The annals and history of Cornelius Tacitus his account of the antient Germans, and the life of Agricola / made English by several hands ; with the political reflecions and historical notes of Monsieur Amelot De La Houffay and the learned Sir Henry Savile.

Book III.

Vol. I.

By WILLIAM BROMLEY Esq

I. AGRIPPINA continuing her Voyage, not∣withstanding the Severities of the Winter, and Storms at Sea, arrived at last at Corfu, an Island opposite to the Ports of Calabria▪ She staid there a few days to quiet her Mind, divided betwixt Grief and Impatience. Upon the News of her coming, Germanicus's Friends, and the Soldiers that had served under him, and many Strangers also, some out of Duty, and others following either for Company or Curiosity, flocked from the Neighbouring Places to

Brind••sia, where she was expected as the nearest and safest Port. As soon as the Ships were discerned at Sea, not only the Haven and Shores, but the Walls, Houses, and other Places, as far as could be seen, were filled with Mourners, enquiring o••ten, whether they should receive her with Silence, or Acclamation. Neither were they determined which was properest, when the Fleet came in, not rowing briskly as they used to do, but slowly, and with Sorrow in their Countenances. When she came with her two Children on Shore, carrying her Husbands Urn, and her Eyes fixt on the Ground, there was an universal Lamentation, so that you could not distinguish the Grief of Relations from Strangers, nor the Mens from the Womens, only theirs who met Agrippina being fresh, exceeded those came with her, which a long Affliction had spent.

II. Tiberius sent two Companies of his Guards to meet them, ordering the Magistrates of Apulia, Calabria, and Campania, to pay their last Respects to the Memory of his Son. The Tribunes and Centurions therefore carried the Ashes, the Banners were rolled up, and with the re∣versed Fasces went before. In all the Colonies as they passed, the People in Mourning, and the Nobles in their Purple Habits, according to the Wealth of the Place, burnt Perfumes, and other things that add to Funeral Solemni∣ties. Those that lived out of the Road, met them in great numbers, and shewed their Grief1, not only by

their Lamentations and Confused Cries, but by their Sa∣crifices to the Infernal Gods. Drusus went to Terracina, with Germanicus his Children that were at Rome; and Claudius his Brother.

The Year of the City 773.

The Consuls, M. Valerius and M. Aurelius, (who then entred on their Office) with a great number of the Peo∣ple, filled the way without observing any order2, every one bewailing the loss of Germanicus as he saw good; for there was no Flattery in this Mourning, and all knew Tiberius rejoyced at Germanicus's Death, tho' he pretended to be troubled for it.

III. Tiberius and his Mother forbore appearing in pub∣lick, believing it a lessening to Majesty to grieve pub∣lickly3, or perhaps fearing lest the People by their Looks should discover their Dissimulationb. I find not in any Registers of the City, or our Histories, that Antonia had

any particular share in this Solemnity, tho' Agrippina, Drusus and Claudius are named with other Relations. It may be she was prevented by Sickness, or so overcome with Affliction, she had not the Courage to see the Fu∣nerals of her Son4; tho' I should rather believe she was kept at home by Tiberius and Livia, that they might seem all equally••afflicted, and to have it believed the Grandmother and Uncle kept in upon the Mothers Ex∣ample5.

IV. The day the Ashes were laid in Augustus's Tomb, there was sometimes a profound Silence, and at others, great Lamentation, the Streets full of People, and the Campus Martius of lighted Torches. The Soldiers in Arms, the Magistrates without their Habits, the People ranked by their Tribes, cryed out, All was lost beyond Recovery, and in this they were so bold you would have thought they had forgot their Governorsc. But nothing went nearer Tiberius, than the great Affection

of the People for Agrippina, whom they called, The Glory of their Country6, the only Blood of Augustus, and the last Remains of ancient Probity; and prayed the Gods her Children might survive their Enemies.

V. Some thought these Funerals not pompous enough, and compared them with those Augustus made for Drusus, Germanicus's Father:

For he went in the middle of Winter to Pavia, and attended the Body to Rome, up∣on the Herse were the Images of the Claudii and Liviid. His Funeral-Oration was spoke in the Place of Publick Assemblies; he was praised in the Rostrae, and all Honours done him that either our Ancestors or latter times have invented: But Germanicus wanted those that are due to every noble Roman. It signified little, said they, that his Body was burnt without Ceremony in a Foreign Country, considering the Difficulty of

bringing it so far home, but he should have had the greater Honours afterwards in lieu of those this Acci∣dent deprived him. His Brother went but one Day's Iourny to meet the Body, and his Uncle only to the Gates. What is become of the Ancient Customs? Why was not his Effigiesf carried, and Verses sung in Ho∣nour of his Memory? Why was he not praised and la∣mented with the usual Ceremonies of Mourning1?

VI. These Discourses were carried to Tiberius, and to put a stop to them, he declares, by an Edict,

That many Illustrious Persons had died in the Service of the Commonwealth, but none had been so passionately re∣gretted. This was commendable both in him and them, if a Mean was observed: That the same things were not becoming Princes and private Men2, for a People

that Command the World, and those that Govern Petty Commonwealths: That the Season for Sorrow, is, when Grief is fresh, but after three Months 'twas reasonable to lay it aside, as Caesar did upon the Death of his only Daughter, and Augustus after he had lost his Children3: That it was not necessary to give an∣cienter Instances, how the People had bore with Con∣stancy the Defeat of their Armiesg; the Death of their Generalsh, and the entire Extinction of many noble Familiesi: That Princes are Mortal, but the Commonwealth Eternal4; that they should therefore return to their ordinary Employments, and enjoy them∣selves at the Megalensian Gamesk, that were at hand5.

VII. The Vacation being ended, every Man returned to his Business, and Drusus went to the Army in Illyricum, leaving all under great Expectation to see Germanicus's Death revenged upon Piso. They often complained he marched over the pleasant Countries of Asia and Greece, to avoid by his Contumacy and Delays, the Conviction of his Crimes. For it was commonly reported, That the infamous Poisoner, Martina, sent by Cneius Sentius to Rome, died suddenly at Brindisi, that Poison was found in her Hair, yet no sign thereof appear'd upon her Body1.

VIII. But Piso, after he had sent his Son to Rome, with Instructions how to apply to Tiberius for his Favour, went to seek Drusus, from whom he expected more Counte∣nance for removing his Rival, than Displeasure for taking off his Brother2. Tiberius, to shew he was not preju∣diced against Piso, received his Son honourably, and made him such Presents as were usual to young Gentle∣men of his Quality. Drusus told Piso, If those things were true that were reported, he should be much trou∣bled3, but that he wished they might appear false, and

the Death of Germanicus fatal to none4. He spoke this publickly, declining private Conversation with him, which none doubted to be by Tiberius's Order, because Drusus was of himself too easie and unwary to have pra∣ctised so much Art and Cunning above his Years.5.

IX. Piso having sailed over the Adriatick Sea, and left the Ships at Acona, came by Pisenuml, and so by the Via Flaminam, to joyn the Legion that returned from Panonia to Rome, to go into Garison in Africa. But be∣cause it was reported, he intended to Corrupt the Sol∣diers, by conversing much among them6; as soon as he arrived at Narnin, he embarked upon the River Nare to avoid Suspicion, or because those that are timorous are always uncertain. But he incensed the People by his landing in their sight, at the Burying-place of the Caesars, with Plancina; both were pleasant and cheerful, he attended with a Multitude of Followers, and she with a great Train of Women. Their House, which stood very publickly, was adorned with Lawrels, and Garlands, there was a Festival, and great Rejoycings, and all so publick, as to raise them more Envy7 and Ill-will.

X. The next day Fulcinus Trio accused Piso before the Consuls but; Veranius Vitellus, and others, that had been with Germanicus, insisted, That it belong'd to them, and not to Trio, and that instead of being Accusers, they would only report, as Witnesses, the last Declara∣tion of the Deceased. Trio waved that part, and con∣tented himself with the Liberty to enquire into the Life of Germanicus. The Emperor desired Cognizance of this himself, and Piso freely consented for fear of fal∣ling into the hands of the People or Senate, both too much enclined to Germanicus's Family; and knowing also Tiberius valued not Reports, and that his Mother had agreed with him the Orders she sent Plancina. Be∣sides, Truth is more easily discerned by a single Iudge, than an Assembly1 where Hatred and Envy are too pre∣valent. Tiberius was not ignorant of the Consequence of this Affair, nor the Reflections he lay under. After hearing therefore before some of his Confidents, the Complaints of the Accusers, and Piso's Answer, he sent all back to the Senate.

XI. In the mean time, Drusus returning from Sclavo∣nia, came privately to Rome, deferring till another time the Triumph the City decreed him for the taking Maro∣boduus, and his great Actions the Summer before. After∣wards Piso desiring T. Aruntius, Fulcinius, Asinius Gallus, Eserninus Marcellus, and Sextus Pompeius for his Advocates, and they excusing themselves2 on divers Pretences, M. Lepidus, Lucius Piso, and Liveneius Regulus were appointed him. All the City expected with great Impatience to

see the Fidelity of Germanicus's Friendso, the Courage of the Criminal, and whether Tiberius would discover or conceal his Sentiments. For the People never shew∣ed greater Suspicion, nor took more Liberty to Censure their Prince.

XII. The Day the Senate met, Tiberius made a set Speech, and said,

That Piso had been Augustus's Friend and Lieutenant, and that by Authority of the Senate3 he was sent with Germanicus to govern the East. They were impartially to judge, whether he had provoked the young Prince by his Disobedience and Disputes, if he rejoyced at his Death, or was the Cause of it. For, says he, if he exceeded what was committed to him, when Lieutenant, disobeyed his General, rejoyced at his Death, and my Affliction, I will banish him my House, and be revenged of him as a Father, not a Prince1. Nay, if he hath been guilty of any Crime, that de∣serves Punishment, even the Death of any private Man, give your selves, the Children of Germanicus, and us their Parent just Satisfaction. And especially forget not to enquire if he hath corrupted the Military Discipline,

if he hath ambitiously endeavoured to gain the Soldiers Affections, and if he returned into the Province by force of Arms, or if these things be false and aggrava∣ted by the Accusers2, whose great zeal I have cause to be offended with. For, Why was Germanicus's Body stript and exposed naked to the People, and why has it been reported he was Poisoned, if these things are yet uncertain, and to be proved? I lament the loss of my Son, and shall always do it, but will not hinder the Accused making his Defence3, without sparing Germa∣nicus, if he hath been to blame. I beseech you, let not my Trouble make you take Accusations for Crimes. If any among you are Relations or Friends to Piso, let him not fear to help him with his Eloquence and Care. I exhort his Accusers to the like Application and Con∣stancy. We will only indulge this to Germanicus, that his Death shall be enquired into in the Curiap, not the Forumq, before the Senate, rather than the ordi∣nary Iudges, all the rest shall be according to the common Form. Lastly, I desire you will neither re∣gard Drusus's Tears, my Affliction, nor any Calum∣nies.

XIII. It was ordered, the Accusers should have two days to bring in their Accusations, the Defendant three to answer, and six to prepare for it. Then Fulcinius be∣gan with old and frivolous matters, as his governing Spain ambitiously and covetuously; a conviction whereof would not have Condemned him, had he justified him∣self of the rest, nor the clearing himself of that would have acquitted him, if found guilty of the new Crimes he was charged with. Serveus Veranius and Vitellius con∣tinued the Accusation with the like warmth, but the lat∣ter with more Eloquence, objected, That Piso, out of Hatred to Germanicus, and desire of Innovation, so cor∣rupted the Soldiers, by too much Indulgence and Li∣centiousness, at the Expence of their Allies, that the worst of them called him, Father of the Legions. On the other hand he had ill used the best Officers, and espe∣cially the Friends of Germanicus, whom he killed by his Charms and Poison, as the detestable Sacrifices made by him and Plancina, for Ioy at his Death, do testi∣fie r: That he was in Arms against the Commonwealth, and had never been brought to Iustice, but that he was overcome in Battle.

XIV. His Defence was weak, for he could neither deny his gaining the Soldiers by Ambition, nor exposing the Province to them, nor his Reproaches to the Em∣peror, he only seemed to clear himself from the charge of Poison, which in truth was not well proved1. For to say he poisoned the Meat by touching it, as he sate one day above Germanicus at Table, that was so absurd,

there was no probability in it, that Piso should dare to do so before the Servants and Waiters, and Germanicus himself too. And he desired his Servants and Family might be put to the Question. But the Iudges were inexorable2, and all on different Motives; the Emperor because of the War in the Province, the Senate out of Prejudice, upon suspicion that Germanicus died not a na∣tural Death. Some were for obliging him to shew the Letters his Friends writ him from Rome, while he was in Syria, but Tiberius opposed that as well as he. At the same time the People cried aloud, before the Senate-House, that if Piso was acquitted, he should not escape them3; and his Statues were dragged to the Gemoniess, and had been broke there, but that Tiberius protected them. Piso was carried back by a Captain of the Pre∣torian Band, which was differently interpreted, some saying he was to guard him from the fury of the People, others to be his Executioner.

XV. Plancina was as much Hated, but more in Fa∣vour1, and therefore it was doubted whether Tiberius would bring her to Trial2: As long as Piso had any Hopes, she Vowed she would accompany him in his Fortune, and Death too, if that happened; but she was no sooner Pardoned by Augusta's means, than she began to leave her Husband3, and make her Defence apart, which Piso took for a certain sign of his Death. Doubting whether he should any more try the Compas∣sion of his Iudges, at the persuasion of his Sons, he takes Courage, and goes again to the Senate. He found the Accusations renewed, the Iudges set against him, and all conspiring his Destruction. Nothing troubled him more, than the Carriages of Tiberius, which appeared without Pity, without Passion, ••ixt, insensible and un∣moveable. When he was brought back, as if he was providing for his Defence, next day, he writes, Seals it up, and delivers it to one who had been his Servant, and then took that Care of himself he used to do. Last∣ly, his Wife leaving his Chamber at midnight, he orders the Doors to be shut, and was found in the morning with his Throat Cut, his Sword lying by him.

XVI. I remember I have heard some old men say, ••iso had often a Book in his Hand, which he never made publick, but his Friends said it contained Tiberius's Letters and his Commands against Germanicus, which he intended to have produced to the Senate, and accused Tiberius, but was deluded by Sejanus's vain Promises. They said he did not Kill himself, but that Tiberius sent one who did it. I affirm nothing4, but ought not to conceal what I have heard from Persons5 that lived till I came of Man's Estate. Tiberius, with some Compassion, told the Senate, Piso had found a way to deliver himself from them. He asked his Servant many Questions as to the particulars of his Death. And he answering some of them well, others

confusedly6, he read what Piso had left in Writing, which was almost in these words.

Since neither Truth, nor my Innocence will be received against the Calum∣nies of my Enemies, I call the Gods to witness, I never have been wanting in my Faith to you, Sir, nor in my Duty to your Mother. I therefore beseech you both, protect my Children, one of them has had no share in my Affairs, having always been at Rome, the other was against my going to Syria. And I wish to God I had rather yielded to him than he to me. I most earnestly beg of you not to confound the Innocent with the Guilty. I conjure you therefore, by my Forty five years Services, by our Fellowship in the Consulshipt, by the Memory of Augustus, whose Fa∣vour I had, and out of Compassion to a Friend's last Request, have Pity on my Son.

He said nothing of Plancina.

XVII. Tiberius excused the Son from any Crime in the Civil War, because of the Influence of his Father1. He spoke at the same time of the Nobleness of their Familyu, lamented the Misfortune of Piso, however he

had deserved2. For Plancina, he spoke with some shame and concern, pretending it, at his Mother's Intreaty, against whom all good men secretly complained.

Is it, said they, fitting for the Grandmother to behold the Murtherer of her Grandson, speak to her, and take her from the Senate? Is that denied only to Germanicus, the Laws allow to all Citizens? Vitellus and Veranius de∣mand Iustice, and Plancina is protected by the Emperor, and Augusta. What remains for this Woman, after having so fortunately bestowed her Poison and Inchant∣ments, but to use them also against Agrippina, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Children, and satiate the good Grandmother3 and Uncle with the Blood of this unhappy House?

Two days were spent under colour of examining the Cause, Tiberius encouraging Piso's Children to defend their Mother. And when no Answer was given to the Ac∣cusers, and the Witnesses against her, their Hatred gave way to Compassion. The Consul Aurelius Cotta, being

asked his Iudgment, (for when the Emperor propounds, the Consuls speak first) he gave it, That Piso's Name should be rased out of the Annals, part of his Goods Confis∣cated, the rest given to Cneius Piso, on condition he chang'd the name of Cneius, that M Piso be degraded4, 25000 Crowns allowed him, and he banished for Ten years, and Plancina pardoned at the intercession of Augusta.

XVIII. Tiberius moderated the Sentence, and thought it not reasonable that Piso's Name should be rased out of the Annals5, when Mark Anthony, that actually engaged in a Civil War, and Iulius Antonius that violated Augustus's House remained there. And as for Marcus Piso, he would not suffer him to be attainted, and granted him all his Father's Estate, for he was never covetous, (as I have often said) and shame for acquitting Plancina made him more merciful. When Valerius Messalinus proposed the erecting a Golden Statue in the Temple of Mars the Avenger, and Coecina Severus an Altar to Revenge, he forbid them, saying, Such Offerings ought to be for Fo∣reign

Victories, but Domestick Evils should be buried in Sorrow. Messalinus was also for giving Thanks to Tibe∣rius and Augusta, to Antonio and Agrippina, and to Dru∣sus, for revenging Germanicus's Death, but never menti∣oned Claudius. L. Asprenas asked him before the Senate, whether that was a willful Omission, and then Claudius was entred with the others. The more I consider mo∣dern or ancient Histories, I discover the greater Vanity and Uncertainty in Human Affairs; for in Fame, Hope, and Estimation, all were rather destined to the Sove∣raignty, than he whom Fortune had reserved for the fu∣ture Prince1.

XIX. A few days after, Tiberius persuades the Senate to advance Vitellius Veranius and Serveus, to the Priest∣hood; and having promised Fulcinius his Vote for any Dignity, advised him not to lessen his Eloquence by too much Eagerness2. This was the end of Re∣venging Germanicus's Death, which was differently re∣ported

then3, and in subsequent times. So dark are all great Affairs, some believe all they hear, others disguise Truth with Falshood, and Posterity adds to both.

XX. Drusus left the City to enquire his Fortuney, and entred with a small Triumphz; and within a few days, Vipsania his Mother died, the only one of Agrippa's Chil∣dren that died a natural Death. For it is certain, or at least believed, the rest died by the Sword, Poison, or Faminea.

XXI. This year Tacfarinas, who I told you was beat the last Summer by Camillus, begun the War again in Africk, first by plundering, in which his quick marches secured him, then he burnt Towns, and carried off great Booties, and lastly, Besieged a Roman Fort not far from the River Pagys; Decrius was Governor, a Man of Cou∣rage and an Experienced Soldier, and looking on such a Siege a Dishonour to him, he encouraged his Men to Fight in the open Field, and drew them up before the Fort1. They were beaten back at the first Engage∣ment, he run among them that fled, rebuking the En∣signs for turning their Backs to Traitors and Deserters. And tho' he received several Wounds, and lost an Eye, yet he faced the Enemy, and continued Fighting till he was forsaken by his Men and Slain.

XXII. Which when L. Apronius (who succeeded Ca∣millus) understood, being more concerned for the shame of his own Men, than Glory of the Enemy, he decimatedb

those dishonourable Troops2, and drubb'd them to Death. A Punishment rare in those times, tho' practised former∣ly. Which Severity did so much good, that an Ensign, with no more than 500 old Soldiers, defeated Tacfari∣nas's Army3, as they were going to assault a Fort, called Thala. In which Battle, Rufus Helvius, a common Sol∣dier, had the Honour to save a Citizen's Life, on whom Apronius bestowed a Chain and Spear, Tiberius added the Civic Crown, finding Fault rather than offended,

that Apronius did not give it4, which he might have done as Proconsul. But Tacfarinas, seeing the Numidians daunted, and resolved against more Sieges, scatter'd the War, giving ground when pursued, and following upon the Retreat, and thus kept the Romans in play to no purpose. But greedy of Booty, he got near the Sea-Coasts, and encamped; Apronius Caesianus being sent by his Father, with the Horse and Auxiliaries, and the greater part of the Legions, found a way to Fight him, and drove him to the Desarts.

XXIII. Lepida, who, besides the Honour of the Aemi∣lian Family, from whence she was descended, had L. Sylla and Cneius Pompeius for her Grandfathers, was ac∣cused by her Husband, Publius Quirinus, a Rich Man and Childless, for a Supposititious Child, and also for Adul∣teries and Poisonings5, and that she had consulted the Baldeans against Caesar's House. Her Brother Marius Lepidus desended her. And tho' she was faulty and in∣famous,

yet Quirinus's Prosecution,c after he was Divorced from her, made others have Compassion on her. It was hard to guess Tiberius's Inclination, he so artfully mixed the signs of his Anger and Clemency. He requested the Senate to let alone the Charge of Treason at that time, then he drew from M. Servilius, that had been Consul, and the other Witnesses, what he pretended he would have concealed, and sent Lepida's Servants to the Con∣suls, under a guard of Soldiers, and would not suffer them to be examined on the Rack against her. Lastly, Dispensed with Drusus, Consul Elect, giving his Opinion first, which was differently interpreted, that the Iudges might not be led by his Son and others, that they might have the greater liberty to Condemn her1.

XXIV. During this Process, the publick Plays being shewn, Lepida goes to the Theatre, with divers Noble Ladies, and directs her Prayers and Tears to her Ance∣stors, calling on Pompey, whose Images were placed round the Theatre he built, which wrought so great Compassion in the Spectators, that with Tears they imprecated Quirinus, who considering his Age, and the meanness of his Birth, was not a fit Husband for such a Lady, once designed to be L. Caesar's Wife, and Daugh∣ter-in-Law to Augustus: But her Crimes being discove∣red by Torturing her Servants, Rubellius Blandus's Sen∣tence was received, That she should be banished. Dru∣sus yielded to it, tho' others would have been more mer∣ciful. Then Scaurus, who had a Daughter by her, ob∣tained that her Goods should not be Confiscate. At last, Tiberius declared he was assured by Quirinus's Slaves, she sought to Poison him.

XXV. The Afflictions the great Families were under almost at the same timed, the Calphurnii having lost Piso, and the Aemilii Lepida, were alleviated through Ioy, That D.e Silanus was restored to the Iunii. His Case I relate in a few words. As Augustus was for∣tunate in publick Affairsf, so he was unhappy at

home2, in the lewdness of his Daughter and Neice, whom he banished, punishing the Adulterers with Death or Exile. For finding their Offences the subject of com∣mon Discourse, he gave them the Name of Sacriledge or Treason to have a pretence to shew no Pity, and to exceed the Laws3. But I reserve for another work, the

ends of others, and other Matters, if I live to write ano∣ther Book, when I have finished these Annals. D. Sila∣nus, who was accused for Debauching Augustus's Neice, was only forbid his Houseg, which he interpreted Ba∣nishment, and till Tib••rius's Reign durst never ask leave of the Emperor and Senate to return home. And then depended on his Brother, M. Silanus's Credit and Repu∣tation for his illustrious Birth and great Eloquence. But Silanus thanking Tiberius on his Brother's behalf, he re∣plied before the Senate, it was matter of Ioy to him as well as others, to see his Brother return home after so long Travels; that he lawfully might, because he was not banished either by Decree of the Senate, or other Lawh. That his Offence against his Father remained, and his

return revers'd not Augustus's Decrees1. From that time Silanus lived in Rome, but as a private Person.

XXVI. They afterwards debated moderating the Law Papia Poppaeai, which Augustus, when he was old, ad∣ded to the Iulian Laws, to make Celibacy more Penal, and enrich the publick. Yet Marriages were not more frequent, most finding it better having no Children2.

However, the Informers daily ruined many Families, so that their Laws were grown as fatal to them as formerly their Crimes. This leads me to give some Account of the Original of Laws, and to shew from whence it is they are come to such an infinite number as at pre∣sent.

XXVII. As the first Men were without Malice and Ambition3, they wanted not Correction and Punish∣ment, and as they were naturally en••lined to good, they needed no Rewards. Nothing was forbid, where no∣thing was desired that was not allowed. But after Equa∣lity was gone, Ambition and Violence succeeded Mo∣desty and Iustice, and by degrees introduced Sovereignty and Tyranny, which have always subsisted in some Coun∣tries. Some at first desired to be governed by Laws, others not till they were weary of Kings4. The first Laws were simple, as Men's Minds5, and the most ce∣brated,

were those Minos gave th•• Cretiansk, Lycurgus the Lacedemonians, and Solon the Athenians, but his were more numerous and more refined6. Romulus ruled as he pleased. Numa established a Form for Divine Wor∣ship and Religious Ceremonies. Tullus and Ancus made some Laws, but our chiefest Law-Maker was Servius Tullius, whose Laws Kings themselves were bound to Obey7.

XXVIII. After Tarquinius Superbus was expelled8, the

People made many against the Factions of the Senators9, to defend their Liberties, and establish Union. The De∣cemviril were chosen to collect the best10 Laws of other Countries, out of which they composed the Twelve Ta∣bles, the sum of Law and Iustice. As for the Laws that followed, though some were made against Male∣factors, yet they were most commonly brought in, through the Dissensions of the People and Senate, for ob∣taining unlawful Dignities, driving out Noblemen, or other Disorders. Witness the Gracchii and Saturnini, the Incendiaries of the People; and Drusus, who was no less prodigal in the Name of the Senate, and corrupted his Companions by Hopes, or deluded them. Neither the War of Italy, nor the Civil Warm, hindred them making

many Laws, and very different, till Sylla the Dictator changed or abolished them to make all new. Then there

was some Intermission, which continued not long, by reason of Lepidus's turbulent Demands, and the Licenti∣ousness of the Tribunes, who managed the People as they pleased; and made as many Laws as they had Per∣sons to accuse, so that the Commonwealth being corrupt, the Laws were infinite1.

XXIX. Then Cneius Pompeius was a third time Con∣suln, and chose for Reformation of Manners, but being more severe2 than the Offences deserved, was the Sub∣verter of the Laws he made, and lost by Arms what he had gain'd by themo. From that time there were continual Troubles for Twenty Years, no Custom, no Law observed, the greatest Crimes went unpunished, and many good Actions were fatal. At length, Augustus Caesar being the Sixth time Consul, and settled in his Au∣thority, he abolished those things he commanded in his Triumvirate, and gave new Laws to be observed in time of Peace, and under a Monarch. And that they might be the better kept, he appointed some to look after them. The Law Papia Poppaea provided, the People, as com∣mon Parent, should inherit their Goods, that left no Childrenp. But the Informers went farther, not only in the City, but through all Italy, where any Citizens were, ruined many Families, and frightened all. To remedy3 which, Tiberius appointed by Lot, five that had been Consuls, sive that had been Praetors, and as many Sena∣tors,

to explain the Doubts in that Law, and by a favo∣rable Interpretation to give the People some Relief for the present.

XXX. About the same time he recommended Nero, one of Germanicus's Children, then 17 years of Age, to the Senate; and requested he might be dispenced with for the Vigintivirateq, and be Quaestor five years sooner than the Laws permittedr, pretending the same was granted him and his Brother at Augustus's Requests. I doubt not but some then secretly laughed at this. These were the beginnings of Caesar's rising, the ancient Custom was in every Man's Eye, and a less Relation lookt upon 4

to be betwixt a Father-in-Law and his Wife's Children, than an Uncle and his Nephewt. The Pontifical Dig∣nity was also bestowed upon him, and the first time he appeared in publick, he gave the People a Donative, who were joyful to see a Son of Germanicus at full Age. Their Ioy was encreased by his Marrying Iulia, Drusus's Daughter1. But if this Marriage was universally ap∣proved, there were great Discontents upon Claudius's Sons being to Marry Sejanus Daughter2, as a Disparage∣ment to him, but Sejanns, whose Ambition was susp••cted, was much exalted upon it.

XXXI. The end of this year died two great Men, L. Volusius and Sal. Crispus. The first of an ancient Fa∣mily, but never in higher Employment than that of Praetor; he was made Consul and Censor for chasing Bands of Horsemen; he got vast Riches, which made that House so great. The other was Grandchild to Caius Salustius's Sister, the famous Historian, whose Name he took by Adoption. Though he might easily have got Honours, yet after the Example of Me∣cenasu,

was never Senator, but had greater Power and Authority than many had triumph'd and been Consuls. His manner of living was very different from his Ance∣stors, either for his Apparel or Table, where the Plenty was such as to be near Luxury. He had a Capacity for great Affairs3, and very vivacious, though he affected to appear heavy and slothful. While Mecenas lived, he had the second place in the Ministry, and the first af∣terwards. He was privy to the Murder of Posthumus Agrippa4, and as he grew in years, had rather the Name than Power of a Favourite. The like happened to Me∣cenas5, so rare is it for a Prince's Favour to continue

alwaysx, or because both have their Satiety, those when they have given all they can, these when they have got all they desire6.

The Year of the City, 774.

XXXII. This Year is Memorable for having Father and Son Consuls together. Which was the Fourth time with Tiberius, the Second with Drusus. Two years be∣fore, Germanicus was Tiberius's Colleague, who was not very agreeable to him. The beginning of this Year Ti∣berius goes for his Health to Campaniay, where he thought to withdraw himself wholly, and by his absence leave

the Affairs of the Consulate to his Son1. And it hap∣pen'd a small thing causing warm Disputes gave Drusus an Occasion of gaining great Credit2. Domitius Corbulo, who had been Praetor, complain'd to the Senate of L. Sylla, a Young Nobleman, that he gave him not Place at a Play of the Gladiators. His Age, Custom, and all the Old Men were for Corbulo; Mamercus Scaurus, L. Arrun∣tius, with some others, were for Sylla their Kinsman. Speeches were made on both sides, and old Presidents cited; severely rebuking the Irreverence of Youth3, till Drusus qualify'd the Matter with a proper Discourse, and Corbulo was satisfy'd4 by Scaurus, Uncle and Father-in-Law to Sylla, and the Best Orator in his time.

XXXIII. The same Corbulo complain'd, that through the Fraud of the Surveyors, and Negligence of the Ma∣gistrates, the High-ways were much out of Order, and scarce Passable, and willingly accepted finishing them. Which turn'd not so much to a Publick Benefit, as the ruine of Particular Persons1, whom he oppress'd in their

Estate and Credit, by condemning them, and setting their Goods to Sale2.

XXXIV. Not long after, Tiberius writ to the Senate, to give them notice, that by Tacfarinas's Incursion Africk was again in Arms; and that it was necessary for them to chuse a Pro-consul, skilful in Military Affairs, and of able Body and fit for this War. Sextus Pompeius takes this Occasion to vent his Malice against M. Lepidus; he accused him as a Coward, Beggarly, and a Dishonour to his Ancestors1; and therefore not to be admitted a Candidate for the Government of Asia. The Senators on the other side look'd on Lepidus as a Moderate Man, more worthy Praise than Blame; and his Father leaving him a small Estate, his Living without reproach they ••udg'd a Credit, rather than Disgrace. He was there∣fore

sent into Asia, and for Africk, they referr'd the No∣mination to Tiberius.

XXXV. Upon this, Severus Caecina propos'd, their prohibiting Women going with their Husbands to their Governments; Often declaring how happily he lived with his Wife, by whom he had six Children; and that he had advised nothing for the Publick, but what he observed him∣self, not suffering his to go out of Italy, though he had com∣manded abroad forty Years. He added, It was with very good Reason our Ancestors forbid it, That the Company of Women was burthensome and injurious by their Luxury in Peace, and Fear in War1; and made a Roman Army like the Barbarians going to Warz. That Sex was not only weak and unable to Labour, but they got the Ascendant, Cruel, Ambitious, and Arbitrary. That Women have lately been seen to march among the Soldiers, and commanding the Cen∣turio••s, were present at their Musters and Exercises. That they should consider when any have been charged with Corruption, much was objected to their Wives. That the greatest Villains in the Provinces have applied to them, who have undertaken and transacted their Affairs. From hence it is, two are courted

and two Iudgment Seats. That formerly they were restrain'd by the Oppian Laws, but have broke through those Ties, they govern not only their Families, but the Courts of Iustice and the Armies2.

XXXVI. Few agreed with him, many interrupted3; saying, That was not the Matter before thema, and Caecina not a Censor of weight enough for such an Affair. And Valerius Messalinus, Mess••la's Sonb, who had much of his Eloquence, reply'd, Many hard Customs of their Ancestors1▪ had been changed for others better and more agreeable. That

the City was not besieged as formerly, nor the Provinces in Arms, and some Regard should be had to the Satisfaction of the Women, who are so far from being troublesome to the Allies, they are not so to their Husbands. They share with them in all Conditions, and are no inconvenience in time of Peace. 'Tis true, we should go to the Wars without In∣cumbrances, but when we return, what Comfort more Com∣mendable than that a Man enjoys with his Wife? 'Tis said, some Women have been Ambitio••s and Covetous. What shall we say of the Magistrates themselves, most of them have their Failings; will you therefore send none to the Provinces? But the Wives have corrupted their Husbands; are therefore single Men uncorruptc? The Oppian Laws were once in force, the State of the Common-Wealth requiring them; but after, their Rigour was moderated, because that was judged Expedient2. 'Tis in vain to cover our own Miscarriages with

other Names; for if the Wife does amiss, it is the H••sband'sd Fault3. Besides, for the Failings of one or two, it is not reasonable to deprive all Husbands these shares in their Pros∣perity and Adversity; and to leave a Sex naturally weak, ex∣pos'd to their own Wanton Desires, and the Lusts of others4. For if their Husbands presence is scarce sufficient to keep them Virtuous, what shall become of them when an Absence of many Years separates like a Divorce? We should take care of the Disorders abroad, and not forget those may happen at home. Drusus added something of his own Marriage; and that Princes often visit the remotest Provinces. That Augustus had several times carried Livia with him to the East and West5; That he had been in S••lavonia, and was ready to go into other Countries, if necessary, but should do it with re∣luctancy, if he was to be separated from his dear Wife6 and Children. So Caecina's Advice took no Effect7.

XXXVII. At the next Meeting of the Senate, Tiberi∣us's Letters were read, which gently reproved their cast∣ing all the Cares of the Government8 upon him, no∣minated M. Lepidus and Iunius Blaesus, one of them to be chosen Pro-consul of Africk. Both were heard, Lepidus earnestly excus'd himself9 for want of Health, his Chil∣drens Age, and a Daughter he had to marry; consider∣ing too, that Blaesus was Sejanus's Uncle, and therefore sure to carry it10. Blaesus seem'd to refuse too, but less earnestly; and was heard favourably by the Flatterers.

XXXVIII. Then many secret Complaints were made, for every Villain that could lay hold on Caes••r's Image, might freely reproach honest men11, and raise Envy a∣gainst

them. Even Freed-Men and Slaves were feared▪ insulting their Masterse and Patrons with Words and Blows. Therefore C. Sestius, a Senator, spoke to this Effect,

That indeed Princes were like Gods, but the Gods heard only just Prayers, That neither the Capi∣tol nor Temples of the City were a Refuge to any for their Crimes1. There was an end of the Laws, if Anna Rufilla, whom he Condemned for Fraud, might threaten and reproach him before the Senate and in publick and not be questioned for it, because she had Caesar's Image before herf. Others delivered them∣selves to the same purpose, but some with warmth, be∣seeching Drusus to inflict some exemplary punishment on her, so she was called for, Convicted and Con∣demned to Prison.

XXXIX. At Drusus's Request, Considuus Aequus, and Celius Cursor, two Roman Knights, were condemned by the Senate for falsly accusing Magius Cecilianus, the Prae∣tor, of High-Treason. These Matters were to Drusus's Honour2, for by his means Conversation was made free

and safe, and his Father's secret Designs qualified. They found no Fault with his Riots, thinking it better for one of his Age to spend the Day in the publick Shewsg, and the Night in Revels, than to live Solitary3 without

Pleasures4, and to let Melancholly prevail upon him and draw him into ill Practices and Devices. For Tiberius, and the Informers gave disquiet enough. Ancarius Pris∣cus accused Cesius Cordus, Proconsul of Crete, of Extorti∣on, and of Treason too, a Supplement in all Accusations5.

XL. Tiberius displeased with the Iudges for acquitting Antistius Verus, one of the chief Lords of Macedonia of Adultery, sent for him to Rome to answer for Treason6, as an Accomplice with Rescuporis in his Designs of ma∣king War upon us, when he had slain his Brother Cotis. He was Banishedh into an Island7 that had no Com∣merce

either with Macedonia or Thrace8. For since Thrace was divided betwixt Rhemetalces and Cotis's Chil∣dren, to whom Trebellienus Rufus was Tutor, by reason of their Infancy, being not accustomed9 to our Go∣vernment▪ the People were full of Discontents, and complained of Rhematalces and Trebellienus, that they never punished the Oppressions of the Country10. The Celaletes, Odrusians, and other Potent People of Thrace, took Arms under divers Captains, but for want of Expe∣rience11, came not to any formidable War. Some wasted the Country, others passed the Mountain Hae∣mus i, to raise those lived remote, others Besieged Rhe∣metalces,

and the City of Philippopoli, built by Philip of Macedonia.

XLI. Velleiusk, that Commanded an Army nearl, having advice of these Disorders, sent some Horse and light Footmen against those pillaged the Country, or got Recruits, while he went himself to raise the Siege. All ended prosperously, the Foragers were slain, and a Dis∣sension arising among the Besiegers, Rhemetalces made a seasonable Sally upon the arrival of the Legions. This deserved not the name of an Army12, or Battle, in which a few unarmed Men were defeated, without any Blood-shed on our side.

XLII. The same year the Cities of Gallia began to Rebel, by reason of the excessive Debts they had con∣tracted. The Incendiaries were Iulius Florus and Iulius Sacrovir, both nobly descended, whose Ancestors, for their great Services, were made Citizens of Rome, an Honour at that time rare, and only a reward for Virtue1.

By Conferences they gain'd those whose Poverty or Crimes had made desperate. Florus was to raise the Low-Countrymen, and Sacrovir the French. In their Meetings they talkt Seditiously of their Taxes, the Ex∣cess of Usurym, the Pride and Cruelty of their Gover∣nors, and that since Germanicus's Death, there were great Discontents in the Army. And that if they consi∣dered the Strength of the French, the Poverty of Italy; the weakness of the People of Rome, who un∣derstood nothing of War, and that the Strength of our Armies consisted of Foreign Troops, they would see this was a proper time to recover their Liber∣ty.

XLIII. There was scarce a City free from this Con∣tagion, but Tours and Angiers revolted first. The lat∣ter was reduced to its Duty by Lieutenant Acilius Aviola, who marched speedily thither with some of the Garison of Lyons. And those of Tours by those Forces Visellius Varro, Lieutenant of Lower Germany sent Aviola, with the Succours he had from some of th•• great Men of France, who waited a more favourable opportunity to Rebel themselves. Sacrovir fought bare∣headed, as he said, to shew his Courage, but the Pri∣soners said, he did it to be better known, and that the Romans might not draw upon him.

XLIV. When Tiberius was consulted upon this Re∣bellion, he slighted the Discovery, but ••omented the VVar by Irresolution2. For Florus pursuing his Designs,

laboured to corrupt a Regiment of Horse, raised at Treves, and used to our Discipline, inciting them to begin the VVar with destroying the Roman Merchants there: A few only were gained, most continued in their Duty. Other Bankrupt Men, and some of his Dependants took Arms, and would have thrown themselves into the Forest of Arden, but the Legions from both Armiesn, which Ursellius and C. Silius sent, prevented them. And Iulius Indus being sent before with a Detachment, glad of an occasion to shew himself against Florus, his Countryman and particular Enemy3, defeated the disordered multi∣tude. Florus escaped by sculking in divers places, but finding all Passages stopt, and that he was like to be taken, killed himself. And thus ended the Rebellion at Treves.

XLV. That at Angiers was greater, because that City was more populous, and the Army distant. Sacrovir made himself Master of this City, where all the Youth of France studied to oblige their Relations and Friends to him by such Pledges, and distributed Arms among

them. His Troops consisted of near Forty thousand Men, a Fifth Part were arm'd as the Legions, the rest with Hunting-staves, Hangers, and such other Arms as Huntsmen carry. These were join'd by some Fencers, cover'd over with Armour of Iron, they were call'd Crupellarii, (Cuirassiers) unfit to assault, and impenetra∣ble. The Forces daily augmented by a Confluence from the Neighbouring Cities, not that they declar'd for them, but all long'd for Liberty. To which contributed the Dissentions of the Roman Generals1; both coveting to command the Army. But Visellius being Old, yielded to Silius who was in his Prime2.

XLVI. In the mean time, it was reported at Rome, that besides Tours and Argiers, 64 Cities had rebell'd, that the Germans had join'd them, that Spain was wavering, all (as the Manner of Report is) made much greater than they were. Every good Man was concern'd for the Common-wealth; many out of Hatred to the Pre∣sent Government, desir'd a Change3, and rejoyc'd in

their Dangers. Blaming Tiberius for employing himself in reading Informers Accusations when there was so great Commotions.

What, said they, have the Senate found Iulius Sacrovir guilty of Treason? Some have had the Courage to suppress by Arms the Bloody Li∣bels o of a Tyrant; War is a good Change for a Mise∣rable Peace.

But he neither chang'd Place nor Coun∣tenance4; affecting to shew he was not afraid, either through Courage, or that he knew things to be less than they were reported.

XLVII. Silius march'd with two Legions, having sent some Auxiliary Troops before; he laid waste the Towns in the Franche Comte, which joyn'd to the Anjovins, and were their Confederates. Then marched speedily to Au∣tunp,

the Standard-Bearers striving who should make most haste; the Common Soldiers said they would march Night and Day, and if they could but see the Enemy, would answer for Victory5. Twelve miles from the Ci∣ty, Sacrovir appear'd with his Troops in the open Field, drawn up in a Line of Battle. The Cuirassiers in the Front, his own Troops in the Wings, and those that were ill-arm'd in the Rear. Among the Principal Offi∣cers Sacrovir was on Horse-back, riding through their Ranks; Magnifying the Exploits of the Gauls, and how oft they had beat the Romans; laying before them how ho∣nourable their Liberty would be if they were Conque∣••ors, and how insupportable their Slavery, if Con∣quer'd6.

XLVIII. His Harangue was not long7, nor pleasing; for the Legions drew near in Battle Array, and the Citi∣zens and the Peasants unskill'd in War, could neither see nor understand what they were to do. On the contrary, though Silius might have spared his pains, through the

Assurance he had of his Men, yet told them:

That it was a shame for them who had conquer'd the G••r∣mans, to be brought against the French, as if they were their Equals. One band lately reduc'd the Rebels of Tours; a few Troops of Horse, those of Treves; a small Number of theirs, those of the Franche Comt••. These of Autun are richer, but weaker, and more ener∣vate with Pleasures. Conquer them then, and look after those that fly.

The Army answer'd with Accla∣mations, and at the same time the Horse compass'd the Enemy, and the Foot engag'd their Front. The Wings made little Resistance, except the Cuirassiers, whose Ar∣mour was Proof against the Swords and Arrows, which oblig'd our Soldiers to fall on with their Axes and Hatch∣ets, as if they were to make a Breach in a Wall. Some knock'd them down with Poles and Forks, and these Poor Men, unable to help themselves1, were left for Dead on the Ground. Sacrovir retires first to Autun, then for fear he should be deliver'd to the Romans, goes with a few of his trustiest Friends to the next Village; where he kill'd himself, and the rest one another, having first set fire to the Place, that they might be burnt.

XLIX. Then Tiberius writ the Senate an Account of the Beginning and Ending of the War; neither adding nor lessening the Truth; ascribing the good Success to the Courage and Fidelity of his Lieutenants, and his Counsels. And gave Reasons why neither He nor Dru∣sus went to the War, magnifying the Greatness of the Empire; and that it was not fitting for Princes to leave Rome which governs the rest, for the Rebellion of one

or two Cities. But now, that the State had no longer cause to fear any thing, he would go and settle that Pro∣vince. The Senate decreed Vows and Supplications for his Return, with other Honours. Cornelius Dolabella, when he endeavour'd to exceed others, fell into an absurd Flat∣tery, proposing Tiberius should return in Triumph from Campania. Upon which he writ to them, that after he had conquer'd warlike Nations, and receiv'd or refus'd so many Triumphs in his Youth, he wanted not Glory so much as to accept vain Honours2 in his old Age, for taking the Air near Rome.

L. About the same time he desir'd the Senate, Sulpicius Quirinus3 might have publick Funerals. He was not of the Noble and ancient Family of the Sulpicii, but born at a Free Cityq called Indovina; and having served Au∣gustus well in the Warsr, was honoured with the Con∣sulate, and after, with a Triumph for taking the Castles

of the Homonadenses in Cilicia. Then being Governor to C. Caesar in Armenia, he made his Court to Tiberius at Rhodes,1, which Tiberius open'd to the Senate, commend∣ing his Dutifulness, and accus'd Lolliuss as the Author of C. Caesar's2 Sedition and Lewdness. But his Memory

was not very agreeable to the Senate, because he accused Lepida, and was sordid and insolent in his Old Age.

LI. The end of this Year C. Lutorius Priscus, a Roman Knight, who had compos'd an Excellent Elegy on Ger∣manicus, and received a Reward from the Emperor for it, was accus'd for making it for Drusus when he was sick, in hopes of a greater Gratuity if he had died3. C. Luto∣rius was so vain as to read it in P. Petronius's House to se∣veral Noble Ladies. And when the Informer cited them to give Testimony, only Vitellia denied she heard it read; but greater Credit was given to others that testi∣fied against him. Haterius Agrippa, Consul Elect, deli∣vers his Opinion, that he should die. M. Lepidus spoke to this Effect.

LII. If we consider only how Lutorius Priscus hath de∣bauched his Mind and his Auditors ••ars, neither Prison, nor Halter, nor any servile Punishments were enough for him. But though his Crimes are without measure, yet the Moderation of a Prince, their own, and your Ancestors Examples, will qua∣lifie

the Punishments. Vanity differs from Wickedness, and Words from ill Deeds. There may such a Way be found to punish him, that we may neither repent our Clemency, nor Severity. I have heard our Princes complain, when any through Despair have prevented their Mercy4. Lutorius's Life is yet safe, and the preserving it▪ will neither endanger the Common-Wealth, nor can the taking it away be any Ex∣ample. As his Studies were full of Folly, so were they senceless and soon over. Neither have we reason to fear any thing great or serious in one that betrays himself to the Women. Yet let him leave the City, his Goods be seiz'd and he banish'd, which I take to be as bad as if he was convict of Treason.

LIII. Among all the Consuls only Rubellius Blandus5 agreed with Lepidus, the rest were of Agrippa's Opini∣on; so Lutonius was carried back to Prison, and soon suffer'd. Tiberius writ to the Senate with his usual Am∣biguities, extolling their Zeal for severely punishing the least Offence against their Prince, desiring them not rash∣ly to punish Words for the future6. He commended

Lepidus, and blamed not Agrippa1. And a Decree pass'd the Senate, that their Sentences should not be carried to the Treasury before the Tenth Dayt, to give the Con∣demn'd so long time to live. But the Senate could not alter the Sentenceu, and time never mollify'd Tiberius.

The Year of Rome 775.

LIV. C. Sulpici••s and Decimus Haterius were the next Consuls. This year there were no Troubles abroad, but great severity was apprehended against Luxury at home, which grew to excess in all things that were expensive▪ Yet some of their Expences, however pro••use, were co∣vered by concealing their Costx. But all their Discourse was of their Gluttony, which they feared Tiberius, a Prince of Frugality equal to the Ancients, would restrain. For ••. Bibulus beginning, the other Ediles shewed that the Sumptuary Laws were neglected, and that notwith∣standing any Prohibitions, the price of Necessaries daily encreased, and that such Disorders were not to be re∣dressed by ordinary Ways. And the Senate, after De∣liberation, referred the whole matter to the Prince.

But he, after he had considered, whether such Extrava∣gances could be redressed, whether a Reformation would not be more to the prejudice than benefit of the Com∣monwealth2, how dishonourable it would be to him to undertake what he could not effect, or if he did, that it would require the punishing some noble Persons. H•• writ thus to the Senate.

LV.

It were perhaps more proper, My Lords▪ in other Matters, to ask my my Opinion in your Pre∣sence, and to have me there tell you what I thought expedient for the Commonwealth, but in this 'tis better I am absent, lest by the Fears and Countenances of some among you, I should discover those who lead this shameful life, and as it were, take them in the Fault. If the Ediles had first consulted me, I cannot tell but I might have advised them rather to connive at those Vices that have taken deep root and are inveterate3,

than hazard shewing there are some we are not able to remedy4: But these worthy Magistrates have done their Duty, as I could wish all others would. For me, I think it neither honest to hold my Tongue, nor ex∣pedient to speak, for I am neither an Edile, Praetor, nor Consul5: Something more is expected from a Prince, and when every man assumes to himself the Praise of what is well done, the blame of what succeeds not falls upon him alone. Where shall I begin to Reform? Shall it be your large and spacio••s Country Seats? The multitude of your Servants of several Nations? The Quantities of your Silver and Goldy? Your painted

Tables, and brasen Stat••es of exquisite Work? The pro∣mis••uous Habits of Men and Women? Or the Extra∣vagances of the Women only in their Iewels, for which our Money is carried away to Foreigners and Stran∣gers? I am not ignorant you blame these things at your Entertainments, and a mean is wished for. But if a Law should be made against them, and punishments appointed, those that complain now, will cry out, that the City is subverted, the Destruction of the No∣bility sought for, and none free from those Crimes. But we see, old Maladies are not to be Cured without

sharp and harsh Remedies1. A corrupt Mind is not to be regulated with gentle Methods, when inflamed by inordinate Appetites. So many Laws framed by our Ancestors, so many by Augustus, have only given greater Establishment to our Luxury, the former have been forgot, the latter (which is worse) have been con∣temned2. For when we love what is not yet forbid, we fear it may be, but when we transgress the Laws, and are not punished, there is neither Fear nor Shame left3. Why was Frugality formerly used? because every Man moderated his Desires; we had only one City, and our Dominions not reaching out of Italy, we had not the same Provocations; by Foreign Con∣quests we learn the use of Foreign Commodities, by Civil Wars our ownz▪ That which the Ediles com∣plain

of, is a small matter in comparison of others4▪ But no man puts us in mind that Italy wants the sup∣port of other Countries, that the Li••e of the People of Rome is tossed with the uncertainty of Sea and Tem∣pest a, and were it not for the Plenty of the Provinces, 'tis not our Farms and Possessions would maintain us and our Slaves. These, My Lords, are the Cares em∣ploy your Prince, without which the Commonwealth could not subsist. For the rest, every Man should ap∣ply the Remedy himself, let Shame amend us, Neces∣sity the Poor, and Sa••iety the Rich5. But if any of the Magistrates finds he has Courage and Ability enough to put a stop to this Evil, I shall be glad of his Help, and shall own he eases me of a great part of my La∣bour. But if they only complain of these Faults, and think to gain themselves Credit, and raise me Ha∣tred, and then leave me. I assure you, My Lords, I will not make my self Enemies to no pur∣pose1, and though I may have many, and for the

most part unjustly2 for the Commonwealth, I desire I may not make my self more, when it is neither of Ad∣vantage to you, nor me.

LVI. After these Letters were read, the Aediles were discharged that Care. And the Luxury in their Tables which had been very profuse from the End of the Battle at Actium, till the Accession of Servius Galba to the Em∣pire, that is, for about 100 Yearsb, was by Degrees left of3. The Causes of this Change, were these: Former∣ly the most considerable Families for their Birth or Riches were ruined by their Magnificence. For then they were

permitted to court the People, their Allies and Princes, and be courted by them. And the more splendid any man was in his Houses, Furniture, and Attendants, it gained him the greater Reputation and more Clientsc. But after they began to murder one another, and their Greatness was a Crime4, others grew wisers. And new Men that were oft taken into the Senate from the free Towns, the Co∣lonies, and Provinces, brought with them the Frugality they had been used to; and though several through For∣tune or Industry had great Riches in their Old Age, yet they never chang'd their manner of living. But Vespasian was chiefly the Occasion of this Frugal way of living, who conforming himself to the ancient Economy, rais'd in every Man a desire of Imitation5, which prevailed more than all the Laws, or Fear of Punishment. Unless there be a Circulation in all things, that Manners change as well as Times and Seasons, all things were not better formerly6 than now, and our Age has set Examples

worthy Praise and Imitation. But let such Disputes con∣tinue between us and our Ancestors.

LVII. Tiberius having got a Reputation for his Modera∣tion, for suppressing Informersd, writ to the Senate to make Drusus Tribune7. Augustus found out this Title, instead of that of King or Dictator, and yet by that Name8 had a Sovereigntye above the other Magistrates. He

chose M. Agrippa for his Associate, and after his Death, Tiberius Nero, that his Successor might be known, think∣ing thereby to restrain the Unlawful Hopes of some others, trusting to Nero's Modesty and his own Greatness. A••ter his Example, Tiberius advanced Drusus; while Germani∣cus liv'd he carried himself indifferently between them. His Letters began with a Prayer to the Gods to prosper his Counsels for the Good of the Common-wealth; then added a few Words, and those truly of his Son's Behaviour, That he had a Wife and three Children, and of his own Age when Augustus called him to that Honour; neither could it be said, this was precipitately done; but after he was tryed eight years, had suppress'd Seditions, ended the Wars, trium∣phed, and had been twice Consul.

LVIII. As the Senate expected this Demand, so their Flattery was the more Artificial; but they could think of nothing more to decree, than that their Princes Images, Altars to the Gods, Temples, Arches, and such custo∣mary Honours, should be erected for him, Only M. Silanus by dishonouring the Consulate thought to do Ho∣nour to the Princes, and propos'd, that Publick and Pri∣vate Acts should be dated for the Future, not from the Consuls, but Tribunes. And Q. Haterius moving the Decrees of that Day should be writ in Gold Letters, was laugh'd at1, that an old Man to his shame should fall in∣to such filthy Flattery

LIX. At this time, the Government of Africa was con∣tinued to Iunius Blaes••s, Servius Maluginensis, a Priest of Iupiter, desir'd that of Asia, saying, It was a Mistake to think the Priest of Iupiter might not go out of Italy, there

was no other Law for them, than the Priests of Mars and Quirinus; and if these had govern'd Provinces, why not they? That neither the Laws nor Ceremonials2 were against it. That the High Priest had often o••ficiated for the Priest of Iupiter, when sick, or employ'd in publick Affairs. That after Cornelius Merula died, there was no Man in his Place for 62 Years3, and yet the Rites wasted not. And if his Crea∣tion could be omitted so many years, without interruption to the Sacrifices, how much more easily may he be absent a Year with the Proconsulary Dignity? Formerly they were forbid by the High Priests out of Ill-Will, now (Thanks to the Gods) the High Priest was the best of Men4, not subject to Emulation, Malice, or private Affection5. Against this Lentulus the

Augur, and others differently spoke; at last it was re∣solv'd to refer the Matter to the Emperor's Decision.

LX. Tiberius defers giving his Opinion in it, and mo∣derates the Honours decreed Drusus with the Office of Tribune, reproving by Name the Insolence of that Pro∣position that the Decree should be writ in Letters of Gold, contrary to Custom. Drusus's Letters were read, which were taken to be very arrogant, though they had a turn of Modesty too. They said,

Things were come to that pass, that Drusus upon receiving so great Honour, would not vouchsafe a Visit to the Gods of the City, nor shew himself in the Senate, or begin at least, his

Authority in his own Country, if the War, or his Di∣stance hinde•••• him? However, he is entertaining him∣self on the Shores and Lakes of Campaniaf; Thus is he bred that is to govern the World. This he learn'd from his Father's Counsels. Tiberius might excuse him∣self from appearing in Publick, by reason of his Years and Labours; but what hinders Drusus, besides his Pride?

LXI. Tiberius daily strengthen'd his Sovereignty; but to leave some shew of their ancient State to the Senate, he sent them the Petitions of the Provinces to examine. The Licentiousness and Impunity of Sanctuaries grew to that in Greece, th•• Cities set them up as they pleased. The Temples were filled with Slaves, Debtors that de∣fy'd their Creditors, and Persons subject of Capital Crimesg Neither was any Authority able to suppress

the Seditions of the People, protecting Villanies, as much as the Rites of the Gods1. It was therefore ordain'd the Cities should send their Deputies with their Privileges. Some voluntarily quitted them, as Usurp'd; others justi∣fied theirs on old Superstitions, or an account of Servi∣ces to the People of Rome. The Pomp of that Day was great in shew, when the Senate consider'd the Grants of their Ancestors, the Agreements of Confederates, the Decrees of the Kings before the Roman Power prevail'd there, and the Religion of the Gods, being at the Will of the Senate to confirm or alter them, as formerly they had done.

LXII. The Eph••sians appeared first, setting forth, That Diana and Apollo were not Born in the Island of Delos, as was commonly believed, that in their Country was the River Cenchiris, and a Wood called Ortygia, where Latona leaning on an Olive-Tree, which yet remains there, was

delivered of these two Deities, and that the Wood was Sacred by the Command of the Gods. And that Apollo, after he had killed the Cyclopes, fled thither from Iupiter's Anger. That Bacchils, when he conquered the Amazons, pardoned those that humbling themselves took hold on the Altar. That Hercules added to the Rites of that Temple after he was Master of Lydia, and their Pri∣viledges were not lessened when under the Dominion of the Persians, and afterwards the Macedonians preserved them.

LXIII. Next, the Magnesians insisted on the Consti∣tutions of L. Scipio and L. Silla, who conquered Antiochus and Mithridates, and in acknowledgement of the Felicity and Valour of the Magnesians, commanded Diana Luco∣fryne's Temple should be inviolable. Then the People of Aphrodisium and Stratonica, produced a Decree of Caesar the Dictatori, and another since of Augustus, for the Ser∣vices done them, and opposing an Invasion of the Parthians, never departing from their Fidelity to the Romans. Those worshipped Venus, these Iupiter and Diana surnamed Trivia. From Hierocesarea was brought greater Anti∣quity, they having a Temple dedicated by K. Cyrus to Diana Persica, and that Perpe••••a, Isauricus, and many other Emperors, had not only acknowledged this Temple for Sacred and Inviolable, but the Country two miles about it. The Cyprians pretended Franchises for three Tem∣ples, whereof the ancientest was built by Aerias, and con••ecrated to Venus Paphiak, the second dedicated by his Son Amathus to Venus Amathusial, and the other to Iu∣piter

Salaminius, built by Teucerm, when he fled from his Father Telamon.

LXIV. The other Ambassadors had their Audiences too, but the Senate growing weary with hearing so ma∣ny, and their Canvasings, a Commission was given to the Consuls to examine their Titles, and make a Report▪ They made it very favourable for a Temple at Pergamu••••, dedicated to Esculapiusn but that the Claims of the rest were grounded on obscure beginnings1, by reason of their Antiquity. Smyrna and Tenedos pretended both an Oracle of Apollo, that commanded one of them to De∣dicate a Temple to Venus Stratonicis, the others a Statue and Temple to Neptune. Those of Sardis and Miletum insisted on later Grants, one of Alexander in Honour of Diana, the other of Darius in Honour of Apollo. The

Cretensians desired the Image of Augustus might have some Priviledge. Upon the whole, the Senate made several Decrees, whereby great Honours were allowed, but Mo∣deration2 prescribed to all, commanding them to have the same in Tables of Brass, and set them up in some publick Place in the Temples, to preserve a Memorial, and prevent their falling into vain and ridiculous Super∣stitions o under pretence of Religion.

LXV. About the same time, Livia falling dangero••sly ill, Tiberius hasten'd to Rome; there was yet a good A∣greement betwixt the Mother and Son, or only Secret Hatred. A little before she had dedicated a Statue to Augustus near Marcellus's Theatre, and set Tiberius his Name after her own, which it was believed he re∣sented as an Indignity to him1, though he shewed it not. But when the Senate decreed Publick Prayers to the Gods, and the Plays, call'd Magni, to be exhibi∣ted, by the Chief Priests, th•• Augurs, the Fifteen to∣gether with the Seven, and those of the Fraternity of Augustus, call'd Augustales. L. Apronius propos'd the Heraldsp to be Overseers; but Tiberius was against it, making a Difference in the Rights of the Priests, and producing Examples for it. And that therefore the Au∣gustales q were joyn'd with ••hem, because a peculiar

Priesthood of that House, for which the Prayers were made.

LXVI. It is not my Intention to relate here all Propo∣sitions, but only such as are memorable for their Honesty, or shameful for their Infamy. For I look upon the chief Part of an Historian to be, not to conceal Virtues, nor Vices. That therefore every one may be afraid of doing or speaking ill, lest they become In••amous with Posterity2. But those tim••s were so corrupted with base Flattery, that not only the best of the City were forced ••o keep their Reputation in that manner, but also the Consuls, most of the Praetors, and many pedaryr Sena∣tors, strove which should propound things most base and mean. 'Tis reported, Tiberius never went out of the Se∣nate, but he said in Greek, O how ready these Men are for Slavery! so much did he abhor base and servile Sub∣mission, who could not bear Publick Liberty.

LXVII. From Dishonourable things they fell by de∣grees

to wicked3 Practices. Mamercus Scaurus that had been Consul, Iuni••s Otho, Praetor, and Brutidius Niger, the Edile, ••prosecuted C. Silanus, Pro-consul of As••a, ac∣cus'd for his Corruptions in the Provinces, Charging him with prophaning the Divinity of Augustus, and contemn∣ing the Majesty of Tiberius. Mam••rcus justified himself from ancient Presidents, alledging that L. ••otta had been accused by Scipio Africanus, S. Galba, by Cato the Censor, and P. Rutilius, by M. Scaurus. a very unlikely thing, Scipio and Cato should ever take such Revenges, or Scau∣rus, Great Grand-father to this Mamercus, who disho∣nour'd his Ancestors by so infamous an Action. Iunius Otho, who formerly taught School, and afterwards was made a Senator by Sejanus's Interest, brought his obscure beginning into Reproach by these Villanies1. Brusidius was a Man well qualified, and if he had taken a right Course, might have come to Preferment▪ he was too impatient, which made him first endeavour to outgo his Equals, then his Superiors; and at last, even his own Hopes. Which hath been the ruine of many good Men, who have hastned to gain that before their time, which they might have had with a little Patience, and possessed with Security2.

LXVIII. G••llius Poplicola and M. Paconius, one Silanus's Treasurer, the other his Lieutenant, encreased the num∣ber of Informers. There was no doubt he was guilty of Cruelty and Avarice, but many other things were accu∣mulated, dangerous to the Innocent. For besides so many Senators that were his Enemies, he was to answer himself the most Eloquent of Asia, that were pick'd out to be his Accusers; he was ignorant in Pleading, and in dread of his Life, (which was enough to have confoun∣ded the ablest Person.) Tiberius refrained not pressing him with hard Expressions, and a severe Countenance, he ask'd many Questions, but gave him not Liberty to answer, or reply; he often confess'd, what he might have denied, that Tiberius might not seem to ask in vain. And his Slaves were sold, that so they might be examin'd up∣on the Rack. And he was also accus'd of Treason to make

it necessary for his Friends to be silent, and leave him. He desir'd a few days, then let fall his Defence, and had the Courage to send Letters to Tiberius mixed with Pray∣ers and Complaints.

LXIX. Tiberius to justifie the Proceeding against Sila∣nus, caus'd the Records of Augustus against Volesus Mes∣sala, Pro-consul also of Asi••, to be read, and a Decree of the Senate against him3. Then asked L. Piso's Iudgment, who after a long Discourse of the Prince's Clemency4, concluded he should be banish'd to the Island Gyarus. The rest agreed with him, only Cn. Lentulus thought it fit that the Goods of his Mother Corn••lia (for he was by another Woman) should be separated from the rest, and given her Son, to which Tiberius consented. But Cornelius Do∣labella to flatter mores, after he had blamed Silanus's Mo∣rals, added, That for the future, no Person of a Scandalous and Infamous Life, should draw Lots for the Government of the Provinces, and that the Prince should be Iudge thereof.1

The Laws punish Crimes, but how much better were it for us to provide none shall be committed?

LXX. Against which Tiberius spoke.

That he was not ignorant of the Reports of Silanus, but common Fame was not always to be believed. Many had beha∣ved themselves otherwise in the Provinces, than we hop'd or fear'd. For some being employ'd in weighty Af∣fairs, have been excited2 to better Behaviour, others

became more sloathful. That a Prince could not fore∣see all things; Neither was it Expedient he should be led away by the Ambition of others. That Laws were made against Facts, because future things are uncertain. So was it ordain'd by our Ancestors, That Punishments should follow Offences. Therefore they were not to alter what was so wisely Decreed3. That Princes had Charge sufficient4, and Power enough; That as their Power encreas'd, the Laws grew weak, and Absolute Power was not to be used, where the Laws would do.

This Answer was the better received, because Tiberius was seldom Popular▪ And as he was Wife in modera∣ting things (unless transported with Passion) he said, The Island Gyarus was Barbarous and Uninhabited, and

was for their shewing so much Favour to one of the Iu∣nian Family, and that had been of their own Body, as to send him rather to Cythera: Which Torquata, Silanus's Si∣ster, a Lady of eminent Virtue, desir'd, and all conde∣scended to.

LXXI. Afterwards the Cyrenians were heard, and Cae∣sius Cordus, upon the Accusation of Ancarius Priscus, was condemn'd for Corruption. L. Ennius, a Roman Gen∣tleman, was accused of Treason for converting the Prince's Statue into common uses in Plate, Tiberius acquitted him, yet Ateius Capito openly complain••d, and with great Li∣berty said,

That the Determining such a Matter ought not to be taken from the Senate, nor so heinous a Crime go unpunish'd; That the Emperor might be as merci∣ful as he pleas'd, in punishing Offences committed a∣gainst himself▪ yet ought not to pardon those against the Common-Wealth5.

Tiberius understood these things rather in the sense they were intended, than as they were spoken, and persisted in acquitting Ennius. This was the more Dishonourable in Capito, that he who was so learned in Humane and Divine Laws, should so ble∣mish himself the Publicku and the good Qualities that were so Eminent in him1.

LXXII. Then a Question arose, in what Temple the Offering should be placed, which the Roman Knights had Vowed to Fortuna Equestris, for Augusta's Recovery: For tho' that Goddess had many Temples in the City, none bore that Namex There was one found so called at Antium, and all the Rites in the Cities of Italy, the Temples and Images of the God's being subject to the Roman Empire, they appointed it should be placed at Antium. And this matter being in Debate, Tiberius takes occasion to give his Opinion, which he had deferr'd, a∣bout Servius Maluginensis, Priest of Iupiter. He pro∣duced, and read a Decree of the Pontiffs.

That when the Flamen, Dial, or Priest of Iupiter fell into any sick∣ness, he might with the High Priest's Permission, be absent from Rome two days, provided it was not on the Days of Sacrifice2, nor more than twice in a year.

Which being ordained in Augustus's time, sufficiently shewed they could not be absent a whole year, nor con∣sequently govern Provinces. He remembred likewise the Example of L. Metellus the High-Priest, who kept Aulus Posthumius, Iupiter's Priest in the City. And therefore Asia came to his share, who was next among the Con∣suls to Maluginensis.

LXXIII. Then Lepidus desired leave of the Senate to Repair and Beautifie at his own Charge, Paulus Emilius's Basilica,y, the Monument of that Family. For at that time, particular Men endeavoured to shew their Mag∣nificence by publick Buildings, and Augustus forbidz not

Taurus, Philippus, and Balbus, bestowing the Spoiles they had taken from the Enemy, or their great Riches, for the Ornament of the City and Glory of Posterity. In imi∣tation of which Examples, tho' Lepidus was not very rich, yet would he revive the Honour of his Ancestors. Pompey's Theatre, that was accidentally burnt, the Em∣peror promised to rebuild at his own Charges, there be∣ing none of that Family left able to do it, and that it should still retain Pompey's Name3. On this Occasion he much commended Sejanus, to whose Vigilance he im∣puted it, that the Fire did no more mischief, and the Senate Decred, Sejanus's Statue should be erected in the Theatre.

LXXIV. A little after, when Tiberius honoured Iunius Bloesus, Proconsul of Africa, with a Triumph, he said, he did it in regard to Sejanus, whose Uncle he was; yet Blaesus had deserved those Honours. For Tacfarinas, tho•• routed several times, rallied his Troops together in the middle of Africk, and had the Insolence to send Ambas∣sadors to Tiberius, to require a Country for himself and his Army, or else threatned perpetual War.

'Tis said, Tiberius was never in greater Passion for any Affront to him or People of Rome, than to have a Traitor and Robber deal with him like a just Enemy

1. Spartacus,

after he had with Impunity harrassed Italy, defeated so many Consular Armies, and burnt so many Towns, was never Capitulated with, tho' the Commonwealth was then weakned with the Wars of Sertorius and Mithidrates, and when the City is in a flourishing Condition shall she make Peace with Tacfarinas, a Robber, and give him Lands? He committed this matter to Blaesus, with order to promise Pardon to those would lay down their Arms, and to take their Captain what Rate soever he cost him.

LXXV. Most of his Men accepted Pardon, and made War upon him in the like manner as he had done upon others. For as he wanted strength, and understood pil∣laging better than they, he commonly divided his Army into several Parts, would fly when attacked, and draw the Romans into Ambuscades, if they pursued. Their Army was divided into three Parts, one of which was commanded by Cornelius Scipio, Blaesus's Lieutenant, who was to march where Tacfarinas wasted the Leptins, and the Retreats of the Garamantes. Blaesus's Son led another Body to keep the Cirtensians from joyning him. The General marched in the middle, erecting Castles and Fortresses in ••itting Places, which brought the Enemy into great Streights. For which way soever he went, he found the Roman Forces in his Front, on his Flanks, or his Rear, and so had many killed, or taken. After∣wards Blaesus divided these three Bodies into several Par∣ties, the Command of which he gave to Captains of Ex∣perienced Courage. And when Summer was over, he drew not his Men out of the Field, and sent them into

Winter-quarters in Old Africaa, as was usual, but as if it had been the beginning of War, having built new Forts, he followed Tacfarinas with light Horsemen, that were well acquainted with those Desarts, who daily changed his Quartersb, till his Brother was taken, then retired with more speed than was for the quiet of the Country, leaving those behind him might revive the War. But Tiberius concluding it ended, allowed Blaesus the Honour to be saluted Emperor by the Legions. An ancient Ho∣nour victorious Armies formerly gave their Generals, upon the first transports of their Ioy. And had some∣times several Emperors together, all of equal Dignity. Augustus granted some of his Captains this Honour, and Tiberius at last to Blaesus.

LXXVI. This year two great Men died, Asinius Sa∣loninus, Nephew to M. Agrippa and Pollio Asinius, and Brother to Drususc, designed to have been Married to one of Germanicus's Daughters; and Capito Ateius, who was mentioned before, and had raised himself by his Studies to the highest Dignity in the City, but his Grand∣father Sullanus was only a Centurion, and his Father Pretor Augustus hastened him the Consulship, that by the Dignity of that Office, he might be preferr'd before La∣beo Antistius1, who was not inferiour to him. For that

Age had these two great Ornaments of Peace together, but Labeo was most esteemed by reason of his Free∣dom2 of Speechd; and Capito's Complaisance was more acceptable to the Princes. One was much valued, be∣cause of the Injury done him in that he was not advanced higher than a Praetor3, and the other envied because he was made Consul¹.

LXXVII. And Iunia died in the 64th year after the Philippensian War. She was Cato's Neice, C. Cassius's Wife, and M. Brutus's Sister. Her Will was much discoursed of4, because when she had honourably named all the great Persons, and left them Legacies, she omitted Tiberius5,

which he took not ill6, neither hindred the Solem∣nizing her Funerals in an Oration to the People, and other Ceremonies7. The Images of Twenty Noble Houses were carried before her Body, among which were those of the Mantii, Quincti, and others of their Rank. But Cassius and Brutus were the more remembred, because their Images8 were not seen there.

The End of the First Volume▪

Notes

• a

  Or, Brundusium, an Archiepiscopal City in the Kingdom of Naples, w••••ch has a strong Castle and safe Harbour, and lies upon the Adriatick Sea.
• 1

  However magnificent and ex∣traordinary the Funerals of a Prince are, nothing does more Honour to his Memory, than the Grief of the Peo∣ple that lament the loss of him. The History of Portugal, says, That upon the Death of Iohn II. all the King∣dom went into Mourning, and at Lisbon the Barbers were ••orbid Sha∣ving any Person for 6 Months, which was never done for any King be∣fore. Dialogo quarto Varia Historia, c. 11.
• 2

  At the Funerals of Princes it is an infallible sign of great Affli∣ction, when the great Men and Ma∣gistrates decline those Honours that are due to their Rank. Now the Masters of Ceremonies have more to do to regulate the Claims of Offi∣cers, and to adjust the Disputes a∣mong Great Men, than in all the other Parts of their Office: So that Princes Funerals are oftner memo∣rable for the Disorders that happen at them, than for the Universal Affliction.
• 3

  The Laws of Nature are the same to Princes as the rest of Man∣kind. Grief for their Children and Princes of their Blood is not unbe∣coming them, provided it does not degenerate into Weakness, nor Excess. Henry III. of France, in my Opinion▪ little regarded his Dignity when he assisted at the Interrment of Cardinal Biragne, in the Habit of a Penitent▪ and it looks as if he had forgot he was a King, when he kissed the Bodies of Quelus and Maugiron his Favourites▪ Iournal de son Regne▪ 1578.
• b

  Cabrera, speaking of the Funerals of Don Carlos, says, That Cardinal Espinosa attended the Body only to the Church Door, because he would not be at the Ceremony of the Service, pretending himself indisposed; tho' he might with more Truth have said it was because his being there would have displeased the King, who was not sorry for his Death. The 5th Chapter in the 8th Book of his History.
• 4

  Of all the Duties of Nature, there is not any a good Mother is less obliged to observe, than that of as∣sisting at her Son's Funerals. Upon such an Occasion she is too much afflicted to behold what will only en∣crease her Sorrow, or to endeavour appearing unconcern'd, when it will bring her natural affection in question.
• 5

  A Prince that is not afflicted, but rather rejoices at the Death of one whom the People regret, acts more wisely in not appearing at his Fu∣nerals, for fear it be discover'd that his Sorrow is only ••eigned, or that he is displeased at the Honour paid to the Memory of one he always Hated.
• c

  In the 18th chapter of 1 Kings, 'tis said, Saul began to hate David mor∣tally after the Women of Israel sang and played before him for his over∣coming Goliah, and their using these Words, Saul hath killed his Thousands, but David his Ten Thousands: Why have they, said he, ascribed unto David Ten Thousand, and to me that am their King only a Thousand; and what can he have more save the Kingdom? This Song was rather a Satyr against Saul than any thing else. What Mortification was it to Henry III. to under∣stand, that the Preachers at Paris Preached as if they had no King, but that it was through the Courage and Constancy of the Duke of Guise, the Ark fell not into the Hands of the Philistines, and that Heresie Triumphed not over Religion. Iournal du Regne d' Henry III. 1587.
• 6

  Those Commendations the Peo∣ple give to one of Royal Birth, whose Merit or Power create a Iealousie in the Prince, always cost him dear, for they not only lose him his Prince's Favour, but make the Prince▪ desire to get rid of one to whom the People give the Preference. Witness Saul, who would kill David because the Women of Israel were so indiscreet as to compare them. The Acclamations of the Parisians, in Favour of the Duke of Guise, that Day he received the Blessed Sword Sixtus Quintus had sent him by a Bishop, raised the Iealousie and Suspicion of Henry III. against him: And not without Cause, for the Ce∣remony was performed with as much Preparation and Pomp as a King's Coronation, (1587.) Besides, Tibe∣rius, whose Maxim it was, To mo∣derate the Honours done to Women, and even those to his Mother, who had given him the Empire, could not forbear being much displeased with Agrippina, whom the People so much adored.
• d

  The Latin, says Iuliorum, but that is a transposing the Letters of Li∣viorum, For at publick Funerals they carried only the Images of their An∣cestors. The Iulii were not related to Drusius, but the Livii were by his Mother. And it appears not that the Images of the Livii were omitted in that Ceremony.
• e

  Rostra, a goodly fair Edifice, in which was an Orator's Pulpit, deck'd and beautify'd with the Beaks of many Ships which the Romans took from the People of Antium, in a memorable Sea-••ight, and from thence in Latin Rostra, hath this Place taken its Name.
• f

  The word Effigies ought not to be used here, (says Fremont de Ablancourt) because it is not spoken here of any thing set up, and that word cannot pro∣perly be used but on such an occasion. Nevertheless his Uncle uses this very word in his Translation. The late Monsieur Ogier has the same word in his Funeral-Oration upon Lewis XIII. when he speaks of the Monuments of the Kings at St. Dennis.
• 1

  If Princes are not really con∣cerned for the Death of those that have done important Service to the Publick, they ought at least to seem so. And that Tacitus means by these Words, Doloris imit••menta. When the Duke d' Alva died at Lisbon, the Portuguese thought it strange, that their new King▪ Phillip II. should appear the next day in publick, con∣trary to the Custom of their Kings, who upon the Death of their Mini∣sters, and others of inferiour Rank that had faithfully served the Crown, kept up some days. And to make an odious Comparison, some remem∣bred, that Emanuel, his Mother's Brother, lockt up himself for three days, upon the Death of a famous Pilor. Livre 9. de Histoire de l'Uni∣on du Portugal a la Castille.
• 2

  It is no wonder the Iudgments of the People are for the most part contrary to those of their Princes: For the People not being able to discern right, would have the Prince espouse their Passions, and accom∣modate himself to their Humour; and he, on the contrary, would have them leave the Government to him without judging what they under∣stand not. The People are not ca∣pable of knowing what is fitting or not fitting for the Prince, when a weak Prince generally knows what is agreeable to, or unbecoming his Dignity.
• 3

  When the Prince would justifie an Action, which he knows the People do, or may interpret amiss, he cannot do it better than by the Example of his immediate Predeces∣sors; for the later the Example is, it makes the greater Impression on those to whom it is brought.
• g

  The loss of the Battels of Cremera and Allia, both fought on the 17th of Iuly, in different Years, and four others, that of Ticinum, Techia, Lago di Perugia, and Cannae, where so many Roman Knights were killed, that Hannibal sent to Carthage two Bushels full of Rings, an Account of the num∣ber of the Slain by that of their Rings.
• h

  Of the Scipio's in Spain, and so many others.
• i

  All the Fabii, who were 306 near Relations, perished in one Ambuscade the Tuscans had said for them near the River Cremera; but by good Fortune, there was one staid at home because of his being very young, who restored the Family.
• 4

  Kingdoms, says Ant. Perez, are in respect of Kings; the same as Spe∣cies are to their Individuals: The Philosophers say, the Species are E∣ternal, because naturally they never end, though Individuals perish, like Accidents, Kings make not King∣doms, but Kingdoms make Kings. Dans ses secondes Lettres.
• k

  Games instituted in Honour of the great Goddess, called by the Romans, Magna Mater. Her Statue was brought in great Pomp from Pessinum in Greece to Rome: These Games consisted only in Scenical Sports, and were a solemn time of Invitation to Entertainments among Friends. They were always celebrated in April.
• 5

  Whatever Discontents the Peo∣ple are under, propose to them Plays and Shews, and they soon forge•• the Causes of them. 'Tis a more easi•• Transition from Sorrow to Ioy, than from Ioy to Sorrow. A Ca∣rousal or Mascarade sometimes will reduce them to their Duty. They are amused by such sort of Diver∣sions, as Children are quieted, when they cry, by Babies.
• 1

  The most dangerous of all Poi∣sons, is that operates without lea∣ving any visible sign thereof. It was impossible to prove Germanicus was poisoned. All the Proof was only from the Correspondence of Plancina with Martina. The Iour∣nal of the Reign of Henry III. of France, mentions a Servant of the Duke of Alenson, called Blondel, ac∣cused of Poisoning his Master, and was several times put upon the Rack, tho' there was no other Evidence against him, than Suspicion, because he had been a Servant to Cardinal Biragne, who, according to the Te∣stimonly of Admiral Coligni, told Charles IX. and H••nry III. They would never have an end of their Enemies, but by the help of their Cooks.
• 2

  Princes are very well pleased to find Persons that will clear the Way for them to the Throne: but when such Services are done by Poi∣soning or Murder, if they be wise, they will be cautious how they shew any Acknowledgement for them, when they hav•• no share in the Crime. In these matters, to be Grateful is to be an Accomplice, and to be Ungrateful is a sign of Pru∣dence and Equity.
• 3

  It much concerns Princes to re∣venge the Death of their Predecesso••s that are Murthered or Poisoned, for there is no other way to assure their own Lives, than by taking care there be no Example of Impunity for a Prince's Death. If the Successor punish it not, that tells the People, a Conspi••acy may be sometimes just and reasonable. An Opinion Princes ought to be careful to prevent. Un∣de•• Claudius, Chereas and Lupus, who killed Caligula, suffered, tho' this Murther mounted him into the Throne. Domitian likewise puni∣shed Epaphroditus for having only assisted Nero to kill himself, tho' he was proscribed by a Decree of the Senate. Nerva, on the contrary, exposed himself to the Fury of the Soldiers, because he would not deli∣ver up the Murtherers of Domitian: From which Danger, nothing saved him, but his adopting Trajan. Yet it has been at all times an inviolable Maxim among Princes, Never to pardon those that have killed their Predecessors, nor those that have Murthered any Foreign Prince. Tho' Albert Duke of Austria, was chosen King of the Romans, in the Life of the Emperor Adolph of Nas∣sau••▪ and after the Death of Adolph, whom he killed in a Duel, when he would have had his Election con∣firmed, or rather a new Election made; some of the Electors, and many of the Princes of th•• Empire, made a Complaint against him to the Elector Palatin, whereby they would set aside this second Election, as a Man that having killed his Predecessor, was incapable and un∣worthy to succeed him. Oxenstiern de Ratione Status, c. 5. part. 1.
• 4

  It always becomes a Prince to speak graciously to those that are accused, and justifie themselves, tho' he knows they are guilty; for fear, if he behave himself otherwise, his Passion or particular Hatred be lookt upon as the Cause of their Condem∣nation.
• 5

  A Prince that gives himself the Trouble to Instruct his Son, soon makes him an able Man: For the Schollar is the more Docile, because of the Respect he bears to the Au∣thority of his Master; and the Master more Careful because of the Interest he has in the Eduation of his Schol∣lar. Paterculus ascribes all the Abi∣lities of Tiberius to the Divine Pre∣cepts of Augustus. Innutritus Coelesti∣um praeceptorum disciplinis, Hist. 2. Cabrera says, That Charles V. when he returned to Spain after his Abdi∣cation, had thoughts himself of E∣ducating of Don Carlos, the Prince of Spain, who neither regarded his Go∣vernors nor Tutors, but his want of Health prevented. It may be too, he changed his Mind because he would not teach him Maxims of Policy, which are dangerous for an ill Tem∣per, such as Don Carlos, to learn. Diego de Mendosa, says, That it is the Custom for the Princes of L••on, to take their Children with them to the Wars, and to be their Masters in all parts of their Education. [The Ponces, formerly Dukes of Cadiz, now Dukes of Arcos, are Hereditary Gran∣dees, and that Honour is always in their Family, as the Guzmans, Dukes of Medina-Sidonia, their Rivals: These two Houses are distinguished from other Grandees originally, be∣cause of the twelve Families that en∣joy this Honour, there is yet only the Guzmans and Ponces that the King of Spain hath named and acknowledged such.] Ch. 9. & 14. du liv. 4. de la Guerre de Grenade.
• l

  Now la Marca d' Ancona.
• m

  That is one of the great Ways to Rome, made by Flaminius the Consul.
• 6

  When a great Man is suspected by his Prince, or actually accused of any Crime against the State, he can∣not be guilty of a greater Impru∣dence than to Converse with the Sol∣diers, especially if he had any Credit before among them. So Piso, that was called, The Father of the Legions, after he was accused by the Senator Sentius, for endeavouring to raise a Civil-war in the Province, encreased the Suspicion of that Crime, by con∣versing familiarly with the Legion that returned to Rome.
• n

  A C••ty of Umbria.
• 7

  Pomp, Ceremony, Festivals and Rejoycings, are accounted so many new Crimes in one accused of De∣signs against the State; for it is indeed to brave a Prince and the Laws, in shewing he fears them not. Tiberius rejoyced at Germanicus's Death, but that troubled him. Piso should have forbore entring with so much Splendour, and making those Shews at his House, which served only to raise a publick Displeasure, by the Comparison was made betwixt his Rejoycings, and the Silence, Sorrow and Mourning at Agrippina's. Ca∣brera says, The Magnificence Antho∣ny Perez lived in, while the Wife and Children of the Secretary Iuan Escovedo, whom he had caused to be Assassinated, prosecuted his Death, so provok'd the People, that Phillip II. was at last forced to give him over to Iustice, which treated him with great Rigour.
• 1

  The diversity of Humours and Interests among those, compose an Assembly, opens the way to all Pas∣sion, and then it is impossible to dis∣cern Truth from Falshood, which has always Prejudice for its Advo∣cate.
• 2

  A Criminal, when the People seek for his Death with Threats that they will cut him in pieces, tho' he should be acquitted by his Iudges, would find ••t difficult getting Advo∣cates to make his Defence. Means are often found to escape the Wrath of a Prince, but very seldom that of the People.
• o

  They had promised Germanicus, before he died, to lose their Lives ra∣ther than his Death should be unpunished; as Tacitus says towards the end of his Second Book of Annals.
• 3

  When a Prince has chose a Go∣vernor, or other Officer, whose Ad∣ministration is blamed, he common∣ly divides it with his Council. So Tib••rius here would have it believed, that the reason why he sent Piso Go∣vernour into Syria, was in Conformity to Augustus, who had honoured him with his Friendship, and divers Em∣ploys, in which he had well acquit∣ted himself.
• 1

  There is great difference be∣twixt Offences against the Person, and the Authority of a Prince. He may pardon the first, but ought ne∣ver to let the others go unpunished, because their Consequences are al∣ways dangerous to the State. For that would be, as Cardinal Richlieu has very well observed, A mistaken Clemency, more dangerous than Cruelty, Ch. 5. de l•• seconde partie de son Testament Politique.
• 2

  When a Prince puts a great Man into the Hands of Iustice, and there is enough against him, it is wise and honourable in him to Com∣mand the Iudges not to trouble them∣selves with the Examination of un∣certain and doubtful Crimes, where∣of he is accused, to shew he acts without Passion, and will proceed only according to Law.
• 3

  A Prince has a double Obliga∣tion upon him, that of Nature to his Children, and of Government to his People. As he is a common Father, he ought to hold the Balance even, especially when he is to Revenge the Death or Complaints of the for∣mer.
• p

  The Curia is the Place where the Senate used to assemble, to Consult about the publick Concerns of the Commonwealth.
• q

  The Forum is the place where the publick Courts of Iustice sate.
• r

  See chap. 76. l. 2.
• 1

  For Poison, says Patin, that is always said upon the Death of Prin∣ces, of which they often make a My∣stery, Lettre 69. As if, says Strada, it was a Dishonour to them to Die a Natural Death, because that would make Princes and others too equal. Livre 2. de la seconde Decade de sa Guerre de Flandres.
• 2

  Upon State Accusations, says Cardinal Richlieu, You are to shut th•• Door against Pity, and Despise the Complaints of those that are concerned. To be rigorous against those that Contemn the Laws and Government, is to be good for the publick, against which, a Prince cannot offend more, than in being indulgent to those that violate them. C. 5. de la seconde Partie de son Testa∣ment Politique.
• 3

  The Prince ought never to suf∣fer the People to take Cognizance of those accused of State-Crimes, nor let them examine, whether the Iudge•• should acquit or condemn. I•• thi•• Door be once open, the People will be Masters of all Iudgments, by the Seditions they will raise in favour of those they would save, or to take of those Ministers and Publick Officers they hate.
• s

  This was a Place where Condemned Persons were dragged and cast into the Tyber. It was up stairs, and from thencè Scala Gemonia, and Gradu•• Gemonii, because, as some are of Opinion, the first that suffer'd in this man∣ner his Name was Gemonius, or as others, because it was Locus Gemitus & Calamitatum. And from hence they used to throw down the Statues of Criminals. This was upon the Aventine Mount▪
• 1

  It is a fatality in all Monarchies to have a Minister the more loved by his Prince, as he is hated by the Peo∣ple; and to have popular Hatred preserve those, a Prince would wil∣lingly give up, when he is informed of their Behaviour, if it were not to gratifie the People. You therefore often see Ministers and Favourites prosper and flourish, when the Peo∣ple clamour against them; and fall from the top of their Grandeur when the People seem weary of hating and affronting them.
• 2

  Nothing is more dishonourable to a Prince, than to suffer a great Man to grow to that Credit or Power, as shall oblige him to cover his Faults, so that he dares not let him be questioned for Crimes against the State.
• 3

  Every thing is sacrificed to Life, and as A. Perez says, There is not a Truer Friendship than betwixt the Soul and the Body, for they would never part. A great many Women make their Husbands all the Pro∣mises Plancina made Piso, but you see none keep them; they are the inseparable Companions of their good Fortune, but instead of com∣••orting them in bad, are oftentimes their Scourges. He is exceeding happy who meers with a good One.
• 4

  An Historian can never be too scrupulous, when he is to relate the secret Actions of Princes. That Itch, which many Scriblers have to search into the Secrets of Princes, and to re∣fine upon the Memoirs communica∣ted to them, gives them not always Reputation in the world, for if with some they pass for Wise and Dis∣cerning, others very much doubt their Fidelity and Truth. They are Writers, says Strada, value them∣selves upon publishing Secret and Villanous things, and neglect those that are common. Like those Fe∣lons that pass by Houses that are open, and only beset those are fast. Livre ... de la seconde Decade.
• 5

  There are some curious things an Historian ought not to omit, tho' they are difficult to be believed, and none have taken notice of them be∣fore, when he knows them from Persons of Credit, who have had some share in them, or that have seen secret Memoi••s. Historians, says Commines, leave us many things that they do not know to be true, but for my part I will speak of no∣thing but what I know to be true, or have had from great Persons that are fit to be believed. And in another Place, says, Tho' I was not in the Places where these things were done, yet I know that they were reported to the King, and by the Letters were writ him, which I often saw, because he commanded me to answer them. Chap. 13. du Liv. 5. & 4. du Liv. 6. When Strada speaks of the Appari∣tion of Colonel Pedro de Paz to his Regiment, at a Battle near Antwerp, he appeals to Delrio, and says, That after the Testimony of a Man of so great weight, he thought he should do injury to Posterity, if he kept from them so extraordinary an Event, which was acknowledged too by many Officers upon Oath, who were present at the Battle. Liv. 6. de la seconde Decade. The Preface to M. Aubery du Maurier's Memoi••s is one of the best pieces he has given us a long time, and I prefer a little Histo∣ry, like that of the Queen of Scots's Death, which he says he learnt from his Father, who had it from Chan∣cellor de Bellievre himself, to all his Histories he has writ upon Manu∣scripts, and invisible Memoirs.
• 6

  Nothing is more difficult than to answer well to the frequent Questions of Princes; the most able are very much confounded, and with greater reason may others be so the first time they appear in a Prince's Presence, that has a severe Air of Majesty, as Tiberius, whose Counte∣nance was as doubtful as his Words. Tiberii Serm••ne, vultu, adregantibus & obs••uris. Ann. 1.
• t

  In the Year of Rome 746, or 747.
• 1

  As it is certain, the Authority of a Father can never give him a Right to command his Children any thing against the State; so the Children that are of Age to know what they do, are as guilty as their Fathers when they obey in a plain Rebellion, whether they do it voluntarily, or by force: Otherwise the Duty of Fi∣lial Obedience would be a pretence for Rebellion. Now when young Piso dissuaded his Father from re∣turning to Syria, shewing him he would raise a Civil War in the East; it is evident he knew the consequence thereof, and saw it as clearly as his Father: And besides, it appeared too by Piso's Letter to the Emperor, that his Son was not altogether innocent, as in Truth he was not, since accord∣ing to the Testimony of Tacitus, he was as zealous in the War when it was begun, as he had been first in ad∣vising against it. Haud ig••avo administeria belli ••uv••ne Pisone, quan∣quam suscipiendum bellum abnuisset. Ann. 2.
• u

  Which was of the Calpurnian H••use.
• 2

  Tho' Princes are obliged to punish Crimes, yet it becomes them very well to pity the Misfortune of those suffer for them. After the part of a Prince is over, which is to do Iustice, without regard to the con∣dition to those that are guilty, 'tis but Humanity to shew some Com∣passion, especially wh••n they are Persons that have done Service to the Publick. I do not see, that those who read Sixtus Quintus's Life, ap∣prove, or in any sort excuse his ex∣travagant Zeal, which made him say, after he had beheld the Execu∣tion of a Spanish Gentleman, who was hanged before his Windows. That it was a Sauce would make him Dine with the better Appetite. Leti Liv. 2. de la seconde partie de sa Vie.
• 3

  As Historians ought not to ap∣prove the Reflections the People make of a Prince and great Men, yet they ought less to pass them in silence; for the end of their Wri∣ting, is, to give Examples whereby we may know Good and Bad, and shun those things which Envy and Evil-speaking may interpret ill.
• 4

  Iudges should always give Iudgment according to the severity of the Laws; 'tis not for them, but the Prince to shew Mercy. This of the Consul Cotta was rigorous, but conformable to the Laws, the chie•• end of which is to strike terrour in Offenders. Besides, Princes love to have Iudges severe, so that if they please to shew any Mercy, the Cri∣minals may be the more obliged to them. However, the Iudges should never exceed those Bounds their Con••ciences prescribe, and their Complaisance to the Prince ought not to go beyond that rigour the Law requires. For it is a rashness and injustice to condemn a Criminal to more than his Crime deserves, on supposition that the Prince will mo∣••••rate the Sentence.
• 5

  It is Wisdom in •• Prince to stop those Sentences against great Men, that carry along with them marks of Infamy. and reflect on the Honour of their Family. Philip II. of Spain understanding the Circumstances of Gon••alo Pizarro's Crime, who was Beheaded in the Reign of Charles V. for endeavouring to fix himself in the Government of Peru, which his Brother had Conquered, without ever consenting to the Title of King▪ which those of the Country offered him; declares by an Act, signed with his own Hand, That Gon••alo was never a Traitor, tho' condemned as such, commanding that Name should be blotted out of all the Hi∣stories where he was called so. Don Iuan Antonio de Vera dons l'Epitome de la Vie de la Charles V. Those who have mind to see a Case pa∣rallel to Piso, need only read there.
• 1

  There are often Instances in Elective Governments, that the Peo∣ple, who love much to Discourse of Affairs of State, speak of divers Princes, every one according to his Fancy or Desire, till at last they Name him that is chosen, Tac. Hist. 2. And as there is no Court, where so many Changes happen, nor so ma••y unexpected Elections, as at Rome, Scipio Ammirato had Reason from hence to Discourse of the Election of the Popes, out of which I shall give you an Extract. It seems, says he, those Wise Men that take upon them to point out who will be Elected, make Age the principal Condition of Election, concluding, the young Cardinals are never to hope for the Pontificate; which is very wrong, for Leo X. came to it at the Age of 37. Boniface VIII. at 34. Clement VII. at 45. Others take it for granted, they will never Elect a Foreigner for a Pope, because the Italian Car∣dinals, that are always more nume∣rous than the Tramontans, will never suffer the Popedom to be out of their Nation. Without going farther for an Example, we see the contrary in Adrian VI. who was not only a Fleming, but had never seen Rome nor Ita••y. And Cardinal P••ol had been Pope, but that his Pious Mo∣desty refused the Adoration at mid∣night. Calixtus III. and Alexander VI. who are not very ancient, were not they Spaniards? Others say. That the Cardinals of an Illustrious House, or that have many Relations can never hope for the Pontificate, and yet Paul III. and Paul IV. were both very nobly Born, and the last had so many Relations, that there is no Family in Italy has more Men, Lands, and Charges than the House of ••a∣raffa. And besides, Clement VII. was not only very Noble, but an absolute Lord (tho' under the modest Title of Governor) of a great part of Tuscany. How o••t was it said, that after the Pontificate was out of the Benedictines, they resolved it should never return into any Reli∣gious Order: Yet besides Sixtus IV. and Pius V. one a Cordelier, and the other a Dominican, in the year 1585. when of 64 Cardinals, there were only two Religious, Felix Peretti, a Franciscan, was made Pope. Testi∣monials sufficient, that neither young Men, nor Strangers, neither Nobles nor Monks are excluded, as their Politicks would predict. There are those also lay it down for a Rule, that they will never make a severe Man, nor one that is very liberal, or that loves War, Pope. Can they have a Pope more severe than Pius V. more Liberal than Iulius III. more stout and martial than Iulius II. From whence Ammirato concludes, That whatever the world may say, and the Cardinals Cabal together, yet the Election of Popes is without doubt directed by the Hand of God. Disc. 1, du Liv. 3. de son Comm. sur Tac. There cannot be a greater In∣stance of this, than what is menti∣oned in a Letter of Cardinal Ioyeuse, where he gives an Account to Henry IV. of France, of the Election of Cardinal Borghese, who was Paul V. instead of Cardinal Tosco, whom the Cardinals Aldrobrandi and Montalto, the Heads of the two Ch••ef Factions in the Conclave a∣greed to Elect.

  Upon that, says he, the great Cardinal Baronius, who had always declared to Aldobran∣din, he would never go to the A∣doration of such a Man, spoke pub∣lickly, That he they were going to Elect was unworthy of that Charge, that it would bring a great Plague upon the Church, that he would make no Schism, but would be the last to Adore him. This was an ardent Zeal for the Honour of God, and an Example very rare, that one Cardinal alone, when they were going to Adoration, and when the rest were agreed, should dare to speak with so much Freedom. The Cardinal Aldr••brandin propo∣sed to me Cardinal Borghese, con∣juring me, by all the Services he he had done your Majesty, and by the Memory of Clement VIII. to agree. I consulted Cardinal Mon∣talto, if he approved him. He told me he not only liked him very well, but that we should oblige him very much to accept him. Aldro∣brandin supplicating us to do him that Favour: I answered, I thanked God that in serving two Persons, whom we honoured very much, we might have him Pope, whom your Majesty desired most, so good a Man and of so exemplary a life: And as soon as I said so, B••rghese was made Pope. Thus, Sir, suc∣ceeded this Negotiation, from which I believe your Majesty will have great satisfaction, to see Affairs here in such a Condition, that the Cardinals, your Subjects, are as it were, the Arbitrators of the Con∣clave, and have prevented the Church having a Head, whose Life and Reputation were a little ble∣mished, and instead thereof to have one that without contradiction is esteemed very good and very wise. I will also believe it will be accep∣table to your Majesty, and advan∣tageous to France, that he owes his Election to the Cardinals your Subjects, for it cannot be denied, that they under God, have pre∣vented the Holy See's being filled with another Person, to reserve it for him, to whom God had desti∣ned it for the Good and Service of the Church.

  Dans l'Histoire du Cardinul Ioyeuse.
• 2

  Logo Diarrhaea, which Quinti∣lian calls, Os Praeceps, is a great fault in an Orator. We see Preachers, whose Mouths go like the Alarum of a Clock, and whose Sermons are •• continual labour to them. The vulgar calls that Apostolical Preach∣ing, as if the Apostles could not o∣therwise deliver God's Word. This fault the Italian and Spanish Preach∣ers abound with, whose Gesture was violent as their Pronunciation. I will add to this a Reflection on the Ad∣vice Tiberius would give Fulcinius, It is that the Precipitation and Ve∣hemence of this Advocate displeased him, because very contrary to his easie and composed way of speaking. They that are to speak before Prin∣ces ought to accommodate their Discourse to their liking, if they would be well heard. In Augustus's Reign the Harangues were long, his being so, because of the care he took to deliver his Thoughts clearly. Under Tiberius they were short and pertinent, because his Style was con∣cise and close. Which shews, Elo∣quence has its Modes, and that the Fashion and Rules of Graminar and Rhetorick are used according to the conformity they have with the pre∣sent Genius of the Court.
• 3

  It is very difficult to discover the Truth of those matters that have been differently reported when they happened. The older they are, the more obscure they become, and are intermixed with ingenious Circum∣stances that make them pass for Romances. Therefore the Chan∣cellor Chivergny said in his Memoirs, he thought good to deliver the Truth of the most remarkable Things wherein most Historians deceive Po∣sterity.
• y

  Without which he could not fall again to his publick Imployments, which had been interrupted ever since his return to Rome, nor enjoy the Ho∣nour of the Triumph was decreed him. This Ceremony consisted in Prayers that those made who took upon them any Civil or Military Employments, to the God's to be propitious to them.
• z

  The Ovation some fancy to have derived its Name from shouting Evion to Bacchus, but the true Original is Ovis, usually offered in this Pro∣cession, as an Ox in the Triumph. The Procession generally began at the Albanian Mountain, whence the General, with his Retinue, made his Entry into the City. He went on Foot, with many Flutes or Pipes sounding in Consort as he passed along, wearing a Garland of Myrtle, as a Token of Peace, with an Aspect rather raising Love and Respect, than Fear.
• a

  Caius and Lucius by Poison, Agrippa Posthumus by the Sword, Agrip∣pina by Famine.
• 1

  Tho' Sallies, says Commines, are sometimes necessary, yet they are dangerous, for the loss of Ten Men to them is more than an Hundred to the Besiegers, because their number is not equal, and cannot Recruit at pleasure, and if they lose their Com∣mander, (which often happens) it causes the loss of the place. Chap. 11. du Liv. 2. de ses Mem. He that is afraid of losing a Fort, ought not to make Sallies often, for Ten of the Besiegers will not recompence the loss of one of his Men, because they can Recruit, and he has no hopes of doing it. Dis. 3. du Liv. 20. de son Commentaire sur Tacite.
• b

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 majores nostri, says Cicero, speaking of Decimation, ut, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 m••ltis esset 〈◊〉〈◊〉 rei militaris admissum, sor••ione in quosdam animadver∣••e••etur, ut metus videlicet adonmes, poena ad paucos perveniret. Pro Cluentio. That is, Our Ancestors have decreed, that if many offend against Martial Law, some only shall be punished by Lot, so that their Punishment may strike Terrour to all the rest. Appius Claudius seems to have been the first Author of Decimation among the Romans. His Army having forsoke him in his Expedition against the Volsci, he Decimated them at his return, and cut off the Centurions Heads after they had run the Gantle••. T. Liv. livrez. The same Historian says, he killed the Roman Soldiers, (vitibus,) and the Foreigners (fustibus.) Paterculus says, That the Proconsul Calvinius Domi∣tius caused Vibillius, a Lieutenant Colon••l, to be slain with his Generals Staff, because he shamefully run away. Hist. 2. Chap. 78. Sometimes the Roman Consuls viges••••a••ant and centesima••ant, i. e. punished only One of Twenty or an Hundred.
• 2

  Decimation is the most effectual remedy for the Cowardice, Disobe∣dience and Infidelity of Soldiers. It is rarely executed in France, but sup∣plied with an equivalent, the break∣ing of Companies. What Lewis the Iust did in 1639. is remarkable, Viz.

  The King being well informed how cowardly the Troops of Light Horse of Fontette, Castelet and Cu∣villiers, left the Foot at the Bat∣tle of Thionville, and resolving such Infamy should be taken notice of, and exemplarily punished, ordered they should be broke and never raised again. His Majesty declares the Captains and Officers of the said Troops infamous, and incapa∣ble of ever having any Command, reserving himself to appoint them such Punishment as they deserved.

  And in a Letter to the Viscount de Lignon,

  My desire is▪ says he, That you break with Disgrace, and ex∣pel your Regiment, all the Offi∣cers and Soldiers that were known to fly on that occasion, and that you let them not serve in other ••roops, where the Contagion of their ill Conduct may make the like disorder, as at the Battle of Thionville.

  Dans le Tom. 4. des Memoires du Ministere du Cardinal d•• Richelieu.
• 3

  Sometimes those that are Beat, bring more Resolution, Courage and Conduct to a second Battle, than their Victors; for these are apt to relax, through Haughtiness and Pride, which Victory inspires, when the others have Shame, Anger, and a desire of Vengeance to spur them to recover the Esteem and Favour of their General, Which Tacitus says, Acri••r•• disciplin•• victi▪ quam vi∣ctores agunt: hos ira, odium, ul••ionis cupiditas, ad virtutem accendit; illi; per fastidium & contuma••iam he∣bescunt. Hist. 2. Profuisse disciplinae ipsum pudorem. Hist. 3.
• 4

  Princes are always pleased to have their Ministers leave to them the disposing of Rewards, especially Military Rewards, the distribution whereof draws great Consequences after it, when done by other Hands. After the Battle of Rocroy, the Bâton of Marshal was not refused M. de Gassion, because the D. d'Anguien as∣ked it, but because the Queen Re∣gent and Cardinal Mazarine would not let him owe that Dignity to a Victorious General. However, there is nothing gives a Soveraign greater satisfaction, than the Moderation of a Subject, who after he has done great Services will receive no Re∣compence from any other hand than his. Cardinal d'Ossat, speaking of the Presents Cardinal Ioyeuse had sent him, after his Promotion, said, He accepted only the Silver Basin, which might be worth an Hundred Crowns; f••r tho' he had not then what became him to support his Dignity, yet he would not renounce his Abstinence, that he had always preserved, to be obliged to any other Lord or Prince, than the King, Lettre 171. The King, saith a Mo∣dern Author, should be the only Master and Iudge of all Rewards, and ought to dispose them himself, so that they who receive any of them, may be persuaded they owe them to his Bounty. Besides, nothing can give juster satisfaction to Subjects, who have a true Sense of Honour, than to receive a Favour from the King's own Hand, because the Dig∣nity of the Royal Hand adds a Qua∣lity to the Present that augments its excellence and value. Chap. 9. du Traité de la Politique d•• Franc••.
• 5

  It is easie to persuade Iudges, a Woman that commits Adultery would Poison her Husband:
• c

  Ita enim apud Roman••s, says Appian, futuri anni Consul primus censet.
• 1

  'Tis very certain, if Tiberius had desired to have saved Lepida, he would have let his Son have spoke first, to have had the Reputation of it, to which the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 would willingly have consented, because the Con∣tempt they had for Quirinus, her Accuser, would have enclined the Iudges to shew her Favour. He would not let his Son declare himself first, under pretence of leaving others to their liberty, but in effect, that they might do what he would not be thought the Author of; and to shew, that instead of imposing a necessity on the Iudges to follow Drusus's Opinion, he might pretend Drusus conformed to theirs, which threw the Odium on them. See how Prince's Actions are covered with shews of Modesty, Clemency and Iustice. When Philip II. King of Spain, pre∣served the Lady Elizabeth, and gained her Liberty, after she was commit∣ted to the Tower upon Wiat's accu∣sing her, this Action was magnified by the Spaniards, as a singular Ex∣ample of Clemency and Generosity. When he would not consent she should be sent into Spain to be shut up in a Convent, the English be∣lieved it to be for the Reason he gave the Queen, because the King∣dom would have reason to complain, if the Lawful Heir was taken from them when the Queen and he had no Children. When to prevent the ••eheading of her, he told the Queen, That the Prince, who has his Hands in the Blood of his Relations, pre∣pares a Sword for himself, she be∣lieved him concerned for her Safety. But all these were only Pretences▪ as his own Historian Cabrera allows.

  The French, says he, would have it, That Philip saved Elizabeth on∣ly out of State Policy to prevent England's being joyned after the Queen's Death in Mary Queen of Scots, who had Married the Dau∣phin of France, by which Union France had been formidable to the Low Countri••s, which was very tr••e. And God suffer'd Elizabeth to disturb and divide these Pro∣vinces, and to give Philip great Trouble for preferring his own Interest to that of Religion, in sa∣ving one was afterwards the great∣est Enemy the Roman Church ever had. Thus God punishes Princes who prefer the Welfare of their Temporal Affairs before their Con∣science.

  Chap. 7. & 10. du Liv. 1. de son Histoire, & Aubery du Maurier dans la Préface de ses Memoires.
• d

  The Calph••••nii and Aemilii were very considerable Fam••lies in Rome.
• e

  Decius.
• f

  Tacitus, says, Valida in R••mp. fortuna, which rendring Literally, is, He had good Fortune against the Commonwealth. And I believe, that is the Author's true Sense, who in my Opinion would take notice of the ex∣traordinary good Fortune he had to make himself by force of Arms absolute Master of the Empire. For if Tacitus would only have spoke of his Govern∣ment, he should have said in Rep. and not in Remp. Which none of the Spanish, Italian or French Translators have observed, but Rodolfus, who says, (as Fortune was very favourable to the Emperor Augustus, against the Commonwealth.) But I think it more proper to content my self wi•••• the common Interpretation, making only a Grammatical Note upon it, (which I do seldom) Non ut arguerem, sed ne arguerer.
• 2

  It is fatal to Princes that are happy in their Government, to be unfortunate in their Families, either by the Disobedience of their Chil∣dren, as Charles VII. of France, Phi∣lip II. of Spain, or in the Lewdness of their Wives or Daughters, as Augustus, Tiberius, and many others. Besides, Augustus deserved this very well, because he forgot all the Sa∣cred Tyes of Friendship when he con∣sulted his Pleasure, and abused Mece∣nas's Wife, who was his first Mini∣ster and Favourite, which has given occasion to Arioste the Italian Poet, to say,

  Non fù si santo nè benigno Augusto, Come la tromba di Virgilio suona.

  i. e. Augustus was not so Virtuous, nor so Good, as Virgil tells us.
• 3

  The Prince that observes not his own Laws, gives room to think, either that they are unjust, or not necessary, and brings publick Hatred on himself, if he makes others rigo∣rously observe them. The more se∣vere Laws are, the more it concerns a Prince to Authorise them by his Example, which wins those would otherwise oppose them. Macchiave•• gives us a very considerable Relation, which shews how dangerous it is for the Maker of a Law to Break it. He says, That Fryar 〈…〉〈…〉, having among other things, for the security of the Government of Florence, obtained a Law for Appeals to the People in Matters of State▪ both from the Senate and the Coun∣cil of Eight, (which he had a long time solicited, and got with much difficulty at last.) It happened, that not long after, there were five Per∣sons Condemned to Death by the Senate, who endeavouring earnestly to Appeal to the People, were denied it, and could not have the Benefit of that Law, which was greater Dimi∣nution to the Reputation of the Fryar, than any thing had ever hap∣pened before. For if that Law was of such Importance as he pretended, it ought to have been observed; if not, Why was it solicited so earnest∣ly? And it was the more remark∣able in the Fryar, because in his Ser∣mons and Discourses afterwards to the People, he neither blamed the break∣ing of that Law, nor went about to excuse it: For being to his purpose, he would condemn it, and excuse it he could not, having nothing to say; which Action having discovered the Ambitious Partiality of his Mind, lessened his Repute, and loaded him with Scandal. Chap. 45. Liv. 1. de ses Disc. Sixtus V. lost a little the Reputation he had of a constant Man, by one or two Promotions he made extra tempora in 1587. after his Bull, whereby he decreed, That no Promotions should be made but in Ember-Week in December. Leti livri dernier de sa Vi••.
• g

  So I render, Amicitia Caesaris prohiberi; for Tacitus says by that the Romans declared they renounced Friendship with those had offended them. ••orem fuisse majoribus, quotis dirimerent amicitias, interdicere domo, ••ùm∣que finem gratiae ponere. Ann. 6. To which Tacitus's Words to Tiberius in his Harangue against Piso; Si obsequium erga Imperatorem exuit, ejusdémque & luctu meo laetatus est, odero, seponàmque à domo mea. Ann. 3.
• h

  There were three sorts of Exile; the first was called Deportatio. Tran∣sportation, this was perpetual, and extended to loss of Estates and Privi∣vileges. Ann. 1. Deportati autem jus civitatis & bona amittebant. The se∣cond was Relegatio, by which a Criminal was sent to such a Place or such a time, or perhaps for ever, but not deprived of the Priviledge of a Roman Citizen. The third, Depended on the Will and Pleasure of the Prince, by a certain Writing under his Hand to those he suspected, or had offended him, and he recalled them at Pleasure.
• 1

  Princes ought to forbear as much as may be, reversing what their Pre∣decessors have done. For besides that, this Respect is of good Example for their Subjects, who have therefore the greater Reverence for Majesty, it is a lesson to their Successors, how to behave themselves towards them. Never any Prince had greater Cause to be discontented with his Prede∣cessor, and despise his Memory, than David, and yet he not only slew him that brought the News of Saul's Death and his Crown, and lamented him that would often have killed him, he makes his Elegy, magnifies his Valour, his Liberality, his Riches, the Loveliness of his Person, saying to the People of Israel, He was swif∣ter than Eagles, he was stronger than Lions, 2. Sam. c. 1. Lewis XII. of France was very ill used under Charles VIII. yet he turned out few of his Officers, but said he would maintain every Man in his Estate, whereby he gained great Honour. Commines dans le dernier Chapitre de ses Memoires.
• i

  This Law was made by Papius and Poppeus, when Consuls, and con∣tained Rewards and Punishments. That the Magistrates should have Pre∣cedence according to the number of their Children, or a Married Man be∣fore a Batchellor. That in Elections, those who had most Children should be prefer'd; That any Person might stand sooner than ordinary for an Office if he had so many Children as to be capable of it. That whosoever in the City had three Children, in other Parts of Italy four, and in the Pro∣vinces five, (some say seven) should be excused all troublesome Offices. Hence came the famous Iustrium Liberorum, which the Emperor's often in∣dulged to several to whom Nature had denied it. On the other side, Un∣married Persons were uncapable of receiving any Legacy or Inheritance by Will, unless from near Relations.
• 2

  When Men had rather want the Comforts and Pleasures of Marriage than to bring upon themselves the Necessity of Children, and conse∣quently of multiplying the Misfor∣tunes of their Families, 'tis a certain sign of a Tyrannical Government. It was in this Sense, Pliny the youn∣ger wrote to Trajan, that he desired Children in his Reign, because he was assured of being an happy Fa∣ther. And Tacitus says, After the English had lost a Battle, whereby they were at the Mercy of the R••∣mans, they fell into so great a Des∣pair, that many of them killed their Wives and Children, tanquam mise∣rerentur, in compassion to them, to deliver them from a cruel Slavery that was coming upon their Coun∣try. In Agricola.
• 3

  Pagliari pleasantly asks, Who were these Men had this Simplicity and Innòcence Tacitus speaks of? The first Man that was Born in the World killed the second, we ought then to conclude, since Adam's Fall by Disobedience, there have always been good and bad. Obser••ation 341. But probably Tacitus never read Ge∣nesis.
• 4

  Divers Monarchies have been turned into Commonwealths, some through the Inconstancy or Untra∣ctableness of the People, but most through the unbounded liberty of their Kings, who would not content themselves with a Legal Authority. Therefore, says Antonio Perez, if Princes love and would preserve themselves, they ought not so much to beware of those Physicians, that either through Ignorance or Flattery, or particular Hatred, suffer them to Eat what is contrary to their Health, as Counsellors that give them an Arbitrary Power without Bounds. For such Counsellors will soon tire out the Patience of the People, and consequently make them Dethron•• their Masters. Dans ses Relations.
• 5

  Laws ought to bear a ••roportion to the condition of Men, for they are made like Remedies in Physick, to Sute the Nature of Distempets. A Law-Giver that shall make Laws against Vices and Corruptions, un∣known to the People he governs, will debauch their Innocence, by teaching what they should rather be ignorant of. Like imprudent Con∣fessors, that by unnecessary Questi∣ons instruct Girls in the Knowledge of Ill, before they know the diffe∣rence of their Sex. Or like some Preachers, that to Confute Errors and Infidelity, raise such Scruples and Objections as their Answers do not sufficiently clear, and instead of con∣firming the People in the Faith, make many of them curious and in∣quisitive, and Scepticks, if not down∣right Atheists.
• k

  They are now the Inhabitants of the Isle of Candia.
• 6

  The more cunning and discern∣ing People are, the more numerous the Laws should be, for as a Law-Maker can never foresee all Cases that may happen, nor all the Subtil∣ties and Cavils will be thought on for evading his Law, or at least, the Exceptions will be found, that is the Reasons against obeying it hic & nunc; he is obliged to explain his Law, or rather to make as many Laws as new Cases shall arise. There is no Country where there are better Laws, nor more than in Nor∣mandy, for the Normans have always been very cunning, and are in France like the Athenians in Greece.
• 7

  According to Plato, Monarchy is the worst and best sort of Govern∣ment. The worst if absolute, the best if limited. Those that teach Kings and Sovereign Princes the contrary, learn them to Tyrannize, not Reign, not to keep the People in Duty and Obedience, but to make them Rebel. No Princes have ever been better Obeyed, nor consequent∣ly more Princes, than those that have not set themselves above the Laws. Commines gives a very good instance in Charles VIII. of France, that at his Accession to the Crown; obtained of the States at Tours, a Gift of Two Millions and Five Hundred Thou∣sand Livres, (which was▪ says he, rather too much than too little) tho' the Kingdom had been under gri••vous Taxes for Twenty Years. On the contrary, when a Prince will do every thing according to his Will and inordinate Desire, his People will not Obey him, nor Succour him in his Necessities; but instead of aid∣ing him when he has great Affairs upon his Hands, they despise and run into Rebellion against him. Chap. dernier du liv. 5. de ses Memoires.
• 8

  See the end of Independent, Ar∣bitrary and Unlimited Authority▪ which Flatterers make Princes as∣sume. See what happened to Hen∣ry III. of France, of whom it is said, he forbid the French make any Ap∣plications to him, and taught them there was no other measure of Iu∣stice than his Will. Mezeray de sa Vie.

  One thing that most hur•• this poor Prince, says the Chancel∣lor de Chiverny, was the Opinion he had entertained of his own Suf∣ficiency, despising others Iudg∣ments, which is the greatest Mis∣fortune that can befal a Prince, or any other Person.

  Dans s••s M••∣moirs.
• 9

  The Nobility always love a Prince, whatever he is, better than a popular Government, where the People never fail bringing them to an Equality, which they cannot bear, being used to Distinction. For it is the same with Great Men, as it was with Agrippa, Augustus's Son-in-Law, who, according to Paterculus, will∣ingly obeyed one, but in revenge would command all others. Paren∣di, sed uni, scientissimus, aliis sanè imperandi cupidus.
• l

  See Decemviri in the Historical Notes of the Preface to Tacitus.
• 10

  Nothing is more useful to a Prince that has great Dominions, and consequently great Affairs to Tran∣sact with other Princes, than an exact Knowledge of the Laws and Customs of other Countries: Be∣sides that, it teaches him to distin∣guish good and bad in every Go∣vernment, shews him proper Expe∣dients for Reforming Abuses that daily happen in Government, whe∣ther in his Revenue, in his Military Discipline, in his Courts of Iustice, and in all other Parts thereof. Ma∣riana says, That Henry III. of Ca∣stile, sent Ambassadors to Christian Princes, and to Mahometans, only to inform him their manner of Govern∣ing, so to collect the Wisdom of all Courts in his own, and to know the better how to shew the Majesty of a King in all his Actions. What might have been expected from this Prince, who died at 27 years old, and was the ablest that had Reigned in Spain? Chap. 14. de liv. 19. de son Histoire.
• m

  That this Recital of the History of the ancient Commonwealth may be the better understood, in which Tacitus is so short, it is in my Opinion pro∣per to give an Extract here of some Chapters of Paterculus, which relate very well those Dissentions. Scip••o Nasica, says he, was the first advised Force against the Tribune Tiberius Gracchus, his Cosin, to prevent the Exe∣cution of the Lege•• Agrariae, made in favour of the People. Ten years af∣ter, Nasica was followed by the Consul Opimius, taking up Arms against Caius Gracchus, who, either to revenge his Brother Tiberius's Death, or to open a way to Sovereignty, which he affected, exercised the Tribunate with greater Violence than his elder Brother, and subverted the Governme••t of the City and State. The Gracchi being Dead, Opimius caused all their Friends or Servants to be put to Death, which was not liked, as proc••••ding rather from his particular Hatred to the Gracchi, than a desire to make publick Examples of them. The Gracchi were succeeded by Servilius Glau∣cia, and Saturninus Apuleius, who to keep the Tribunate longer than the Laws allowed, and to prevent others being chose in their Places, (which Tacitus expresses by apisci inlicitos Honores) dissolved by Fire and Sword the meetings of the People, which obliged Marius, then Consul the sixth time, to Sacrifice them to the publick Hatred. The Tribunate of Livius Drusus, who would have restored to the Senate the right of judging Causes, which Caius Gracchus had transferred to the Knights, was neither more quiet nor happier, all the Senators opposing him in those things he designed in their Favour, chusing rather to bear the Insults of his Colleagues, than be be∣holding to him for the Honour he would procure them. So much envi••d they his Glory, which appeared to them too great. The Death of Dr••sus, who was killed as the Gracchi, for extending the Priviledges of the City of Rome to all Italy, (which explains Tacitus, Corrup••i sp••, aut 〈◊〉〈◊〉 per inter∣cessionem socii) kindles a War in Italy, or of the Contederates, 〈…〉〈…〉 who presently demanded this Honour, complaining with good Reason, that they were treated like Strangers by a City, maintained by their Arms, tho' of the same Nation, the same Blood, and Rome obliged to them for her great Power. This War was the first occasion of raising, Cn. Pomp••ius, Marius and Sylla, who turned those Arms against the City they were en∣trusted with against the Allies. For Sylla, that was of a noble Family, out much lessened in their Greatness, valuing himself upon the Credit of ending the War in Italy, demanded the Consulate, and obtained 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by the Su••••rag••s of almost all the Citizens. At the same time the Government of Asia ••alling to Sylla, Pub. Sulpicius the Tribune, declared for Marius, who at 70 years of Age would Command all the Provinces, and by a Law turn'd Sylla out of the Government to give it to Marius, whence presently began Sylla's Civil War, who drove Marius and Sulpicius with their Accomplices out of Rome. This War was succeeded by that of Cinn••, who was no more moderate than Marius or Sulpicius. He to Revenge himself of the Senate, that deposed him from the Consulate, and put another in his place, recalled Marius and his Son from Exile, and all of their Party that were Banished, to strengthen his own, to which by great Promises he drew all the Officers of the Roman Army at Nola. While he made War with his Country; Cn. Pompeius, see∣ing himself disappointed in his hopes of being continued Consul, stands 〈◊〉〈◊〉 'twixt the Commonwealth and Sylla, to watch an opportunity to m••nd his Condition, by going with his Army to that side had the Advan••age▪ (For it often happens in Civil Wars, that great Men Sacrifice their Al••e∣giance to their Interest.) Pompey dying after he had given Cinna Battle, he and Marius became Masters of Rome, whose Entry was followed with the Death of the Consuls, Octavius killed by their Order, and Cornelius Merula, who cut his Veins to prevent Cinna's Revenge, for being in his Place. Marius dying next year at the beginning of his Seventh Consulate, Cinna that en∣tred upon his Second had all the Power of the Government, but being very violent, the great Men retired to Sylla in Greece, which made him return in∣to Italy to revenge the Nobles, who made him their Chief, as Marius was of the People, and Cinna was slain by the Soldiers who Mutined against him, when he would have had them Embarkt to Fight the Nobles. Sylla endeavours to end all Differences by a good Accommodation, and upon ••ea∣sonable Terms, but Peace would not please those that hoped to advantage themselves by Fishing in Troubled Waters. The Ambition of young Marius, elected Consul at 26 years of Age, continued the War, but after he lost a Battle, he was slain by some that Sylla hired to do it. He was surnamed, The Happy, so much was his Courage valued. This Victory made Sylla Dictator, who so much abused his Authority, that Marius and Cinna were regretted. For he was the first invented Proscription, i. e. by publick Au∣thority, gave a Reward to any one should kill a Citizen of Rome, so that more was no•• given for the Head of an Enemy slain in Battle, than for a Citizen's killed in his own House. After Cinna, Marius and Sylla, came Pompey the Great, who according to Tacitus, was not better than they, but knew more how to Dissemble. Post quos Cn. Pompeius occultior, non melior. Hist. 2. As soon as Pompey was in the Management of Publick Affairs, not content to be the first, he would be alone, from thence came Caesar's Iea∣lousie, which in Conclusion produced another Civil War, where Fortune leaving Pompey, Caesar became Master of the Empire. Pater••. Hist. 2. Chap. 6. •• 12. 13. 15. 17. 19. 20. 21. 22. 25. 28. 33. 47. & 48.
• 1

  The multitude of Laws, says Plato, de Republica, is as sure a sign of the Corruption of a State, as a multitude of Physicians is of a Com∣plication of Distempers. It may truly be said, adds a great Minister, That new Laws are not so much Remedies for the Disorders of States, as Testimonies thereof, and sure to∣••ens of the weakness of a Govern∣ment; if old Laws have been well executed, there will be no need of renewing them, nor making others to stop new Disorders, which then had never been settled. Chap. 5. de la seconde partie du Testament Politique. However it be, Mezeray had reason to say, That the multiplying Regulati∣ons in France served only to multiply the Abuses. Dans la Vie d' Henry III.
• n

  Paterculus says, That in this Consulate he had no Colleague, and that this extraordinary Honour gave Caesar so much Iealousie, that from that time they were irreconcileable Enemies. He adds, Pompey used all his Au∣thority against Canvasing for Offices. Chap. 47.
• 2

  In making Laws, the Disposi∣tion of the People is to be observed. No Laws are worse than those that require Perfection, for the difficulty of observing them brings them into a Disuse. Practice never reaches Speculation, and consequently things are not to be adjusted in such a man∣ner as will be best, but in such a manner as will last longest. Car∣dinal Pallavicini very properly calls too severe Laws, the Bane of pub∣lick Tranquillity.
• o

  All good Men, says the same Author, would have Pompey and Caesar both quit their Commands, Pompey agreed with those would have Caesar do it, but was against doing it himself too. And thence began the Civil War. Chap. 48.
• p

  By the Lex Papia, those who had never been Married, nihil capiebant ••x testamentis, they were incapable of taking any thing by Will. But the Orb••, i. e. those who had been Married, but had no Children, lost only a Moiety. And it is in this Sense Iuve••al makes the Adulterer say to the Husband;

  Quod tibi filiolus, vel filia nascitur ex me, Iura parentis habes; propter me scriberis haeres. Legatum omne capis, nec non & dulce caducum. Sat. 9.

  The Emperor Antonine took from the People the Right of vacantia tenere, and ordered such Goods to fall to the Prince's Treasure. Hodie, says Ulpian, 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 Imperatoris Antonini, omnia caduca fisco vindicantur. In Fragm. Tit. 18.
• 3

  Since the end of Laws is the preserving Order, and the Welfare of Societies, a Prince should moderate or repeal them, when they are no longer profitable to the publick.
• q

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 distributed Corn to the People, they had the Care of the High-Ways, and to see the Money was not altered.
• r

  According to the Laws, no Man could be Quaestor till he was 25 years of Age.
• s

  Augu••tus to do a popular thing, and to give the People an empty shew of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pretended he wanted their Consent to grant his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Children a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he had in his own Powe••.
• 4

  The Education Prince's Chil∣dren have, and the Priviledge of their Birth, ar•• such Advantages that they ought not to be subject to the Laws of Age, because they are ripe for Bu∣siness sooner than others. Whence 'tis said,

  Caesaribus virtus contigit antè diem.

  It is impossible, says Cardinal Per∣ron, but Princes should know every thing; for they have the Fruits of their Labours that Study, and Learn in a quarter of an hour, what a good Wit has laboured for a month. Perroniana.
• t

  And therefore Tiberius sho••ld be more concerned for the Advancement of his Grandson, than Augustus for his Wives Children.
• 1

  Equal Marriages are always liked.
• 2

  Princes of the Blood, when they have any thing to obtain, commit not so great an Error as some imagine, by Marrying the Daughters or Neices of Ministers. For besides, 'tis a means to keep in a Prince's Favour, it will also make them great; but Ministers that have the Ambition to be Allied to Princes, expose themselves very much to Envy; and when the Re∣verse of Fortune comes, as it o••ten happens, they have little Protection from them but for their Interest, and when that ceases, consider them on∣ly as Relations that are D••s••redit to them. There is also another Reason should keep Ministers from aspiring to this Honour, because those Princes are very liable to be suspected by him that Reigns, which often falls upon the Minister that is concerned to protect them because of the Relation. And the Prince that will be Ma••ter of all, and be chiefly regarded by his Creatures, can never love much, nor long, a Minister that divides his Affection and Complaisance betwixt him and the Princes of the Blood.
• u

  Paterculus says, Mecenas contented himself all his Life with being a Roman Knight, without regarding those Dignities he might easily have obtained from Augustus, who loved him as well as Agrippa, if he had been of a Temper to have desired them. Hist. 2. Chap. 88.
• 3

  For the most part, those that have managed, or are capable of managing great Affairs, have been Vo∣luptuous. Never any Man was more vigilant than Mecenas, when the State Affairs required it, and never any Man loved Quiet, Laziness, and the Pleasures of Life more than he. So Salust imitated him in all his Vir∣tues and his Vices.
• 4

  Sooner or later Princes forbear seeing, or at least having a Kind∣ness for those have been Witnesses, Accomplices, or have assisted them in their Crimes, either through Shame or Repentance. Voi la Note 3. du Chap. 1. du Liv. 1.
• 5

  The ••isgrace of the Chief Mi∣nisters is not always an Effect of their ill Conduct. The wisest and most moderate lose Favour as well as those who abuse it. Mecenas was without ••••spute one of the best and most understanding Ministers Au∣gustus could have, and yet he found his Master loved Change. Gon••alo Hermandez conquered the Kingdom of Naples, and the first Recompence he had, was, Ferdinand the Catho∣lick gave Ear to all the Complaints and Calumnies of his Enemies, and was glad to have an Occasion to reform and preserve his Authority. After which, calling him into Spain, he confined him for 7 or 8 years to his own Estate, while he was un∣blemished he refused him the Com∣manderic of Leon, and then that of Horna••hos, vacant at the same time. Mariana, ch. 9. du liv. 28. & 14. du liv. 30. de son Histoire. At the end whereof he gives a Commendation of this great Captain, in these words. He had, says he, a very beautiful Personage, and was altogether the braves•• and happiest Warriour Spain has bred a long time. The Ingrati∣tude he met with, added to him Glo∣ry, and preserved him from those Errors he might have fallen into in his old Age. For it rarely happens that a Man puts often to Sea with∣out meeting with a Tempest.
• x

  The Chancellor Chiverin says, It has been fatal to the Race of the Va∣lois to hate those at last, they loved most at first. Philip de Valois, the first of that Line, was obliged to the Count d' Artois for his Crown, and after∣wards did all he could to spoil him of his Possessions. Lewis XI, ruin'd the Duke of Burgundy, with whom he lived six years. Lewis XII. perse∣cuted the Mareschal Gie; and Francis I. the Duke of Bourbon, whom he had entirely loved, and the Messieurs de Montmorency and de Biron, that had been his Favourites. Henry II. did the same to Monsieur de Dampierre, and the Mareschal de Gie, by whose Hand he would be made a Knight; Charles IX. to Messieurs Montmorency and de Cosse. Henry III. to the Messieurs de Lig∣nerolles, de Bellegarde, le Guast, St, Luc. de Villequier, Beauvais-Nangis, and above all the Messieurs de Guise, whom he lov'd so much in his Youth, and all of his Council that had served him best. Dans ses Memoirs. The same may be said almost of all Princes.
• 6

  The Favour of Princes, (says Anthony Perez, who knew it by Ex∣perience) rises or falls. When it can go no higher, it necessarily falls. When Princes have no more to give, they are asham'd to see their own want of Ability; and when Favourites have no more to ask, they forbear their Compliances. For, according to Co••••ines, more serve in hopes of the good Things to come, than those already received. Cap. 11. Lib. 3.
• y

  Now called Terra di Lavoro.
• 1

  A Prince that instructs his Son in the Offices of Government, does as becomes a Father and a Prince; as a Father, because he gives his Son such Education as he should have; and as a Prince, because he does his Duty to his Subjects, in endeavouring to leave them a good Successor. Com∣mines blames the Emperor Frederick the Third, that his Son knew no∣thing, had been ill Educated, and was utterly unacquainted with Mat∣ters of State. Cap. 3. Lib. 6.
• 2

  From very small Things we often see great Events. The Quar∣rels that happen among great Men, should never be neglected; because they often carry them into Factions, Cabals, and Parties.
• 3

  It is not only good Breeding and Decency, but the Interest of a Prince and State to have old Men re∣spected by the Young; and particu∣larly in the Publick Assemblies and up∣on Ceremonies, where the Irreverence of Youth, to those whom Age makes Venerable, is of very dangerous con∣sequence.
• 4

  It concerns a Prince not to let those Offences go unpunish'd, that the young Lords at his Court com∣mit against his Iudges and Magi∣gistrates. For he'll not be obey'd himself, but as he makes them re∣spected that are the Guardian of the Laws. There are every where, but more in France than any other Coun∣try, a great Antipathy betwixt those of the Sword and the Gown; what would become of things, if these re∣strain'd not the other?
• 1

  There are always People, that have the Confidence to believe, they are capable of managing Affairs, they understand not at all. Those that find themselves in Credit with Princes, think themselves fit for any Employs; and upon this false Foun∣dation do what they can to obtain them. Yet, 'tis very certain, that he is able to serve the Publick in some Offices, who will ruine it in others. M. de la Chastre said, the Bishop of Beauvais did what he could to ruine M. Chasteauneuf with the Queen Ann of Austria, that so he might have none joyn'd with him in the Management of Affairs, of which he thought himself very capable. The Queen, he goes on, could not have chose better for Fide∣lity, not scarce worse for Capacity, this good Prelate having not a Head for such a Charge. Dans ses Me∣moirs.
• 2

  Reformation is more dangerous than the Evil to be reform'd, when it is committed to Persons have nei∣ther Abilities nor Moderation that is requisite. Upon Complaints made against certain Reformers that ru∣ine more than they establish'd, Car∣dinal Perron said to the Council, These have reason to call themselves Reformers, but it is Master William's Sense. This was a Buffoon, who call'd Ruining, Reforming, Perro∣niana.
• 1

  The greatest Men have at all times found Enemies, who would not only deprive them of their Em∣ployments and Dignities, but ruine their Credit, and endeavour to destroy the Opinion has been e••tertain'd of their eminent Worth. M. de Mon∣tresor says, That Cardinal Richelieu in all he undertook, was more oblig'd to Fortune, than the State to his Counsels and Advices. And in another place, he adds, He never ••ound any thing in him of foresight no•• a Great Man, but only that he was very happy, that Fortune car∣ried him through Difficulties more than the Prudence many would va∣lue him for. Dans ses Memoirs. The Bishop of Beauvais said, Cardinal Mazarine was not an able Man, be∣cause he understood not the Revenues▪ Memoirs de M. de la Chastre.
• 1

  There is nothing more contra∣ry to that Application is necessary for Publick Affairs, than the Engage∣ment of those to Women that have the Administration. As a Woman lost the World, nothing is more ca∣pable of hurting States, than that Sex, when they have those in their Power that govern, they make them do what seems good to them, and consequently, what is ill. The best Thoughts of Women being always bad in them that are guided by their Passions, which is commonly their Reason, when Reason it self should be the only Motive to animate and actuate those that manage publick Affairs. Sect. 5. du c. 8. de la premier Partie du Testament Politique du Car∣dinal de Richelieu.
• z

  The Latin is, ad similitudinem barbari incessus, because it was the Custom of Barbarous Nations to carry their Wives with them to the Wars, as Tacitus remarks, Ann. 4. Adsistentes plerisque matres & conjuges. Ann. 14. Britta••••orum copiae animo adeo fero, ••ut conjuges quoque testes victoriae secum traherent. And in his account of Germany. Feminarum ululatus au∣diri, vagitus infantium. Hi ••uique sanctissimi testes, &c.
• 2

  Since Interest is that commonly makes Men behave themselves ill in Office, Ecclesiasticks are generally preferable to others, says Cardinal Richelieu; not as being less subject to Interest, but as having neither Wives nor Children, are free from those Ties engage others. Chap. 7. de la seconde partie du Testament Po∣litique.
• 3

  'Tis always dangerous speaking of Reformation, for there are ever more that fear, than desire it. Car∣dinal Richelieu declar'd he durst ne∣ver begin a Reformation of the King's House, because he could never do it, without encountering the Interest of many that were constantly near the King, and in that Familiarity with him, they would dissuade him from what was most necessary in the State, to prevent the Regulations of his Family, that would be very profita∣ble to him. Chap. 7. de la premier partie du meme Testament.
• a

  Because not propos'd by the Consuls, nor the Prince, to whom it be∣long'd to propose Matters that were to be consider'd, and therefore what C••cina offer'd was not to the purpose; and he was not considerable enough himself to undertake a Reform of Pro-consuls, and other great Magistrates that went to govern the Provinces. yet Tacitus says in two places of his second Book, that it was allow'd them to quit their Subject they were up∣on, when they had any thing to offer more important to the Publick; and that was commonly practis'd by the Senators. Erat quippe adhuc frequens senatoribus, si quid e rep. crederent, loco sententiae promere. And three Pages after. A majoribus concessum est egredi aliquando relationem, & quod in commune conducat loco sententiae proferre.
• b

  Messala Corvinus, of whom Quintilian says, Cicerone mi••ior & dulcior, & in verbis magis elaboratu••▪ Di••logo de Oratoribus▪
• 1

  There are things Convenient and Necessary at one time, that may be Pernicious at another. Those that have the Government of States, whether Princes or Ministers, should accommodate themselves to the Pre∣sent, which commonly has no agree∣ment with the Past. All Politicians agree in this. Machiavel says, That the Occasion of every Man's good or bad Fortune, consists in his corres∣pondence and accommodation with the Times. Which is the Reason why a Prince's Fortune varies so strangely, because she varies the Times, and he does not alter the way of his Administration. Chap. 9. l. 3. of his Discourse. The Duke of Rohan says almost the same thing in his E∣pistle before his Interest des Prin∣ces, Dedicated to Cardinal Richelieu. That there is no immutable Rule in the Government of States. Upon Revolutions in States, a Change even in Fundamental Maxims is necessa∣ry to govern well. Therefore those that in these Matters observe more Examples of what is past, than pre∣sent Reasons, necessarily commit great Errors.
• c

  If Pilate had taken his Wife Claudia Procula's Counsel, who sent a Message to him to the Iudgment-Hall to have a Care how he condemn'd the Innocent. His Wife sent unto him saying, Have thou nothing to do with that Iust Man. Matt. 27. He had never given up Iesus Christ to the Iews. If there were many such Wives, as this Procula, it were to be wish'd all the Governors of Provinces would carry their Wives along with them.
• 2

  When a Government is first fram'd, 'tis reasonable to make the most perfect Laws Humane Society is capable of; but Prudence admits not the same is an ancient Monar∣chy, where Imperfections are grown Customary, and where some Disor∣ders are made a Part of the State. In which Case we must submit to such Infirmities, and be content rather with a moderate Rule, than to establish one more severe and less agreeable, because the Severity of it may give Disturbance. Sect. 1. Chap. 4. de la premiere Partie du Testa. Polit.
• d

  'Tis in vain, says Abla••court, we cover our own Faults with other Names, and that Womens Failings are often owing to their Husbands.
• 3

  The foolish Vanity of Husbands that encourage their Wives in extra∣vagance of Cloaths, is the first Oc∣casion of their Faults. Those who maintain the same, when they find their Allowances not sufficient, are glad to make use of a Lover's Purse. This is the Fact, and you may see who is to blame.
• 4

  If Extravagance was laid aside, it would not be difficult to remedy the Vices of Women. For as they are more given to Vanity than Love, and the greatest part love Men only as they supply their Vanity and Am∣bition, if Extravagance, which is the Incentive, was once gone, 'tis certain their Disorders would cease too, and Chastity and Modesty suc∣ceed them. But the general Depra∣vation of Manners gives us no room to hope for so great a good.
• 5

  A Prince can offer nothing bet∣ter to justifie himself, than the Ex∣ample of a Predecessor, universally approved.
• 6

  When Princes are young, and undertake long Voyages, they can have no better Company than their Wives, who may prevent their fal∣ling into Debauches, if they have Beauty and Complaisance. For with∣out those advantages, 'tis impossible they should have Power enough o∣ver their Husbands to restrain the Natural Inclination to Voluptuous∣ness.
• 7

  A Prince need only give his O∣pinion, for that is generally follow'd by those that sit in Council with him.
• 8

  Princes Hearts and Tongues seldom agree, when you hear them speak you would think they were very Modest; but when you see what they do 'tis always the con∣trary. Tiberius complain'd the Se∣nate should leave it to him to name the Pro-consul of Africk, and yet ac∣cepted what he seem'd to refuse. He offer'd two to them, to leave a Li∣berty of Choice, but in effect they had no Choice, since he propos'd Se∣janus's Uncle for one, whose Fortune they worshipp'd.
• 9

  A good Courtier will avoid a Competition with the Relations of a Favourite or Chief Minister. On such Occasions there is more Safety and more Honour to give way than to be a Competitor.
• 10

  Whatever Merit a Pretender may have, he ought never to flatter himself that he shall prevail against a Comperitor that hath the Prince's Favour, or the first Minister's. There is almost the same Difference betwixt Merit and Favour, as the Divines make betwixt Sufficient and Effectu∣al Grace. The Duke d'Alva had Merit, and the Prince d'Eboli Favour, in the year 1558. both ask'd for the Dutchy of Bais in the Kingdom of Naples, from whence the Duke drove out the French Army. This Service was fresh, and many former Ser∣vices spoke for the Duke; but the Competition of the Prince d'Eboli hindred Philip II. giving this Re∣compence to one to whom he and his Father had so much Obligation. So true is the Maxim of Lewis XI. That a Prince naturally loves those more that are obliged to him, than those to whom he is obliged. Commi∣nes, Chap. dernier du Livre 3. de ses Memoires. Yet it is an ill Omen for a Prince when he that is most con∣siderable for his Merit, is not also most considerable in Favour. Merit ought to ballance, and when Iustice is on one side, Favour cannot prevail without Injustice. Chap. 7. de la seconde Partie du Testament Politique
• 11

  A Prince should never let any Man make use of his Name or Au∣thority to do Injustice. Lewis XI. says Commines, opp••ess'd his Subjects, but would never suffer any Favou∣rite or other Person to do it. Sixtus Quintus sent Bellochio, his Gentleman and old Servant, to the Galleys, for setting the Annulus Piscatoris to a Brief he would not grant. (It was a Brief that commanded one to sell Bellochio's House, who had a Mind to build a stately Palace there.) Leti libro 3. della Seconda Parte della vita di Sisto.
• e

  Pliny the younger speaks of this Misfortu••e of Masters, when he say•• to Trajan; You have delivered us from Domestick 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and have 〈◊〉〈◊〉 last extinguished, (as I may call it) B••llum S••••vile. Philostratus men∣tions a Master that was Condemned as Impious and Sacrilegious for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his Slave, who had a piece of Silver with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Image upon it. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Vie d'Apollonius.
• 1

  Sanctuaries were instituted for those who desire the help of the Law, but not for such as make it their Bu∣siness to injure others.
• f

  Suetonius says▪ The Senate forbid their laying hold on the Stat••es and Images▪ Condemning those to the Mines that should do so to injure other••▪ Da••s la Vie de Tibere, Chap. 37.
• 2

  A Prince cannot gain himself more Love and Respect than by speedy Iustice. There cannot be a better Action than that of Iohn III. of Portugal, who being before the Altar to Communicate, a Gentle∣man coming in, cried out aloud to the Priest that held the Host, to d••∣fer the Communion till the King had heard him, and done him Iustice, and this good Prince did not Com∣municate till he had done it. See the Treatise, Intituled, Audiencia de Principes.
• g

  It is in Latin, Aedi••••cationibus, but the Commentators think it ought ra••••er to be, Editionibus.
• 3

  Solitudo does Princes no good, especially when they are young. It only makes them cruel, ••antastical, untractable, and averse to those Du∣ties that belong to Sovereig••ty. I cannot give here a better instance of the mischief of Solitude in the Edu∣cation of Princes, than that of Iohn II. King of Castile, according to the Description of the judicious Mariana.

  All the Virtues of this king, says he, were obscured by the little care he took of his Affairs and the Government. He gave no Audience willingly, nor never any but in haste. He had no great Capacity, nor a Head fit for Af∣fairs of State. That brought his Courtiers into Favour, and parti∣cularly Alvaro de Luna, who be∣gan to be more familiar with him than all the rest. Queen Cathe∣rine his Mother had good Reason to drive this Favourite from Court, and send him back into his own Country; but s••ewed little Wis∣dom in keeping her son shut up in a House for six years together, without suffering him to go out, or any Person to visit him, besides some Domesticks of the Court. Whereby she pretended to prevent the Grandees making themselves Masters of him, and Innovations in the Kingdom. A mis••rable E∣ducation for a King! an unworthy thing, not to allow a Prince li∣berty to speak, to see, or be seen; but to keep him in a Cage to make him cruel and violent, and to mew him up that was born for Labour, and the Fatigues of War. Why would she soften and emasculate his Courage, who ought to be day and night on his guard, and watch over all the Parts of his State? Certainly such an Education will bring great Mischiefs upon the Subjects of any Kingdom. For the Prince's manly Age will be like his Infancy; he will pass the best of his Days in dishonourable Plea∣sures and Idleness, as Iohn II. did. For after the Death of Queen Ca∣therine, his Carriage was always like a Child, and as if he had ne∣ver seen Light. The multitude of Affairs troubled him and perplexed his Head. Therefore he was al∣ways governed by his Courtier•• to the great prejudice of his States, which were in perpetual Commo∣tions. Mariana, says too, he was subject to Startings, which would take him all of a sudden, and his Caresses were all out of Season, so that he was more despised than feared,

  Chap. 11. du 20. liv. de son Hist. d'Esp. The Life Henry III. of France led after his Minions had per∣suaded him, not to appear any more to his Subjects, but to be shut up from them, like the Kings of the East, had the same Effects.

  His Desires, says the Chancellor Chi∣vergny, shewed his Iudgment was not as it used to be, that he was too much locked up and involved in other Pleasure, his Minions had engaged him. And I shall take the liberty to say, that foreseeing long before his Death, 4 years at least, how impossible it was for him not to fall into some great Misfortune. I often laid before him the great Injury he did him∣self, and the Evil he and his State would undoubtedly receive.

  Da••s ses Memoires.
• 4

  A Prince should have some Re∣laxation from his serious Affairs, and after he has been at the Head of his Army. It is not possible the Soul should be always bent to grave and painful Administrations, without any Refreshment, or the Diversion of other more agreeable Thoughts. Titus, who is recommended for one of the wisest Princes ever governed, was desperately in love with Berenice, but his Love never hindred his Busi∣ness. Harangue de M. d'Aubray dans la Satyre Menipp••e.
• 5

  When all Crimes are turned to Treason, 'tis a certain sign of a Ty∣rannical Government, and that a Prince sacrifices Iustice to his Inte∣rest.
• 6

  When a Prince sets up new Accusations against a great Man, that the Iudges acquit of what he is charged with, 'tis plain he resolves to destroy him.
• h

  Aqu•• & ignis interdictio, was the Phrase used in Banishment, which was not a Punishment immediately, but by consequence. For the forbid∣ding the use of Water and Fire, which were necessary for Life, the Con∣demned Person was obliged to leave his Country.
• 7

  The less Evidence there is a∣gainst a man, the more severely is be treated, if it be for Treason: Ma∣thematical Demonstrations of Con∣spiracies and Cabals, says Cardinal Ric••lieu, are not to be expected; those are not to be met with till the Event, that is, not till they are past Remedy. Tome 5. des Memoires de son Ministre. And consequently what appears by strong Conjectures, should sometimes be thought sufficiently proved. Chap. 5. de la seconde partie du Testament Politique.
• 8

  If a great Man is potent in a Frontier Country, and behaves him∣self so, as to give cause to suspect his corresponding with the Neighbour∣ing Princes, the Prince is in the Right to secure his Person, either by call∣ing him to Court, or arresting him there if he comes not out. And tho' there be not sufficient Evidence a∣gainst him, yet there is no Injustice done him in preventing his return, for it is not reasonable Princes should live in Fear and Uneasiness for any Subject, nor that the Interest of a particular Person should be consi∣dered more than the publick Safety.
• 9

  It is absolutely necessary a Go∣vernor should know the Customs, Laws, and Manners of the Count••y where he is sent; otherwise he will commit a thousand Errors that will make him be hated or despised, which will be in prejudice of his Prince's Authority. Cardinal Rich∣lieu says, in the first Chapter of his Testament Politique, that he was forced to put the Marshal de Vitry out of the Government of Provence, tho' his Courage and Fidelity made him very ••it for it, because being of an insolent haughty Temper, he was not proper to govern a People jea∣lous of their Liberties and Privi∣ledges, as the Provensals are. And in Arragon, they pretend the King of Spain cannot give them a Stranger for their Viceroy, that is, one that is no Native, without breaking the Laws. So they call their Liberties and Immunities, in Defence whereof all the Kingdom rose for Antonio Perez against Philip II. (1591.)
• 10

  A Governor that suffers the People to be insulted by Strangers, whether he can remedy it, or not, may however be assured, that upon the first occasion they will Rebel a∣gainst him.
• 11

  The Event of Rebellions is almost always unfortunate, because of the Incapaci••y of those that Command. For on such occasions, the People, who know not what is ••itting for that time, commonly take him for their Captain who first of∣fers.
• i

  a Mountain of Thrace, continually cold, at the foot whereof are the pleasant Fields of Thessaly.
• k

  He writ an Epitome of the Roman History, in very elegant Latin, but ••ull of gross Flattery.
• l

  The Army in Missia.
• 12

  A good and faithful Historian should relate things plainly, and without Aggravation. If Truth be the life of History, those that write ought carefully to avoid Aggravati∣on, which has always a mixture of Lying. C••mmines, speaking of the Battle of Morat, where the Duke of Burgundy was beat by the Swissers, says, M••ny talkt of Millions, and re∣ported they know not what, making Armies five times greater than they are. This is a Fault very common with the greatest part of modern Hi∣storians.
• 1

  Those Honours that are rarely conferred, and only upon Persons of extraordinary Merit, are great Re∣wards to those that have them. M. de Marquemont, Archbishop of Lions, speaking of the Prince of Poland's arrival at Rome, and the Difficulties they were under how to treat him, says, he received no publick Ho∣nours, but though•• himself well re∣compenced in being made a Canon of St. Peter, and to be allowed in the Habit of a Canon to shew the Holy Relicks of that Church, which was never done by any but Charles V. and another Emperor. Dans une lettre du 5 Ianvier 1625. Tome 1. des Mem. du M••nistere du Card. de Rich.
• m

  They were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to borrow Money of the Roman Bankers to pay their heavy Taxes, which ruined them with Us••ry.
• 2

  The want of Resolution in Princes, says Antonio Perez, begets many Inconveniences. Dans ses R••∣lations. In great Affairs, says Car∣dinal d'Ossat, for avoiding a great Evil and obtaining great Good, some∣thing must be attempted, and a Re∣solution taken to get out of ill Cir∣cumstances the soonest and best that may be. Lettre 127. Charles Co∣lonna, an able Man both in Govern∣ment and War, has given a good reason for it. Wavering in Coun∣sels, says he, has never been found good, and whatever probability there may be that time will ••urnish better Expedients, yet 'tis safer to resolve to master the present Difficulties, than to expect they will cease, for we know not nor can certainly, but greater may happen. Livre 8. d•• son Histoire 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Guerres d•• Flandres.
• n

  They were encamped upon the Rhine, Duo apud ripam Rheni exerci∣tus erant; cui nomen superi••ri, sub C. Silio leg••to; in••eriorem A. ••••cina cura∣••••t. Ann. 1.
• 3

  Great Men often revenge the Injuries done to a Prince or State, out of Malice to the Offenders. Cardi∣nal Richlieu had reason to say, Such Men did good upon an ill Principle. When a great Man Rebels in a Pro∣vince, a Prince cannot do better, than to give another great Man of the same Province, who has been his Rival and Enemy, a Commission a∣gainst him.
• 1

  There is not a better Opportu∣nity to revolt, than when there are Dissen••ions, and consequently Disor∣der in the Armies of a Prince, whose Authority you would shake off. So a Prince that hath discontented Sub∣jects ought at any rate to prevent a Mis••nderstanding among his Gene∣rals▪ For when he is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 serv'd by them (as ever happens, when they differ) he is exposed to the Practices of his Enemi••s.
• 2

  Health of Body is almost as necessary to a Gen••••al, as a Capacity of Mind; for it is an Employ will exercise both. According to Ca••di∣nal Richelieu, a General to be Ex∣cellent, shou••d be young in Years, but not in Service and Experience. And though those that are Old are commonly the Wisest, yet they are not the Best to undertake, because they often want the heat of Youth, that is requisite on such Occasions Besides, that 'tis certain, Fortune smiles upon Youth, and turns her back upon Old Age. Section 4. du Chap. 9, de la seconde partie du Testa∣ment Politique.
• 3

  The Great Men in a Kingdom, govern'd by such a Prince as Tiberius, that is, by a Prince, that will endure no Companion, are apt to desire he may have Troubles and Wars, either to make them the more necessary, or to have the Pleasure of seeing him perplex'd and his Affairs in an ill Condition. The Count S. Paul, Constable of France, says Commines, and certain of the Duke of Gui••n's Servants, with several others, desir'd rather War than Peace, betwixt the King and the Duke of Burgundy, for two Reasons, the one because they fear'd their great Offices and Pensi∣ons would be lessen'd, if Peace con∣••inu'd, for the Constable paid four hundred Men every Muster without controul; and besides the Profits of his Office, abo••e thirty thousand Livres a year in Pension, and the Revenues of many good Places he held; the other was because they were persuaded the King was of such a Disposition he could never be idle, so that unless he was busied with Princes abroad, he would be with his Servants and Officers at home. The Constable offer'd to take Saint-Quintin when he pleased, and boast∣ed of Intelligence in Flanders and Brabant, and that he could make many Towns revolt from the Duke. The Duke of Guien and his princi∣pal Servants▪ offer'd to serve the King in this Quarrel; but their De∣sign was other than the King ex∣pected, Chap. 1. du Livre 1. de ses Memoires. Claudian explains in three Words, Why great Men hate Peace.

  —Mandataque fortius urget Imperiosa quies.
• o

  That is the Secret Orders a Prince gives to his Centurions and Soldi∣ers, to Murder Men in their Houses, that they suspect. They are called in other Places, his Letters, his Codicils, and the Execution of his Orders. Ministeria militum. Ann. 1.
• 4

  Able Princes little regard the Censures of the People, it satisfies them to arrive at their End, which is the good of the State. Pope Ur∣ban VIII. used to say he would wil∣lingly sacrifice his Reputation to the Good of the Publick, and to Peace, provided he could any way obtain it, repeating St. Paul's words, per glo∣riam & ignobilitatem, per 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & bonam famam. Lettres de M. de Marquemont, Ambassadeur a Rome dans le 1. Tome des Memoires du Car∣dinal de Richelieu.
• p

  Autun, an ancient City in the Dutchy of Burgundy; in Latin August••∣d••num, and Hed••••.
• 5

  When Soldiers have a great de∣sire to fight, a General should not let it cool, for it is almost always a Pre∣sage of Victory.
• 6

  Those that fall into the hands of their Prince against whom they have rebell'd, should expect to be treated with extreme Rigour. Which makes Princes for ever lose those States, they might recover, if the Rebels despaired not of a sincere Par∣don. Which made the Hollanders persevere in their Resolution rather to drown themselves and their Coun∣try in the Sea, than be Subject again to Philip II. concluding what his Resentment would be from the Cru∣elty of the Duke d'Alva his Mini∣ster.
• 7

  Short Harang••es are best for Soldiers, who can give no long at∣tention, nor weigh the Reasons are urg'd. Nothing makes greater Im∣pression upon them, than this Impe∣ratoria Brevitas, whereby they re∣tain all that is said to them. Such was the Speech of Hen. IV. of France, one day when he was going to give Battle; I am King, says he, and yo•• are Frenchmen, and you cannot th•••• but Conquer.
• 1

  There ar•• no worse Arms than those a Man cannot stir in. Saul having armed David with his Ar∣mour, he put an Helmet of Brass on his Head, put on his Coat of Mail, and girded his Sword upon his Ar∣mour; but when David had try'd these Arms, that they were too hea∣vy for him, he said unto Saul, He could not go with them, and took only his staff in his hand, and five smooth stones h•• had chose out of the Bro••k and put in his Scrip, to conquer Goli∣ah, 1. Sam. 17.
• 2

  When Princes have acquir'd a solid Reputation, they despise false Honours, because their Glory needs it not; and what their Flatterers give them, serves only to blemish the Good Opinion of their true Me∣rit. Therefore Alexander threw in∣to the River Hydaspes the History of the Victory he gain'd of Porus, tell∣ing the Author, when he read it to him, it was very rash in him to in∣sert false Exploits; as if Alexander had not true ones sufficient to re∣commend him without Lying. Pru∣sias King of Bithynia, was despis'd by the Senate of Rome, for desiring an Harangue full of Flattery, upon a Victory the Romans gain'd in Ma∣cedonia.
• 3

  There is no Kindness more sin∣cere than that Princes shew after the Death of those Ministers who have served them well. The Portuguese accuse Philip II. of Ingratitude, be∣cause he did not forbear, (according to the Custom of their Kings on the like Occasions) appearing in Pub∣lick, that Day the Duke d'Alva died that conquer'd the Kingdom of Por∣tugal for him. And Henry IV. was commended by all the Court of Rome, and all the Princes of Italy, for ce∣lebrating the Obsequies of Cardinal Toledo in the Church of Nostre D••me in Paris, and of Nostre Dame in Rouen, he having chiefly promoted his Absolution. And 'tis a wonder∣ful thing, says the Wise Cardinal d'Ossat, that out of Spain, from whence came all the Opposition to so good a Work, God should raise a Person of so great Authority to Procure, Solli∣cite, Direct, Advance and Perfect, what the Spaniards most deprecated. Letters 24, and 80.
• q

  In Latin 'tis render'd Municipium.
• r

  The Latin has it, impiger militia, & acribus ministeriis.
• 1

  To be heartily loved by Princes we should court their Friendship in their private Condition, or when persecuted by their Predecessors. The Friendship of particular Persons is never acquir'd but by time, with greater reason then, that of Princes should be acquir'd with long Servi∣ces. They have little value for those that come to them, when they are in their Thrones, because they are commonly such as make Court rather to their For••une than Person, and look upon their Reward as near; when those that adhere to them in the time of their Rivals and Ene∣mies, as Quirinus did to Tiberius while C. Caesar was alive, and next Heir to the Empire, have full Right to a Prince's Favour, who con••ide••s them as disinherited Friends. So the Duke of Beaufort, at his return from England, was the Favourite of Queen Ann of Spain, who not only spoke of him with all marks of Esteem; and commanded her Creatures to have a Friendship for him; but when the Physitians one day thought Lew∣is XIII. dying, chose him to be Go∣vernor of the Dauphine and Monsi∣eur. A Trust that shewed sufficient∣ly to what Honours and Dignities he was destin'd, if he had known how to manage his Fortune. Memoires de la Chastre. Henry IV. of France ne∣ver le••t asking the Promotion of the Sieur Sera••in to be a Cardinal, till he obtain'd it, because this Prelate (he was Auditor of the Ro••a above 30 Years) was always for him and his Crown, in the most difficult and dangerous Times. So says Car∣dinal d'Ossat. Dans sa Letre 61.
• s

  Patercul••s says so of Lollius, That he was a Man that more desir'd to grow rich, than to live well, and with all the Care he took to conceal his Vice. Yet he was, and also appear'd to be very vicious. Cap. 97, du Livre 2. de son ••pitome. And in the 102 Chap. ••••e adds, Augus••us chose Lollius to be C. Ceas••r's Governor. Quem moderator••m juv••n••ae filii sui Augustus esse voluerat▪
• 2

  An ill Governor or Tutor is ve∣ry dangerous for a Young Prince.

  Testa recen•• imbuta diu servabit odor••m.

  Plato says, That Kings should have four Masters or Governors for their Children, to teach them the four Vir∣tues necessary for those that Reign. The first teaches them Prudence, the Second Iustice, the Third Tempe∣rance, and to despise Pleasures, the Last, the Art of War, and sets Ex∣amples before them of the Courage and Constancy of their Glorious An∣cestors. Dans son premier Al••ibiade. Paul Emilius says, that Giles Ro∣main, Arch-Bishop of Bourges, ex∣horted King Philip the Fair▪ in that to imitate the Kings of Persia▪ Livre 8. de son Histoire de France.
• 3

  There is nothing more disagree∣able to Princes, than what puts them in mind of their Death. In whatever Condition they are they would not be told they shall die. When Lewis XI. answer'd those that told him, he was a Dead Man, It may be I am not so bad as you think me. He shew'd That those who took upon them this Commission, did him a piece of Ser∣vice he should not thank them for, if he recover'd. It seems, the late King, who was much a better Prince than Lewis XI. was displeas'd with the Credulity of the Queen, and would have her hold a Council, as she had done the day before by his Order, and made her go out of his Chamber, as he was Departing. So easily do Princes ••latter themselves with hopes o•• long Life. So M. de Chiverny acted very wisely, when he refused to assist at a Consultation of Physitians upon Charles IX. because belonging to the King of Poland▪ his Brother and Law••ul Successor, he would have been look'd upon at that Meeting, as one that de••ir'd the King's Death, and the Accession of his Master to the Crown. Dans ses Memoires. If Lutonius did ill in ma∣king an Elegy upon Drusus's Death, which he thought certain, these are no l••ss Criminal, that make Fune∣ral Orations upon Princes in their perfect Health, to be early enough with them when they die, and to get the Reputation of great Orators; persuading the World they have made a Discourse in five or six days, which sometimes has cost them more years. However, these People shew their Vanity more than their Elo∣quence.
• 4

  How cruel soever a Prince is, he takes Pleasure in being praised for his Clemency. It some times happens, that the Commendations given him for Vertue he has not, create a desire in him to merit that by his future Practices.
• 5

  A Subject that has his Prince a∣gainst him, never finds many Iudges to protect his Innocence; and if lit∣tle guilty all ways are thought on to condemn him. Dangerous, (says Anthony Perez) is that I••stice where there is an Inclination to condemn. What will it be then, if accompanied with absolute Power, Displeasure, and Flattery? A••orismes de ses Relations. That puts me in mind of the Spanish Proverb, alla van Leyos, do qui••ren Reyos. The Laws go a•• the Kings please.
• 6

  Bloody Princes are wont to put on Clemency after Blood is spill'd, to cast the Odium on those have served them in it. After Queen Eliz∣abeth had cut off the Queen of Scot•• Head, she committed Secretary Davi••son to Prison, who carried the War∣rant for her Execution, pretending he had surpriz'd her in signing it. And Philip II. of Spain let Process▪ issue against Antonio P••r••z his Secretary for the Murther of Secretary Escov••∣do, though he had his Order under his hand ••or it. And Cabrera that pretends to write in Favour of Phi∣lip, cannot forbear declaring the vio∣lent Death of this Man, wrought no Compassion in him. Chap. 3. du Livr•• 12. de s••n Histoire.
• 1

  When a Prince blames not cruel or severe Actions, 'tis a sure sign he is easie, or at least not trou∣bled at them.
• t

  That is, that those who are sentenced shall not be executed till ten days after Sentence given.
• u

  The Roman Laws allowed not the Magistrates to change any thing in their Sentences, not so much as a Letter. Pro••onsulis tabella sententi•• est▪ quae semel lecta neque a••g••ri litterâ, neque minus potest, sed ut cunque recitata▪ ita Provinciae instrumento ref••rtur. Apul. Lib. 11. Hor. There••ore Pilate answered the Iews, that would have had him alter the Inscription upon Christ's Cross, Quod Scripsi, S••ripsi.
• x

  The price of Iewels, Vessels of Silver and Gold, and rich Stu••fs▪ being not commonly known▪ those that Bought them took care not to tell what ••hey cost.
• 2

  The first thing a Reformer should well consider, is, That his Reformation bring not greater Mis∣chiefs than those he would Refo••m. Pius V. after he had shut up all the Courtisans in a separate place, was acquainted by the Confessors, that Adulteries, Incests and Sodomi••s plainly encreased. Pagliari da•••• son Commentaire sur Tacite, Observ. 389. Sixtus V. who understood the best of any Man how to make himself Obeyed, succ••••ded no better than Pius. He drove many of them out of Rome, where they were in very great numbers, and shut up the rest, but the Confessors ••aying the same things before him as before Pi••s, he com∣manded the Governors of Rome to revoke the Order, and gave leave to those were gone away, to return. Leti Livre 1. de la sec••nde partie de sa Vie.
• 3

  A Prince that would establish an absolute and despotick. Govern∣ment, if he be wise, will have a care how he refor••s Luxury, the best and most agreeable Instrument of Sla∣v••ry. Ciriacus de Lentz says, spea••∣ing of Tiberiu••▪ Therefore a Prince will not re••orm Luxury, because th•• great and rich Men that live in Plea∣sure and Magnificence, are so many Pledges and Hostages of Slavery. I•• Vespasiam could by his Example recover the ancient manner of living, and restore Frugality: If Lewis XIII▪ could by an Edict remedy the Fa∣shions and excessive Expences in Cloths, Why might not Tib••rius have done the like▪ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he had the like Incl••nations? Dans 〈◊〉〈◊〉 A••gustus. He adds, in his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Tiberiana▪ Th••t the Ca••o's D••••asea's, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 are never ••cc••ptable to Tyrants; and t••at Socrates, tho' very poor▪ was suspected to the Thirty Tyrants. ••e∣cau••e he contemned the Pleasu••es of Life: So that ill Princes, look as ill upon those as they do upon Am••••∣tious Persons, that prefer their Re••putation before the Engagements of Pleasures. Aphorism ••. du Liv. 3.
• 4

  Tho' the Complaints made a∣gainst inveterate Vices are reason∣able, yet Princes will tolerate them, because we are not capable of that Perfection those Censors expect that understand not the Government of States. The most reasonable Orders are not always best, because some being not suitable to those who are to observe them.
• 5

  Great Princes are not to trou∣ble themselves with all Affairs, nor to descend to li••••le matters. While they are employed on the greater, their Ministers and Magist••ates dis∣patch the lesser. Their Application to these would make them forget, or at least Postpone others, which were very prejudicial to the good of the State. Iuan Antonio de Vera, says the Emperor Charles V. tho' a pious Prince, never had much Communi∣cation with Monks, out of Con••es∣sion, while he Governed. And one day that Father Francis of Madrid consulted him upon some Abuses of their Order, which he thought wor∣••hy Reformation, he answered in some displeasure:

  Father Francis, of all you have said to me, I find nothing concerns the Emperor, but would have you apply to the Pope, or the General, rather than to me▪ who lose not my time in discour∣sing the Affairs of a Cloister.

  Dans l'Epitome de sa Vie.

  I beseech your Majesty, says Cardinal Rich∣lieu, to apply your self to those great matters, concern your State, and despise the lesser, as unworthy your Care and Thoughts.—You will not only be ••ar from re∣ceiving any Advantage from em∣ploying your self in things not considerable, but on the contrary much Damage, by diverting you from others that are better, and also because little Thorns being more apt to prick than bigger, which are more easily perceived, it were impossible to prevent Discon∣tents, u••eless to your Affairs, and very co••trary to your Health.

  Chap. 5. de la premiere partie de son Testament Politique.
• y

  The way H••nry III. of Castile took to put down Excess in Entertain∣ments, des••rv••s to be mentioned here, as a great instance of what a Prince may do that has Wit and Courage: One day, when his Table was ill served, he was told, The Grandees of his Kingdom lived much better, and that there was nothing so Magnificent as the Ent••rtainments they gave one ano∣ther. The same day he had notice, the Archbishop of Toledo gave a Supper to several Lords; he went in Disguise, and saw the Magnificence of the En∣tertainment, where nothing was wanting, and what was worse, he heard them relate their great Estates, and the Pensions they held out of the King'•• Demeas••s. The next morning, he caused a Report to be spread, That he was Sick, and would make his Will, upon which they all went to Court. A∣bout Noon he came into the Room where he usually gave Audience, and they waited ••or him, and as soon as he sate down, he directed his Discourse to the Archbishop, and asked him how many Kings of Castille he had known, and asked all the same Question: Some said, they had known three, others four, others five, &c. How can that be▪ says the King, when I have known twenty at my Age. And seeing them surprised at what he said, he pro∣ceeded, 'Tis you my Lords are the Kings▪ to the great Damage of this Kingdom▪ and Disho••our of your King, but I will prevent your Reign continuing long, and carrying the Merriment any farther you make of me. The Archbishop threw himsel•• at his Feet, and asked Pardon, as did also the rest. The King gave them their Lives, but made them Prisoners till they restored the Castles they held of the Crown, and all they had got from the last Kings. An Action that gained him so much Glory and Authority, that the great Men were ne∣ver so humble and obedient. Besides, it brought him in su••h a Treasure▪ that he left a great Sum behind him, without over-charging his People. Mariana, Chap. 14. du Liv. 9. de son Histoire d'Espagne. 'Tis observable t••o, the King did this at 15 or 16 years of Age. He was called, Henry th•• In••irm, because of his Sickly Countenance, but deserved the Title of Henry t••e Brave and Valiant, for his Courage. Which Example plainly shews as Richlieu says, Kings can do any thing, when constant and resolute, and that those things which seem the most difficult, and almost impossible, are so, only because of the negligence and indifference of their Execu∣••ion.
• 1

  Desperate Diseases must have desperate Cures.
• 2

  There is no Remedy when Vice is turned into Virtue. Then we are to accommodate our selves to Hippo∣crate••'s Aphorism, to administer no Remedies where Diseases are despe∣rate.
• 3

  While Abuses are tolerated, Men observe some Rules of Decency, because they fear, if they take too much liberty, the Prince or Magi∣strate will Reform them. But i•• a Reformer wants Power to make himself Obeyed, as it sometimes hap∣pens, or wants Courage to punish the Great Men, who are commonly the first that break new Regulati∣ons, the Examples of such Impunity opens the Door to Contempt, and from Contempt they go insensibly to Licentiousness. Therefore a Prince should no•• meddle with Reformati∣on▪ if he finds himself wanting in Power, or of a Temper to be wrought upon by Intercessions: or if he will Reform, should take a Resolution to be inexorable, as Six••us V. was, when any dared to break his Laws.
• z

  Patercu••us imputes the Luxury of Rome to the two Scipio's, surnamed A••ricans. The 〈◊〉〈◊〉, says he, open••d the way to the Roman G••eatness, ••ut the other to their Luxury. For when Rome no longer s••ared Carthage, which was burnt, they le••t not their Virtue by degrees as before, but run impe••••ously into all Pleasures and Vices. The antient Discipline was de∣spited, and gave way to new Customs, and all the City turned presently from their Vigilance to Laziness, from Warlike Exercises to Looseness, and from Labo•••• to Idleness. At last, the publick Magnificence was succeeded with the wastful Expences of particular Men. Au Commencement du Liv. 2. de son Epitome.
• 4

  Some People think all is lost▪ if what offends them is not immedi∣ately Remedied, but a Prince should not be drawn away by anothers Passion. He is to for••see the Incon∣veniences may arise from the Ref••r∣mation is desired, and to consider well if he can undertake it with success, so that he may satisfie more than he shall displease. For so you see the Wisdo•• of a Re∣••ormer.
• a

  For all their Corn came out of Egypt, and consequently by Sea.
• 5

  Pleasures leave us when they entertain no longer. Many Volup∣tuou•• Persons become Abstemious because they want new Plea••ures.
• 1

  There is this Difference betwixt a Prince and his. Ministers: The Prince should avoid all he can what may draw upon him the Hatred of the People, or of the Great M••n, be∣cause the keeping his Authority de∣pends upon the Affection of his Sub∣jects. On the other side, his Mini∣sters being obliged by the Duty of their Places, to sacrifice their parti∣cular Interests to the Publick Good, and their Master's Service, are never to suppress any good Advice, for fear it should make them odious to the People or to the Great Men: For, according to Richelieu, the Pro∣bity of a Minister of State should be Proof against all Interests, and so constant, that neither Calumnies nor Opposition, should discourage him doing well, nor turn him from those Ends he has propos'd to him∣self for the good of the State, Chap. dernier de la premiere Partie du Te∣stament Politique. Cardinal d'Ossat speaking of a Knight of Malta, ••••om whose Importunity he could not quit himself without promising, tho' coldly, to recommend him to Hen∣ry IV. of France, for a Favour he unseasonably ask'd. I repent my self says he, and will another time conquer this P••sillanimity, without exposing again the Impertinences of such Impor••uners, nor my own co∣wardly shame to re••use them. Let∣ter 197.
• 2

  It is common for Princes to do well, and their Subjects to approach them. There are scarce any Princes have Iustice done them, w••ile they live, because Men naturally hate those whose Authority they fear.
• b

  The Battle at Actium was in the Year of the City, 724. and G••lb•• came to the Empire in the Year 822▪
• 3

  In France, Excess in Entertain∣ments begins to moderate, but it is to give place to another Extrava∣gance in their Cloaths and Furniture, which is more dangerous. 'Tis this has so multiplied Ladies that Persons of Quality and Birth are not to be discover'd from Citizens Wives and Daughters, but by their Civility and Modesty. In the last Age, the first Presidents de Thou and de Harlay were content to ••at upon Pewter; now the mean••st Officers of the Re∣venue are served in Plate. The Chan∣cellor de Bellievre gave his Daugh∣ters only 20000 Livres, now one of the King's Farmers gives his 100000. Adeo praecipiti cursu a virtute des∣citum, ad viti•• transcursum.
• c

  People that made Court to Great Men for their Protection.
• 4

  Great Reputation is as dange∣rous as ill Reputation. If it revives the Dead, it often makes the Li∣ving die. Princes cannot bear Merit that is too much taken notice of. It is therefore a great piece of Know∣ledge to know how to conceal it well, not only from the Prince but from the People, whose Applauses are fatal.
• 5

  Nothing establishes Virtue more than the good Life of a Prince; which is a speaking Law, and pre∣vails more than all they make. If it be true, that whatsoever Fault a Prince commits, he o••••ends more by his ill Example, than the Nature of it; ••is not less certain, that let him make what Laws he will, if he pra∣ctises what he prescribes▪ his Exam∣ple will go as far to make them ex∣ecuted as the Penalty he lays. A Prince that never Swears, shall soo∣ner suppress Swearing and Blasphe∣mies among his People, than the Se∣curity of his Magistrates against those are subject to such Impieties, Chap. 1. de la second partie du Testa∣ment Politique.
• 6

  All our Veneration is for what is past, and we despise the Present; for the Present Troubles and Disqui∣ets us with Objects that displease, when what is past instructs us, with∣out shewing us any thing we can repine at, or that can put us into ill Humour. It is certain, as the Word is fram'd, we should judge the same of those, we admire be∣cause they were some Ages before us, as we do of our Contemporaries, for Vices are as old as Men.
• d

  That would have Inform'd against their Luxu••y.
• 7

  When Princ••s have done any thing that gives them Reputation, they are wont to ma••e use of it, as a Right to obtain what they desire, and they generally succeed in the first Heat of popular Applause.
• 8

  New Titles great Men take, give them often a sor•• of Title to u••urp States that belong not to them. Paul Emili••s observes very well, that the Title of Prince of France, which Charles Martel took instead of Ste∣wa••d of the King's House, was the ••••rst ••••ep to raise his Family to the Throne. The Constable of Mo••tmo∣r••n••y shewed good Policy when he opposed the Guise•• that would have taken the Name and Arms of the House of Anjo••, from which they were descended by Yoland of Anjo••, their Great Grandfather of their Mo∣ther's side; because this new Name would have strengthen'd their old sta••e Pre••ension, (so Cardinal d'Os∣sat calls it, Letter 123.) to Provence. And for the same Reason, when H••nry 4. gave the young Duke of Guise that Government, the Chan∣cellor Chivergny protested in full Council against it, and would have his Protestation registred in the Par∣liam••nts of Paris and A••x, before he would seal the Letters-Patents. Memoirs de Chivergny, 1594. The The Duke d'Oliverez, first Minister of Spain, soon repented making the Duke of Braganza General of the Portuguese, which new Power, to∣gether with the Right he had to the Crown, was a Step to get it him.
• e

  We may observe here, the Dexterity of A••gustus, when he quitted the odious Name of Trium••••••, he tool that of Consul, Consulem se fere••s. A••••. 1. But when the Tri••••nes of the People oppos'd the Consuls, and dis∣••••••••d their Authority, by the Right they had to protest against the Pro∣c••••d••ng of the Senate, and by the Prerogative of their Dignity, which made 〈…〉〈…〉 Sacred and Inviolable, August••s who saw the Consulate distinguish'd 〈◊〉〈◊〉 from other Consuls, resolves to make himself Tribune, by vertue 〈…〉〈…〉 oppose the Resolutions of other Magistrates, and none of 〈…〉〈…〉 So 〈◊〉〈◊〉 out of two Offices that sprung f••om Liberty, which he 〈…〉〈…〉 to de••end (ad tu••••dam plebem Tr••bunitio jure con••entum) he made 〈…〉〈…〉 and perp••tual Dictator, as absolute as I••lius Caesar, but less 〈…〉〈…〉 he pl••ased the people with the Title of Tribune, A 〈…〉〈…〉 Years, as Tacitus observes, A••n. 1.
• 1

  The higher a Man is in Dignity, the more shameful is Flattery in him; but especially if he be in such a sta∣tion as makes it his Du••y to preserve and maintain the Au••hority of the Laws. It was p••easant to see Iames 〈◊〉〈◊〉, who called Henry III. of France, the Saint of Saints, harangued the Parliament▪ and say he deserved Ca∣nonization, better than any the Kings of France his Predecessors▪ though he abandon'd the Govern∣ment of his Kingdom to his Favou∣rites. Iournal de son Regne.
• 2

  The Clergy have always been ingenious in finding Reasons, or ra∣ther Pretences to exempt themselves from their most indispensable Duties. Residence was so strictly observed by the Roman Priests, that Seneca says their Priests were like Exiles that could never quit the Place of their Punishment. Quosdam exilia, quosdam sacerdotia uno loco tenent. De tranquillitate vit••••. Visus est sibi quis, says Artemidorus, ad fir∣mament••m templ•• Neptuni catena al∣ligatus esse: factus est sacerdos Nep∣tuni: oport••bat enim ipsum insepara∣bilem esse sacerdotem. Lib. 5. de som∣niorum eventibus, sommio 1. A Pa∣gan looks upon his Priesthood as an indissolvable tie upon him, that con∣••ines him for his Life to Neptune's Temple; yet the Christian Priests and Prela••es make no scruple of spending all their Lives in a manner from their Churches, without doing the State any Service. Filii homi∣num, usquequo gravi corde?
• 3

  A Fault is a Fault though it has lasted a long time, and consequent∣ly a Prince should not lose an occa∣sion to remedy it, when he finds one.
• 4

  The Priesthood and Sovereign∣ty are so far from being incompati∣ble in the same Person, that on the contrary, one is a strengthning of the other; so Tacitus observes of the Kings of the Iews, amongst whom Honor sacerdotii firmamentum poten∣tiae assumeba••ur, Hist. 5.
• 5

  There is no Quality more essen∣tially necessary in a Pope, than to be a Common Father: All Popes have equally this Title, but do not equal∣ly perform their Duty. The Partia∣lity they all have, one for this Crown, another for that, never fails to pro∣duce ill Effects. As it is impossible a Partial Pope should be Iust, 'tis likewise impossible those Princes should have any Reverence for him who suffer by his Partiality. Besides those he favours, often reap no other Fruit from it than War with their Neighbours. What made the League betwixt Henry II. of France, and Paul IV. but the loss of the Battels of S. Quintin and Gravelines, which was a just Punishment for the Breach of the Truce of Vaucelles, and alto∣gether a convincing Evidence, that the Absolutions a Violent and Passio∣nate Pope gives, are not always sure signs of a Divine Absolution. So the wise Cardinal d'Ossat had good reason to say, that a Pope should be a Man of Virtue and Understanding, that he may not be deceived by the Artifices of ill Men, and to make him a common Father, in holding the Bal∣lance equal, not doing ill to any at the Desire and Suggestion of others. Let∣ter 330. Gregory XIV. at the be∣ginning of his Papacy declar'd he pretended not to govern according to the Maxims of State, but accord∣ing to the Laws of the Gospel. That was speaking like a Pope, but as a good Milanese he could not keep his word; for he soon declar'd for the League in favour of the King of Spain, and the Guises; As if Partia∣lity had been an Evangelical Precept for a Common Father, Herrerac. 10. du Livre 6. de la 3 Partie de son Hist. If the Piety of the Faith••ul, says Saavedra, has given the Popes Temporal Power, it were more for the Security of their Grandeur never to use it against Princes, but when the Universal Good of the Church made it necessary. When the Triple Crown is turn'd into an Helmet, there is no Respect paid it, but as a temporal Thing; when it makes use of Politick Considerations, it is lookt upon only as the Crown of a Poli∣tick Prince, and not a Pope's, whose Authority should be supported by Spiritual Power. His Pastoral Du∣ty is not for War but Peace. His Staff is crooked, not pointed, for 'tis to lead, not hurt. Empresa 94. I will conclude this with a very judicious Reflection of Don Iuan Antonia de Vera, in the Second Discourse of his Ambassador. What ancient or mo∣dern Example, says he, can be brought in comparison of that which Cardi∣nal Bembo and Thomas Porcachi relate of Pope Iulius II. who being more an Enemy to the French King (Lew∣is XII.) tha•• was fit for an univer∣sal Pastor of the Church, orders the King of Spain's Ambassador, and the Venetians, his Allies, to acquaint their Masters, he had made Peace with France, but that they should not be allarm'd at it, for he conti∣nued still his ill Will to that Crown, that his Heart was Spanish, and that this Peace was only to lay the French asleep, to take them afterwards, un∣provided. If there be then so little Security and Faith in a Pope, what may we expect from Secular Princes? How can we trust those that are not Catholicks, or are born Infidels? Words worthy this Spaniard, who took for his Motto, Verita•• Vincit.
• f

  A Province near Rome, call'd now Terra di Lavoro. Florus says Cam∣pania was the ••inest Country in the World. Terrarum pulcherrima.
• g

  As Greece was a Province almost all Maritime, and where, according to Thucidides, Piracy prevail'd much, and those that exercised it were in good Esteem; the Inhabitants built Temples to protect themselves from the Insults of the Pyrates; So these Temples were not like our Churches, but like Castles and Forts, with Vaults under ground, and were not for the Retreat of Criminals, but for honest Persons, that fled from Oppression. And if they were abused, they lost the Privilege of the Sanctuaries, which at first was allowed to very few Places. But the Wickedness of Men, in∣genious enough in finding out ways to abuse the most sacred things, wrought ••o great a Change, that what was instituted in Greece for a Protection a∣gainst Oppression, became one against Iustice and the Laws; so that the Sanctuaries that were at first only a Refuge for honest Men, and such as were afflicted, served afterwards only for Criminals. This made the Senate of Rome to regulate them, and take from the Temples in Greece the Privi∣lege of Sanctuaries, except Nine that gave better Testimony than the rest of their Original. Too small a Number for so great a Province, that was more than a thousand Miles extent. There was at this time another kind of Immunity, not Instituted in Honour of any God, nor in Favour of any Temple, but only in consideration of Iustice. It was for those had any Potent Enemy they could not oppose, they run to some Statue of the Prince, embraced it, calling for Publick Authority, and then no one durst offer them the least Violence. Yet this was not an Immunity, but rather an Appeal to Iustice; For as soon as the Iudges took Cognisance of the Matter, if their Cause was good, they awarded them Satisfaction; but if Unjust, a double Penalty was inflicted, one for the Crime, the other for their boldnes•• in running to the Princes Statue, when guilty. Would to God Churches were only Sanctuaries for the Innocent, and that C••iminals resorting to them, were not only punish'd for their Crimes, but also for their Rashness in be∣lieving God and the Churches will protect 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Thieves, Rebels, in∣cestuous Per••ons and Villains. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pa••lo Sarpi, chap. 7. de son Traite ••es Asiles. Philo Iudae••s explaining the Law in the 21. of Exodus, If a Man come presumptuously upon his N••ighbour to s••ay him with Guile, that thou shalt take him from mine Altar that he may die, says, That Wicked M••n should find no Sanctuary in Places consecrated to Piety and Worship. Pro••ani in fano nullum esse receptum, lib. de spec. legib. In Petrarchs Letters there is one to the Pope, in which he congratulates his repressing the Liberty of the Cardinals, who protected any Offenders pursu••d by Iustice. Epist. 1. lib. 7.
• 1

  As Princes are obliged to establish the true Worship of God; they ought to be careful to banish false Appearances, which are to the pre∣••udice of States. For we may truly say, That Supperstition and Hypo∣crisie are often coverings to wicked Designs. Chap. 1. de la seconde Partie du Testament Politique. The Conspi∣racy of the Marchioness de Verneuil against Henry IV. of France, was contrived by a Capuchin, called Fa∣ther Arcange, under pretence of Con∣fession, which cover'd the frequent private Conversations he had with her, and the Count a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 her Brother, who pretended he had ••a∣ken a Resolution to become a Capa∣chin.
• i

  During the Civil War betwixt him and Pompey.
• k

  So name••, because this Temple was within the City of P••phos, now called Ba••••o.
• l

  There was in this Island, a Place called Amatonte, now Limisso, but it is little more than a Village.
• m

  He called this Temple of Iupiter, Salamine, in Honour of his Coun∣try.
• n

  The Church of Orle••n•• is the most ••amous and authentick Sanct••ary now in France, and it may be in Europe. The Priviledge the Bishops have upon their Entry to f••ee all the Criminals that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thither from all Parts of the Kingdom, except Traito••s, has been preserved by a Possession and un∣interr••pted Enjoyment ever since S. Aignan, and confirmed by the Consent of all the Kings of France, and allowance of all the Cou••ts and Magistr••••es of the Kingdom▪ that have never disputed this Right▪ So the Learned Hi∣storian, Adrian Valois, has reason to wonder at the neglect of the People o•• Orleans, who ••east and celebrate by a general Procession the 8th of May, be∣cause on that day they were delive••ed ••rom a Siege of the English, 1429. and seast not on the 14th of Iune, the day their Ancestors drove out 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and the Huns that closely Be••ieged them. Quem diem si qu••ndo forte cele∣brare voluerint, scian•• anno 451. 18 Kal. Iulii, qui est Iunii dies quar•••••••• de∣cimus, Hunnos urbe expulsos, ac majores suos captivita••e miserâ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vinculis esse liber••tos. Notitia Galli••rum, ••it▪ Genabum.
• 1

  There are a great many Privi∣ledges and Exemptions of which we may say, as a Doctor did of Con∣stantine's Donation, That it was read by the Blind, heard by the Deaf, and related by the Dumb. If, according to Cardinal Perr••n, all the Letters of the Pope's were forg'd by the Monks in ••••••••lemaine's time▪ there is great Reason to believe they are the Authors of the greatest part of their Registers.
• 2

  Princes should religiously for∣bear violating the Rights of the Church, but when they degenerate, and are abused, they are obliged to apply necessary Remedies. Theodo∣rick, King of Italy, commanded the Magistrates to protect the Church, and maintain it in its Rights, with∣out prejudice to his Authority, Salvâ Civilitate, says Cassiodore. And it was in this Sense, that Charles V. coming to be Crown'd Emperor in Italy, answered the Pope's Legats that received him at Genoua, That he would never Violate the Rights and Priviledges of the Church; but so as to support those of the Empire, without suffering the Church to change them. Saave••ra empresa 94. & Don Iuan Antonio de Vera da•••• I'Epitome de sa Vie. The Immunity the Ecclesiasticks have is good to Priviledge, but not exempt them from their Duty; it is to straiten the Circumference in which they are to live, and not to give them head, nor to suffer them to exceed those bounds of Modesty are requisite for their State.
• o

  if the Genoueses remember the miserable Condition their City was redu∣ced to by the French Fleet 1684. they will trust no longer to St. Bernard's Letter, the Original whereof, they say, is kept yet in their Archives, in which the Saint promised never to forget them. In aeter••••m non obliviscar tui, plebs devota, honorabilis Gens, Civitas illust••is. Epist. 129. ad Ianuenses. They may make Solemn Vows, and Dedicate Churches ••o him to protect them against the Arms of France, but he will let their City be Bombarded, and their Republick destroyed if they keep not themselves within the Bounds of Respect and Modesty. In 1625. this Republick being in a War with the Duke of Savoy, they made a Vow to St. Bernard, to reckon him among their Patrons, to Celebrate his Festival for ever with a general Procession, to Build him a Chappel, and to give yearly Port••ons to Twelve poor Girls. Don Ie••n Mabil••on in Notis ad Epistolas D. Bernardi. This good Saint, and all the rest in Paradise, says a Pre••ate, Conform themselves to God's Will, who gives ••eace and War as pleases his Providence, and Laug••s at the pre∣tended Wisdom of Mortals. Lettre Mons. M••rqu••mont Archev. de Lion, du 5 M••y 1625. dans le •• Tome des Memoires pour l'Histoire du Cardinal d•• Richelieu.
• 1

  Majesty knows no Superior. Kings, as Kings have no Mothers, and consequently their Natural Mo∣thers should pay them the same Re∣gard as their Subjects do, whereof she is one. What Margaret of Au∣stria, Queen of Spain, did at ••erra∣ra, in her first Visit to Clement VIII. with her Mother the Arch-Dutchess of Gretz, in giving the Arch-Dutchess the Chair provided for her, and ta∣king another Place her self, may be an Example of filial Piety, but was not an Action becoming Majesty. It may be also said, that on this Occa∣sion she violated the Rules of good Breeding and Iustice, when to ho∣nour her Mother, she was wanting in that Respect was due to her Hus∣band's Dignity. To recover which▪ Clement caused another Seat to be presently brought for the Queen, who could not ••it in that of the Arch-Du••chess, without in••uring the Ma∣jesty of the King of Spain. Gracian dans le 59. Discourse de son Agudeza. The Person of a Prince, says Anto∣nio Perez, may have a Companion, but his Office cannot. And 'tis that the Ancients mean, when they say▪ Iupiter distributed to the other God••, the White Wand, the Trident, and other marks▪ of Sovereignty, but al∣ways reserv'd the Scepter and Thun∣der to himself. Dans les Asorismes des secondes Lettres.
• p

  Numa first institu••ed this Order at Rome, consisting of Twenty Persons ••hose out of the ancien••est Families in the City, and settled in a College▪ Their Office was properly to be the chief Arbitrators of all Controversies relating to War and Peace, nor was it Lawful to take up Arms till they had declar'd all Expedien••s ••or an Accommodation rejected.
• q

  Who had no mor•• Right▪ than the F••••ciales to preside at the Publick Play••.
• 2

  Who can stop the Mouth of Posterity, and hinder their speaking of those, that make no other use of their Power than to commit Crimes with Impunity? Whatever Laws are made, ill Persons can never escape this Punishment; and if they grati∣fie themselves while they live, they have yet this Displeasure, to know, that the People will scan their Acti∣ons and curse them secretly; and that Writers will not spare them when they are Dead. See the End of the late Discourse of the Satyr M••nippee. A Satyr, says the Chan∣cellor Chivergni, which is a Master∣piece and Monument to the Eternal Reproach of those who were the Au∣thors of the League, and serves for an Example to such others to turn them from the like Enterprises. Dans ses M••moires. As fear of Infamy c••eates an Aver••ion to Vice, so the Example of Virtue recounted in Hi∣story, should excite us to imitate those have le••t them.
• r

  Besides the proper Senators, any Magistrate might come into the House, while he was in Office, and those who had born any Curule Of∣fice. They were not allowed the Privilege of giving their Votes; yet they tacitely expressed thei•• Mind by going over to those Senators whose Op••nion they embraced, and on this account had the Name of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 P••••••rii.
• 3

  When Magistrates give them∣selves up to servile Fla••••••ry, they soon fall into Cruelty. Those Iu••∣ges that seek to make their Fortune, are always ill judges. It is for that Reason the Preacher saith, Ask not of the King the Seat of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and seek not to be made a Iudge, lest thou be not able to take away In••qui••y, and lest thou, fearing the Person of the ••••ghty, shouldst commit an Offence a∣gainst thine own Uprightness, Eccle. chap. 7.
• 1

  Great Men have no worse Ene∣mies than those that have raised them∣selves from a mean Birth to a share in Publick Affairs. It were odious and unnecessary to give Domestick Examples of this Kind, every Man has a hundred before his Eyes. The Cause of this Hatred, according to T••••itus, is, Qui•• minor••••us 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a••∣m dandi cura, Hist. 4, Because these little People are naturally ill-disposed to them. But there is another Rea∣son has a better Foundation, becau••e few of them but have received som•• ill Usage ••rom Great Men; or have been oppressed by them. So that scarce any of them ••ise without Re∣s••ntments. A Man is an Enemy to the Law, because he lost a Tryal▪ and the like Instances hold in other Cases.
• 2

  A wise Spaniard says, He that will not obey another, takes the way not to command himself. The Means should be suitable to the Ends we propose. We would have Pas∣sive Obedience be taken for a Prin∣ciple in us, when it is often only an impudent Pride. When a Man has once gain'd Honours, his manner of rising to them is forgot. Suffering much, to arrive afterwards to great Employs, is neither Meanness, nor want of Spirit, but Discretion. There are those can wait for nothing, which proceeds from their Excessive Ambi∣tion, for they will almost at the same time out-go their Equals, then their Superiors, and out-strip even their own Expectations. Push'd on by their natural Impetuousness, they neglect the surest means, as too fl••w, and embrace the shortest, though most hazardous. The same thing commonly happens to them as to Buildings erected in haste, with∣out giving time to the Materials to settle, they fall down presently. Those Trees that upon the first warm Weather put out their Buds soon lose them, not staying till the Severities of the Winter are past. He never reaps any Benefit from his Affairs that precipitates them, his Impati∣ence makes them abortive, and serves only to hasten Danger. Saa∣vedra empresa polit. 34. In less than an Year N ... M••••got was Master of Requests, First President of Bour∣deux, Secretary of War, and Keeper of the Seals; but as he understood little of this last Place, they were forced to restore the Seals to Mon∣sieur du Vair, his Predecessor. The Duke of Beausort lost his Credi•• with the Queen-Regent, for pretending too much to her Favour and Con••••∣dence in him. For not being satis∣••ied to rest upon the Pretensions the Duke of Vendos••e his Father had to the Government of Br••t••gne, he sup∣ported those also of all the Great Men that suffer'd under Richelieu's Minist••y, to make himself Creatures, and to give such clear Testimonies of his Power, that every one might ascribe to that whatsoever could sa∣tisfie his Ambition and Vanity. Me∣moires de M. le Du•• de L. R.
• 3

  When Princes would do an hard thing they are used to seek for Exam∣ples to authorise, or at least excuse their Injustice. After P. II. of Spain had arrested Don Carlos, he sent his Offi∣cers to Barcelona, to take out of the Archieves the Process against Don Carlos, Prince of Viana, Eldest Son of Iohn III. King of Arragon, which he caused to be translated into Spa∣nish, to be a President to him in pro∣ceeding against his Son. Cabrera, chap. 22. du Livre 7. de son Histoire.
• 4

  No Princes are so much com∣mended for Clemency, as those have least of it. Piso, according to Taci∣tus's Character of him in his Sixth Annals, was a very wise Man, and hated base Flattery, yet commended Tiberius for a Virtue he wanted, not to ••latter him, but to make him in love with the Reputation of it, and thereby to make him more merciful. For this Prince knew very well, Quae ••ama clementiam sequeretur. Ann. 4.
• s

  This was the same Man was ••or Tiberius's entring Rome in Triumph, which Tiberius expos'd in his Letter to the Senate, that it was not fit for him to accept a Triumph for taking the Air.
• 1

  This is one of those Counsels appear well, but under colour of en∣creasing the Prince's Power, in effect destroy it. Dolabella would have fur∣nished Tiberius with a way to exclude from Government all that displeas'd him; but on the other side it expos'd him to the Hatred of most of the Great Men, if he expected it, Cardi∣nal Richelieu speaking of the Selling of Offices, concludes it better to continue than suppress it, and give them freely, Though the Suppression of selling Offices, says he, is most agreeable to Reason and the Laws, yet there are such in∣evitable Abuses in the Distinction of them, when they are at a Prince's Pleasure, as make the Selling toler∣able, For then the Artifices at Court go farther than Reason in the Dispo∣sing of them, and Favour beyond Merit. And a little after he says, A Suppression would be so far from 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Vi••tue, it would promote Cabal•• and Factions, and fill the Pla∣ces with Men of mean Birth. The Weakness of the Age is such, that we sooner yield to Importunitie, than are led by Reason, and instead of being guided by Iustice, are com∣monly carried away with Favour. From what is past we ought to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the ••uture, because we have alway•• seen, that those in greatest Favour, have always carried it against Vir∣••••••. And 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Princes and those they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cannot know the Merit of Persons, but by the Iudgment of o∣thers, they often mistake the Shadow for the B••d••. Sect. 1. du c. 4. de 〈…〉〈…〉. ••ormerly the Popes pre-co••••••ed those th••y de••••gn'd to make Cardinals, to have time to learn Peoples Opinion of them, before they proc••eded to 〈…〉〈…〉; but the Malice of Ill 〈…〉〈…〉 a thousand Ar••••••••ces and Lies 〈◊〉〈◊〉 exclude those they hated, wa•• the Reason this was 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• 2

  I have often thought, says Am∣mirato, from whence it comes that some Men behave themselves better in Business, others worse than was look'd for. For Example, Vespasian was better and more Moderate, after he was Emperor; when on the con∣trary, 'tis said, Galba would have al∣ways been thought worthy of it, if he had not Reign'd. Pius IV. who may be compar'd to the first, excee∣ded all was expected from him; when Clement VII. whom every one thought fit to be Pope, s••cceeded no better than Galba. To seek this Difficulty, we will use a Comparison. There are two Vessels, one small and full, the other large and almost empty; The full Vessel is like a Man in an Employment suitable to his Abilities; Those who see him carry himself so well in it, conclude he would do the like in a Greater, not taking no∣tice, that his Vessel is as full as it can hold, and if more be put in, it will run over. So Galba, while a Pri∣vate Man, seem'd much greater than he was. The large Vessels, almost Empty, or at least not Full, are the Men of great Capacity, who having neither Estates nor Employments suit∣able to their Merit, are not much esteem'd, whether it is that they use not all their Diligence or Exactness in what they do, or not being pro∣portionate, we cannot judge what may be expected from them. But when their Condition is such as to all their Vessel, they shew, contrary to common Expectation, that great∣ness of Soul and sublimeness of Ge∣nius, that their lower Fortune buri∣ed. Vespasian taking not all the Care he should to have cleansed the Streets, Caligula order'd the Skirt of his Gown to be fill'd with Dirt and Filth, and in Nero's Reign, he had like to have lost his Life for sleeping while Nero play'd. Which is not to be won∣der'd at, considering he was not born for these Trifles, and that to fill his Vessel he wanted the Government of the World, which he afterwards held. Discours onzieme du livre 3. de son Commentaire sur Tacite. The Father of William Duke of Mantua, would have had him a Priest, because h•• was little and Crooked, judging of his Soul by his Body; but he would not, and when he was Duke he shew'd by his Acquisition of Mont∣serrat, and some other Places, that a Great Soul may be lodg'd in a Lit∣tle Body. To conclude, how many excellent Men die without being known, who would have been ad∣mired, i•• femploy'd? How could Ar∣naud d'Ossat have shewed his Abili∣ties, if Henry IV. of France had not made him his Procurator, to sollicite his Absolution at Rome?
• 3

  What judicious Princes have done, cannot reasonably be changed, unless Experience shews some Incon∣venience; and 'tis plainly seen the same may be mended. Section 1. die chap. 4. la premiere Partie du Testa∣ment Politique.
• 4

  There is no greater Charge than doing Iustice, i•• a Prince would be a perfect Sovereign. Sovereignty, says A••tonio Perez, is a Charge, and consequently the Actions of him who exercises it, depend not on his own Will; but on the Rules and Condi∣tions the People have requir'd and he accepted. And if a Prince observes them not, because they are only Humane Contracts; yet he cannot depart from those the Laws of God and Nature have pre••cri••'d, which are Superior to Kings, as we••l as Peasants. Dans les Aforis••••s de Relations. And in another place he says, That Kings ••••owns are made Circular, as an Emblem of the ••ounds of Humane Power. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Catholick said, The surest way to keep a Throne, was to ballance the Interests of the Kingdom and Peo∣ple.
• 5

  There is no Flattery more agree∣able, nor more refin'd, than what pretends to Correction or Liberty, for that catches Men, and especially Princes, by their weak side, Self-love. Plut••rch says, this pretended Liberty is like Blows from Ladies, which in∣stead of hurting, irritate and pro∣voke to Pleasure. Princes have com∣mon Flatteries so continually in their Ears, that they would be wear••ed with them, if this Court-Food was not dress'd different ways, which re∣covers the Appetite their Favou••ites are concerned should not be cloy'd.
• u

  The Latin is, egregium publicum, Emanuel Suegro renders it la reputati∣on de la Republic••; Don Carlos Colonna, la reputacion publica; Adri••no Po∣titi, la reputacione publica; M. de Cha••v••alon, I'Etat; Rodolphus with this Paraphrase. That Capito had tarnished the Lustre of his publick Actions and Domestick Virtues. A Sense which appears very reasonable, considering this Senator had been Consul, and consequently a Publick Magistrate. Tacitus had perhaps a mind to speak of his different States of Life.
• 1

  Ill Men, says Commines, are the worse for their Knowledge, but it mends those that are well dispos'd. Gentlemen of the Long Robe, are very requisite for Princes when ho∣nest; but if otherwise, they are very dangerous. Livre 2. Chap. 6. & Livre 5. Chap. derniere. Pope Ni∣cholas III. was used to say, Know∣ledge without Honesty, was Poison without Remedy. Pagli. Observ. 431.
• x

  Livy in his 42th Book says the contrary, mentioning, That Q. Fulvius Flaccus, when Praetor in Spain, vowed a Temple to Fortuna Equestris, which he built after at Rome, when Livius Posthumus Albinus and Marcus Popilius Lenas were Consuls, and he Censor: But this Temple being never dedicated, whether by reason of Fulvius his Death, who died the year after he was Censor, or because this Building was not then finished, 'tis probable Tacitus therefore said, there was no Temple of that Name in Rom••, for the Name was not given but at the Ceremony of Dedication.
• 2

  It is melancholly thing to con∣sider, that Pagans should make their false Priests so strictly keep Resi∣dence, and that the frequent Injun∣ctions and Laws are not su••ficient to do the like among Christians. A Priest of Iupiter could not be absent from Rome above two days, and those when he had no Religious Duty to perform. Now it is too common to see Bishops and Clergymen whole years absent from their Diocesses and Cures, and are little known but by their receiving Rents and Tithes. What would S. Bernard say, who so pas••ionately desired to see the Church of God in the same Condition as in the Apostle's time, when laxabant retia in cap••uram, says he to Pope Eugenius, non in capturam auri vel argenti sed in capturam animarum. Epist. 237. However, says Lewis XIII. of France, in a Circular Letter that he writ to the Clergy about Resi∣dence, there is not one can be igno∣rant that the Canons of the Church, (which King's are to see observed) and the Laws do oblige to an actual Residence, (upon which chiefly de∣p••nds good Order and Discipline in their Diocesses. Tome 5. des Memoires du Cardinal Richlieu. Bishopricks, says Cardinal d'Ossat, are the greatest and most important Charges of the Church, which cannot be well ad∣ministred without the Presence and Residence of Prelates, especially in so disorderly a time as this is, for a Bishop has enough to do to discharge it well when he is present; however careful, diligent and zealous he is. Lettre 328. What Denis de Marque∣mont, Archbishop of Ly••ns, writ to Cardinal Richlieu to be recalled into France, is stronger and more affect∣ing.

  Rome, says he, which was formerly my Eden and Delight, is become so insuppo••table in this my last Voyage, that I have no Heart, nor Health, nor Desire to stay there longer. 'Tis not fit for an Arch∣bishop of Lyons, and an old Man, to pass his time in Anti-Chambers. I forbear mentioning what is most considerable, the Reproaches of my Conscience, and those Comforts I am deprived of, and continually thirst after, which I have had the Experience of in the Exercise of the Duties of my Function.

  Dans les Memories du Ministre du Cardinal de Richlie••. Don Francisco Sarmi∣ento, Bishop of Iaen, re••used the Office of President of Castille, which Philip II. pressed him to take, telling him he could not in Conscience do it, since he believed Residence of Di∣vine Right.
• y

  The Basilicae were very spacious and beautiful Edifices, designed not on∣ly for the Senate to sit in, but for the Iudges to, in Decision of all sorts of Causes, and for the Lawyers to receive their Clients.
• z

  Statilus Taurus built an Amphitheatre, Philippus the Temple of Her∣cules, surnamed of the Muses, and Balbus, a Theater. Taurus and Balbus, who had both made their Fortune in the Wars, laid out only the Spo••ls th••y took from the Enemies, but Philippus built out of his own Estate.
• 3

  An extraordinary Example of Modesty, that is followed by few or no Princes, o•• great Men, who often take the Honor of that to themselves that has cost them nothing. In In∣nocent X's time▪ S. Peter's Church in Rome was called S. Peter's Dove-Coat, to expose the ridiculous vanity of this Pope, that set up his Arms there in a thousand Places. Eutropius, said Con∣stantine, called the Emperor Hadrian, The Pellitory of the Wall. because his Name was writ every where. This Vanity is now very common: 'Tis seen upon the Walls, upon the Glass, upon the Hangings, and even upon the Altars. I speak not of Kings, Princes, or other great Men, but Up∣starts and Citizens, whose Arms we meet with every where.
• 1

  A Prince should never admit his Rebel Subject to treat with him; for besides, that it is an Example of dan∣gerous consequence, 'tis i•• some mea∣sure making a Subject his equal, or independent. Robert de la Marck, says Don Iuan Antonio de Vera, came a third time into Germany, from whence he was driven by the Emperor's Captains, for Charles V. would ne∣ver march in Person against this Re∣bel, who deserved only Contempt, remembring what Herodotus writ of the Slaves of Scythia, that had taken Arms against their Masters, and made Head against them in the Field, being proud of the regard had to them in going against them as just Enemies; but when their Masters laid down their Arms, and took Scourges and Rods to meet them, these Wretches submitted, when they saw the Con∣tempt their Masters had for them. Dans l'Epitome de la Vie de Charles Quint.
• a

  So they called at Rome, that part of the Province the Romans gained from the Carthaginians.
• b

  The Latin calls them Map••lia, poor little Hutts.
• c

  He was the Son of Vipsania, Agrippa's Daughter, Tib••rius's first Wife. and Drusi••'s's Mother.
• 1

  'Tis very usual for Princes to advance one Man thereby to lessen another of greater Merit, they hate. For this Reason, Philip II. of Spain preferr'd almost in every thing, the Prince d'Eboli before the Duke d'Alva. At the beginning of the Regency of the late Queen Mother of France, Cardinal Mazarine, continued th•• Seals to the Chancellor Segnier, who was hated both by him and the Re∣gent, that he might have a Man of Wit and Quickness to oppose to M. de Chasteauneuf that pretended to them, and to the Dutchess of Che∣vr••use, who laboured all she could to have brought her Adorer and Martyr into the Ministry. So the Regent called M. de Chasteauneuf. Memoires de M. de Chas••re.
• 2

  How good soever Princes are, they never love those who want Com∣plaisance. Majesty is so used to Res∣pect, that whatever savours of Free∣dom is insupportable. There are few Princes like Stephen de Battor, King of Poland, who gave the rich Palati∣nate of Sandomir to Stani••••as Peko∣slawski, who when he was Deputy from that Province to the Diet, al∣ways opposed him. Pekoslawski, said Stephen, when he named him to the Palatinate, Is a very bad Deputy, but very good Soldier. A memorable Example (says the Bishop of Pre∣••••ilz) of Generosity and Moderation, and the more Commendable, because this Prince valued his Merit, when he had cause to hate his Person. Pia∣jecki dans sa Cronique. What Pope Iulius III. did in savour of Brac••io Martelli, whom he removed from the poor Bishoprick of Fiesole to the rich Church of Leccia, though he had always stifly opposed the Authority of the Legats in the Council of Trent, where Iulius had presided in that Capacity, is one of the noblest Examples of the last Age. Le Car∣dinal Pallavicin ch. 1. du. 13. Livre•• de son Histoire du Concile de Trent. Scipio A••••nirato says, That this Pre∣late's good Life made the Clergy of Leccia, who lived very dissolutely when he came to the Diocess, so re∣gular and vertuous, that the strictest Observers were satisfied with them. Disc. 9 du livre 3. de son Comm••n∣taire sur Tacite.
• d

  This was he, that giving his Vote for L••pidus to be Senator, answered Augustus, who asked him, I•• he knew no Man sitter, that every one had his Opinion. Upon which, Augustus being so ince••••'d, as to threaten his Life▪ Labeo, without changing his Countenance, or Courage, replied, That he thought he made a good Choice, when he was for one whom Augustus con∣tinued in the Dignity of High-Priest.
• 3

  When a great Man's Merit is generally known, the refusing him those Employments and Honours he deserves, recommends him to Poste∣rity. And while he lives, the pub∣lick Compassion recompences th•• wrong done him. And it is a Glory to him to have it asked, Why he is not a Marshal, or a Governor of a Province, because it is an Argument he is worthy of them. Ciaconius, asked with Admiration, Why St. Thomas Aqu••nas was not Created Cardinal as well as St. Bonadventure, whom he equalled both in Learning and Sanctity. And I may likewise ask, says a Modern Writer, Why St. Bernard was not a Cardinal as well as so many other Religious, his Dis∣ciples: But 'tis believed his Book De Consideratione ad Eugenium Pa∣pam, boldly writ, and his Remon∣strances to many Cardinals, whose Behaviour he could not bear, were the Reasons Pope Eugenius his Disci∣ple made him not a Cardinal. Traite de l'Origine des Cardinaux, chap. 6. Nothing exposes a Courtier to more Envy, than to be called too soon to Employments, to the excluding o∣thers of higher Birth and Merit from them. The Promotion of Bartelemi de Caransa, a Dominican, to the Archbishoprick of Toledo, created him as many Enemies and Persecu∣ters as there were Prelates in Spain. Don Hernando de Valdez, Archbishop of Sevile, and Inquisitor General, who expected this Primacy of Toledo, accused him for not being Orthodox, and many Religious of the same Order, Councellors of the Holy Of∣fice, joined with this Grand Inqui∣sitor; so that this poor Prelate, the first Archbishop of Spain, was to be a Sacrifice to Calumny; when if Phillip II. had led him by degrees to this eminent Dignity, no one had taken notice of his Elevation and his Prince's Favour. Cabrera ch. 10. du liv. 4. de son Histoire. Don Barte∣lemi was 17 years in the Prisons of the Inqui••••tion, 7 at Madrid, and 10 at Rome, where he died in 1576.
• 4

  There is always much discourse of great Person's last Wills, which are the most faithful Mirrours of their Sense and Manners. Testamen∣ta hominum speculum morum, says Pliny Iunior. While they live, you commonly know not their Hearts, they so disguise themselves, but when they die, their Testaments clear all Doubts, and undeceive many that thought they had the best share in their Esteem and Affection. What Philip II. of Spain did in 1580. at Badajoz, when he thought he should Die, discovered to Queen Anne, who expected the Regence, that she had a Husband of Tiberius's Opinion, not to trust Women with Power. The sincerity of a Man when he makes his Will, appears fully, Cardinal Rich∣lieu's Testament Politick to Lewis 13. There you see the King's Picture drawn to the Life, there you have all the good Counsel an able Mini∣ster can give his Prince, exquisit•• Policy, great Thoughts, bold Truths, a Masculine Eloquence, and admi••a∣ble Wit: But Self Love, which, ac∣cording to the old saying, is the last Shirt a Wise Man puts off, has made him commit an Error, in spea••ing too much of his Services, particu∣larly in the first Chapter of the first Part, which is more to his own Com∣mendation than his Master's. For the rest, as to his manner of Drawing Lewis XIII. as a Prince and Magi∣strate, there is cause to say, A Testa∣ment discovers many Thoughts th•• Testator durst not divulge in his Lif•• time. Ch. 7. de la premier Partie.
• 5

  Those that are Born Rebubli∣cans find it very difficult to quit the Love of Liberty, witness Iunia, who a••ter 64 years living under Augustus and T••b••rius, preserved always the same Sentiments, in which her Un∣cle, Brother an•• Husband dies. So her Will could not fail being Repub∣lic••n as well as her Family, which had been for many Ages the Bull∣wark and Palladium o•• Liberty.
• 6

  There are some things that are not only more seemly, but more ex∣pedient for a Prince to dissemble, than resent. Tiberius could not shew himself displeased with Iunia's Will, without disobliging all the great Persons she had named in it, so that they would have Cause to think he would take away the Freedom of Testaments. Besides, Iunia seemed to have a good Opinion of his Mo∣deration and Iustice, when she made the greatest Persons in Rome her Heirs, without fearing the excluding him would overthrow her Will.
• 7

  It is Generous to Honour Vir∣tue in our greatest Enemies. Rodolph Duke of Suabia, whom Pope Grego∣ry VII. made Emperor in the room of Henry IV. that was Excommuni∣cated and Deposed, being Buried at Mersbourg, like an Emperor, the Saxons would have taken a Plate of Brass from his Monument, on which was his Arms, with the Imperial Crown, and other Marks of Sove∣reignty, to avoid Henry IV's Resent∣ment, who had gained two Battels against the Rebels; but he forbid them, saying, He wished all his E∣nemies as honourably Buried. Heiss. dans son Histoire de l'Empire, Vie d'Henry IV. The Duke de Sesse, Vice∣roy of Naples, under Phil••p II. of Spain, caused a stately Mausolaeum to be erected to the famous Captain, Pedro Navarro, tho' he took part with Francis I. of France against his So∣vereign Charles V. and Died at Na∣ples by the Hand of Iustice. Quam∣vis Gallorum partes secutum, says the Epitaph, pro sepulcri ••••••ere honesta∣vit, c••m hoc habeat in se praeclara virtus, ut etiam in hoste sit admira∣bilis. This Duke, says De Maurier, paid Respect to Virtue in an Enemy, and a Rebel, and not content to Esteem him in his Heart, he raised him a Mausoleum. Dans la Preface de ses Memoires de Hollande. Philip II. of Spain, after he cut off Don Iuan de la Nuca's Head, who took up Arms in the Defence of the Privi∣ledges of Arragon, ordered his Body to be carried to the Burial Place of his Ancestors by ten Noble Persons to pay Respect to his Worth, whose Person he had punished. Ch. 10. des dits & des faits de Philippe II.
• 8

  The Glory of Great Persons de∣pends not on the Humour nor Ill Will of Princes. They are gro••••y mista∣ken, that think that the Suppression of their Images, or Praises can bury their Memory in Eternal Oblivion. Princes can make Men hold their Tongues, but cannot make them for∣get the good Actions of those have deserved Universal Applause. The Complaisance, every Man has for his Prince, suspends for a time Com∣mendation and Honours that are due to them, but when he is Dead, Li∣berty succeeds Restraint, and re∣venges upon the Memory of the Oppressor, the Injustice done to those that are oppressed.