flie to the mercy of Xerxes, whom he had ruin'd before. Phocion, who was endow'd with two qualities which are the best to ap∣pease Wrath and Fury, I mean Eloquence and Integrity, was forced by the Athenians to fly his Countrey: and when he was dead, he was not permitted so much as one turf of Athenian land to cover his bones. Certainly then it must be lookt upon as a publick piece of Mad∣ness, by common consent, to punish the greatest Vertues as the greatest Crimes: which not being to b any where endured, ought to have been more especially exploded and abominated in Athens; where there is a Law a∣gainst Ingratitude. And not without reason, because he looses and abolishes the commerce of doing and re∣ceiving Benefits, which is the support of human Life, that neglects to return Kindness for Kindness. How severely therefore are they to be reprehended, who having most just Laws, but being very wickedly encli∣ned, rather choose to obey their deprav'd manners, than their Laws? So that if it could happen, that those great Persons, whose misfortunes I have related, could ap∣peal to any other Cities, d'ye think they would not quickly have silenced those talkative People, as inge∣nious as they were? Marathon glitters with the Per∣sian Trophies; Salamis and Artemisium beheld the Ruine of Xerxes Navy: Those Walls that were pull'd down, rise more glorious from their ruines. But what are become of all those great Men that did these great things? Answer Athens for thy self. Thou hast suffer'd Theseus to be buried in a little Rock, Milti∣des to die in Prison, and Cimon his Son to wear his Fathers hains; Themistocles a Victor to prostrate him∣self at the Knees of that very person whom he had vanquished; Phocion also, Solon and Aristides, to for∣sake their Houshold-gods, when at the same time ye give divine Honour to the Bones of Oedipus, infamous

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for the Death of his Father, and for marrying his Moher. Read therefore thy own Law, which thou art bound by oath to observe; and since thou wouldst not give due Reward to Vertue, make just atone∣ments to their injured Ghosts. They are silent▪ but whoever reads the ungrateful acts of the Athenians, will be severe and free to eternity to reproach so great a Crime.

CHAP. IV. Of Piety toward Parents.
ROMAN Examples.
  • 1. Cn. Marcius Coriola∣nus.
  • 2. Scipio Africanus the Great.
  • 3. T. Manlius Torquatus.
  • 4. M. Aurelius Cotta.
  • 5. C. Flaminius Tribune.
  • 6. Claudia, a Vestal.
  • 7. A Daughter that gave her Mother suck in Pri∣son.
External Examples.
  • 1. Pero, a Daughter, gave her Father suck in Pri∣son.
  • 2. Cimon the Athenian.
  • 3. Two Brothers Spaniards.
  • 4. Cleobis and Bython, Amphinomous and Ana∣pus.
  • 5. Scythians.
  • 6. Croesus's dumb Son.
  • 7. Pulto.

BUt leave these Ingrates, and talk of those that have been accompted pious; for honest subjects are more pleasing than Stories of the wicked. Let us come then to those, who have been so fortunate in their Offspring, as never to repent the promotion of Generaion.

1. Coriolanus, a person of a vast Courage and deep

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in Consel, and well-deserving of his Countrey, yet almost ruin'd under the oppression of an unjust Sen∣tence, fld to the Volsci, who were Enemies to the Ro∣mans. For Vertue gets esteem wherever it goes. So that where he only sought for refuge, in a short time he obtain'd the chief command of all things. And it hapned that he, who was by the Romans refused for their Leader, had like to have proved their most fatal Enemy. For the Volsci having often overcome our Armies, by his Conduct and Valour, came up and be∣girt the very walls of Rome. For this reason the Peo∣ple that were so haughty, as not to value their own happiness, were forced to supplicate an Exile, whose offence they would not pardon before. Embssdors were sent to appease him, but they could do no good: the Priests went in their rligious Habits, but returned without obtaining any favour: The Senators were at their Wits end, the People trembled, both Men and Women bewail'd their approaching Calamity. But then Veturia. Coriolanus's Moher, aking along with her Volumnia his Wife, and Children also, went to the Camp of the Volsci: whom assoon as hr Son espied, O my Countrey, thou hast overcome my anger, said he, by vertue of this Womans tears; and for the Wombs sake that bare me, I forgive thee, though my enemy; and immediately he withdrew his Army from the Roman Territories. And his ity encountred and overcame all Obstacles, as well his reveng of the Injury re∣ceived, the hopes of Vitory, as the fear of Death up∣on his return. And thus the sight of one Parent chan∣ged a most severe War into a timely Peace.

2. The same Piety inflam'd the Elder Africanus, hardly past the age of Childhood, to the sccour o his Father, and arm'd him with many strength in the midst of the Battle. For he saved th Consul, being desprately wounded in the Battle which he lost to

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Hannibal upon the River Ticinus: nothing terrified either by the weakness of his Age, the rawness of skill in War, or the event of an unfortunate Fight, which would, have dautd an old Soldier; he thereby merited a Crown conspicuous for its double Honour; he having recover'd from the jaws of death, a Father and a Gneral.

3. Those famous Examples the City only received by hearsay; these they beheld with their eyes. Pom∣ponius the Tribune had accused T. Manlius Imperiossus to the People, for that he had exceded his Commissi∣on, out of hopes of making an end of the War, and for sending away his Son, which was a person of very great hops, from publick employment, to follow his own counrey-affairs. Which when Manlius under∣stood, he came to the City, and went by break of day to Pomponius's House; who believing that he came to aggravate his Fathers Crimes, by whom he had been ill used, commanded all the people out of the Cham∣br, that he might he more freely take his Examina∣tion. The Son having thereby got an opportunity so fit for his turn, drew his Sword which he had brought privatly under his Coat, compell'd the threatned and terrified Consul to swear, that he would forbear any farther prosecution of his Father: So that Imperiossus never came to his Trial. Piety toward mind Parents is commendable: But Manlius, the more severe to him his Father was, the greater praise he merited, by the assistance which he gave him; being invited by no allurement of Indulgence, but only natural Aflection to love him.

4. This sort of Piety did M. Cotta imitate, the very same day that he put on the Coat of Manhood; when assoon as he descended out of the Capitol, he accused Carbo who had condemn'd his Father, and bing condemn'd prosecuted him to punishment; en∣nobling

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his early Youth, and first attempt in publick business, with a famous action.

5. Paternal Authority was equally reverenced by C. Flaminius. For when he being a popular Tribune had publish'd a Law for dividing the Gallick Land to every particular man, in opposition to the Senate, and quite against their wills, contemning both their threats and entreaties, and not at all terrified with the threats of an Army, which they menaced to raise against him, if he persisted in his obstinacy; was got into the Pulpit for Orations, reading his Law to the Peopl; yet when his Father pull'd him away, he came down obedient to Paternal Command: no man murmuring in the least to see him break off in the midst of his Speech.

6. These were great effcts of Manly Piety; but I cannot tell whether the act of Claudia, the Vestal Vir∣gin, were not as forcible and as couragious. Who, when she saw her Father pull'd out of his Triumphal Chariot, by the rude hand of a Tribune, with a won∣derful celerity interposing her self between, ap∣peased the highest Authority in the City, inflamed with Anger and Malice. So that the Father rode in Triumph to the Capitol, the Dughter to the Temple of Vesta. Nor could it be righy decided to which most praise was due, whether to him whom Victory, or her whom Piety attended.

7. Pardon me most antient Hearths, pardon me eternal Fires, if the context of our work lead us from your most sacred Temple, to the more necessary ra∣ther than magnificent part of the City. For no Mis∣fortune, no Poverty cheapens the price of Piety. Ra∣ther the trial of it is more certain, by how much th more miserable. The Pretor had delivered to the Triumvir a noble Woman to be put to death in Prison' being condemned for some hainous Crime. But the

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Keeper, compassionating her case, did not strangle her presently. All the while he gave her Daughter liberty to come to her, after he had diligently search'd that she carried her no food, believing that in a little time she might be starv'd to death. But seeing her live many days without any alteration, he began to con∣sider with himself by what means she kept herself alive; thereupon more diligently watching her Daugh∣ter, he observ'd her giving her Breast to her Mother, and pacifying the rage of her hunger with her Nipples. The novelty of which wonderful sight, being by him related to the Triumvir, by the Triumvir to the Pre∣tor, by the Pretor to the Council of the Judges, they granted the Woman her pardon. What will not Pi∣ety invent, that for the preservation of a Parent in prison, found out so strange a means as this? For what more unusual, what more unheard-of, than that a Mo∣ther should be nourished by the Breasts of a Child? One would think this were against the course of Na∣ture, but that Nature commands us in the first place to love our Parents.

FORRAIGN Examples.

1. The same is to be said of Pero's Piety, who pre∣served her Father Cimon, fallen into the same misfor∣tune, and in Prison, nourishing him like an Infant, in his decrepit Age, with the Milk of her Breasts. Mens eyes are fix'd, and in an amaze, when they be∣hold this piece of Piety represented in painting.

2. Nor can I forget thee Cimon, that didst not fear to purchase the Burial of thy Father, with a voluntary surrendring thy own person to imprisonment. For though afterwards it hapnd, that thou wert both a famous Citizen and a renowned Captain, yet didst thou get more honour in theprison than in the Council-Chamber.

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For other Vertues deserve admiration, but Piety merits Love.

3. Nor must I forget the two Brothers, whose Courage was more noble than their Birth. Who be∣ing born of low Parentage in Spain, grew famous by their Deaths, laying down their Lives for the support of their Family. For they having agreed with the Pa∣ciaeci or twelve thousand Pieces of Money, to be paid to their Parents after their Death, upon condition that they should kill Epastus, Tyrant of that Coun∣trey; not only prformed the exploit, but bravely fell in performing it. With the same hands revengig their Countrymen, punishing Epastus, providing a maintenance for their antient Parents, and purchasing renown to themselves. Therefore now they live in their Tombs, because they chose rather to support their Fathers in their old Age, than to preserve their own.

4. A more known pair of Brothers were Biton and Cleobis, Amphinomus and Anapus: The first, because they drew their Mothers Chariot to the Temple of Iuno, to perform the Ceremonies there: The other, because they carried their Father and their Mother up∣on their Shoulders, through the midst of Aetna's flames: but neither of them lost their Lives.

5. Nor do I go about to detract from the honour of the Argives, or to cloud the glory of the Sicilians, But I hold the light of knowledg to the ignorance of a more obscure Piety: which makes me renew the memory of a piece of Scythian Piety. For Darius in∣vading their Territories with a mighty Army, they retreated before him to the very utmost Solitudes of all Asia. Thereupon, being by his Embassadours questio∣ned, when they would make an end of flying, or when they would begin to fight; they made answer, That they had neither till'd Lands, nor any Cities which were worth fighting for, but when they came to the Monuments of their

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Ancestors, then be should know how the Scythians were wont to fight. By which pious answer, that fierce and barbarous Nation redeem'd themselves from the scan∣dal of Savageness. Therefore is Nature the first and best Mistress of Piety, which neither wanting the help of Speech, nor the use of Letters, through her own silent and proper Power infuses Charity into the breasts of Children. What is then the profit of Learning? That their Wits should be more polite, but not more honest. For true Vertue is rather born than acqui∣red.

6. For who taught such People as wander up and down in Carts, that shelter their naked Bodies in the Woods, and live by destroying Cattle like Dogs, to give Darius such an Answer? She that taught Croesus's Son, that was born dumb, to speak for the preser∣vation of his Father. For the City of Sardis being taken by Cyrus, when one of the Persians not knowing who the person was, furiously was going about to have kill'd his Father, call'd back the Sword that was just at his Throat, by crying out aloud to the Souldier, that he should not kill King Croesus. So that he, who till that time was mute, recovered his Speech for the safety of his Father.

7. The same Charity arm'd a Youngman of Pinna (sirnamed Pulto) in the Italian War, with the same strength of Body and Mind: Who being Governour of the City when it was besieged, when the Roman General caused his Father to be brought forth, and threatned to put him to death before his face, unless he would deliver up the Town, made a Sally, and re∣covered his Father out of the Enemies hands. Doubly famous, for that he preserved his Father, and yet did not betray his Countrey.

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CHAP. V. Of Fraternal Benevolence.
  • 1. P. Africanus the Great.
  • 2. M. Fabius Vibulanus Cs.
  • 3. T. Caesar Augustus.
  • 4. A certain Souldier.

NExt to this kind of Piety follows Fraternal Bene∣volence. For as it may be accompted the first Bond of Friendship, to have received many and great Benefits; the next tye is, that we have received them together. For how abundantly pleasant is the re∣membrance of those things! Before I was born I liv'd in the same House, My Infancy lay in the same Cradle, The same Persons were Parents to both, The same Vows were made for both, and we enjoy the same ••••••our by our extraction. A Wife is dear to a Hus∣bad, Children dear to a Parent, Friends are accepta∣ble, and Acquaintance are delightful; but when you have read what follows, there is no Benevolence that exceeds Brotherly Loving Kindness.

1. And this I speak by the testimony of Scipio Afri∣canus, who though he had contracted a most strict Friendship with Laelius, yet he besought the Senate that they would not transfer to him his Brothers Pro∣vincial Lot which they had taken from him, and pro∣mised to go himself Lieutenant to his Brother: So that the Elder became inferiour to the Younger Bro∣ther, the stout and couragious to the faint-hearted, the renowned to a person of no fame; and, which is more, he that was already Africanus, to him that was not yet Asiaticus. So that he assumed one of the most noble Sirnames, and gave the other. He received the Impe∣rial

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Coat of one Triumph, and gave the other; greater by assistance, than his Brother by Superiority of Com∣mand.

2. But Marcus Fabius the Consul having over∣thrown the Veientes and Hetrusci, in a most remarka∣ble Fight, would not accept of a Triumph, which was offer'd him with the full consent of the Senate, and eager desire of the People; because his Brother, a person of Consular Dignity, was kill'd bravely fight∣ing in that Battle. How great was the zeal of Frater∣nl Charity that was lodg'd in that breast, that could not be extinguish'd by the splendour of so high an honour?

3. For this Example Antiquity is famous; that which follows has been no small Ornament to our Age, who have had the honour to see the Fraternal Yok of the Claudian, and now also the Glory of the Iulian Family. For so great a Love had our Prince and Parent for his Brother Drusus, that when he un∣derstood at Ticinum, whither he came a Conquerour to embrace his Parents, that his Brother Drusus lay dangerous sick in Germany, in a frightful amaze he flew out of Town. And the Journey which he made appears from hence to have been so swit, as if he had rode it at one breath; for passing the Alpes and the Rhine, he posted day and night, changing his Horses, above two hundred Mils, through several barbarous Nations but newly conquer'd, in the company of An∣tabagius only, who was his guide. But in all that hazard and danger, when he had forsaken the com∣pany of Men, the most sacred name of Piety, and the Gods that are the favourers of all laudable Vrtues▪ even Iupiter himself, the faithful Preserver of the Roman Empire, accompanied him. Drusus, also faint and weak, at that very moment whn there is little or no distin∣ction to be made between Life and Death, ordered the

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Legions with their Ensignes to go and meet his Bro∣ther. He also order'd a Praetorium to be erected for him upon the right hand, and would make him take the Consular and Imperial Dignity: and at the same time he submitted to the Majesty of his Brother, and the stroak of Death. Nor can any president of Fra∣ternal Love be compar'd to these, unless it be the Examplar of Castor and Pollux.

4. However it cannot be a dishonour to the Me∣mory of the most famous Emperours, to mention here the strange Love of a certain Souldier toward his Brother. For he being in pay under Pompey, and ha∣ving slain a Souldier under Sertorius, that press'd him very hard▪ when he came to strip him, and found him to be his own Brother, cursing the Gods for giving him the Victory, he carried him near the Camp, and putting a rich Garment upon him, laid him upon a Funeral Pile. Which assoon as he had kindled, with the same Sword wherewith he had slain his Brother, he thrust himself to the heart, and falling upon his Brother, was burnt in the same flames. He might have liv'd Innocent, had he pleaded Ignorance; but he rather chose to make use of his own Piety, than the pardon of others; and for that reason to accompany his Brother in Death.

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CHAP. VI. Of Piety toward their Countrey.
  • 1. L. Junius Brutus first Consul.
  • 2. M. Curtius the Roman Knight.
  • 3. M. Genutius Cipus Pretor.
  • 4. Q. Aelius Paetus Pretor.
  • 5. P. Decius Consul.
  • 6. P. Decius Brother of Publius Consul.
  • 7. Africanus the Great.
  • 8. The Roman Citizens.
  • 1. Codrus King of the A∣thenians.
  • 2. Thrasybulus the Athe∣nian.
  • 3. Themistocles the Athe∣nian.
  • 4. The Philaeni, Brothers.
  • 5. Aristotle the Stagirite.

WE have seen Piety to private Relations, we are now to shew it toward our Native Countrey; to whose Majesty paternal Authority, almost equal to that of the Gods, has ever submitted, and to which Brotherly Affection willingly yields, and with a great deal of reason too. For a Family may be ruin'd, and yet the Commonwealth be safe; but the ruine of the Commonwealth necessarily draws with it the de∣struction of every Family. But how can we express in words, what so many have testified at the expence of their own Lives?

1. Brutus the first Consul meeting Aruns the Son of Tarquin the Proud, whom he had expell'd from his Kingdom, in the field ran at him with that fury, that running each other in the body with their Spears, they fell both dead at the same time. I may very well

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adde, that the Roman People paid dear for their Li∣berty.

2. But when the Earth suddenly sunk in the midst of the Forum, leaving a wide hole; and that the O∣racle had return'd for answer, that nothing could fill up that concavity, but that which the Roman People most valued; Curtius a young Gentleman, noble in Birth and Minde, understanding that our City did excel in Vertue and Warlike Prowess, putting on all his War∣like Ornaments, and getting up a Horseback, he put spurs to his Horse, and rid full speed into the dismal Precipice, upon whom the Citizens in his honour cst Fruit and Grain, and then the Earth miraculously clo∣sed again. Many wonderful things did afterwards adorn the Forum. Yet never did any one come near the Piety of Curtius to his Countrey: For which, as de∣serving the chief place of Honour, I will adde another somewhat like it.

3. Genucius Cipus being Pretor, and just coming out of the City in his Habit of General, there befel him a most unheard-of Prodigy. For of a suddain some∣what started out of his Forehead like Horns▪ and a Voice answer'd, that he should be a King, if he re∣turn'd into the City again. Which lest it should hap∣pen, he condemn'd himself to perpetual Banishment. A noble act of Piety, which considering the honour it deserves, is to be preferr'd before seven Kings. In testimony whereof, a brazen Image of his Head was set up upon the Gate out of which he went.

4. Genucius bequeath'd the inheritance of his praise, than which a greater could not be given, to Aelius the Pretor. For when a Crow came and sate upon his Head, as he was fitting in Judgment, the Soothsayers affirm'd, that if he preserv'd the Crow, his Family should flourish, but the condition of the Common∣wealth be most miserable; but the Crow being slain, the

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quite contrary would happen to both: took the Crow and wrung off his neck in the view of all the Senate. He lost seventeen Souldiers of his Family, all stout men, at the Battle of Cannae. But the Common-wealth soon after recover'd its glory. But these Ex∣amples Sylla, Marius and Cnna laugh'd at as ridicu∣lous.

5. Decius, who first brought the Consulship into his own Family, seeing the Romans ready to fly and almost overthrown in the Latin War, vowed his own Life for the safety of the Army, and presently, putting Spurs to his Horse, he flew into the midst of his Ene∣mies, seeking his own Death and the Safety of the Commonwealth: and having made a great slaughter, at length orewhelm'd with the multitude of Piles and Darts, the Victime fell. And from his Blood and Wounds sprang an unlookt for Victory.

6. There might have been but one example of such a General, had he nor begot a Son answerable to him in courage. For he in his fourth Consulship, with the same devotion and stoutness in fight, with the same event of fortune, sustain'd the weak and sinking force of our City. And therefore it was a difficult thing to understand, whether it were more profitable for the Roman City to have the Decii Commanders, or to loose them: For living, they kept her from being van∣quished, but by their death it overcame.

7. The Elder Scipio did not loose his Life for the Commonwealth, but he carefully provided against the destruction of the Commonwealth. For when our City, after the Battle of Cannae, expected nothing else but to be the Victor Hannibal's prey; and that there∣fore by advice of L. Metellus, the reliques of the broken Army were consulting to forsake Italy: He being a young Tribune, and drawing his Sword, threatned death to every man that would not take an Oath never

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to forsake his Countrey: And not only shew'd an ex∣ample of Piety himself, but recall'd it back, when it was just forsaking the breasts of others.

8. To come from particulars to generals; How was the City equally divided in their flames, and equally inflamed with the Love of their Countrey! For the Treasury being emptied in the Second Punic War, thát there was not enough for the performance of their divine Ceremonies; the Publicans going to the Cen∣sors, promised to let out their Money, in the same abundance, as if Money had abounded in the City, and not require a Farthing profit till the War was ended. The Masters also of the Slaves whom Sem∣pronius Gracchus had made free, for fighting so stoutly at Beneventum, forbore to ask any Money for their Service. In the Camp it self there was not a Knight, not a Centurion that desir'd any Pay. The Men and Wo∣men also brought what Gold and Silver they had, nay the Children also brought their Purple Coats and Golden Hearts, that hung about their Necks, which were the ensignes of their Ingenuitles, Nor would any one take advantage of the benefit of the Senates Decree, whereby such and such were freed from Taxes. For they were not ignorant, when Vei was taken, when the Gold which Camillus had vowed as the Tenth of their Spoil should have been sent to the Oracle of Apollo, but could not be purchased, that the Matrons brought in all their Golden Ornaments into the Capitol. They had also heard, that the Thousand Pound of Gold, which was to be paid to the Gauls, when they besieged the Capitol, was made up by their Liberality. And therefore out of their own Goodness, and admonished by the Example of Antiquity, they thought they were not to be out∣done.

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FORREIGN Examples.

1. But I will touch upon some few Forreign Ex∣amples to the same purpose. The King of the Athe∣nians, Codrus, when he saw his Territories wasted and invaded by vast numbers of his Enemies, despairing of humane assistance, sent to the Oracle of Apollo, and by his Embassadors desired to know, which way he might avoid that terrible War. The God returned for answer, that it would be ended when he fell by his Enemies hand. Which was not only spread about among his own People, but in the Camp of the Ene∣my: who thereupon commanded that not a man should touch the body of Codrus. Which when the King understood, he threw off his Royal Robes, and in a servile Habit threw himself into the midst of a Squadron of the Enemy, that were out a forraging, and wounding one of them with a scythe, provoked the souldier to kill him; by whose Death Athens escaped ruine.

2. From the same Fountain of Piety flowed the soul of Thrasybulus. For he being desirous to free his Countrey from the oppression of the Thirty Tyrants, and was going about the enterprize with a small number of Men, one of his Company said to him; How much will Athens be indebted to thee, if they regain their Liberty by thy means? The Gods grant, answered he, that I may have then paid them what I owe them. With which Wish he heap'd a greater ho∣nour upon his renowned work of destroying the Ty∣ranny.

3. But Themistocles, whose Vertue made him Con∣querour, his Countries injury the General of the Per∣sians, that he might not be forced to invade it, ha∣ving instituted a sacrifice, he drank up a full Beaker

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of Bulls Blood, and fell before the Altar a renowned Victime of Piety.

4. There follows an Example of the same nature. When Carthage and Cyrene contended most obstinately for a spot of ground, at length it was agreed to send certain Young-men from such a distance, and where ever they met, that place to be the bound of both their Territories. But in this Agreement two Car∣thaginian Brothers, call'd Philaeni, were too hard for the other, setting out sooner and making more haste: which when the Young-men of Cyrene understood, they for a long time complain'd of their fallacy; but at length they resolv'd to recompence the injury by proposing a severe condition. For they proposed to the Carthaginians, that that place should be the bounds agreed upon, provided the Philaeni would suffer them∣selves to be buried there. But the event disappointed their expectation; for they without any delay deli∣vered their bodies to be buried. Who, because they rather desired large bounds to their Countrey, than large limits of Life, lye enombed in honour, the Punic Empire being extended by the resignation of their bones. Where are now the proud Walls of Car∣thage? Where is the Maritime Glory of that Port? Where is teir Navy, so terrible upon every shore? Where are all their Armies? Where their numerous Squadrons of Horse? Where those Souls that were not satisfied with the vast tract of Africa? All these things Fortune divided between two Scipio's. But the destruction of their Countrey did not abolish the me∣mory of that noble Act perform'd by the Philaeni. So that mortal courage or strength can purchase nothing immortal, but Vertue alone.

5. This Piety was inflamed with youthful Zal. But Aristotle, hardly able to maintain the reliques of old Age in his wrinkled Members, so strongy labou∣red

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sor the safety of his Countrey, that he snatch'd it out of the hands of the Macedonians, almost levell'd with the ground and in their possssion, as he lay in his little Bed in Athens. So tha Stagira was no less famous for being subverted by Alexander, as for being restor'd by Aristotle. Hence it is apparent, how kinde, nay how profuse in their piety to their Countrey, all ages, all degrees of men have been: And how the truth os wonderul Examples, evident to the world, hath subscribed to the Laws of Nature.

CHAP. VII. Of the Love and Indulgence of Fathers to their Children.
Among the ROMANS.
  • 1. Q. Fabius Maximus Rullianus.
  • 2. Caesetius Flavus.
  • 3. Octavius Balbus.
  • 1. Seleucus of Syia.
  • 2. Ariobaranes of Cap∣padocia.

LEt the Indulgence of pious and dear Affection of Parents toward their Children set sail; and car∣ried with a fair gale, return home laden with a grate∣ful portion of sweetness.

1. Fabius Rullianus after he had been Five times Consul, and every time honourably discharged his Office, admir'd for all the Vrtues and Merits of his Life, did not disdain to go Lieutenant to his Son Fa∣bius Gurges, then marching to put an end to a diffcult and dangerous War, going into the Field as it were with a Soul without a Body: His old age being more

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proper for the ease of a Bed, than the labour of Com∣bats. He also followed the Triumphets Chariot, whom he had formerly carried in his own: and ap∣peared not the Companion, but the Author of the Triumph.

2. Caesetius the Roman Knights sate was not alto∣gether so glorious, yet his Indulgence to his Son was no less; who being commanded by Caesar, now Victor over all his forreign and domestick Enemies, to disin∣herit and abjure his Son, because that he being Tri∣bune of the People had accused Caesar to the People of affecting the Empire, ventur'd to give him this An∣swer, Thou shalt rather take from me, O Caesar, all my Sons, than compel me to disinherit this one, by my own act. But he had two sons besides, that were hopeful Young-men, to whom Cesar had largely promised great Preferment. However he preserv'd the other safe, through the Clemency of the divine Prince; Yet who would not think, but that he did more than hu∣mane Wit durst do, that would not stoop to him, who had subdued all the World under his command?

3. But I cannot tell whether Octavius Balbus were not more kind and ardently affectionate toward his Son. For he being proscribed by the Triumvirs, and being got out of a Back-door of his House, hearing a false report that his son was kill'd at home, he re∣turn'd to the slaughter which he had avoided, and delivered himself up to be murthered by the souldiers. The moment wherein he saw his son safe, being of more value to him than his own security. Oh un∣fortunate eyes of that Young-man, with which he could not avoid beholding a most loving Father ex∣piring for his sake!

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FORREIGN Examples.

1. But let us come to things more pleasant to the ar. Antiochus the son of King Seleucus, distracted∣ly in love with his Mother-in-law Sratonice, consi∣dering wih what unlawful flames he burnt, cover'd the impious wound of his breast with a pious dissimu∣lation. Thereupon different Affections being inclu∣ded in the same Marrow and Bowels, unlimited Dsires and excssive Modesy had consumed his Body to no∣thing. He kpt his bed, like one ready to expire. His Relations mourn'd; the Father was overwhem'd with sadness, lamenting he loss of his only son, and the want of succession, and the face of the whole Court was rather Funest, than Royal. But this cloud of sadness was soon dispell'd by the foresight of Lepti∣nes the Mathematician, or as others say, of Erasistratus the Physician; who sitting upon Antiochus's Bed-side, observing him to blush when Stratonice entered the Chamber, and that his Pulses beat with more life; but that he waxed pale, and fetch'd deep sighs, when she departed again: At length sound out the truth, and declared it to Seleucus. Who without any more ado parted with his dearest Wife to his son: attri∣buting his Love to Chance, but the concealing it to death to his Modesty. Let us now consider Seleucus as a King, an Old Man, and a Lover, and then it will appear how many and how difficult obstacles did Pa∣ternal Indulgence overcome.

2. Seleucus parted only with his Wife, but Ario∣barzanes parted with the Kingdom of Cappadocia to his son in Pompey's presence: whose Triunal when he ascended, and by him invited sate down also in the Running-Chair, he beheld his son fitting by the Se∣cret••••y in a seat below his Dignity. Thereupon he

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presently descended from the Running-Chair, and taking his Diadem from his own, put it upon his sons head, and began to urge him to ascend to the place from whence he came. The Young-man wept, his Body trembled, the Diadem fell out of his hand, nor could he go any further: And, which was almost in∣credible, he that parted with a Kingdom was glad; he that was to accept it, sad and sorrowful. Nor had that famous contest had an end, had not Pompey inter∣posed his Authority; For he called the Prince King, commanded him to take the Diadem, and constraind him to sit down by him in the Running-Chair.

CHAP. VIII. Persons severe towards their Children.
  • 1. L. Junius Brutus first Consul.
  • 2. Cassius Viscellinus.
  • 3. Titus Manlius Tor∣quatus the Lawyer.
  • 4. M. Aemilius Scaurus.
  • 5. A Fulvius.

1. THe Leity of the foregoing Parents was Co∣mical, the Sverity of these that follow Tra∣gical. Lucius Brutus that equall'd Romulus in honour; for he sounded Rome, and this the Roman Liberty. He coming to the Supreme Power, and understanding that his Sons endeavour'd to restore Tarquin, caus'd them to be apprehended, and to be whipt with Rods before the Tribuna; nd after tha, caus'd hem to be tied to a stake, and then ordered the Serjeant o cut off their Heads. He put off the relation of a Father,

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that he might act like a Consul: and rather chose to live Childless, than to be remiss in publick revenge.

2. Cassius following his Example, though his Son were a Tribune of the People, and were the first that had promulgated the Agrarian Law, and by many other Popular Acts had won the hearts of the people, when he had laid down his command, by advice of his Kindred and Friends, condemn'd him in his own house for affecting the Kingdom: and after he was whipt, commanded him to be put to death; and con∣secrated his estate to Ceres.

3. Titus Manlius Torquatus, famous for his many great Dignities, and a person of rare experience in the Civil Law and the Pontifical Ceremonies, did not think it necessary to consult his Friend in an act of the same nature. For when the Macedonians had by their Embassadours complain'd to the Senate of D. Silanus his Son, who was Governour of that Province, he besought the Senate, that they would determine nothing in that affair, till he had heard the difference betwixt his Son and the Macedonians. Then with the general consent of the Conscript Fa∣thers, and of them that came to complain, he sate and heard the cause in his own House, wherein he spent two whole days alone, and the third day, after he had diligently examin'd the testimonies on both sides, he pronounced this Sentence: Whereas it hath been proved, that Silanus, my Son, has taken Money of our Alies, I think him unworthy to live either in the Commonwealth, or in my House, and I command him forthwith to get out of my sight. Silanus struck with the sharp and cruel Sentence of his Father, would not endure to live any longer, but the next night hang'd himself. Now had Torquatus done the part of a se∣vere Judge; he had made satisfaction to the Common∣wealth; the Macedonians had their revenge; and one

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would have thought, that the Fathers rigour might have bin mollified by the unfortunate end of his Son: But he would neither be present at his Funeral, nor listen to them that came to consult him about his Bu∣rial.

4. But M. Seaurus, the Light and Ornament of his Countrey, when the Roman Cavalry was worsed by the Cimbrians, and deserting the Proconsul Ctul••••, took their flight toward the City, sent one to tell his Son, who was one of those that fled, that he had ra∣ther meet with his carcass slain in the field, than see him guilty of such a shameful flight. And therefore if there were any shame remaining in his breast, de∣generate as he was, he should shun the sight of his enraged Father: For by the remembrance of his youth, he was admonish'd what kind of Son was to be owned or contemned by such a Father as Scaurus Which message being deliver'd him, the young man was forced to make a more fatal use of his Sword against himself, than against his enemies.

5. No less imperiously did A. Fulvius, one of the Senatorian Order, keep back his Son from going in∣to the field, than Scaurus chid his for running away. For he caus'd his Son, eminent among his equals, for his Wit, Learning and Beauty to be put to death; be∣cause he took part with Catiline, being seduced by ill counsel: having brought him back by force, as he was going to Catiline's Army, and uttering these words before his death, That he did not beget him to join with Catiline against his Countrey, but to serve his Countrey against Catiline. He might have kept him in till the heat of the War had been over; but that would have bin only the act of a cautious, this was the deed of a severe Father.

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CHAP. IX. Of those that us'd Moderation toward their suspected Children.
  • 1. L. Gellius Publicola.
  • 2. Q. Hortensius the Ora∣or.
  • 3. One Fulvius.
  • 4. A certain Parent.

BUt to temper this incensed and sharp Severity with a mixture of Clemency, let us joyn acts of Par∣don to exactness of Punishment.

1. L. Gellius, a person that had gone through all the Offices of Honour, even to the Censorship, when he had almost discovered his Son to be guilty of most ainous Crimes, as lying with his Mother-in-law, and plotting with her to take away his Fathers Life, did ot presently run to revenge himself, but after he had consulted almost the whole Senate, after he had char∣ged him, gave him the liberty to speak for himself, and after a strict Examination and Trial, he acquit∣ed him. Had he hasted to cruelty out of the mo∣tions of Anger, he had committed a greater crime, than that which he sought to punish.

2. Quintus Horensius, who in his time was he Ornament of the Roman Eloquence, shew'd a singu∣lar example of Patience to his Son. For when he knew him to be so debauch'd, that he could not endure his impiety, and for that reason being about to make Messala his Sisters Son his Heir, he told the Senate, while he was defending him from an accusation of bribing the Peoples voices, that if they condemn'd him, he should have nothing left but the Kiss of his

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Nephews. Intimating by those words which he in∣serted in his Oration, that he reserv'd his Son, rather in the torment of his minde, than among his pleasures: Yet that he might not invert the order of Nature, he left his Estate to his Son, and not to his Nephews, Moderately using his Affections: For that in his life he gave an impartial testimony of his manners, and being dead he did him the honour which was due to his blood.

3. The same thing did Fulvius, a man of great Fame and Dignity. For when he had besought the Senate, that his Son, being suspected of Parricide, might be sought for by the Triumvir, and apprehen∣ded by the Senaes Warrant▪ he not only surceas'd to prosecute him, but also left him all his Estate after his decease. Constituting the person whom he had be∣got, not the person whose wickedness he had expe∣rienc'd, for his Heir.

4. To these merciful Acts of great men, I will adde one new and unusual Example of an unknown Parent▪ Who finding that his Son lay in wait for his life, and not believing that any true-born and truely-begoten Child could ever harbour such lewd and wicked thoughts, took his Wife one day aside, and asked her very seriously, whether the Child were supposititious, or whether she had conceived him by another? But being assured by her Oaths and Asseverations, that he had no any reason to be in that manner jealous; he at length took his Son with him into a private place, de∣liver'd him a Sword which he had secretly brought a∣long wih him, and bid him cut his throat; telling him withal, that he needed make use neither of Poyson nor Thieves to compleat his Parricide. The imme∣diate thought of which act, not by degrees, but so suddainly possss'd the breast of the young man, that flinging away his Sword, Live Father, said he live;

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and if you are so dutiful, as to permit such a Son to pray, may you excel me in length of days. But I beseech you withal, let not this my Love seem the more ignoble, be∣cause it proceeds from penitence. O Solitude more sa∣cred than Bloodshed! O Woods more free from cru∣elty than home it self! O Sword more kinde than nourishment! O more happy benefit of Death offer'd, than of Life bestow'd!

CHAP. X. Of those who have couragiously born the Death of their Children.
  • 1. M. Horatius Pulvillus, Cos. 2.
  • 2. L. Aemilius Paulus.
  • 3. Q. Marcius Rex.
  • 1. Pericles the Atheni∣an.
  • 2. Xenophon.
  • 3. Anaxagoras.

HAving made a relation of such Parents as patient∣ly brooked the Injuries of their Children, let us speak of such as have born their Death couragiously.

1. Horatius Pulvillus being to dedicate a Temple in the Capitol of Iupiter, as he was holding the post, and ready to pronounce certain solemn words, news was brought him that his Son was dead: But he neither took his hand off the post, nor made the least interruption in the Dedication of the Temple, nor al∣tered his countenance from the publick Ceremony to his private Grief; lest he might seem rather to have acted the part of a Father, than a High-priest. Bury the carcass then, said he.

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2. A great Example, and no less renowned than the former, is that which follows. Aemilius Paulus▪ the pattern of a most happy, yet a most unfortunate Father, of four Sons which he had, all hopeful and beautiful youths, had translated two into the Corne∣lian Family by right of Adoption, and only reserved two to himself. One of which died four daies before his Fathers Triumph. The other alive in the Trium∣phal Chariot expir'd the third day after. Thus he that was so liberal in bestowing Children upon others, was himself left childless in a short time. Which Misfortune, that you may know how magnanimously he brook'd it, he made plainly apparent in an Ora∣tion which he made to the People, concerning the Actions which he had done for them, by adding this little clause: When in the highest success of my felicity, I was afraid, most noble Romans, that Fortune would do me some mischief or other; I prayed to Jupiter, Juno and Minerva, that if any thing of Calamity threatned the Roman Government, they would exhaust it all upon my Family. And therefore 'tis very well; for according to my wishes, they have so ordered it, that you should rather compassionate my private, than I bewail your pu∣blick losses.

3. I will only adde one Domestic Example more, and then permit my Story to wander. Q. Marcius Rex the Elder, Colleague with Cato in the Consulship, lost a Son of eminent hopes and piety, and which added to his calamity, his onely Child. Yet when he saw his Family ruin'd and ended by his death, he so suppress'd his grief by the depth of his prudence, that immediately he went from his Sons grave to the Senate-house; and as it was his duty that day, imme∣ditely summon'd all the Senators together. So that had he not generously sustain'd his sorrow, he could not have equally divided the light of one day between

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a sad and mournful Father, and a stout Consul; not having omitted the good offices of either.


1. Pericles Prince of the Athenians, in four days having lost two most incomparable Youths; the very same time, without any alteration in his Countenance; or discomposure in his Speech, made a publick Ora∣tion to the People. Nay, according to Cutome, he wen with his Coonet upon his Head, that he might not omit any thing of the antient Ceremony for the wound of his Family. Therefore was it not without cause, that a person of his magnanimous spirit, ob∣tain'd the Sirname of Olympian.

2. Xenophon, the next to Plato in the happy degree of Eloquence, when he was performing a solemn Sa∣crifice, received news that the eldest of his Sons, na∣med Gryllus, was slain in the Battle of Mantinea: However, he would not forbear the appointed worship of the Gods, but only was contented to lay aside his Garland; which yet he put on again upon his head, when he understood, that he fell couragiously fighting; calling the Gods to which he sacrificed to witness, that he more rejoyced at the noble manner of his Death, than sorrow'd for his loss. Another person would have remov'd the Sacrifice, would have thrown away the Ornaments of the Altars, and cast away the In∣cense all bedabl'd with tears. But Xenophon's body stood immoveble to Religion, and his minde re∣main'd fix'd in the advice of prudence. For he thought it a thing far more sad to submit to grief▪ than to think of the loss which he had sustain'd.

3. Neither was Anaxagoras to be suppress'd. For hearing the news of his Sons death: Thou tellest me, said he, nothing new or unexected: For I knew, that

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as he was bega by me, he was mortal. These ex∣prssions were the voice of Vertue, season'd with mo•••• wholesome Precepts, which whosoever rightly under∣stand, will consider, that Children are so to be be∣got, as that we may remember, that the Law of Na∣ture has prescrib'd them a Law of receiving and yiel∣ding up their breath, both at the same moment: And that as no man ever died that did not live, so no man ever lived that must not dye.

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CHAP. I. Of Chastity.
  • 1. Lucretia.
  • 2. L. Virginius.
  • 3. Pontius Aufidianus a Roman Knight.
  • 4. P. Maenius.
  • 5. Q. Fabius Maximus Servilianus.
  • 6. P. Attilius Philiscus.
  • 7. Claudius Marcellus.
  • 8. Q. Metellus Celer.
  • 9. T. Veturius
  • 10. C. Pescentis.
  • 11. Cominius.
  • 12. C. Marius.
  • 13. Certain private persons that vindicated private Adulteries.
  • 1. Hippo a Grecian.
  • 2. Chiomara, wife of Or∣giaguns.
  • 3. The Teutons wives.

WHence shall I summon thee forth, fair Cha∣stity, the chief support of Men and Women! For thou inhabitest the Hearths consecrated to Vesta, by the antient Religion. Thou broodest upon the Cushi∣ons of Iupiter Capitoline. Thou the pillar of the Palatium, renderest famous the most illustrious Hous∣hold-Gods, and the most sacred Genial Bed of Iuliá, by thy fixed habitation there. Thy Guardianship de∣fends the honour of young Youth. And out of re∣spect to thy Deity, riper age continues incontaminate. Under thy protection the Matrons Stole, or long

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Garment is reverenc'd. Come hither then, and know what thou thy self wouldst have others do.

1. Lucretia the first Example of Roman Chastity, whose manlike Soul was, by the mistake of Fortune, enclosed in a female Body, being constrain'd to suffer herself to be ravish'd by Sextus Tarquinius, the son of him sirnamed the Proud; when she had before an assembly of her Kindred and Friends lamented in most passionate expressions the Injury which she had re∣ceived, stabbd herself with a Dagger, which she had conceal'd under her Garment. Whose magnanimous Death gave the people an occasion to alter the Kingly Government into Consular.

2. Neither would Virginius brook an injury of this nature, though a person of a very Vulgar ex∣traction, but of a Patrician spirit; for lest his Family should be dishonour'd, he spared not his own flesh and blood. For when Appius Claudius, the Decem∣vir, confiding in his power, violently prosecuted the defiling of his Daughter, he brought her forth publick∣ly into the Market-place and slew her: choosing ra∣ther to be the Murtherer of a chast, than the Father of a contaminated Daughter.

3. Nor was Pontius Aufidianus endued with less Courage of Minde, being a Roman Knight, who finding the Virginity of his Daughter prostituted by a Pedagogue to Fannius Saturninus; not content to have put the wicked Servant to death, he kill'd his Daughter. And that she might not celebrate disho∣nourable Nuptials, he married her to a bitter fune∣ral.

4. What shall I say of Pub. Maenius? What a strict Guardian of Chastity was he! For he punished a Free∣man of his, for whom he had a great kindness, only because he had kiss'd his Daughter, being of womans estate; though it might seem not to have bin done so

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much out of Lust, as by a mistake of breeding, or long acquaintance. But he thought fit to imprint the Discipline of Chastity into the apprehension of the tender Maid, by the severity of his servants punish∣ment; and taught her by so severe an Example, that she was not only to preserve her Virginity, but her Lips uncontaminated for her Husband.

5. But Quintus Fabius Maximus Servilianus, after he had born many great Offices with renown, coming to the Censorship, question'd his only Son for the doubtful loss of his Chastity: and he underwent the punishment, by banishing himself out of the reach of his Father.

6. I should have said the Censor had been too rigid, but that P. Attilius Philiscus, who suffered his body to be made use of by his Master for gain, prov'd so severe a Father afterwards: For he slew his Daughter, because she play'd the whore. How sacred then ought we to think Chastity was, in our City, where the Procurers of Lust, did so cruelly chastise it?

7. The Example of a most excellent person and a memorable act follows. M. Claudius Marcellus, one of the Aedils that rode in the moving Chair of State, accus'd Scantinius a Tribune, and summon'd him to answer before the People; because he had given out, that his Son had been abus'd in his Body. But he averring that he could not be compell'd o appear, be∣cause he was priviledg'd, and calling the Tribunal power to his assistance; the whole Colledge of Tri∣bunes denied to intecede in a cause where Chastiy was call'd in question. Scantinius therefore being cited, was condemn'd by that very witness, who was accus'd by himself. For it is said, that the Young∣man being produc'd before the Judgment-seat, with his eyes fixed upon the ground, observ'd a most re∣solute silence; by which modest silence he most of all prevail'd in his revenge.

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8. Metellus Celer also was a most severe chastiser of Libidinous Intent; summoning Cn. Sergius Silus to answer before the People, for only proffering a sum of Money to the Mistriss of the Family, and condemn∣ing him for that single Crime. For then not the deed alone, but the very intention was brought into que∣stion; and it was more harm, to have willed an er∣rour, than it was profitable not to offend.

9. Thus far the Juridical Gravity: here follows the extrajudicial. T. Veturius, son of that Veturius, who was delivered bound to the Samnites for making a dishonourable Truce with them, when by reason of the ruine of his Estate, and the great Debts of his family, he was forc'd to yield himself in his youth bound to Plotius, and was by him severely whipp'd, because he would not permit him to make use of his Body, complain'd thereof to the Consuls: Who ac∣quainting the Senate with the matter, sent Plotius to prison. For they endeavour'd to preserve the Chastiy of the Roman blood safe, in what state or condition soever.

10. And what wonder if all the Conscript-Fathers made this decree? C. Pescennius in Capital matters Triumvir, loaded with the publick chains Cornelius a most noted souldier, and one that had been our times advanc'd to be a Centurion of the Triarii, or old Souldiers; because he had had private familiariy with a Youth born of free Parents. From whence appeal∣ing to the Tribunes, when he spoke nothing o the Fact, but only said, That he was ready to put in bail, and to make it out, that the Boy had made a publick prostitution of his body for Money; they absolutely re∣fused to take any cognizance of the matter. Inso∣much that Cornelius died in prison. For the Tribunes thought it too mean a thing for our Commonwealth to make bargains with men, how stout soever, and

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to sell Domestick pleasure at the price of Forraign danger.

11. After the punishment of a lustful Centurion, the severe usage of Mar. Laetorius Mergus, a Military Tribune, and his ignominious Death, is next to be re∣lated: who was cited before the People by Cominius, one of their Tribunes, being accus'd by his Muster∣master for a force upon his body. Nor would Laeto∣rius abide the Tryal; but first of all privately fled be∣fore Judgement, and then slew himself. Yet though he had satisfid Natures debt by his Death, yet was he by the People condemn'd for the crime of Unchastity; the severe Discipline of the Camp, which was the most certain Guardian of the conscrated Eagle, and of the Roman Empire, prosecuing him even to his Tomb. Because he had committed a force upon the body of him, whose Master and Commander he was.

12. This mov'd Caius Marius, then when he pro∣nounced C. Luscius his Sisters son, and a Tribune of the People, to be legally slam by C. Plotius a com∣mon Souldiers; because he durst impeach him before the people, upon an accusation of abusing his Body.

13. But to give a slight account of those, who have made use of their own instead of the publick Law, in the vindication of their Chastity: Sempronius Muses caus'd C. Gallius to be whipp'd, for being taken in the act. C. Memmius also caus'd L. Octavius to be handled after the same manner for the same fact: Carbo Accienus was gelt by Vibienus, Pontius by P. Cer∣nius, being both taken in the Act. A certain person also took Cn. Furius Brochus in the fact, and deliver'd him over to be abus'd by the whole Family: who counted it no detriment to indulge their own An∣ger.

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1. And that I may adde Forraign to Domestick Examples, a Grecian woman named Hippo, being ta∣ken by the Enemies Fleet, flung herself into the Sea, that she might preserve her Chstity: whose body wasting to the Erechtean shore, was buried by the Sea-side, and lies cover'd with a little hiock to this day. But Greece having committed to eternal memory the honour of her Sanctity, makes her every day more fa∣mous.

2. A more vehement this, that which follows a more considerate Example of Chastity. The Army of the Gall-Graeci being all defeaed and taken by Cn. Mnlius, upon the Mountain Olympus, the wife of Orgigon, a woman of extraordinary Beauty, was taken likewise and forc'd by the Centurion, to whose custody she was committed. When she came to that place, where by the Cosul command the Centurion had sent to the friends of the Woman to bring her Ransome, while the Centurion was weighing the Gold, with his eyes fix'd upon the quantity, the Gallo-Grecia in hr own lng••••g commanded those of her own Nation to kill him; and then with the Head cut off in her hand, sh went to her Husband, and casting it t her feet, she rlated the injury done her, and her own revenge. Wat put of this Wo∣man can any one say was in the powr of the Enemy, but hr Body? for neither could her Minde be van∣quished, nor her Chastity taken.

3. But the Wives of the Teutus besought Mrius their Conquerour, that they might be sent by him as a Present to the Vestal Virgins, affirming that they would abstain from the company of mn a sacredly as they should. But that rquest not being granted

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them, the next night they all hang'd themselves. 'Twas well the Gods did not inuse the same Courage into their Husbands in the field. For had they imi∣tated the Vertue of their Wives, they had question'd the Triumphs of the Teutonic Victory.

CHAP. II. What things were freely said or done.
Among the Romans.
  • 1. The Embassadors of the Priverntes.
  • 2. Lucius Marcius Philip∣pus Cos.
  • 3. Scipio Aemilianus.
  • 4. Cn. Calpuroius Piso.
  • 5. M. Cato of Utica.
  • 6. Cn. Lentulus Marcel∣linus.
  • 7. M. Favonius.
  • 8. Helvius Mancia Fermi∣anus.
  • 9. Dlphilus the Tragedian.
  • 10. Marcus Castricius the Placentine.
  • 11. Servius Sulpitius Gal∣ba.
  • 12. A. Casellius the Law∣yer.
  • 1. Machaera a Macedoni∣an woman.
  • 2. A Syracusan Woman.
  • 3. Theodorus the Cyre∣nean.

As I did not invite Liberty, attested as well by the Words as by the Sayings of vehement Spirits; so I will not exclude it coming in my way. Which be∣ing sciuated between Vertue and Vice, if it keep it self within the bounds of Moderation, may deserve Prais, if it launch out further than the limits of due resect, is to be reprehended: becoming thereby more grateful to the ears of the Vulgar, than approv'd by

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Wisemen; and is more secure in the pardon of others, than in the providence of the person. But since we have resolv'd to prosecute all the parts of Humane Action; let us relate the Sory upon our own credit, and let others judge as they think fit.

1. Privernum being taken, and those persons put to death, who had caus'd the Town to rebl▪ the Senate mov'd with indignation, consider'd what thy should do with the rest of the Inhabitants. Thus their safety was in a fluctuating condition, at the same time subject to the Victors, and those that were in∣cens'd against them. But when they saw there was no way but to submit and petition, they could not forget that they had some Italian blood in ther Veins. For the chief in Court being examin'd among them, what punishment they deserv'd; made answer, What pu∣nishment they deserv'd, who thought themselves worthy of Libery. He had taken Arms in words, and had inflam'd the incens'd minds of the Senators. When Plautius the Consul avouring the cause of the Priverntes, p•••• a stop to his stout answer, and ask'd him agin, What kind of Peace the Romans should make with them, granting them their prdon? But he with a resolute Countenane return'd again, If ye grant us good Conditions, let the Peace be perpetual, if bad, as short as you please. By wi•••• st••••n Reprtie he brought it to pass, that the vanquish'd were not only pardon'd, but enjoy'd the Priviledges of our City.

2. Thus the Captain of the Privernates spoke in the Senate. But L. Philippus the Cosul did not forbear to make use of the same liberty against the same Or∣der. For upbraiding their slath before the Rostra, he told them, The Commonwealth stood in need of another Senate; and was so far from repenting for what he had said, that he cmmanded L. Crassus, a man of

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great Dignity and Eloquence, to be laid hold on for murmuring against it. But he, thrusting back the Lictor, Thou art no Consul of mine, said he, because I am no Senator of thine.

3. Wha! Were the people safe from the assaults of Liberty? No, it both assai'd them, and found them patiently suffering. Carbo a Tribune of the People, and a most turbulent assertor of the Graccbian Sedition, and a most absolute firebrand of the growing Civil Wars, having hal'd P. Africanus from the very Gate of the City to the Rostra, as he return'd with Triumph from the ruines of Numantium, there ask'd him his opi∣nion of the death of Gracchus, whose Sister he had married: that by the authority of a person so much in credit, he might adde fuel to the fire already begun: Not doubting, but that in regard of their near rela∣tion, he would have spoken somewhat affctionately in behalf of his Brother that was put to death; but he answer'd, That he was legally slain. Upon which saying, when the whole Assembly incens'd with the Tribuntian fury, began to make a great Clamour, Hold your peace, said he, you, to whom Italy is but a stepmother. And when they began to set up another Cry, You shall never make me fear, said he, those free, whom I brought hither bound. Thus were the whole People reproved by one man with contempt. What an honour they gave to Vertue! They present∣ly were mute. The Numantine Victory fresh in Memory, his Fathers Macedonian Conquest, his Grand-fathers Carthaginian Trophies, and the Necks of two Kings, Perseus and Syphax, chain'd to their Triumphal Chariots, stopt the mouths of the enraged Multitude. Nor did silence proceed from fear, but because through the aid of the Cornelian and Aemilian Families, many fears of the City and Italy were put to an end; the People of Rome were not free, in respect of Scipio's Liberty.

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4. And therefore we need the less wonder that the vast Authority of Pompey contested so often with Li∣berty. Nor was it without great applause that he took things patiently, because it was his fortune to be a laughing-stock to the license of all sorts of men. Cn. Piso when he had indited Manilius Crispus, and saw him, though apparently guilty, to be protected by Pompey; being carried on with a youthful heat and desire of accusation, he tax'd the potent defendour with many great and hainous Crimes: Being then examin'd by him, why he did not accuse him himself? Do but thou, said he, give Sureties to the Common∣wealth, if thou art accused, that thou wilt not raise a Civil War, and I will cause the Iudges to sit upon thy head, before they sit upon the head of Manilius. Thus by the same Judgment he maintain'd two persons guilty; Manilius by his Accusation, Pompey by his Liberty: and the one he fulfill'd by Law, the other by the profession of his good will, not being able to go any farther.

5. What therefore is Liberty without Cato? No more than Cato without Liberty. For when he sate Judge upon a Senator, that was very guilty and in∣famous, and that there were Certificates produced un∣der Pompey's hand, in favour of the party accus'd, he presently caus'd them to be laid aside, reciting the Law, wherein it was enacted that no Senator should make use of any such assistance. The fact is not much to be wonder'd at, considering the person; for what might seem sauciness in another, was in Cato known to be Fidelity to his Countrey.

6. Cn. Lentulus Marcellinus the Consul, when he was complaining in a set Speech of Pompey's prodigious power, and that all the people began to cry him up; Shout, said he, shout while you may, brave Romans, shortly it will not be lawful for you to do it, and go un∣punish'd.

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Thus was the power of a potent Citizen nipp'd, on the one side by envious complaint, on the other side by a sad lamentation.

7. To which eminent Citizen, having his thigh bound about with a white Shash, It matters not, said Favonius, upon what part of the body the Diadem be worn. Upbraiding his Kingly Power, by cavilling at a little piece of cloth. But he turning his head neither one way nor other, was mighty careful how he ac∣knowledged his power by any chearfulness in his looks, or how he shewed his Anger by any Severity: and by that patience laid himself open to the meanest and lowest sort of people.

8. Helvius Mancia Formianus, the Son of Liber∣tinus, when he was very old accus'd Libo to the Cen∣sors: In which contest when Pompey the Great up∣braided him with his low condition, and his old age, and told him withal, that he was sent from the Grave to be an Accuser; Thou tellest no untruth, Pompey, said he, I come from the infernal shades to accuse Libo. But when I was there, I saw Cn. Domitius Ahenobar∣bs all bloody and weeping; for that being of a noble Extraction, of an upright Life and Conversation, and a great Lover of his Countrey, he was put to death in the flower of his youth at thy command. I saw there also Brutus, famous in the same degree, hack'd and hew'd, complaining that the same calamity befel him, first through thy perfidy, and then by thy cruelty. I saw Cn. Carbo a zealous defender of thy youth and of thy paternal estate, in his third Cnsulship, laden with those chains which thou didst cause to be put upon him; and upbraiding thee, that contrary to all equity and justice, he was slain by thee a private Roman Knight, when he was the greatest Officer in the Commonwealth. I saw in the same habit and condition, a person of the Pretorian Order, Perpenna, cursing thy Cruelty; and all with o••••

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onsent bewailing their hard fate, that they should fall uncondemn'd, under such a young hangman as thou. It was lawful for a Member of a Municipal Town, that still had a twang of his Fathers servitude, with an un∣bridled rashness and an unsufferable malice to recal to minde the wide wounds which he had receiv'd in the Civil War, now grown dry with age. and therefore at that time he was in the stongest condition to re∣proach Pompey, as well as in the safest.

9. Diphilus the Tragedian, when in the Apollinary Plays he came to that Verse, wherein there is this Sentence, Our misery is, Magnus; he pronounced the words pointing full upon Pompey: And being rebuk'd by the People, immediately fell to act him, as a per∣son that carried himself too great and busie in Autho∣rity. With the same petulancy he repeated those other words, The time shall come when thou shalt bewail that vertue.

10. The mind of Marcus Castricius was also in∣flam'd with Liberty, who being the chief Magistrate at Placentia, at what time Cn. Corbo the Consul caus'd a Decree to be made, that the Placentines should give Hostages, neither obey'd his Authority, nor submit∣ted to Greater Men. And to one that told him, He had many Swords, he answer'd. And I years. The Legions were amaz'd to behold such stout Reliques of Old Age. And Carbo's anger surceas'd of it self, having so little matter to rage upon, knowing how small a part of his life he should deprive him of.

11. But the Accusation of Ser. Galba was strangely presumptuous. Who forbore not to tax the sacred Iulius himself after all his Victories, as he sate in the Seat to Judicature. Caius Julius Caesar, said he, I took up money upon my bil for Pompey the Great, thy Son in Law, in his third Consulship: What shall I do? Must I suffer? He deserv'd to have been turn'd out of

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the Court, for upbraiding him so openly with the sale of Pompey's Goods. But he more mild than Clemen∣cy it self, caus'd Pompey's Debt to be paid him out of his own Treasury.

12. A. Caesellius a famous Civilian, yet' how sawcie and impertinent! For no Favour, no Authority could compel him to make a Bill of sale of those Goods which the Triumviri had given away. By that Judg∣ment of his excluding the purchases of Victory out of all course and form of Law. The same person, when he had spoken many things against Caesar's Faction, and that his Friends admonish'd him to be silent: There were two things, he answered, most bitter to most men, that gave him the boldness which he took; that was to say, old Age, and want of Children.


1. A Woman of another Countrey intrudes among so many Men; who being undeservedly condemned by King Philip in his drink; I would appeal to Philip, said she, but it must be when he is sober. The smart sentence rows'd him; and by her present courage she compell'd the King to examine the business more strictly, and to give a juster Sentence. So that she extorted that Justice which she could not get by fair means: borrowing her assistance rather from her frankness of Speech, than from her Innocence.

2. The next now is not only a stout, but a lepid and witty liberty of speech. A very antient Woman, when all the Syracusans pray'd for the Death of Diony∣sius the Tyrant by reason of his Cruelty and Oppressi∣on, pray'd every day to the Gods for his life and safety. Which when the Tyrant understood, admi∣ring her undeserved kindness, he sent for her, and en∣quired of her what merit of his made her so careful of

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him? Then Truely Sir, said she, the reason of my de∣signe is very well grounded: For when I was a Girl, and that a very severe Tyrant ruled over us, I desired his death; he being slain, one more cruel came in his place: then I prayed that he might be taken out of the way▪ after whom, we began to feel thee worse than all the rest: And therefore fearing lest if thou shouldst die, a worse than thee should succeed, I pray to the Gods for thy safety. Which facetious boldness, Dionysius himself had not the face to punish.

3. Between these and Theodorus the Cyrenean there might be a kind of match made for stoutness of mind; as veruous, though not so fortunate. For when Lysimachus threatned to put him to death; True∣ly, said he, You think you have a great purchase, because you understand the vertue of Cantharides. But when the King, being incens'd at his Answer, com∣manded him to be nail'd to the Cross; Fright your Courtiers, said he, with that Sentence; for 'tis all one to me, whether I stink under ground or above.

CHAP. III. Of Severity.
  • 1. The Roman People.
  • 2. P. Muius Scaevola, Tribune of the People.
  • 3. The Senate of Rome.
  • 4. M. Curius Dentatus, Cos.
  • 5. L. Domitius Aheno∣barbus.
  • 6. M. Horat. Tergeminus.
  • 7. The Senate of Rome a∣gainst Incest.
  • 8. The Kinsmen against Witches.
  • 9. Egnatius Metellus.
  • 10. C. Sulpitius Gallus.
  • 11. Q. Antistius the Old.
  • 12. P. Sempronius Sophus.

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    • 1. Lacedaemonians.
    • 2. Athenians.
    • 3. Cambyses King of Per∣sia.

    IT is necessary we should arm our selves with Cruel∣ty, while we treat of the terrible and horrid acts of Severity; that having laid our more humane thoughts aside, we may be at leasure to give ear to Rigour. For such inexorable Revenge, such several sorts of Chastisement will come to be known, as▪ though they may be accounted the fortresses of the Law, yet should hardly be inserted into the number of peaceful Pages.

    1. M. Manlius was thrown headlong from the place from whence he had repulsed the Gauls▪ Because he endeavour'd wickedly to have opprest that Liberty, which he had so couragiously defended. Of which sharp Sentence, this was the Preface; I lookt upon thee as Manlius, when thou dravest the Senones headlong down the Rock; when thou becamest a Changeling, I lookt upon thee as one of the Senones themselves. There is a Character of eternal Memory fix'd upon his pu∣nishment. For, for his sake it was enacted, that no Patrician should inhabit in the Capitol or in the Castle, because he had a House, where now stands the Chap∣pel dedicated to Iuno Moneta. The same Indignation of the City brake forth against Sp. Cassius: to whom the suspicion of desiring Soveraignty did more harm, than three magnificent Conulships and two pompous Triumphs did him good. For the Senate and People of Rome not contented with putting him to Death, pull'd his House down over him when he was dead, that he might be punish'd also with the destruction of his Houshold-Gods. Upon the Ground they built a Temple to Tellus. Thus the Habitation of a powerful

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    man, is now the Monument of Religious Severty. The same end had Sp. Maelius by the Sentence of his Countrey, for the same crime.

    So that we finde how great an antipathy the An∣tients had against the Enemies of their Liberty, by the very Ruines and Walls of their Houses. And there∣fore the Houses of M. Flaccus and L. Saturnius, most seditious Citizens, were pull'd to the ground after they were slain. At length Flaccus's ground, after it had long remain'd unbuilt, was adorn'd by Q. Catulus with the Cimbrian spoils.

    Titus and Caius Gracchus were eminent in our City sor their Nobility, and the hope which was con∣ceived of them: But because they endeavour'd the subversion of the Commonwealth, their Bodies lay unburied, and the last Offices due to Mortality were wanting to the Sons of Gracchus, and he Nphews of Africanus. Their familiar acquaintance also, lest there should be any Friends of the Commonwealths Enemies left, were shut up in a hollow Oak, and tumbled headlong to the bottom of that place in the Prison, which was therefore call'd Robur.

    2. The same thing did P. Mucius a Tribune of the People think lawful for him to do, as the People and the Senate had done before; who burnt all his Col∣leagues alive; because, being set on by Sp. Cassius, they strove to hinder the Election of Magistrates, to the publick hazard of the common Liberty. Never was any thing more confidently acted than this Sve∣rity. For he, a single Tribune, durst inflict that pu∣nishment upon nine of his Colleagues, which nine Tribunes durst not exact from one Tribune.

    3. Severity hitherto, a most rigid Guardian and Asseror of Liberty, was equally as truculent also in the preservation of Discipline and Dignity. For the Senate sent M. Clodius to the Corsi, because he had

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    concluded an ignominious Peace with them: And be∣cause they would not receive him, caus'd him to be put to Death in Prison. When once the Majesty of the Empire was broken, how many ways did obsti∣nate Anger vindicate it! They nullified the Accord, they deprived him of his Liberty and Life, and dis∣honour'd his Carcass with the ignominious contumely of the Prison, and the Gemonian Precipice. And in∣deed he had deserv'd this extraordinary chastisement of the Senate. But Cn. Cornelius Scipio, the son of Hispallus, had the experience of it, before he deser∣ved it. For the Province of Spain falling to him by lot, they made a Decree, that he should not go thi∣ther, with a reason added, Because he could not be∣have himself as he ought to do. And therefore the Questor Cornelius had very like to have suffer'd upon the Law of Bribery, for living in dishonour without any Provincial imployment. Neither was the Seve∣rity of the Senate less to C. Vettienus, who cut off the Fingers of his left hand, because he would not be for∣ced to the Italian War. For they confiscated his estate, and imprisoned him as long as he lived; causing im to spend his days and waste that life ignomini∣ously in a Jail, which he refused nobly to venture in the Field.

    4. This Exemple Curius the Consul imitating, who eing forced to proclaim a suddain listing of Souldirs, hen none of the Youngmen appeared, having caused ots to be made for all the Tribes, he commanded the first Name that was drawn to be cited: And because he did not answer to his Name, he made a publick Sale of the Youngmans goods. Which assoon as the Young∣man had notice of, he ran to the Consul's Tribunal, and appeal'd to the Colledge of Tribunes: But there Curius making a Speech, and declaring that the Common∣wealth had no need of a Citizen that knew not how

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    to obey; and so sold both his Goods and the Young∣man too.

    5. In the same manner did L. Domitius stand to his panpudding. For when he was Propraetor in Sicily, there being a Boat of an extraordinary size presented to him, he commanded the Shepherd that had killed him to be brought before him: and enquiring of him with what Weapon he had killed the beast; when he found he had kill'd him with a Pike-saff, he cased him to be crucified: having publish'd a Proclamation before, for suppressing the Robberies that were com∣mitted in the Island, that no person should carry a Dart. Some would take this to be the height of all Severity; for it may be disputed on both sides. But the reason and necessities of publick Government will not suffer the Pretor to be counted over-rigorous.

    6. Thus Severity exercis'd it self in the punish∣ment of Men: Nor was it less sedulous in the chastise∣ment of Women. Horatius, one of that those that fought the three Curiatii, by the conditions of the Combat Victor over all the rest of the Albans, when returning home from that renowned field, he found his Sister, a Virgin, bewailing the death of one of the Curiatii, to whom she was betroth'd, more tenderly than became her age, ran her through with the Sword with which he had so well merited of his Countrey: not thinking them chast Tears, which were shed for a fond and im∣mature Affection. For which fact being endited be∣fore the People, his Father defended him. Thus the inclnation of the Virgin toward the memory of her promis'd Husband, was chastiz'd by a fierce Brothr, while the Father asserted and defended the Chastise∣ment.

    7. The Senate afterwards following the same Exam∣ple of Severity, commanded Sp. Posthumius Albiu and Q. Marcius Philippus, the Consuls, to enquire

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    after those Women who practis'd Incest at the Feast of Bacchanals: By whom when many were con∣demn'd, their Kindred punish'd them all at home; and the ignominy of publick shame, was corrected by the severity of the chastisement: Wheeby the more the Women had sham'd our City by their lewd car∣riage, so much the more same they brought to it by the Severity of their Punishment.

    8. But Publicia who poyson'd Posthumius Albinu the Consul, and Licinia who poyson'd Claudius Asel∣lus, their Husbands, were strangled by order of their next Relations. For those severe men did not think it necessary, where the crime was so evident and noto∣rious, to spend time in a publick Tryal. And there∣fore as they would have defended the Innocent, they were the early punishers of the Guilty.

    9. The Crime of these was great, that excited Seve∣rity to so sharp a Revenge: but Egnatius Metellus exer∣cised his Severity for a far more inconsiderable matter, who beat his Wife to death for drinking Wine. For which act he was so far from being accus'd, that he was not so much as reprehended: every one believing, that for good examples sake, she had undergone the punishment of violated Sobriety very justly. For in∣deed, whatever woman covets the immoderate use of Wine, shuts the door to all Virtues, and opens it to all Vices.

    10. Terrible also was the Matrimonial frown of C. Sulpitius Gallus, who divorc'd his Wife, because he understood that she went abroad with her head un∣vail'd. A rigid Sentence; and yet there was some reason for it. For the Law, said he, confines thee to have no other Judges of thy Beauty but my eyes; for these adorn thy self, be thou only fair to these, and do thou believe their judgment: The farther sight of thee, where it was needless, must of necessity be suspi∣cious and criminal.

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    11. Nor did Qu. Antistius Vetus think otherwise, who divorc'd his Wife, because he saw her talking in the street with a certain ordinary freed Woman: for being incens'd at the fault, he prevented the crime; and avoided the injury, that he might not revenge it.

    12. To these we must adde P. Sempronius Sophus, who divorc'd his Wife, because she went to see a Play without making him acquainted therewith. While this care was taken of old to prevent the Crimes of Women, they were free from offending.


    1. But though the Roman Examples might suffice to instruct the whole world, yet will it not be ik∣some to know what Forraigners have done. The Lacedaemonians caus'd the Books of Archilochus to be thrown out of their City, because they thought them not modest and chast enough to be read. For they would not have the minds of their Children season'd with those things, which would be a greater mischief to their Manners than a profit to their Ingenuities. And therefore they punish'd the greatest Poet, or the next to the greatest in the world, by exiling his Verses, because he made smutty Satyrs against Lycam∣bis, who had injur'd him.

    2. But the Athenians put Timagoras to death, be∣cause that in the Salutation which he gave Darius, he flatter'd him after the manner of his own Countrey: taking it in indignation, that the honour of their whole City should be, as it were, submitted to the Persian Slavery by the flatteries of one single Citizen.

    3. But the Severity of Cambyses was more than ex∣traordinary, who cau'd the Skin of a certain corrupt Judge to be flea'd from his body, and nail'd upon the Seat, where he commanded his Son to succeed him.

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    CHAP. IV. Of things gravely said or done.
    • 1. T. Manlius Torquatus.
    • 2. P. Scipio Aemilianus.
    • 3. C. Popilius Laenas.
    • 4. P. Rutilius Rusus.
    • 5. M. Junius Brutus Pro∣consul.
    • 1. The Cinninienses.
    • 2. Socrates the Athenian.
    • 3. Alexander the Great.
    • 4. The Lacedaemonians.
    • 5. Paedaretus the Spar∣tan.

    TEnacious Memory keeps in strict remembrance the great and most excellent part of applause which those things deserve among renowned men, which were gravely said or done by them. Among the plentiful Examples whereof, let us select, neither with too sparing or too liberal a hand, those which may rather satisfie than satiate expectation.

    1. When our City was in a stange confusion upon the Overthrow of Cannae, when the Safety of the Commonwealth hung with a slender thread upon the fidelity of our Allies; That they might continue the more stedfast in the defence of the Roman Empire, the greatest part of the Senate moved, that the Princes of the Latins might be admitted among them. As Annius formerly and the Campanians avert'd, that one of the Consuls ought to belong to Capua, and the other to Rome: so sick was then the condition of the Roman Empire. Then Manlius Torquatus, of the race of him who had overthrown the Latins, near the River

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    Veseris in a memorable Battle, with a loud voice de∣clared, That if any of the Associates durst come to give his vote among the Conscript Fathers, he would kill him with his own hand. The threats of this one single person, both restor'd the pristine heat to the languishing spirits of the Romans, and hinder'd Italy from ad∣vancing themselves to equal Priviledges with our City. For as before they were broken by the Arms of the Roman People, so now they gave over, vanquish'd by this mans words.

    Equal to this was the Gravity of Manlius: For when the Consulship was conferr'd upon him by the consent of all men, and that he refus'd it by reason of the In∣firmity of his Eyes, yet sor all that was vehemently urged to accept it; Choose, said he, some other person upon whom to confer this Honour; for if ye compel me to take it upon me, neither shall I endure your Customes, neither will you endure the Severity of my Government. If the voice of a private person was so heavy, what would the Fasces of the Consul have bin?

    2. No less mean was the Gravity of Scipio Aemilia∣nus, both in the Court, and in his Assembly-Speeches: Who, when Mummius was his companion in the Cen∣sorship, though noble, yet effeminate and weak, de∣clar'd in a publick Speech before the Rostra, that he would have acted for the Majesty of the Common∣wealth, whether his Citizens had given him a Com∣panion or not.

    The same person, when Ser. Sulpiciu Galba and Aurelius Cotta, Consuls, contended in the Senate whether of the two should be sent against Viriatus in∣to Spain, and that there hapned to be a great dissen∣tion among the Fathers, while they all expected him to declare his opinion; I think it not fit that either of them should be sent, said he, in regard the one has no∣thing, and the other never knows when he has enough.

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    Beieving, that want and covetousness were Mistresses both alike unfit to teach good government. By which saying he obtain'd that neither were sent into the Pro∣vince.

    3. But C. Popilius being sent Embassadour to An∣tiochus, to command him to surcease the War which he wag'd against Ptolomy; when he came to him, and that the King with a chearful and friendly Counte∣nance held him out his right Hand, he would not give him his own again, but deliver'd him the Senates Letters: which when Antiochus had read, he told him, he would consult his Friends. But Popilius incens'd at his delay, Before thou goest out of this circle, said he, give me the answer which I shall return to the Senate. You would not have thought him an Embassadour that spoke, but the whole body of the Senate: For immediately the King affirm'd, that he would give no farther occasion for Ptolomie, to complain. And then at length Popilius took him by the hand as an Asso∣ciate. Behold the force of a concise and efficacious Gravity of Min and Speech! At the same time it terrified the Kingdom of Syria, and protected Egypt.

    4. But I cannot tell whether I should first consider the Words of Deeds of P. Rutilius, for there lies an admirable stress in both. When he withstood the urgent request of a certain Friend, and the other very much offended upraided him in these words, What need have I then of thy friendship, if thou wilt not do for me what I desire? made this answer, What need I of thine, if for thy sake I should do any unhandsome action? To these words were agreeable those deeds, when rather through the dissention of the two Orders, than for any fault of his own, he was arraign'd, he neither put on forry Cloaths▪ nor laid aside the Sena∣torian Ornaments, nor made any Supplication to the Judgs, nor spoke any thing unworthy the splendour

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    of his past years: But so order'd it, that his Tryal was rather an Experiment, than any Impediment of his Gravity. And when Sylla's Victories gave him li∣berty to return into his own Countrey, he rather chose to tarry in Banishment, than to do any thing against the Laws. And therefore more justly might we have given the Title of Happy to the Manners of so grave a Man, than to the prosperous Arms of the other more potent Conquerour. Which Sylla usurp'd, but Ruti∣lius deserv'd.

    5. M. Brutus, the Murtherer of his own Virtues, be∣fore he was the Parricide of the Parent of his Countrey (for by one foul deed he overthrew them all, and de∣fil'd his memory with an unexpiable detestation) as he was goingin to his last Battle, to some that told him it was not convenient to fight: Boldly, said he, I go in∣to the Battle; for this day either all things will be well, or I shall have nothing to care for. For he presum'd he could not live without Victory, nor dye without Secu∣rity.


    1. The person beforementioned puts me in mind to relate what was said to Decius Brutus in Spain. For when all Lusitania had surrendred it self to him, and only the City of Cinninia obstinately held out, and that the Consul thought to have bought them out, they presently made answer to his Commissioners, That their Ancestors had only left them their Swords to defend their City, but no Money to purchase their Liberty from a covetous General. A Saying more noble for Romans to have spoken, than to have heard from others.

    2. Nature led them into these paths of Severity. But Socrates, the most famous Pillar of the Grecian Learn∣ing, when he was to plead his own Cause at Athens,

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    and that Lycias had repeated to him an Oration com∣pos'd by himself, for him to make use of in the Court of Judicature, humble, suppliant, and accommodated to the danger that threatned him; Take it away, said he, for if I could be brought where I might repeat it, in the farthermost deserts of Scythia, there I should think I deserved death. He contemn'd Life, that he might not want Gravity▪ choosiing rather to dye like Socrates, than to live like Lysias.

    3. As great as he in Wisdome, Alexandr, as great in War, shewed himself to be of the same mind. For Darius having tried his force in two Battles, and there∣fore offering him a part of his Kingdome, and his Daughter in Marriage with Ten Hundred thousand Talents; when Parmenio told him, that if he were Alexander he would accept the Condition: He made answer, And so would I, were I Parmenio. An ex∣pression worthy of the two Victories, and deserving the third which he obtain'd.

    4. This was the effect of a magnanimous Minde in Prosperity; That more generous, whereby the Lacedaemonian Ambassadors testified to his Father the miserable condition of their fortune. For when he impos'd most intolerable Burthens upon their City, they made him answer, That if he should persist to command them things more grievous than Death, they would prefer Death before his Commands.

    5. No less grave was the Saying of that Spartan, who excelling both in Nobility and Sanctity of Mind, being put by the Magisracy which he petiion'd for; I rejoyce exceedingly, said he, that my Countrey pro∣duces men more worthy than my self. By which Speech he equall'd the honour he was put by.

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    CHAP. V. Of Iustice.
    • 1. The People of Rome.
    • 2. The four Tribunes of the People.
    • 3. Ti. Gracchus Censor.
    • 4. Colledge of Tribunes of the People.
    • 5. Cn. Domitius Aheno∣barbus.
    • 6. Licinius Crassus the O∣ratour.
    • 7. Cor. Sylla Consuls
    • 1. Pittacus of Mitylene.
    • 2. Aristides the Athenian.
    • 3. Zeleucus the Locrian.
    • 4. Charundas the Thu∣rian.

    'TIs now time to enter the sacred recesses of Justice, where alwaies the respect of just and honest Actions is conversant with Religious Observation. Where Modesty is studied, and Desire gives way to Reason; there nothing is reputed profitable that is not honest. Of which our City among all Nations is the most certain and principal Example.

    1. When Camillus the Consul besieg'd the Falisci, a School-master brought over to the Roman Camp se∣veral Youths, and those the most noble in the City, under pretence of taking them to walk abroad. Not questioning but they being in the power of the Romans, that the Falisci would submit themselves to our Gene∣ral. Upon which affair, after consultation, the Senate decreed that the Youths should be sent home, lashing their Master all the way, while his hands were yed behind him. Which Justice of theirs overcame the

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    Minds of those, whose Walls they were not able to expugn. For the Falisci overcome by their Kind∣nesses, not by their Arms, open'd their Gates to the Romans. The same City oftentimes rebelling, but alwaies broken by adverse Fortune, was at length con∣strained to yield to Q. Lutatius the Consul. Against which when the Roman People desir'd to have shewn the extremity of their Revenge, when they under∣stood from Papyrius, who by the Consuls command had writ the Articles of Surrender, that the Falisci had surrender'd themselves to the Faith, not to the Power of the Romans, they laid aside all their Anger, lest they should be wanting to their Justice; sup∣pressing the force of their Hatred, which is not easily overcome; and the pride of Victory, which easily be∣gets Licentiousness. Another time when P. Claudius having by his prosperous conduct taken the Camerini, had sold them under the Spear according to custome, though thereby they saw their Exchequer filled with Money, and their Empire enlarged: yet because it did not seem to be done according to the Rules of Honour and Justice, they sought them diligently out, and re∣deemed them again; assigning them a place of habi∣tation in Aventinum, and restoring them their Lands▪ They gave them Money also to build Chappels and purchase Sacrifices; and by their Justice gave the mi∣serable an occasion to rejoyce in their destruction, be∣ing so rais'd again.

    What I have related was confin'd within our own Walls and the neighbouring parts; what I now relate has flown over all the world. Timochares the A∣bracian promis'd Fabritius the Consul, that he would poyson Pyrrbus by the assistance of his Son, who was his Cupbearer. Notice whereof being given to the Senate, they sent Embassadors to give Pyrrbus intel∣ligence of it, admonishing him to be careful again••••

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    such kind of treachery. Remembring that their City was built by the Son of Mars, and that War was to be carried on by Arms, and not by Poyson.

    2. Admirable was the Justice of the four Tribunes of the People at the same time. For when L. Horten∣sius their Colleague had cited C. Atratinus (under whose comand they had rallyed the Roman Army, and restor'd the Battle against the Volsci at the Lake Verrugo) to appear before the People; they swore, that it would be a shame to them, if their General should be guilty. For those noble Gentlemen would not endure to behold him as a Gown-man under the last extremity, whose Life, when in Arms, they had defended with their own Wounds and Blood. Which Justice of theirs so moved the Assmbly, that they caus'd Hortensius to desist.

    3. Nor did they shew themselves less noble in that which follows. When Titus Graccbus and C. Clau∣dius had exasperated the greatest part of the City, by carrying themselves so severely in the Censorship, Rutilius the Tribune accus'd them before the People of High-Treason; moved not only by the publick con∣sternation, but his own private interest, because they had order'd a part of his wall to be pulled down for the benefit of some Publick-place. In which Judica∣ture, while many Centuries of the first Classis openly condemn'd Claudius, but all consented to quit Grac∣cbus; Graccbus cried out aloud, That if his Colleague suffered, he would undergo the same punishment as he did. Which Justice of his diverted the storm from both their heads and fortunes. For the People absolved Claudius, and Rutilius releas'd his Action against Graccus.

    4. The Colledge of Tribunes also got great ap∣plause: for when one of them, L. Cotta by name, un∣der the protection of his sacred Authority, denyed to

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    pay his Creditors, they decreed, that if he would nei∣ther pay his Debts nor give Security, they would assist the Creditors in their Appeal: thinking it unjust, that the publick Majesty should be a protection to private Knavery, Thus the Tribunitial Justice drew out Cotta lurking in the Sanctuary of his employment.

    5. Of which to come to another Example, Cn. Do∣mitius Tribune of the People cited Marc. Scaurus before the People, being then Prince of the City, to ruine him, if fortune had favour'd him; or at least to eclipse his renown by a Criminal Accusation. While he was thus eagerly thirsting after the blood of Scau∣rus, a Servant of Scaurus came to him by night, and promis'd him to discover many great and hainous Crimes, to advance his Accusation. As a Master and an Enemy he consider'd and weigh'd in his mind the Impeachment with different thoughts, Justice over∣came his Hatred: For immediately shutting his own ears, and the Impeachers mouth, he caus'd him to be carried to Scaurus. An Accuser, I will not say, to be belov'd, but rather to be applauded by the person accus'd; whom the People, as well for his other Ver∣tues, as also for this reason, created Consul, Censor, and High-Priest.

    6. Nor did L. Crassus behave himself otherwise as to the same Example of Justice. He had alwaies born a most perfect hatred against the Name of Carbo, as his profest Enemy; and yet when a Servant of Carbo's brought him a Cabinet of his Masters, conteining se∣veral Writings, which he might have made use of to his ruine, he sent the Cabinet, lockt as it was, and his Servant bound, to his Master. What Justice may we conjecture then flourished among Friends, when Enemies and Impeachers one of another so nobly behav'd themselves!

    7. Sylla desired not so much his own safety, as the

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    ruine of Sulpitius Rufus, whose Tribunitial rage con∣tinually vex'd him. But when he was banish'd, and that he understood that he was betray'd by his own Servant, where he lay skulking; that the Fidelity and Justice of his Decree might be permanent, he caus'd the Freed-man for his perfidiousness to be thrown down the Tarpeian Rock, together with his freed-mans Cap, which he had purchased by his Treachery. A most insolent Victor at other time, now most just in his Authority.


    1. But that we may not seem to forget the Justice of Forreigners, Pittacus of Mitylene was one to whose merits his Citizens were either so much engaged, or else had so much confidence in his Vertues, that they offer'd him the Soveraign Authority of their City; which he so long kept as the War continued with the Athenians about the Sygaeum, or possession of a piece of ground so called. But after he had by a Victory setled Peace, he presently resign'd his Authority against the will of the Mitylenians, that he might not be the Lord of his City any longer than the necessity of affairs re∣quir'd. And when by the consent of all the People the half of the Land was offered him, he utterly refus'd the Gift; esteeming it below himself, to lessen the glory of his Vertue by the greatness of his Prey.

    2. I must now relate the Prudence of another, that I may also relate the Justice of another. When The∣mistocles had given the Athenians wholesom advice to betake themselves to their Vessels, and after that Xer∣xes and his Army were driven out of Greece went a∣bout to restore the antient dignity of the City, and laid up Treasure secretly to raise his City to the Do∣minion over all Greece; he told the People in publick,

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    that he had found out something, which if fortun would suffer it to be brought to pass, there could no∣thing happen greater or more for the honour of the Athenian People▪ but that it was not a thing to be divulged: and therefore desired them to appoint some person, to whom he might privately reveal it. Ari∣stides was deputed. Who when he understood th•••• Themistocles intended to have burnt all the Lacedaemo∣nian Navy that lay in the Road of Gytheum, that it being destroyed, the Dominion of the Sea might be∣long to them; return'd to his fellow Citizens, and told them, That Themistocles was hammering that which was very profitable, but very unjust. Presently the whole Assembly, when they heard it was unjust, bid him say no more of it, and commanded Themistocles to desist from his Enterprize.

    3. Nothing more prevalent than the following Examples of Justice: Zaleucus the Locrian having strengthend his City with most profitable and whole∣some Laws; when his Son, condemn'd for Adultery, according to the Law made by himself, was to have lost both his Eyes, and all the City interceded for the Son, for some time he obstinately refus'd it▪ but at length, constrain'd by the intreaty of the People, first putting out one of his own Eyes and then one of his Sons, he left the use of fight to both. Thus he ren∣dered to the Law the punishment which it claimed, with a most admirable mixture of Justice; dividing himself into a merciful Father and a just Legislator.

    4. But something more severe was the Justice of Charundas the Thurian. He had pacified the Harangues of his Citizens, that were seditious even to blood and violence, making a Law that if any person entred the Common-hall with his Sword on, he should be presently put to death. Some time after, having been in the Countrey and coming home, he presently call'd

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    a Hall, and forgetting himself enter'd the Hall with his Sword on. Whereupon being minded of the breach of his own Law, by one that stood next him; Well, said he, the same person shall establish it; and immediately drawing his Sword, fell upon it and died, When it was lawful for him to have defended or ex∣cused his errour, he rather chose to make the punish∣ment publick, than put a slur upon Justice.

    CHAP. VI. Of Publick Faith.
    Among the Romans.
    • 1. The Roman Senate.
    • 2. L. Manlius, M. Atili∣us Cos.
    • 3. The Roman Senate.
    • 4. The Elder Africanus.
    • 5. The Roman Senate.
    • 1. The Saguntines.
    • 2. The Petellines.

    WHen this Image is set before our eyes, the vene∣rable Divinity of Truth stretches out her right hand, the most certain pledg of human Safety. Which how it has flourished in our City, all Nations have been sensible of, and we shall make evident in a few Examples.

    1. When Ptolomey the King had left the People of Rome to take the tuition of his Son upon them, the Senate appointed M. Aemilius Lepidus, the High-Priest, to be Guardian to the young Infant, and sent him to Alexandria for that purpose; making use of the s••••cti∣ty of a famous and most upright person, whose publick Abilities had been sufficiently known among them, lest

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    the credit and dignity of the City should have been any way injur'd. This became not only the preservation, but the ornament of the Royal Infancy, so that when he came of age, he knew not of which he had most to boast, whether in the Fortune of his Father, or the Majesty of his Tator.

    2. Famous also was the succeedng piece of Roman Integrity. A great Navy of the Carthaginians being overthrown near the Coast of Sicilia, the Captains of the Enemies, quite out of heart, began to think of making some overtures of Peace. But when it was argued who should go, Amilcar refus'd, for fear lest the Romans should serve him as the Carthaginians had served Cor. Asina the Consul, whom they had detaind a Prisoner in Chains. But Hanno, better understanding the Roman Faith, very confidently profer'd himself. To whom as he was in treaty, when a Tribune of the People spoke, and bid him take heed he had not the same usage as the Consul Cornelius had had; both the Consuls commanding the Tribune to be silent: Hanno, cryed they, from that fear the reputation of our City frees thee. It had made them famous, that they could be Masters of so great a Captain of their Enemies; but much more famous, that they would not.

    3. The same reputation the Conscript Fathers ob∣serv'd in defending the Priviledges of Embassadors. For when M. Aemilius Lepidus and C. Flaminius were Consuls, Culeo the Praetor by an order of the Senate caus'd L. Minutius▪ and L. Manlius to be deliver'd to the Carthaginian Embassadors by the Heralds themselves, because they had laid violent hands upon them. The Senate regarding more their own Honour, than the persons for whose sake they did the Justice.

    4. These Examples the Elder Africanus following, when he had taken a Vessel wherein were several persons, and many of the chiefest among the Cartha∣ginian

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    Nobility, yet he dismiss'd them all untoucht, because they told him, they were sent as Embassadors to him▪ though he knew it to be an excuse of their own framing, to avoid the present danger; that the Fath of the Roman General might rather seem to be deceiv'd, than implor'd in vain.

    5. Let us not forget that noble Act of the Senate, by no means to be omitted. Q. Fabius and Cn. Apro∣nius Aedles, by reason of a Tumult that happen'd, had sent away the Embassadours that came from Apol∣lonia to Rome. Which so soon as the Senate under∣stood, they caus'd them to be deliver'd up to the Em∣bassadours by the hands of the Heralds, and sent a Questor to convoy them to Brundusium, lest they should receive any injury in their passage. Could such a Court as that be said to be a Council of mortal Men, and not rather the Temple of Faith? Which was no less admir'd by our Allies, than it was reli∣giously observ'd in our City.


    1. For before the miserable slaughter of the two Scipio's in Spain, and the destruction of as many Ar∣mies of the Roman Nation, the Saguntines being re∣strain'd within their own Walls by the victorious Arms of Hannibal, when they could no longer resist the Carthaginian power, they brought forth all their most precious things into the Market-place, and kin∣dling the Pile, threw themselves into the common and publick fire, that they might not be accompted false to our Alliance. I cannot but believe, that Faith her self, surveying humane affairs, lookt with a sorrow∣ful countenance, beholding such a religious observance of her Laws condemn'd by such a fatal Event to the Arbitration of unjust Fortune.

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    2. By an act of the same nature, the Petellines ob∣tain'd the same applause. Who being besieg'd by Hannibal, because they would not forsake our Alliance, sent Ambassadours to the Senate, imploring relief. But the Romans, because of their losses at Cannae, not being able to succour them, gave them liberty to pro∣vide the best they could for their own safety. So that they were free to accept of Conditions from the Car∣thaginians. However, they, turning their Women, aged and infirm people out of the City, obstinately de∣fended their Walls to the last: So that their whole City expir'd, before they would lay aside their respect to the Roman Alliance. Nor did Hannibal take Pe∣tellia, but the sepulchre of the Petellian Faith.

    CHAP. VII. Of the truth of Wives to their Husbands.
    • 1. Aemilia, the Wife of the Elder Scipio.
    • 2. Thuria, the Wife of Q. Lucretius Vespillo.
    • 3. Sulpitia, the Wife of Lentulus.

    1. THat we may not omit the Truth of Women in Matrimony, Aemilia the Wife of the Elder Africanus, the Mother of Cornelia, Mother of the Gracchi, was so dutiful and patient, that though she knew her Husband had a kindness for one of her Maids, she took no notice of it; because she would not blemish the Conquerour of Africa with the guilt of Un∣chastiy. And so far she was from revenge, that after her Husbands death, she set her Maid free, and gave her in marriage to a Freed man of his.

    2. When Q. Lucretius was banished by the Triumvirs,

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    Thuria his Wife kpt him out of harms way, between the head of the Bed and the cieling of the Chamber, not without great danger to her self. And so true she was to him, that while others tht were banish'd, as he was, wander'd in pinching extremity, in remote Countries among Enemies, he all the while lay safe in the bosome of his Wife.

    3. Sulpitia being kept up very strictly by her Mo∣ther Iulia, for fear she should follow her Husband Lentulus Crustellio, banish'd by the Triumvirs into Si∣cily; nevertheless made her escape in a disguise, and with only two Maid-servants and two Men-servants got safe to him. Banishing her sef, that sh might not fail in her duty toward her Husband.

    CHAP. VIII. Of the Fidelity of Servants to their Masters.
    • 1. The Servant of M. An∣tonius the Oratour.
    • 2. The Servant of C. Ma∣rius.
    • 3. Philocrates the Servant of C. Gracchus.
    • 4. Pindarus the Servant of C. Cassius.
    • 5. The Family of Plotius Plancus.
    • 6. The Servant of Urbinius Anapio.
    • 7. The Servant of Antius Restio.

    IT remains that we relate the Fidelity of Servants to their Masters; so much the more praise-worthy by how much it was least expected from them.

    1. Marcus Antonius, a most celebrated Oratour in the days of our Ancestors, was accus'd of Incet; whose Accusers were obstinately importunate with the Judges that his Servant might be examin'd for a witness;

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    because they pretended that he carried the Lanthorn before him, when he went to commit the Fact. He was at that time a beardless Youth, and saw himself ready to be sent to the Rack, yet never budg'd for it. But when he came home, and saw Antonius very much troubled about the business, he earnesly begg'd of his Master, that he might be put to the Rack; affirming, that they should not force a tittle out of his mouth to do him a prejudice. And with a wonderful patience he performed his promise: For being lash'd with ma∣ny stripes, set upon the Wooden-horse, and fear'd with burning plates of Iron, he overthrew the whole force of his Masters accusation, by standing firm to his preservation. Fortune might be deservedly blam'd, for having imprison'd so pious and stout a Soul in the Body of a Slave.

    2. But the Consul C. Marius, whose ill success was miserable at the Siege of Praeneste, seeing it in vain to escape through a little Myne under ground, and slightly wounded by Thelesinus, with whom he had designed to live, was run through and slain by his Servant, to free him from the cruelty of Sylla; though he had large promises made him, to deliver him up to the Victor. The seasonable assistance of whose right hand, no way seems inferiour to the Piety of those who have protected their Masters in safety. Because that time not Life, but Death was most beneficial to Marius.

    3. Equally illustrious was the following Example Caius Gracchus, that he might not fall into the power of his Enemies, laid his neck to be cut off by his Servat Philocrates. Which when he had cut off with a swi•••• blow, he thrust the Sword still reaking with his Ma∣sters blood into his own Bowels. Others call th Servant Euporus: I dispute not about the name, only I admire the stoutness of a sevile Fidelity▪ the noble∣ness of whose Soul had the generous Youth imitated,

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    he had avoided the threatning danger, by the benefit of his own and not his Servants hand. But now he gave way that the Carcass of Philocrates should lye in more splendour than that of Gracchus his Master.

    4. Another sort of Fury, and another sort of Nobility, but the same Example of Fidelity. For Pindarus, the Freed-man of Cassius, having slain his Master by his command, after he had lost the Battle of Philippi, preserv'd him from the insultings of his Enemies; nor was the Servant ever seen after. Which of the Gods, Revenger of the most hainous Crimes of Mortals, so benumb'd that Valour, that ventur'd to the destruction of the Parent of the Em∣pire, that it should so abjectly trembling submit it self at the knees of Pindarus, to avoid punishment of publick Parricide, which it deserv'd from the hands of a most pious Victor? Thou, thou it was, most divine Iulius, that didst exact the revenge due to thy celestial wounds, compelling that proud Head, so per∣fidious to thee, to implore the sordid aid of a Slave, driven to that extremity of fury, that he neither de∣fir'd to live, nor durst to dye by his own hand.

    5. Of these calamities C. Plotius Plancus, the Bro∣ther of Munatius Plancus both Consul and Censor, was a sad partaker; who lurking in the Territories of Sa∣lernum, after he had been banish'd by the Triumvirs, discover'd the Sanctuary of his Safety by his effeminate way of living, and the odours of his sweet Oynt∣ments. For thereby the industrious care of those that persecute the miserable, smelt out his secret haunts: By whom the Servants being apprehended, and long tortur'd, denied they knew where their Ma∣ster was. Then would not Plancus endure that Ser∣vants, so faithful and exemplary, should be any longer tormented; but discover'd himself, and of∣fer'd his Throat to the Souldiers weapons. Which

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    contest of mutual good Will, makes it difficult to be decided, whether the Master were more worthy, who had the trial of such a constant Fidelity in his Ser∣vants; or the Servants, who were freed from the severi∣ly of the Rack, by the just compassion of their Master.

    6. What shall I say to the Servant of Vrbiius Pa∣nopio▪ how admirable was his Faith? Who under∣standing that certain Souldiers, having found where his Master was, by the treachery of his Servants, were come to the Town of Reate to kill him, changing his Garments with him, and putting on his own Ring, he put his Master out at a Back-door, and retiring him∣self into his Masters Chamber and into his Masters Bed, suffered himself patiently to be kill'd in lien of Panopio. The act is soon related, but the commen∣daion which it deserves is not so easily given. How∣ever, Panopio tessifid how much he was beholding to his Servant, by rasing him an ample Monument, with a grateul Iscription.

    7. I might be contented with these Examples; but the wonder of the Fact compells me to relate one more. Antius Reslio being proscrib'd by the Trium∣viri, when he saw all his Servants busie upon rapine and ransack, in a tempstuous night withdrew him∣self from his House. Whose flight being observ'd by a Slave that he had kpt severely in Chains, and one that he had burnt in the Forehead with contumelious Letters; the Slave never left till he had overtaken him, to the end he might attend him in his misery. By which most exquisite and dangerous officiousness, h compleated the full measure of a most signal Piety. For when they, whose condition was better at home, mined nothing but the ransack of their Master, he thought the sa••••ty of that person, who had been so cul to him, to be the greatest profit he could enjoy. And when it had been enough to have laid aside his 〈◊〉〈◊〉

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    Anger, he added Charity. Nor did his good Will end here, but he us'd a Stratagem to preserve his Ma∣ster. For when he perceiv'd the Souldiers were at hand, he hid his Master, and making a Funeral Pile, got a poor old man whom he slew and threw him into the flame. When the Souldiers ask'd him for Antius; pointing to the Pile, I have thrown him, said he, into that Pile, for his cruelty to me. The Souldiers, believing the probability of the Story, went their way; whereby Antius had time to provide for his safety.

    CHAP. IX. Of the Change of Manners and Fortune.
    Among the ROMANS.
    • 1. T. Manlius Torquatus.
    • 2. P. Africanus the Elder.
    • 3. C. Valerius Flaccus the Flamin.
    • 4. Q. Fabius Maximus.
    • 5. Q. Lutatius Catulus.
    • 6. L. Cornelius Scylla the Happy.
    • 7. T. Aufidius.
    • 8. P. Rupilius.
    • 9. P. Ventidius Bassus.
    • 10. L. Cornelius Lentu∣lus Lupus.
    • 11. Cn. Cornelius Scipio Asina.
    • 12. Licinius Crassus the Rich.
    • 13. Q. Servilius Caepio.
    • 14. C. Marius.
    • 15. C. Julius Caesar.
    • 1. Polemon the Athenian.
    • 2. Themistocles the Athenian.
    • 3. Conon the Athenian.
    • 4. Aleibades.
    • 5. Polycrates.
    • 6. Dionysius of Syracuse.
    • 7. Syphax King of the Nu∣midians.

    A Considerate Change can either adde much to the Trust, or diminish the Care of worthy men▪

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    whether we consider our own condition, or the na∣ture of others: For when we perceive some to have risen from low and contemptible beginnings, why should we not then have better thoughts of our selves? Knowing, that it is a foolish thing, to forejudge ones self of perpetual infelicity, and to change our hope, which sometimes rightly favous uncertain things, into certain desperation.

    1. Manlius Torquatus, when he was a Youth, was look'd upon to be of so dull and heavy a disposition, that he was sent into the Countrey by his Father Lu∣cius Manlius, a person of great worth, to follow the Plow, as being unfit either for publick or private busi∣ness. Afterwards he pleaded for his Father, being accus'd for some misdeameanour, and carried the Cause for him. He cut off his Sons head, though a Victor, because he had fought against his command with the Enemy: and with a most splendid Triumph, he reviv'd his Countrey groaning under the Latin War. Thus, his adverse Fortune clouded him in his Youth, that he might shine more glorious in his Elder Years.

    2. Scipio Africanus the Elder, whom the Immortal Gods decreed o be born, that there might be a per∣son in whom Vertue might shew it self in all its vari∣ety, is reported to have led a debauch'd life in his younger years; remote from the crime of Luxury, yet more soft and idle than his Punic Trophies, or his yoaking the conquer'd Carthaginians.

    3. C. Valerius Placcus also, in the time of the Second Punic War, began with a lewd course of life: But being chosen Flamen by P. Licinius the High-Priest, to the end he might reclaim him; applying himself to the care of the sacred things, and the ob∣servation of the religious Rites, and guided by Reli∣gion it self, the Captain of Frugality, he became as

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    great an Example of Sobriety and Piety, as he was before of Luxury.

    4. No person led a more debauch'd Life than Q. Fabius Maximus, who afterwards by the signal Victory which he obtain'd against the Gauls, pur∣chas'd to himself and his posterity the Simae of Al∣lobrogicus. Yet in his elder years, our City could boast of no such Ornament as he was, no was any person so renowned as he.

    5. Who is ignorant how highly the Authority of Q. Gatulus was advanc'd, at that very time when there was a crowd of famous men living? Whose younger years you will finde to have been guilty of much Luxury and Softness. Which however was no impediment to him, but that he became the Prince of his Countrey, had the honour to have his name shine in the Capitol, and by his own courage to bury a Civil War that was rising with a mighty force to seize the Commonwealth.

    6. But L. Sylla, till he came to be Questor, led life infamous for his Whoring, Gaming and Drinking. Whereupon it was reported, that Marius being en∣gag'd in a very smart War in Africa, complain'd that they had sent him such an effeminate Questor. But his Vertue, having as it were broken down the fences of wickedness, made a shift to chain the hands of Iu∣gurth, quell Mithridates, withstand the billows of the War of our Allies, break the power of Cin••••, and compel him that had despis'd him, when his Questor in Africa, to fly a proscrib'd Exile into the same Pro∣vince for safety. Which so various and so con••••••ry acts, he that shall with a serious minde consider, would believe there were two Sylla's in one man. I would have call'd him a vicious youth, but a brave man, had he not himself assum'd the title of Happy.

    7. And as we have admonish'd Nobility to regard

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    itself by the benefit of repentance, let us adde a few Examples of those that dar'd aspire from meaner be∣ginnings. T. Aufidius, who once had the gathering but of a small pittance of the Asiatic Tribute, after∣wards rul'd all Asia, as Consul. Nor did our Allies disdain to obey his Fasces, whom they had seen flat∣tering the Tribunals of Forreigners. For he behavd himself faithfully and nobly: plainly demonstrating, that his former way of living, was only the effect of Fortune; but that the presnt advancement of his Dignity, was to be attributed to the greatness of his parts.

    8. Publius Rupilius was no Toll-gatherer in Sicilia, but only a mean Officer under them; so miserable poor, that he had nothing to keep Life and Soul together, but a small Office that depended upon the leave of the vanquish'd. Yet from him▪ Consul afterwards, all Sicilia receiv'd their Laws, after he had freed them from the terrors of a smart War of the Pirats and Fu∣gitives. I believe that the very Ports themselves, if there be any sence in mute things, admir'd the wonderful change in the Condition of that man. For the same person that they had seen exacting the dayly Customs, the same person they saw giving Laws to Navies and Armies.

    9. To this increase of Dignity I will adde a greater. When Asculum was taken, Cn. Pompeius, the Father of Pompey the Great, prostituted to the eyes of the People P. Ventidius, a beardless Youth, in the Tri∣umph that he had obtain'd. Yet this was that Ven∣tidius, who afterwards triumph'd at Rome over the Parthians, and reveng'd the death of Crassus, mise∣rably foyl'd in a strange Countrey. Thus he that a Captive dreaded imprisonment, now a Victor crowns the Capitol with his success. And this is farther re∣markable of the same person, that he was made

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    Pretor and Consul both in one and the same year.

    10. Now let us consider the diversities of Chance. L. Lentulus was depos'd by the Caecilian Law, of his Consulship, being convicted of Bribery, and yet was created Censor with L. Censorinus. Thus Fortune shuffl'd him between Honour and Disgrace; condemn∣ing him in his Consulship, and honouring him with the Office of Censor when he was condemn'd; nei∣ther suffering him to enjoy a lasting happiness, nor long to abide in a miserable condition.

    11. Thus Fortune shew'd her power also in Cn. Cor∣nelius Scipio Asina. Who when he was Consul, being taken by the Carthaginians at Liparae, and had lost all by the right of War, yet by the favour of Fortune recovered all, and was again created Consul. Who would have thought he should have been brought from the Fasces to the Fetters of the Carthaginians? Who would have thought again, that from the Punic chains he should have advanc'd himself to the highest degrees of Honour? But yet he was from a Consul made a Captive, and from a Captive became Consul.

    12. What? Did not the va••••ness of Crassus Wealth give him the Sirname of Rich? Yet Poverty after∣wards laid upon him the shameful title of a Bankrupt; his Goods being sold by his Creditors, because he could not pay the principal; beside the bitter Sarcasme wherewith every one that met him, saluted him, cal∣ling him still, Rich Crassus.

    13. Q. Caepio excels Crassus in svrity of Fortunes inconstancy. For he having obtain'd the splendour of the Praetorship, the renown of a Triumph, the dig∣nity of a Consulship, the glory of the High-Priest∣hood, insomuch that he was call'd The Patron of the Senate; yet died in Jayl, and his Body tortur'd and dilacerated by the cruel hand of the Hangman, became a spectacle of horror to the Roman People in the publick place of Execution.

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    14. The Life of Marius was a strange contest with Fortune; for he withstood all her opposition with a stoutness of mind and body. Being thought unwor∣thy the low honours of an Arpinae (for whom it was not lawful to aspire high) he ventur'd to stand for the Questorship at Rome. And by his patience in bearing repulses, he rather broke by force, than was admitted into the Senate. He had the same repulses when he stood for the Tribuneship and Aedileship in the Field of Mars. Standing for the Praetorship, he carried the lowest degree, which notwithstanding he obtain'd with great difficulty; for being accus'd for bribing Voices, he was hardly acquitted by the Judges. Yet from that Marius, so meanly born at Arpinum, so de∣spised at Rome, and so abhorr'd a Candidate, sprung that Marius who subdu'd Africa, drove King Iugurth before his Chariot in Triumph, who utterly subdued the Armies of the Tentons and Cimbrians, whose two Triumphs were beheld in the City, and whose seaven Consulships were register'd in the Annal-Books; who had the luck to be created Consul returning from Ba∣nishment, and to proscribe his Proscriber. What more mutable or inconstant than his condition? Who among the miserable was most miserable, yet among the fortunate shall be found most fortunate.

    15. But Iulius Caesar, whose Vertues gave him ad∣mission into Heaven, at the beginning of his youth going into Asia, being taken by Sea-Rovers, was for∣ced to redeem himself for fifty Talents. For so small a sum as that, would Fortune have the brightest Constellation in the world sold in the Pyrats Market. Why then should we complain of her, when she spares not the associates of her Divinity? But the celestial Numen reveng'd his own injury: For pre∣sently ater pursuing the slaves, and taking them, he crucified them every man.

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    1. We have been intent in relating our own, let us be more succinct in the repetition of Forreign Ex∣amples. Polemo, a young Athenian Gentleman, but infinitely debauch'd, and one that gloried in his shame, rising from a Banquet, not after Sun-set, but after Son-rising, as he went home saw Xenocrates the Philosopher's door standing wide open. Drunk as he was, richly perfum'd, gayly clad, and with his Gar∣land upon his Head, he enter'd the School, that was full of Grave and Learned Men; and nothing asham'd of the manner of his entry, he sate down to throw his drunken Jests upon the noble Disputes and whole∣som Precepts that were then utter'd. The company being offended, Xenocrates kept his temper, and began to dispute of Modesty and Temperance. The Gra∣vity of whose Speech causing Polemo to repent, he first threw his Garland to the ground, presently after he withdrew his arms (a token of Modesty among the A∣thenians) under his Cloak; shortly after he left his feasting Mirth; and lastly, laid aside all his Debauche∣ry; and being cur'd with the wholesome Medicine of one Oration, of an infamous Glutton became a fa∣mous Philosopher. For his minde was only a Pilgrim in wickedness, not an Inhabitant.

    2. It troubles me to remember Themistocles in his Youth; whether I consider his Father that disinherited him, or his Mother that hang'd herself to see the wi∣cked course of life her Son led; when he himself after∣wards became the most famous person that ever Greece brought forth; and was the pledge either of hope or despair between Asia and Europe. For the one had him the Patron of her Safety, the other entertain'd him as the Surety of Victory.

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    3. Cimon in his youth was look'd upon as a fool; but the Athenians found the benefit of his foolish commands: Compelling them to condemn them∣selves of stupidity, who had accus'd him of Folly.

    4. Two distinct Fortunes, shar'd Alcibiades be∣tween them. The one, that assign'd him a splendid Nobility, vast Wealth, Beauty incomparable, strength of Body, a most piercing Wit, and the passionate love of his Countrey-men: The other, that inflicted upon him Condemnaton, Banishment, Sale of his Estate, Poverty, the hatred of his Countrey, and a violent Death. Neither the one nor the other altogether, but by intermission, like the ebbing and flowing of the Sea.

    5. Polycrates, the Tyrant of Samos, lived in such a prodigality of Fortunes savours, that he was admir'd even to Envy, not without cause; his endeavors all prosper'd; his hopes reap'd the fruit of what they de∣sired; his wishes were no sooner nam'd than granted▪ To desire, and be able to perform, was the same thing. Once only Fortune chang'd her countenance, when he threw a Ring, which he highly esteem'd, into the Sea, that he might not be said to have undergone no misfortune; which however he presently recover'd, the fish being taken that had swallowed it. But he could not always hold this prosperous course of feli∣city, that swell'd his full fails: For Orontes, one of Darius's Commanders, having taken him, caus'd him to be crucified upon the highest top of the Mycalensian Mountain. From whence the City of Samos, long oppressed by his severe Tyranny, with the joyful eyes of freemen beheld his tinking Arteries, his members besmear'd with Blood, and that left hand, to whom Neptune had restor'd the Ring by the hand of the Fisherman, the sad spectacle of Misfortune.

    6. Dionysius also when he had enter'd upon the

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    Tyranny of Sicily, by his Fathers Will, the Lord of a vast Wealth, a Captain of Armies, an Admiral of a Navy, potent in Horse, yet was forced to teach School at Corinth, for his livelihood: And at the same time, of a Tyrant being now become a School-master, he wan'd his Elders by such a change, how little they were to trust to Fortune.

    7. Next to him follows Syphax the King, who underwent the same severity of Fortune; to whom however at the same time, Rome by Scipio, Carthage by Asdrubal, made their addresses for his Friendship. But while he stood thus courted, that he seem'd to be an Arbiter of Victory between the greatest and most potent People in the world; In a short time after, he was brought chain'd by Laelius to Scipio, and now lyes prostrate at the feet of him, whom he thought it fa∣vour enough before, as he sate upon his Throne, to take by the hand. Thus meerly vain, and fragil, and like the baubles Children play with, are those great things which we call Human Power and Wealth: On a suddain they abound, and vanish as soon: In no place or person fix'd upon a stable foundation; but oss'd hither and thither by the uncertain state of For∣tune, miserably they precipitate them into the depth of Calamity, whom but now they had exalted as high as Heaven. And therefore they are neither to be esteemed nor accompted Felicity, which to the end they may redouble a desire of enjoying them, are wont to oppress with a heavier weight, those that they flatter'd before with their most indulgent favours.

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    LIB. VII.

    CHAP. I. Of Hapinness.
    • 1. Q. Metellus the Mace∣donian.
    • 2. Gyges the King of Ly∣dia.

    WE have related several Examples of the In∣constancy of Fortune; for there are very few that render her propitious. Whereby it is evident that she is generous and free of her Adversity, but very sparing of her Prosperity.

    1. Let us see then with how many degres of favour she prosecuted Metellus from his Infancy to his Death, with an incessant indulgence. She gave him his birh in the Capital City of the World: She gave him most no∣ble Parents: She furnish'd him with admirable parts of Nature, and strength of Body: She married him to a Wife conspicuous for her Chastity & Fertility: She grac' him with the Honour of Consulship, the Imperatorian Dignity, and the Splendour of a renowned Triumph: She so order'd it, that at the same time he had three Sons living, Consular men; one also a Censor and Triumpher; and the fourth a Pretor. She married him Three Daughters, whose Issue he received into his ownbosom: And among all these Children born, so many Youths coming to age, so many Nuptial Torches, such an abundance of Honour, Empire and Congra∣tulation, not one Funeral, not one Tear, or the least

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    cause of Sadness. Consider the Heavens, and we shall hardly meet with so perdurable a condition there; while we finde the greatest Philosophers lodging grief and pain in the very breasts of the Gods. Nor was his end unlike the course of his Life. For after he had liv'd a fair age, an easie Death carried him off from the last farewels and embraces of his dearest Pledges; and he was carried to his Funeral-Pile upon the shoul∣ders of his Sons and Sons-in-Law through the City.

    2. A noble Felicity this; yet the following was prefer'd by the Dvinity it self. For when Gyges, puft up with the riches and power of his Kingdom of Ly∣dia, went to enquire of Pythian Apollo, whether any Mortal was happier than he; The God made answer with a low voice, from the hollow retirement of his sacred Den, that Aglaus Sophidius was more happy than he. He was the poorest of the Arcadians, but the elder of the two: one that never had increas'd the bounds of his own land; contented with the Income of a poor Farm. But Apollo meant the true, not the obscure end of a happy Life: and there∣fore gave that answer to one that insolently gloried in the splendour of his fortune, That he rather approv'd a Cottage in a calm security of content, than the cares and anxieties of a Court; a few clods of earth void of fear, than all the fertile Acres of Lydia incumber'd with continual dread; and one or two yoak of Oxen easily maintain'd, than Armies of Horse and Foot, burthensome even to vast expences; and a small Barn subject to no mans Envy, than Exchequers ex∣posed to the coverous desires and rapacious violence of all men. Thus while Gyges labours to finde a God to favour his vain opinion, he learns wherein the true and solid Happiness confists.

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    CHAP. II. Of things wisely said or done.
    By the ROMANS.
    • 1. App. Claudius.
    • 2. P. Scipio Africanus.
    • 3. Q. Caecilius Metellus.
    • 4. L. Fimbria.
    • 5. Papyrius Cursor.
    • 6. The Senate of Rome.
    • 1. Socrates the Athenian.
    • 2. Solon the Athenian.
    • 3. Bion of Prienne.
    • 4. Plato of Ahens.
    • 5. Antigonus the King.
    • 6. Xenocrates the Philo∣sopher.
    • 7. Aristophanes the Come∣dian.
    • 8. Thales the Philosopher.
    • 9. Anaxagoras of Clazo∣mene.
    • 10. Demas the Athenian.
    • 11. Anacharsis the Scy∣thian.
    • 12. Agesilaus the Spartan.
    • 13. Hanno the Carthagini∣an.
    • 14. Herennius Pontius the Samnite.
    • 15. The Cretans.

    I Will now treat of that sort of Felicity, which is al∣together in the habit of the Minde, and is not to be obtain'd by wishes, but is bred in the breasts of men, and advances it self by things famously said or done.

    1. It is reported hat Appius Claudius was often wont to say, That the People of Rome were better to be trusted with Business than Idleness: Not but that they understood the pleasure of a calm condition, but be∣cause he found that potent Empires were excited to Vertue, by the vicissitude and agitation of Human Af∣fairs. And certainly Business, terrible to name, pre∣serv'd

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    the customs of our City in their best condition but Rest, that has a softer name, first fill'd it full of Vice.

    2. Scipio Africanus was wont to say, That in affairs of War, it was a shameful thing to cry, I had not thought. Believing that the transactions of the Sword ought to be carried on with a serious and well-exa∣min'd deliberation. For that Errour is never to be retriev'd, that is committed in the heat of War. The same person denied that an Enemy was to be fought with, but only when there was a kind opportunity, or a pressing necessity. Both prudently said. For to omit an opportunity of acting with success, is the greatest madness in the world: And he that is com∣pell'd to a necessity of giving Battle, yet abstains from fighting, shews a piece of sloath of a pestiferous con∣sequence. And of those that commit these absurdi∣ties, one part knows not how to make use of the benefit of Fortune, the other knows not how to resist the injury of Fortune.

    3. It was also both a grave and lofty Sentence, which Metellus spoke in the Senate. Who upon the ruine of Carthage plainly confess'd, That he knew not whether that Victory might bring more advan∣tage or more mischief to the Commonwealth. For as it was advantageous by the Peace which it occasion'd, so by removing Hannibal, it had done harm. For by his March into Italy, the sleeping Courage of the Ro∣mans was rows'd up: And it was to be fear'd, that being freed from so formidable a Rival, it would re∣lapse into its former drowziness. So that he reckon'd it to be as great a mischief for the Nerves of their antient strength to be weaken'd, as for their Houss to be burnt, their Lands to be laid waste, and their Treasures to be emptied.

    4. How prudent an act was that of Fimbria the

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    Consul! Who being made an Arbitrator by M. Luta∣tius Pythia, a Roman Knight, upon a Security that he had given to an Adversary of his, that he was an honest Man, would never deliver his judgment, lest he should injure the fame of a person unblemish'd by pronouncing against him, or affirm him to be a good man, considering how many qualities were requir'd to make a man such.

    5. From the Civil, we will exhibit a Military Act of Prudence. Papirius Cursor, Consul, desirous to rise from the Siege of Aquilonia to give the Enemy battle, was told by the Augus that the Entrails of the Fowl promis'd all things prosperously, when there was no such thing. Afterwards being inform'd of the fallacy, he took it however for a good Omen to him and his Ar∣my, and gave Battle: But he placed the Impostor in the Fore-front, that the Gods, if angry, might revenge themselves upon the right person. And it hapned so, whether by Chance or by divine Providence, that the first Dart which was thrown by the Enemy, hit the Impostors Breast, and struck him dead. Which when the Consul understood, with a renew'd confidence, he fell upon the Enemy and took Aquilonia. So suddenly did he apprehend, whch way the injury done to the General was to be reveng'd; how vio∣lated Religion was to be expiated; and how Victory was to be obtain'd. He acted the part of a severe Man, a religious Consul, and a stout General: with one kind of thought forcing at the same time the li∣mis of fear, the manner of punishment, and the means of hope.

    6. Now I will pass to the Acts of the Senate. When the Senate sent Claudius Nero and Livius Sali∣nator Consuls against Hannibal, and found that as thy were equal in Virtue, so they were at as great an enmity one with another; they made it their business

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    to make them friends, that they might not neglect the publick for their private dissentions. For unless there be a true concord in such Commands, there is a greater desire to keep another from doing good, than to act well themselves: But where there is an inve∣terate Hatred, they are greater Enemies to one ano∣ther, than the Adversary they go to fight with. Those very men being accused by Cn. Baebius, a Tribune of the People, for their Severity in the Censorship, were by the Decree of the Senate freed from coming to their Tryal: freeing from the fear of Judgment that Honour, which was to take, not to give an ac∣compt. The same Wisdome of the Senate put Ti. Gracchus the Tribune to Death, for daring to pro∣mulgate the Agrarian Law: yet most prudently or∣der'd, that the Land should be divided to every man by the Triumvirs, according to the Law. Thus, at the same time, they took away both the Authors and the Cause of a most turbulent Sedition.

    How prudently did the Senate behave themselves to King Massinissa! For when they had experienc'd the faithful and ready service which he had done them a∣gainst the Carthaginians, they made a Law, whereby they gave Massinissa a freedom absolute from the power of the People of Rome. By which act, they not on∣ly reclaim'd the kindness of a person, who had so well deserv'd of them, but secur'd themselves from the barbarity of the Numidians, Mauritanians and other Nations adjoyning, who before would never rest at peace.


    1. I should want time to relate Domestic Examples: For our Empire increases and protects it self, not only by strength of body, but by vigour of minde. There∣fore

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    let the Roman Prudence be silently for the most part laid up in admiration, and give way to forreign Examples of this nature. Socrates, a kind of terre∣strial Oracle of humane Wisdome, was wont to say, That there was nothing more to be ask'd of the Immortal Gods, but that they would be pleased to give us what things were good for us. In regard they knew what was profitable for every one; but for our parts we beg those things oft-times, which it were better we should be without. For, oh thou mind of Mortals, wrapt up in thick clouds of darkness, how dost thou diffuse thy blind Prayers into wide Errour! Thou covetest Riches, so pernitious to thousands. Thou desi∣rest Honors, fatal to Multitudes. Thou grapplest King∣doms, as oftentimes orewhelm'd with calamity. Thou layst hands upon splendid Wedlocks, which as they ennoble, as oftentimes overturn whole Families. Cease then foolishly to gape after the future causes of many mischiefs, as the only happinesses to be enjoy'd▪ but submit thy self to the judgment of Heaven. For they that are able to give, are best able to make the choice.

    He was also wont to say, That they took a very short and compendious way to Honour, who so behaved them∣selves, as to be really such, as they would seem to be. Wherby he openly admonish'd us, that men should rather follow Virtue it self, than the shadow of Virtue. The same person, when a Youngman ask'd him Whether he should Marry, or altogether abstain from Wedlock, made him answer, That let him do which he would, he should be sure to repent. For on the one hand, said he, there is solitude, want of Children, ex∣tinction of Family, and a mans estate betr'd by a stranger: On the other hand, perpetual sollicitation, continual wrangling, twittings in the teeth about the Dower, the

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    frowns of Kindred, the twatling of the Mother-in-Law, the private friend, and ambushments of Cuckoldy, with the uncertain hopes of Children. Thus he would not suffer the Young-man, in a contexture of bad acci∣dents, to mak his choice in a matter of pleasure and delight.

    The same person, when the wicked fury of the A∣thenians had pronounced Sentence against his Life, and that he had received the venemous Potion given him by the hand of the common Executioner, with a stout and constant resolution, putting the Cup to his mouth, made this answer to his Wife Xanippe, crying out in the midst of tears and lamentations that he died inno∣cently; What then? said he, hadt thou rather I should have died on offender? Oh profound Prudence, that! that would not forget it self, at the very Exit of Life.

    2. How wisely did Solon aver, That no man could be accompted happy, while he was yet alive! being sub∣ject to the doubtful chances of fortune, even to the last gasp. Therefore doth the Funeral-Pile consummte the extent of Humane Felicity, which exposes it self to all the assaults of Misfortune. The same person, when he beheld one of his Friends in a deep affliction, brought him to a high Tower, and bid him survey every part of the lower Buildings: which when he had done, Consider now with thy self, said he, how many occasions of lamentations formerly there were, and still are in those meaner roofs, and will happen hereafter, and cease to bewail the common inconveniences of Mor∣tals. By which act of consolation he shewed, that Cities were but the miserable cages of human Mise∣ries. The same person was wont to say, That if all people were bound to make a heap of their misfortunes in one place, it would so happen, that every man would

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    rather carry his own home again, than bear his share of the common heap. From whence he collected, that we ought not to accompt those things most intolerably bitter, which we suffer by chance.

    3. Bias, when the Enemy had invaded his own native Countrey Prieue, and that all people whom the ravage of War suffered to get safe away were upon their flight, laden with the weight of what they esteem'd most precious, being asked why he carried away nothing of his own Goods, I, said he, carry all my Goods about me. For he carried them in his Breast, not upon his Shoulders; not to be seen by the Eye, but to be prized by the Minde: Which bing preserv'd in the little Sanctuary of the Minde, are not to be in∣jur'd y the hands either of Gods or Mortals: and as they are always at hand with them that tarry, so they never desert them that flie.

    4. Short in words, but abounding in sence was the Sentence of Plato, who said, The world would then be happy, when wise men reigned, or Kings began to be wise.

    5. Of a piercing judgment also was that King, to whom, as they report, when the Diadem was brought, before he put it upon his Head, he held it in his hand, and having a long time paus'd upon it, Oh noble ra∣ther tha fortunate Linnen, cryed he, which be that knew with what cares, dangers, and miseries it was attended, would not take it up from the ground.

    6. How much to be applauded was the answer of Xenocrates! who being present at the reviling speeches of another with a seal'd-up silence, and ask'd why he curb'd his tongue so, being alone, made answer, Be∣cause he had once repented him of speaking, but never of holding his tongue.

    7. The Precept also of Aristophanes is more exalted∣ly

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