The annals and history of Cornelius Tacitus his account of the antient Germans, and the life of Agricola / made English by several hands ; with the political reflecions and historical notes of Monsieur Amelot De La Houffay and the learned Sir Henry Savile.

The Year of the City 773.

The Consuls, M. Valerius and M. Aurelius, (who then entred on their Office) with a great number of the Peo∣ple, filled the way without observing any order2 1.1, every one bewailing the loss of Germanicus as he saw good; for there was no Flattery in this Mourning, and all knew Tiberius rejoyced at Germanicus's Death, tho' he pretended to be troubled for it.

III. Tiberius and his Mother forbore appearing in pub∣lick, believing it a lessening to Majesty to grieve pub∣lickly3 1.2, or perhaps fearing lest the People by their Looks should discover their Dissimulationb 1.3. I find not in any Registers of the City, or our Histories, that Antonia had

any particular share in this Solemnity, tho' Agrippina, Drusus and Claudius are named with other Relations. It may be she was prevented by Sickness, or so overcome with Affliction, she had not the Courage to see the Fu∣nerals of her Son4 1.4; tho' I should rather believe she was kept at home by Tiberius and Livia, that they might seem all equally••afflicted, and to have it believed the Grandmother and Uncle kept in upon the Mothers Ex∣ample5 1.5.

IV. The day the Ashes were laid in Augustus's Tomb, there was sometimes a profound Silence, and at others, great Lamentation, the Streets full of People, and the Campus Martius of lighted Torches. The Soldiers in Arms, the Magistrates without their Habits, the People ranked by their Tribes, cryed out, All was lost beyond Recovery, and in this they were so bold you would have thought they had forgot their Governorsc 1.6. But nothing went nearer Tiberius, than the great Affection

of the People for Agrippina, whom they called, The Glory of their Country6 1.7, the only Blood of Augustus, and the last Remains of ancient Probity; and prayed the Gods her Children might survive their Enemies.

V. Some thought these Funerals not pompous enough, and compared them with those Augustus made for Drusus, Germanicus's Father:

For he went in the middle of Winter to Pavia, and attended the Body to Rome, up∣on the Herse were the Images of the Claudii and Liviid 1.8. His Funeral-Oration was spoke in the Place of Publick Assemblies; he was praised in the Rostrae 1.9, and all Honours done him that either our Ancestors or latter times have invented: But Germanicus wanted those that are due to every noble Roman. It signified little, said they, that his Body was burnt without Ceremony in a Foreign Country, considering the Difficulty of

bringing it so far home, but he should have had the greater Honours afterwards in lieu of those this Acci∣dent deprived him. His Brother went but one Day's Iourny to meet the Body, and his Uncle only to the Gates. What is become of the Ancient Customs? Why was not his Effigiesf 1.10 carried, and Verses sung in Ho∣nour of his Memory? Why was he not praised and la∣mented with the usual Ceremonies of Mourning1 1.11?

VI. These Discourses were carried to Tiberius, and to put a stop to them, he declares, by an Edict,

That many Illustrious Persons had died in the Service of the Commonwealth, but none had been so passionately re∣gretted. This was commendable both in him and them, if a Mean was observed: That the same things were not becoming Princes and private Men2 1.12, for a People

that Command the World, and those that Govern Petty Commonwealths: That the Season for Sorrow, is, when Grief is fresh, but after three Months 'twas reasonable to lay it aside, as Caesar did upon the Death of his only Daughter, and Augustus after he had lost his Children3 1.13: That it was not necessary to give an∣cienter Instances, how the People had bore with Con∣stancy the Defeat of their Armiesg 1.14; the Death of their Generalsh 1.15, and the entire Extinction of many noble Familiesi 1.16: That Princes are Mortal, but the Commonwealth Eternal4 1.17; that they should therefore return to their ordinary Employments, and enjoy them∣selves at the Megalensian Gamesk 1.18, that were at hand5 1.19.

VII. The Vacation being ended, every Man returned to his Business, and Drusus went to the Army in Illyricum, leaving all under great Expectation to see Germanicus's Death revenged upon Piso. They often complained he marched over the pleasant Countries of Asia and Greece, to avoid by his Contumacy and Delays, the Conviction of his Crimes. For it was commonly reported, That the infamous Poisoner, Martina, sent by Cneius Sentius to Rome, died suddenly at Brindisi, that Poison was found in her Hair, yet no sign thereof appear'd upon her Body1 1.20.

VIII. But Piso, after he had sent his Son to Rome, with Instructions how to apply to Tiberius for his Favour, went to seek Drusus, from whom he expected more Counte∣nance for removing his Rival, than Displeasure for taking off his Brother2 1.21. Tiberius, to shew he was not preju∣diced against Piso, received his Son honourably, and made him such Presents as were usual to young Gentle∣men of his Quality. Drusus told Piso, If those things were true that were reported, he should be much trou∣bled3 1.22, but that he wished they might appear false, and

the Death of Germanicus fatal to none4 1.23. He spoke this publickly, declining private Conversation with him, which none doubted to be by Tiberius's Order, because Drusus was of himself too easie and unwary to have pra∣ctised so much Art and Cunning above his Years.5 1.24.

IX. Piso having sailed over the Adriatick Sea, and left the Ships at Acona, came by Pisenuml 1.25, and so by the Via Flaminam 1.26, to joyn the Legion that returned from Panonia to Rome, to go into Garison in Africa. But be∣cause it was reported, he intended to Corrupt the Sol∣diers, by conversing much among them6 1.27; as soon as he arrived at Narnin 1.28, he embarked upon the River Nare to avoid Suspicion, or because those that are timorous are always uncertain. But he incensed the People by his landing in their sight, at the Burying-place of the Caesars, with Plancina; both were pleasant and cheerful, he attended with a Multitude of Followers, and she with a great Train of Women. Their House, which stood very publickly, was adorned with Lawrels, and Garlands, there was a Festival, and great Rejoycings, and all so publick, as to raise them more Envy7 1.29 and Ill-will.

X. The next day Fulcinus Trio accused Piso before the Consuls but; Veranius Vitellus, and others, that had been with Germanicus, insisted, That it belong'd to them, and not to Trio, and that instead of being Accusers, they would only report, as Witnesses, the last Declara∣tion of the Deceased. Trio waved that part, and con∣tented himself with the Liberty to enquire into the Life of Germanicus. The Emperor desired Cognizance of this himself, and Piso freely consented for fear of fal∣ling into the hands of the People or Senate, both too much enclined to Germanicus's Family; and knowing also Tiberius valued not Reports, and that his Mother had agreed with him the Orders she sent Plancina. Be∣sides, Truth is more easily discerned by a single Iudge, than an Assembly1 1.30 where Hatred and Envy are too pre∣valent. Tiberius was not ignorant of the Consequence of this Affair, nor the Reflections he lay under. After hearing therefore before some of his Confidents, the Complaints of the Accusers, and Piso's Answer, he sent all back to the Senate.

XI. In the mean time, Drusus returning from Sclavo∣nia, came privately to Rome, deferring till another time the Triumph the City decreed him for the taking Maro∣boduus, and his great Actions the Summer before. After∣wards Piso desiring T. Aruntius, Fulcinius, Asinius Gallus, Eserninus Marcellus, and Sextus Pompeius for his Advocates, and they excusing themselves2 1.31 on divers Pretences, M. Lepidus, Lucius Piso, and Liveneius Regulus were appointed him. All the City expected with great Impatience to

see the Fidelity of Germanicus's Friendso 1.32, the Courage of the Criminal, and whether Tiberius would discover or conceal his Sentiments. For the People never shew∣ed greater Suspicion, nor took more Liberty to Censure their Prince.

XII. The Day the Senate met, Tiberius made a set Speech, and said,

That Piso had been Augustus's Friend and Lieutenant, and that by Authority of the Senate3 1.33 he was sent with Germanicus to govern the East. They were impartially to judge, whether he had provoked the young Prince by his Disobedience and Disputes, if he rejoyced at his Death, or was the Cause of it. For, says he, if he exceeded what was committed to him, when Lieutenant, disobeyed his General, rejoyced at his Death, and my Affliction, I will banish him my House, and be revenged of him as a Father, not a Prince1 1.34. Nay, if he hath been guilty of any Crime, that de∣serves Punishment, even the Death of any private Man, give your selves, the Children of Germanicus, and us their Parent just Satisfaction. And especially forget not to enquire if he hath corrupted the Military Discipline,

if he hath ambitiously endeavoured to gain the Soldiers Affections, and if he returned into the Province by force of Arms, or if these things be false and aggrava∣ted by the Accusers2 1.35, whose great zeal I have cause to be offended with. For, Why was Germanicus's Body stript and exposed naked to the People, and why has it been reported he was Poisoned, if these things are yet uncertain, and to be proved? I lament the loss of my Son, and shall always do it, but will not hinder the Accused making his Defence3 1.36, without sparing Germa∣nicus, if he hath been to blame. I beseech you, let not my Trouble make you take Accusations for Crimes. If any among you are Relations or Friends to Piso, let him not fear to help him with his Eloquence and Care. I exhort his Accusers to the like Application and Con∣stancy. We will only indulge this to Germanicus, that his Death shall be enquired into in the Curiap 1.37, not the Forumq 1.38, before the Senate, rather than the ordi∣nary Iudges, all the rest shall be according to the common Form. Lastly, I desire you will neither re∣gard Drusus's Tears, my Affliction, nor any Calum∣nies.

XIII. It was ordered, the Accusers should have two days to bring in their Accusations, the Defendant three to answer, and six to prepare for it. Then Fulcinius be∣gan with old and frivolous matters, as his governing Spain ambitiously and covetuously; a conviction whereof would not have Condemned him, had he justified him∣self of the rest, nor the clearing himself of that would have acquitted him, if found guilty of the new Crimes he was charged with. Serveus Veranius and Vitellius con∣tinued the Accusation with the like warmth, but the lat∣ter with more Eloquence, objected, That Piso, out of Hatred to Germanicus, and desire of Innovation, so cor∣rupted the Soldiers, by too much Indulgence and Li∣centiousness, at the Expence of their Allies, that the worst of them called him, Father of the Legions. On the other hand he had ill used the best Officers, and espe∣cially the Friends of Germanicus, whom he killed by his Charms and Poison, as the detestable Sacrifices made by him and Plancina, for Ioy at his Death, do testi∣fie r 1.39: That he was in Arms against the Commonwealth, and had never been brought to Iustice, but that he was overcome in Battle.

XIV. His Defence was weak, for he could neither deny his gaining the Soldiers by Ambition, nor exposing the Province to them, nor his Reproaches to the Em∣peror, he only seemed to clear himself from the charge of Poison, which in truth was not well proved1 1.40. For to say he poisoned the Meat by touching it, as he sate one day above Germanicus at Table, that was so absurd,

there was no probability in it, that Piso should dare to do so before the Servants and Waiters, and Germanicus himself too. And he desired his Servants and Family might be put to the Question. But the Iudges were inexorable2 1.41, and all on different Motives; the Emperor because of the War in the Province, the Senate out of Prejudice, upon suspicion that Germanicus died not a na∣tural Death. Some were for obliging him to shew the Letters his Friends writ him from Rome, while he was in Syria, but Tiberius opposed that as well as he. At the same time the People cried aloud, before the Senate-House, that if Piso was acquitted, he should not escape them3 1.42; and his Statues were dragged to the Gemoniess 1.43, and had been broke there, but that Tiberius protected them. Piso was carried back by a Captain of the Pre∣torian Band, which was differently interpreted, some saying he was to guard him from the fury of the People, others to be his Executioner.

XV. Plancina was as much Hated, but more in Fa∣vour1 1.44, and therefore it was doubted whether Tiberius would bring her to Trial2 1.45: As long as Piso had any Hopes, she Vowed she would accompany him in his Fortune, and Death too, if that happened; but she was no sooner Pardoned by Augusta's means, than she began to leave her Husband3 1.46, and make her Defence apart, which Piso took for a certain sign of his Death. Doubting whether he should any more try the Compas∣sion of his Iudges, at the persuasion of his Sons, he takes Courage, and goes again to the Senate. He found the Accusations renewed, the Iudges set against him, and all conspiring his Destruction. Nothing troubled him more, than the Carriages of Tiberius, which appeared without Pity, without Passion, ••ixt, insensible and un∣moveable. When he was brought back, as if he was providing for his Defence, next day, he writes, Seals it up, and delivers it to one who had been his Servant, and then took that Care of himself he used to do. Last∣ly, his Wife leaving his Chamber at midnight, he orders the Doors to be shut, and was found in the morning with his Throat Cut, his Sword lying by him.

XVI. I remember I have heard some old men say, ••iso had often a Book in his Hand, which he never made publick, but his Friends said it contained Tiberius's Letters and his Commands against Germanicus, which he intended to have produced to the Senate, and accused Tiberius, but was deluded by Sejanus's vain Promises. They said he did not Kill himself, but that Tiberius sent one who did it. I affirm nothing4 1.47, but ought not to conceal what I have heard from Persons5 1.48 that lived till I came of Man's Estate. Tiberius, with some Compassion, told the Senate, Piso had found a way to deliver himself from them. He asked his Servant many Questions as to the particulars of his Death. And he answering some of them well, others

confusedly6 1.49, he read what Piso had left in Writing, which was almost in these words.

Since neither Truth, nor my Innocence will be received against the Calum∣nies of my Enemies, I call the Gods to witness, I never have been wanting in my Faith to you, Sir, nor in my Duty to your Mother. I therefore beseech you both, protect my Children, one of them has had no share in my Affairs, having always been at Rome, the other was against my going to Syria. And I wish to God I had rather yielded to him than he to me. I most earnestly beg of you not to confound the Innocent with the Guilty. I conjure you therefore, by my Forty five years Services, by our Fellowship in the Consulshipt 1.50, by the Memory of Augustus, whose Fa∣vour I had, and out of Compassion to a Friend's last Request, have Pity on my Son.

He said nothing of Plancina.

XVII. Tiberius excused the Son from any Crime in the Civil War, because of the Influence of his Father1 1.51. He spoke at the same time of the Nobleness of their Familyu 1.52, lamented the Misfortune of Piso, however he

had deserved2 1.53. For Plancina, he spoke with some shame and concern, pretending it, at his Mother's Intreaty, against whom all good men secretly complained.

Is it, said they, fitting for the Grandmother to behold the Murtherer of her Grandson, speak to her, and take her from the Senate? Is that denied only to Germanicus, the Laws allow to all Citizens? Vitellus and Veranius de∣mand Iustice, and Plancina is protected by the Emperor, and Augusta. What remains for this Woman, after having so fortunately bestowed her Poison and Inchant∣ments, but to use them also against Agrippina, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Children, and satiate the good Grandmother3 1.54 and Uncle with the Blood of this unhappy House?

Two days were spent under colour of examining the Cause, Tiberius encouraging Piso's Children to defend their Mother. And when no Answer was given to the Ac∣cusers, and the Witnesses against her, their Hatred gave way to Compassion. The Consul Aurelius Cotta, being

asked his Iudgment, (for when the Emperor propounds, the Consuls speak first) he gave it, That Piso's Name should be rased out of the Annals, part of his Goods Confis∣cated, the rest given to Cneius Piso, on condition he chang'd the name of Cneius, that M Piso be degraded4 1.55, 25000 Crowns allowed him, and he banished for Ten years, and Plancina pardoned at the intercession of Augusta.

XVIII. Tiberius moderated the Sentence, and thought it not reasonable that Piso's Name should be rased out of the Annals5 1.56, when Mark Anthony, that actually engaged in a Civil War, and Iulius Antonius that violated Augustus's House remained there. And as for Marcus Piso, he would not suffer him to be attainted, and granted him all his Father's Estate, for he was never covetous, (as I have often said) and shame for acquitting Plancina made him more merciful. When Valerius Messalinus proposed the erecting a Golden Statue in the Temple of Mars the Avenger, and Coecina Severus an Altar to Revenge, he forbid them, saying, Such Offerings ought to be for Fo∣reign

Victories, but Domestick Evils should be buried in Sorrow. Messalinus was also for giving Thanks to Tibe∣rius and Augusta, to Antonio and Agrippina, and to Dru∣sus, for revenging Germanicus's Death, but never menti∣oned Claudius. L. Asprenas asked him before the Senate, whether that was a willful Omission, and then Claudius was entred with the others. The more I consider mo∣dern or ancient Histories, I discover the greater Vanity and Uncertainty in Human Affairs; for in Fame, Hope, and Estimation, all were rather destined to the Sove∣raignty, than he whom Fortune had reserved for the fu∣ture Prince1 1.57.

XIX. A few days after, Tiberius persuades the Senate to advance Vitellius Veranius and Serveus, to the Priest∣hood; and having promised Fulcinius his Vote for any Dignity, advised him not to lessen his Eloquence by too much Eagerness2 1.58. This was the end of Re∣venging Germanicus's Death, which was differently re∣ported

then3 1.59, and in subsequent times. So dark are all great Affairs, some believe all they hear, others disguise Truth with Falshood, and Posterity adds to both.

XX. Drusus left the City to enquire his Fortuney 1.60, and entred with a small Triumphz 1.61; and within a few days, Vipsania his Mother died, the only one of Agrippa's Chil∣dren that died a natural Death. For it is certain, or at least believed, the rest died by the Sword, Poison, or Faminea 1.62.

XXI. This year Tacfarinas, who I told you was beat the last Summer by Camillus, begun the War again in Africk, first by plundering, in which his quick marches secured him, then he burnt Towns, and carried off great Booties, and lastly, Besieged a Roman Fort not far from the River Pagys; Decrius was Governor, a Man of Cou∣rage and an Experienced Soldier, and looking on such a Siege a Dishonour to him, he encouraged his Men to Fight in the open Field, and drew them up before the Fort1 1.63. They were beaten back at the first Engage∣ment, he run among them that fled, rebuking the En∣signs for turning their Backs to Traitors and Deserters. And tho' he received several Wounds, and lost an Eye, yet he faced the Enemy, and continued Fighting till he was forsaken by his Men and Slain.

XXII. Which when L. Apronius (who succeeded Ca∣millus) understood, being more concerned for the shame of his own Men, than Glory of the Enemy, he decimatedb 1.64

those dishonourable Troops2 1.65, and drubb'd them to Death. A Punishment rare in those times, tho' practised former∣ly. Which Severity did so much good, that an Ensign, with no more than 500 old Soldiers, defeated Tacfari∣nas's Army3 1.66, as they were going to assault a Fort, called Thala. In which Battle, Rufus Helvius, a common Sol∣dier, had the Honour to save a Citizen's Life, on whom Apronius bestowed a Chain and Spear, Tiberius added the Civic Crown, finding Fault rather than offended,

that Apronius did not give it4 1.67, which he might have done as Proconsul. But Tacfarinas, seeing the Numidians daunted, and resolved against more Sieges, scatter'd the War, giving ground when pursued, and following upon the Retreat, and thus kept the Romans in play to no purpose. But greedy of Booty, he got near the Sea-Coasts, and encamped; Apronius Caesianus being sent by his Father, with the Horse and Auxiliaries, and the greater part of the Legions, found a way to Fight him, and drove him to the Desarts.

XXIII. Lepida, who, besides the Honour of the Aemi∣lian Family, from whence she was descended, had L. Sylla and Cneius Pompeius for her Grandfathers, was ac∣cused by her Husband, Publius Quirinus, a Rich Man and Childless, for a Supposititious Child, and also for Adul∣teries and Poisonings5 1.68, and that she had consulted the Baldeans against Caesar's House. Her Brother Marius Lepidus desended her. And tho' she was faulty and in∣famous,

yet Quirinus's Prosecution,c 1.69 after he was Divorced from her, made others have Compassion on her. It was hard to guess Tiberius's Inclination, he so artfully mixed the signs of his Anger and Clemency. He requested the Senate to let alone the Charge of Treason at that time, then he drew from M. Servilius, that had been Consul, and the other Witnesses, what he pretended he would have concealed, and sent Lepida's Servants to the Con∣suls, under a guard of Soldiers, and would not suffer them to be examined on the Rack against her. Lastly, Dispensed with Drusus, Consul Elect, giving his Opinion first, which was differently interpreted, that the Iudges might not be led by his Son and others, that they might have the greater liberty to Condemn her1 1.70.

XXIV. During this Process, the publick Plays being shewn, Lepida goes to the Theatre, with divers Noble Ladies, and directs her Prayers and Tears to her Ance∣stors, calling on Pompey, whose Images were placed round the Theatre he built, which wrought so great Compassion in the Spectators, that with Tears they imprecated Quirinus, who considering his Age, and the meanness of his Birth, was not a fit Husband for such a Lady, once designed to be L. Caesar's Wife, and Daugh∣ter-in-Law to Augustus: But her Crimes being discove∣red by Torturing her Servants, Rubellius Blandus's Sen∣tence was received, That she should be banished. Dru∣sus yielded to it, tho' others would have been more mer∣ciful. Then Scaurus, who had a Daughter by her, ob∣tained that her Goods should not be Confiscate. At last, Tiberius declared he was assured by Quirinus's Slaves, she sought to Poison him.

XXV. The Afflictions the great Families were under almost at the same timed 1.71, the Calphurnii having lost Piso, and the Aemilii Lepida, were alleviated through Ioy, That D.e 1.72 Silanus was restored to the Iunii. His Case I relate in a few words. As Augustus was for∣tunate in publick Affairsf 1.73, so he was unhappy at

home2 1.74, in the lewdness of his Daughter and Neice, whom he banished, punishing the Adulterers with Death or Exile. For finding their Offences the subject of com∣mon Discourse, he gave them the Name of Sacriledge or Treason to have a pretence to shew no Pity, and to exceed the Laws3 1.75. But I reserve for another work, the

ends of others, and other Matters, if I live to write ano∣ther Book, when I have finished these Annals. D. Sila∣nus, who was accused for Debauching Augustus's Neice, was only forbid his Houseg 1.76, which he interpreted Ba∣nishment, and till Tib••rius's Reign durst never ask leave of the Emperor and Senate to return home. And then depended on his Brother, M. Silanus's Credit and Repu∣tation for his illustrious Birth and great Eloquence. But Silanus thanking Tiberius on his Brother's behalf, he re∣plied before the Senate, it was matter of Ioy to him as well as others, to see his Brother return home after so long Travels; that he lawfully might, because he was not banished either by Decree of the Senate, or other Lawh 1.77. That his Offence against his Father remained, and his

return revers'd not Augustus's Decrees1 1.78. From that time Silanus lived in Rome, but as a private Person.

XXVI. They afterwards debated moderating the Law Papia Poppaeai 1.79, which Augustus, when he was old, ad∣ded to the Iulian Laws, to make Celibacy more Penal, and enrich the publick. Yet Marriages were not more frequent, most finding it better having no Children2 1.80.

However, the Informers daily ruined many Families, so that their Laws were grown as fatal to them as formerly their Crimes. This leads me to give some Account of the Original of Laws, and to shew from whence it is they are come to such an infinite number as at pre∣sent.

XXVII. As the first Men were without Malice and Ambition3 1.81, they wanted not Correction and Punish∣ment, and as they were naturally en••lined to good, they needed no Rewards. Nothing was forbid, where no∣thing was desired that was not allowed. But after Equa∣lity was gone, Ambition and Violence succeeded Mo∣desty and Iustice, and by degrees introduced Sovereignty and Tyranny, which have always subsisted in some Coun∣tries. Some at first desired to be governed by Laws, others not till they were weary of Kings4 1.82. The first Laws were simple, as Men's Minds5 1.83, and the most ce∣brated,

were those Minos gave th•• Cretiansk 1.84, Lycurgus the Lacedemonians, and Solon the Athenians, but his were more numerous and more refined6 1.85. Romulus ruled as he pleased. Numa established a Form for Divine Wor∣ship and Religious Ceremonies. Tullus and Ancus made some Laws, but our chiefest Law-Maker was Servius Tullius, whose Laws Kings themselves were bound to Obey7 1.86.

XXVIII. After Tarquinius Superbus was expelled8 1.87, the

People made many against the Factions of the Senators9 1.88, to defend their Liberties, and establish Union. The De∣cemviril 1.89 were chosen to collect the best10 1.90 Laws of other Countries, out of which they composed the Twelve Ta∣bles, the sum of Law and Iustice. As for the Laws that followed, though some were made against Male∣factors, yet they were most commonly brought in, through the Dissensions of the People and Senate, for ob∣taining unlawful Dignities, driving out Noblemen, or other Disorders. Witness the Gracchii and Saturnini, the Incendiaries of the People; and Drusus, who was no less prodigal in the Name of the Senate, and corrupted his Companions by Hopes, or deluded them. Neither the War of Italy, nor the Civil Warm 1.91, hindred them making

many Laws, and very different, till Sylla the Dictator changed or abolished them to make all new. Then there

was some Intermission, which continued not long, by reason of Lepidus's turbulent Demands, and the Licenti∣ousness of the Tribunes, who managed the People as they pleased; and made as many Laws as they had Per∣sons to accuse, so that the Commonwealth being corrupt, the Laws were infinite1 1.92.

XXIX. Then Cneius Pompeius was a third time Con∣suln 1.93, and chose for Reformation of Manners, but being more severe2 1.94 than the Offences deserved, was the Sub∣verter of the Laws he made, and lost by Arms what he had gain'd by themo 1.95. From that time there were continual Troubles for Twenty Years, no Custom, no Law observed, the greatest Crimes went unpunished, and many good Actions were fatal. At length, Augustus Caesar being the Sixth time Consul, and settled in his Au∣thority, he abolished those things he commanded in his Triumvirate, and gave new Laws to be observed in time of Peace, and under a Monarch. And that they might be the better kept, he appointed some to look after them. The Law Papia Poppaea provided, the People, as com∣mon Parent, should inherit their Goods, that left no Childrenp 1.96. But the Informers went farther, not only in the City, but through all Italy, where any Citizens were, ruined many Families, and frightened all. To remedy3 1.97 which, Tiberius appointed by Lot, five that had been Consuls, sive that had been Praetors, and as many Sena∣tors,

to explain the Doubts in that Law, and by a favo∣rable Interpretation to give the People some Relief for the present.

XXX. About the same time he recommended Nero, one of Germanicus's Children, then 17 years of Age, to the Senate; and requested he might be dispenced with for the Vigintivirateq 1.98, and be Quaestor five years sooner than the Laws permittedr 1.99, pretending the same was granted him and his Brother at Augustus's Requests 1.100. I doubt not but some then secretly laughed at this. These were the beginnings of Caesar's rising, the ancient Custom was in every Man's Eye, and a less Relation lookt upon 4 1.101

to be betwixt a Father-in-Law and his Wife's Children, than an Uncle and his Nephewt 1.102. The Pontifical Dig∣nity was also bestowed upon him, and the first time he appeared in publick, he gave the People a Donative, who were joyful to see a Son of Germanicus at full Age. Their Ioy was encreased by his Marrying Iulia, Drusus's Daughter1 1.103. But if this Marriage was universally ap∣proved, there were great Discontents upon Claudius's Sons being to Marry Sejanus Daughter2 1.104, as a Disparage∣ment to him, but Sejanns, whose Ambition was susp••cted, was much exalted upon it.

XXXI. The end of this year died two great Men, L. Volusius and Sal. Crispus. The first of an ancient Fa∣mily, but never in higher Employment than that of Praetor; he was made Consul and Censor for chasing Bands of Horsemen; he got vast Riches, which made that House so great. The other was Grandchild to Caius Salustius's Sister, the famous Historian, whose Name he took by Adoption. Though he might easily have got Honours, yet after the Example of Me∣cenasu 1.105,

was never Senator, but had greater Power and Authority than many had triumph'd and been Consuls. His manner of living was very different from his Ance∣stors, either for his Apparel or Table, where the Plenty was such as to be near Luxury. He had a Capacity for great Affairs3 1.106, and very vivacious, though he affected to appear heavy and slothful. While Mecenas lived, he had the second place in the Ministry, and the first af∣terwards. He was privy to the Murder of Posthumus Agrippa4 1.107, and as he grew in years, had rather the Name than Power of a Favourite. The like happened to Me∣cenas5 1.108, so rare is it for a Prince's Favour to continue

alwaysx 1.109, or because both have their Satiety, those when they have given all they can, these when they have got all they desire6 1.110.

Notes

• 2 1.1

  At the Funerals of Princes it is an infallible sign of great Affli∣ction, when the great Men and Ma∣gistrates decline those Honours that are due to their Rank. Now the Masters of Ceremonies have more to do to regulate the Claims of Offi∣cers, and to adjust the Disputes a∣mong Great Men, than in all the other Parts of their Office: So that Princes Funerals are oftner memo∣rable for the Disorders that happen at them, than for the Universal Affliction.
• 3 1.2

  The Laws of Nature are the same to Princes as the rest of Man∣kind. Grief for their Children and Princes of their Blood is not unbe∣coming them, provided it does not degenerate into Weakness, nor Excess. Henry III. of France, in my Opinion▪ little regarded his Dignity when he assisted at the Interrment of Cardinal Biragne, in the Habit of a Penitent▪ and it looks as if he had forgot he was a King, when he kissed the Bodies of Quelus and Maugiron his Favourites▪ Iournal de son Regne▪ 1578.
• b 1.3

  Cabrera, speaking of the Funerals of Don Carlos, says, That Cardinal Espinosa attended the Body only to the Church Door, because he would not be at the Ceremony of the Service, pretending himself indisposed; tho' he might with more Truth have said it was because his being there would have displeased the King, who was not sorry for his Death. The 5th Chapter in the 8th Book of his History.
• 4 1.4

  Of all the Duties of Nature, there is not any a good Mother is less obliged to observe, than that of as∣sisting at her Son's Funerals. Upon such an Occasion she is too much afflicted to behold what will only en∣crease her Sorrow, or to endeavour appearing unconcern'd, when it will bring her natural affection in question.
• 5 1.5

  A Prince that is not afflicted, but rather rejoices at the Death of one whom the People regret, acts more wisely in not appearing at his Fu∣nerals, for fear it be discover'd that his Sorrow is only ••eigned, or that he is displeased at the Honour paid to the Memory of one he always Hated.
• c 1.6

  In the 18th chapter of 1 Kings, 'tis said, Saul began to hate David mor∣tally after the Women of Israel sang and played before him for his over∣coming Goliah, and their using these Words, Saul hath killed his Thousands, but David his Ten Thousands: Why have they, said he, ascribed unto David Ten Thousand, and to me that am their King only a Thousand; and what can he have more save the Kingdom? This Song was rather a Satyr against Saul than any thing else. What Mortification was it to Henry III. to under∣stand, that the Preachers at Paris Preached as if they had no King, but that it was through the Courage and Constancy of the Duke of Guise, the Ark fell not into the Hands of the Philistines, and that Heresie Triumphed not over Religion. Iournal du Regne d' Henry III. 1587.
• 6 1.7

  Those Commendations the Peo∣ple give to one of Royal Birth, whose Merit or Power create a Iealousie in the Prince, always cost him dear, for they not only lose him his Prince's Favour, but make the Prince▪ desire to get rid of one to whom the People give the Preference. Witness Saul, who would kill David because the Women of Israel were so indiscreet as to compare them. The Acclamations of the Parisians, in Favour of the Duke of Guise, that Day he received the Blessed Sword Sixtus Quintus had sent him by a Bishop, raised the Iealousie and Suspicion of Henry III. against him: And not without Cause, for the Ce∣remony was performed with as much Preparation and Pomp as a King's Coronation, (1587.) Besides, Tibe∣rius, whose Maxim it was, To mo∣derate the Honours done to Women, and even those to his Mother, who had given him the Empire, could not forbear being much displeased with Agrippina, whom the People so much adored.
• d 1.8

  The Latin, says Iuliorum, but that is a transposing the Letters of Li∣viorum, For at publick Funerals they carried only the Images of their An∣cestors. The Iulii were not related to Drusius, but the Livii were by his Mother. And it appears not that the Images of the Livii were omitted in that Ceremony.
• e 1.9

  Rostra, a goodly fair Edifice, in which was an Orator's Pulpit, deck'd and beautify'd with the Beaks of many Ships which the Romans took from the People of Antium, in a memorable Sea-••ight, and from thence in Latin Rostra, hath this Place taken its Name.
• f 1.10

  The word Effigies ought not to be used here, (says Fremont de Ablancourt) because it is not spoken here of any thing set up, and that word cannot pro∣perly be used but on such an occasion. Nevertheless his Uncle uses this very word in his Translation. The late Monsieur Ogier has the same word in his Funeral-Oration upon Lewis XIII. when he speaks of the Monuments of the Kings at St. Dennis.
• 1 1.11

  If Princes are not really con∣cerned for the Death of those that have done important Service to the Publick, they ought at least to seem so. And that Tacitus means by these Words, Doloris imit••menta. When the Duke d' Alva died at Lisbon, the Portuguese thought it strange, that their new King▪ Phillip II. should appear the next day in publick, con∣trary to the Custom of their Kings, who upon the Death of their Mini∣sters, and others of inferiour Rank that had faithfully served the Crown, kept up some days. And to make an odious Comparison, some remem∣bred, that Emanuel, his Mother's Brother, lockt up himself for three days, upon the Death of a famous Pilor. Livre 9. de Histoire de l'Uni∣on du Portugal a la Castille.
• 2 1.12

  It is no wonder the Iudgments of the People are for the most part contrary to those of their Princes: For the People not being able to discern right, would have the Prince espouse their Passions, and accom∣modate himself to their Humour; and he, on the contrary, would have them leave the Government to him without judging what they under∣stand not. The People are not ca∣pable of knowing what is fitting or not fitting for the Prince, when a weak Prince generally knows what is agreeable to, or unbecoming his Dignity.
• 3 1.13

  When the Prince would justifie an Action, which he knows the People do, or may interpret amiss, he cannot do it better than by the Example of his immediate Predeces∣sors; for the later the Example is, it makes the greater Impression on those to whom it is brought.
• g 1.14

  The loss of the Battels of Cremera and Allia, both fought on the 17th of Iuly, in different Years, and four others, that of Ticinum, Techia, Lago di Perugia, and Cannae, where so many Roman Knights were killed, that Hannibal sent to Carthage two Bushels full of Rings, an Account of the num∣ber of the Slain by that of their Rings.
• h 1.15

  Of the Scipio's in Spain, and so many others.
• i 1.16

  All the Fabii, who were 306 near Relations, perished in one Ambuscade the Tuscans had said for them near the River Cremera; but by good Fortune, there was one staid at home because of his being very young, who restored the Family.
• 4 1.17

  Kingdoms, says Ant. Perez, are in respect of Kings; the same as Spe∣cies are to their Individuals: The Philosophers say, the Species are E∣ternal, because naturally they never end, though Individuals perish, like Accidents, Kings make not King∣doms, but Kingdoms make Kings. Dans ses secondes Lettres.
• k 1.18

  Games instituted in Honour of the great Goddess, called by the Romans, Magna Mater. Her Statue was brought in great Pomp from Pessinum in Greece to Rome: These Games consisted only in Scenical Sports, and were a solemn time of Invitation to Entertainments among Friends. They were always celebrated in April.
• 5 1.19

  Whatever Discontents the Peo∣ple are under, propose to them Plays and Shews, and they soon forge•• the Causes of them. 'Tis a more easi•• Transition from Sorrow to Ioy, than from Ioy to Sorrow. A Ca∣rousal or Mascarade sometimes will reduce them to their Duty. They are amused by such sort of Diver∣sions, as Children are quieted, when they cry, by Babies.
• 1 1.20

  The most dangerous of all Poi∣sons, is that operates without lea∣ving any visible sign thereof. It was impossible to prove Germanicus was poisoned. All the Proof was only from the Correspondence of Plancina with Martina. The Iour∣nal of the Reign of Henry III. of France, mentions a Servant of the Duke of Alenson, called Blondel, ac∣cused of Poisoning his Master, and was several times put upon the Rack, tho' there was no other Evidence against him, than Suspicion, because he had been a Servant to Cardinal Biragne, who, according to the Te∣stimonly of Admiral Coligni, told Charles IX. and H••nry III. They would never have an end of their Enemies, but by the help of their Cooks.
• 2 1.21

  Princes are very well pleased to find Persons that will clear the Way for them to the Throne: but when such Services are done by Poi∣soning or Murder, if they be wise, they will be cautious how they shew any Acknowledgement for them, when they hav•• no share in the Crime. In these matters, to be Grateful is to be an Accomplice, and to be Ungrateful is a sign of Pru∣dence and Equity.
• 3 1.22

  It much concerns Princes to re∣venge the Death of their Predecesso••s that are Murthered or Poisoned, for there is no other way to assure their own Lives, than by taking care there be no Example of Impunity for a Prince's Death. If the Successor punish it not, that tells the People, a Conspi••acy may be sometimes just and reasonable. An Opinion Princes ought to be careful to prevent. Un∣de•• Claudius, Chereas and Lupus, who killed Caligula, suffered, tho' this Murther mounted him into the Throne. Domitian likewise puni∣shed Epaphroditus for having only assisted Nero to kill himself, tho' he was proscribed by a Decree of the Senate. Nerva, on the contrary, exposed himself to the Fury of the Soldiers, because he would not deli∣ver up the Murtherers of Domitian: From which Danger, nothing saved him, but his adopting Trajan. Yet it has been at all times an inviolable Maxim among Princes, Never to pardon those that have killed their Predecessors, nor those that have Murthered any Foreign Prince. Tho' Albert Duke of Austria, was chosen King of the Romans, in the Life of the Emperor Adolph of Nas∣sau••▪ and after the Death of Adolph, whom he killed in a Duel, when he would have had his Election con∣firmed, or rather a new Election made; some of the Electors, and many of the Princes of th•• Empire, made a Complaint against him to the Elector Palatin, whereby they would set aside this second Election, as a Man that having killed his Predecessor, was incapable and un∣worthy to succeed him. Oxenstiern de Ratione Status, c. 5. part. 1.
• 4 1.23

  It always becomes a Prince to speak graciously to those that are accused, and justifie themselves, tho' he knows they are guilty; for fear, if he behave himself otherwise, his Passion or particular Hatred be lookt upon as the Cause of their Condem∣nation.
• 5 1.24

  A Prince that gives himself the Trouble to Instruct his Son, soon makes him an able Man: For the Schollar is the more Docile, because of the Respect he bears to the Au∣thority of his Master; and the Master more Careful because of the Interest he has in the Eduation of his Schol∣lar. Paterculus ascribes all the Abi∣lities of Tiberius to the Divine Pre∣cepts of Augustus. Innutritus Coelesti∣um praeceptorum disciplinis, Hist. 2. Cabrera says, That Charles V. when he returned to Spain after his Abdi∣cation, had thoughts himself of E∣ducating of Don Carlos, the Prince of Spain, who neither regarded his Go∣vernors nor Tutors, but his want of Health prevented. It may be too, he changed his Mind because he would not teach him Maxims of Policy, which are dangerous for an ill Tem∣per, such as Don Carlos, to learn. Diego de Mendosa, says, That it is the Custom for the Princes of L••on, to take their Children with them to the Wars, and to be their Masters in all parts of their Education. [The Ponces, formerly Dukes of Cadiz, now Dukes of Arcos, are Hereditary Gran∣dees, and that Honour is always in their Family, as the Guzmans, Dukes of Medina-Sidonia, their Rivals: These two Houses are distinguished from other Grandees originally, be∣cause of the twelve Families that en∣joy this Honour, there is yet only the Guzmans and Ponces that the King of Spain hath named and acknowledged such.] Ch. 9. & 14. du liv. 4. de la Guerre de Grenade.
• l 1.25

  Now la Marca d' Ancona.
• m 1.26

  That is one of the great Ways to Rome, made by Flaminius the Consul.
• 6 1.27

  When a great Man is suspected by his Prince, or actually accused of any Crime against the State, he can∣not be guilty of a greater Impru∣dence than to Converse with the Sol∣diers, especially if he had any Credit before among them. So Piso, that was called, The Father of the Legions, after he was accused by the Senator Sentius, for endeavouring to raise a Civil-war in the Province, encreased the Suspicion of that Crime, by con∣versing familiarly with the Legion that returned to Rome.
• n 1.28

  A C••ty of Umbria.
• 7 1.29

  Pomp, Ceremony, Festivals and Rejoycings, are accounted so many new Crimes in one accused of De∣signs against the State; for it is indeed to brave a Prince and the Laws, in shewing he fears them not. Tiberius rejoyced at Germanicus's Death, but that troubled him. Piso should have forbore entring with so much Splendour, and making those Shews at his House, which served only to raise a publick Displeasure, by the Comparison was made betwixt his Rejoycings, and the Silence, Sorrow and Mourning at Agrippina's. Ca∣brera says, The Magnificence Antho∣ny Perez lived in, while the Wife and Children of the Secretary Iuan Escovedo, whom he had caused to be Assassinated, prosecuted his Death, so provok'd the People, that Phillip II. was at last forced to give him over to Iustice, which treated him with great Rigour.
• 1 1.30

  The diversity of Humours and Interests among those, compose an Assembly, opens the way to all Pas∣sion, and then it is impossible to dis∣cern Truth from Falshood, which has always Prejudice for its Advo∣cate.
• 2 1.31

  A Criminal, when the People seek for his Death with Threats that they will cut him in pieces, tho' he should be acquitted by his Iudges, would find ••t difficult getting Advo∣cates to make his Defence. Means are often found to escape the Wrath of a Prince, but very seldom that of the People.
• o 1.32

  They had promised Germanicus, before he died, to lose their Lives ra∣ther than his Death should be unpunished; as Tacitus says towards the end of his Second Book of Annals.
• 3 1.33

  When a Prince has chose a Go∣vernor, or other Officer, whose Ad∣ministration is blamed, he common∣ly divides it with his Council. So Tib••rius here would have it believed, that the reason why he sent Piso Go∣vernour into Syria, was in Conformity to Augustus, who had honoured him with his Friendship, and divers Em∣ploys, in which he had well acquit∣ted himself.
• 1 1.34

  There is great difference be∣twixt Offences against the Person, and the Authority of a Prince. He may pardon the first, but ought ne∣ver to let the others go unpunished, because their Consequences are al∣ways dangerous to the State. For that would be, as Cardinal Richlieu has very well observed, A mistaken Clemency, more dangerous than Cruelty, Ch. 5. de l•• seconde partie de son Testament Politique.
• 2 1.35

  When a Prince puts a great Man into the Hands of Iustice, and there is enough against him, it is wise and honourable in him to Com∣mand the Iudges not to trouble them∣selves with the Examination of un∣certain and doubtful Crimes, where∣of he is accused, to shew he acts without Passion, and will proceed only according to Law.
• 3 1.36

  A Prince has a double Obliga∣tion upon him, that of Nature to his Children, and of Government to his People. As he is a common Father, he ought to hold the Balance even, especially when he is to Revenge the Death or Complaints of the for∣mer.
• p 1.37

  The Curia is the Place where the Senate used to assemble, to Consult about the publick Concerns of the Commonwealth.
• q 1.38

  The Forum is the place where the publick Courts of Iustice sate.
• r 1.39

  See chap. 76. l. 2.
• 1 1.40

  For Poison, says Patin, that is always said upon the Death of Prin∣ces, of which they often make a My∣stery, Lettre 69. As if, says Strada, it was a Dishonour to them to Die a Natural Death, because that would make Princes and others too equal. Livre 2. de la seconde Decade de sa Guerre de Flandres.
• 2 1.41

  Upon State Accusations, says Cardinal Richlieu, You are to shut th•• Door against Pity, and Despise the Complaints of those that are concerned. To be rigorous against those that Contemn the Laws and Government, is to be good for the publick, against which, a Prince cannot offend more, than in being indulgent to those that violate them. C. 5. de la seconde Partie de son Testa∣ment Politique.
• 3 1.42

  The Prince ought never to suf∣fer the People to take Cognizance of those accused of State-Crimes, nor let them examine, whether the Iudge•• should acquit or condemn. I•• thi•• Door be once open, the People will be Masters of all Iudgments, by the Seditions they will raise in favour of those they would save, or to take of those Ministers and Publick Officers they hate.
• s 1.43

  This was a Place where Condemned Persons were dragged and cast into the Tyber. It was up stairs, and from thencè Scala Gemonia, and Gradu•• Gemonii, because, as some are of Opinion, the first that suffer'd in this man∣ner his Name was Gemonius, or as others, because it was Locus Gemitus & Calamitatum. And from hence they used to throw down the Statues of Criminals. This was upon the Aventine Mount▪
• 1 1.44

  It is a fatality in all Monarchies to have a Minister the more loved by his Prince, as he is hated by the Peo∣ple; and to have popular Hatred preserve those, a Prince would wil∣lingly give up, when he is informed of their Behaviour, if it were not to gratifie the People. You therefore often see Ministers and Favourites prosper and flourish, when the Peo∣ple clamour against them; and fall from the top of their Grandeur when the People seem weary of hating and affronting them.
• 2 1.45

  Nothing is more dishonourable to a Prince, than to suffer a great Man to grow to that Credit or Power, as shall oblige him to cover his Faults, so that he dares not let him be questioned for Crimes against the State.
• 3 1.46

  Every thing is sacrificed to Life, and as A. Perez says, There is not a Truer Friendship than betwixt the Soul and the Body, for they would never part. A great many Women make their Husbands all the Pro∣mises Plancina made Piso, but you see none keep them; they are the inseparable Companions of their good Fortune, but instead of com∣••orting them in bad, are oftentimes their Scourges. He is exceeding happy who meers with a good One.
• 4 1.47

  An Historian can never be too scrupulous, when he is to relate the secret Actions of Princes. That Itch, which many Scriblers have to search into the Secrets of Princes, and to re∣fine upon the Memoirs communica∣ted to them, gives them not always Reputation in the world, for if with some they pass for Wise and Dis∣cerning, others very much doubt their Fidelity and Truth. They are Writers, says Strada, value them∣selves upon publishing Secret and Villanous things, and neglect those that are common. Like those Fe∣lons that pass by Houses that are open, and only beset those are fast. Livre ... de la seconde Decade.
• 5 1.48

  There are some curious things an Historian ought not to omit, tho' they are difficult to be believed, and none have taken notice of them be∣fore, when he knows them from Persons of Credit, who have had some share in them, or that have seen secret Memoi••s. Historians, says Commines, leave us many things that they do not know to be true, but for my part I will speak of no∣thing but what I know to be true, or have had from great Persons that are fit to be believed. And in another Place, says, Tho' I was not in the Places where these things were done, yet I know that they were reported to the King, and by the Letters were writ him, which I often saw, because he commanded me to answer them. Chap. 13. du Liv. 5. & 4. du Liv. 6. When Strada speaks of the Appari∣tion of Colonel Pedro de Paz to his Regiment, at a Battle near Antwerp, he appeals to Delrio, and says, That after the Testimony of a Man of so great weight, he thought he should do injury to Posterity, if he kept from them so extraordinary an Event, which was acknowledged too by many Officers upon Oath, who were present at the Battle. Liv. 6. de la seconde Decade. The Preface to M. Aubery du Maurier's Memoi••s is one of the best pieces he has given us a long time, and I prefer a little Histo∣ry, like that of the Queen of Scots's Death, which he says he learnt from his Father, who had it from Chan∣cellor de Bellievre himself, to all his Histories he has writ upon Manu∣scripts, and invisible Memoirs.
• 6 1.49

  Nothing is more difficult than to answer well to the frequent Questions of Princes; the most able are very much confounded, and with greater reason may others be so the first time they appear in a Prince's Presence, that has a severe Air of Majesty, as Tiberius, whose Counte∣nance was as doubtful as his Words. Tiberii Serm••ne, vultu, adregantibus & obs••uris. Ann. 1.
• t 1.50

  In the Year of Rome 746, or 747.
• 1 1.51

  As it is certain, the Authority of a Father can never give him a Right to command his Children any thing against the State; so the Children that are of Age to know what they do, are as guilty as their Fathers when they obey in a plain Rebellion, whether they do it voluntarily, or by force: Otherwise the Duty of Fi∣lial Obedience would be a pretence for Rebellion. Now when young Piso dissuaded his Father from re∣turning to Syria, shewing him he would raise a Civil War in the East; it is evident he knew the consequence thereof, and saw it as clearly as his Father: And besides, it appeared too by Piso's Letter to the Emperor, that his Son was not altogether innocent, as in Truth he was not, since accord∣ing to the Testimony of Tacitus, he was as zealous in the War when it was begun, as he had been first in ad∣vising against it. Haud ig••avo administeria belli ••uv••ne Pisone, quan∣quam suscipiendum bellum abnuisset. Ann. 2.
• u 1.52

  Which was of the Calpurnian H••use.
• 2 1.53

  Tho' Princes are obliged to punish Crimes, yet it becomes them very well to pity the Misfortune of those suffer for them. After the part of a Prince is over, which is to do Iustice, without regard to the con∣dition to those that are guilty, 'tis but Humanity to shew some Com∣passion, especially wh••n they are Persons that have done Service to the Publick. I do not see, that those who read Sixtus Quintus's Life, ap∣prove, or in any sort excuse his ex∣travagant Zeal, which made him say, after he had beheld the Execu∣tion of a Spanish Gentleman, who was hanged before his Windows. That it was a Sauce would make him Dine with the better Appetite. Leti Liv. 2. de la seconde partie de sa Vie.
• 3 1.54

  As Historians ought not to ap∣prove the Reflections the People make of a Prince and great Men, yet they ought less to pass them in silence; for the end of their Wri∣ting, is, to give Examples whereby we may know Good and Bad, and shun those things which Envy and Evil-speaking may interpret ill.
• 4 1.55

  Iudges should always give Iudgment according to the severity of the Laws; 'tis not for them, but the Prince to shew Mercy. This of the Consul Cotta was rigorous, but conformable to the Laws, the chie•• end of which is to strike terrour in Offenders. Besides, Princes love to have Iudges severe, so that if they please to shew any Mercy, the Cri∣minals may be the more obliged to them. However, the Iudges should never exceed those Bounds their Con••ciences prescribe, and their Complaisance to the Prince ought not to go beyond that rigour the Law requires. For it is a rashness and injustice to condemn a Criminal to more than his Crime deserves, on supposition that the Prince will mo∣••••rate the Sentence.
• 5 1.56

  It is Wisdom in •• Prince to stop those Sentences against great Men, that carry along with them marks of Infamy. and reflect on the Honour of their Family. Philip II. of Spain understanding the Circumstances of Gon••alo Pizarro's Crime, who was Beheaded in the Reign of Charles V. for endeavouring to fix himself in the Government of Peru, which his Brother had Conquered, without ever consenting to the Title of King▪ which those of the Country offered him; declares by an Act, signed with his own Hand, That Gon••alo was never a Traitor, tho' condemned as such, commanding that Name should be blotted out of all the Hi∣stories where he was called so. Don Iuan Antonio de Vera dons l'Epitome de la Vie de la Charles V. Those who have mind to see a Case pa∣rallel to Piso, need only read there.
• 1 1.57

  There are often Instances in Elective Governments, that the Peo∣ple, who love much to Discourse of Affairs of State, speak of divers Princes, every one according to his Fancy or Desire, till at last they Name him that is chosen, Tac. Hist. 2. And as there is no Court, where so many Changes happen, nor so ma••y unexpected Elections, as at Rome, Scipio Ammirato had Reason from hence to Discourse of the Election of the Popes, out of which I shall give you an Extract. It seems, says he, those Wise Men that take upon them to point out who will be Elected, make Age the principal Condition of Election, concluding, the young Cardinals are never to hope for the Pontificate; which is very wrong, for Leo X. came to it at the Age of 37. Boniface VIII. at 34. Clement VII. at 45. Others take it for granted, they will never Elect a Foreigner for a Pope, because the Italian Car∣dinals, that are always more nume∣rous than the Tramontans, will never suffer the Popedom to be out of their Nation. Without going farther for an Example, we see the contrary in Adrian VI. who was not only a Fleming, but had never seen Rome nor Ita••y. And Cardinal P••ol had been Pope, but that his Pious Mo∣desty refused the Adoration at mid∣night. Calixtus III. and Alexander VI. who are not very ancient, were not they Spaniards? Others say. That the Cardinals of an Illustrious House, or that have many Relations can never hope for the Pontificate, and yet Paul III. and Paul IV. were both very nobly Born, and the last had so many Relations, that there is no Family in Italy has more Men, Lands, and Charges than the House of ••a∣raffa. And besides, Clement VII. was not only very Noble, but an absolute Lord (tho' under the modest Title of Governor) of a great part of Tuscany. How o••t was it said, that after the Pontificate was out of the Benedictines, they resolved it should never return into any Reli∣gious Order: Yet besides Sixtus IV. and Pius V. one a Cordelier, and the other a Dominican, in the year 1585. when of 64 Cardinals, there were only two Religious, Felix Peretti, a Franciscan, was made Pope. Testi∣monials sufficient, that neither young Men, nor Strangers, neither Nobles nor Monks are excluded, as their Politicks would predict. There are those also lay it down for a Rule, that they will never make a severe Man, nor one that is very liberal, or that loves War, Pope. Can they have a Pope more severe than Pius V. more Liberal than Iulius III. more stout and martial than Iulius II. From whence Ammirato concludes, That whatever the world may say, and the Cardinals Cabal together, yet the Election of Popes is without doubt directed by the Hand of God. Disc. 1, du Liv. 3. de son Comm. sur Tac. There cannot be a greater In∣stance of this, than what is menti∣oned in a Letter of Cardinal Ioyeuse, where he gives an Account to Henry IV. of France, of the Election of Cardinal Borghese, who was Paul V. instead of Cardinal Tosco, whom the Cardinals Aldrobrandi and Montalto, the Heads of the two Ch••ef Factions in the Conclave a∣greed to Elect.

  Upon that, says he, the great Cardinal Baronius, who had always declared to Aldobran∣din, he would never go to the A∣doration of such a Man, spoke pub∣lickly, That he they were going to Elect was unworthy of that Charge, that it would bring a great Plague upon the Church, that he would make no Schism, but would be the last to Adore him. This was an ardent Zeal for the Honour of God, and an Example very rare, that one Cardinal alone, when they were going to Adoration, and when the rest were agreed, should dare to speak with so much Freedom. The Cardinal Aldr••brandin propo∣sed to me Cardinal Borghese, con∣juring me, by all the Services he he had done your Majesty, and by the Memory of Clement VIII. to agree. I consulted Cardinal Mon∣talto, if he approved him. He told me he not only liked him very well, but that we should oblige him very much to accept him. Aldro∣brandin supplicating us to do him that Favour: I answered, I thanked God that in serving two Persons, whom we honoured very much, we might have him Pope, whom your Majesty desired most, so good a Man and of so exemplary a life: And as soon as I said so, B••rghese was made Pope. Thus, Sir, suc∣ceeded this Negotiation, from which I believe your Majesty will have great satisfaction, to see Affairs here in such a Condition, that the Cardinals, your Subjects, are as it were, the Arbitrators of the Con∣clave, and have prevented the Church having a Head, whose Life and Reputation were a little ble∣mished, and instead thereof to have one that without contradiction is esteemed very good and very wise. I will also believe it will be accep∣table to your Majesty, and advan∣tageous to France, that he owes his Election to the Cardinals your Subjects, for it cannot be denied, that they under God, have pre∣vented the Holy See's being filled with another Person, to reserve it for him, to whom God had desti∣ned it for the Good and Service of the Church.

  Dans l'Histoire du Cardinul Ioyeuse.
• 2 1.58

  Logo Diarrhaea, which Quinti∣lian calls, Os Praeceps, is a great fault in an Orator. We see Preachers, whose Mouths go like the Alarum of a Clock, and whose Sermons are •• continual labour to them. The vulgar calls that Apostolical Preach∣ing, as if the Apostles could not o∣therwise deliver God's Word. This fault the Italian and Spanish Preach∣ers abound with, whose Gesture was violent as their Pronunciation. I will add to this a Reflection on the Ad∣vice Tiberius would give Fulcinius, It is that the Precipitation and Ve∣hemence of this Advocate displeased him, because very contrary to his easie and composed way of speaking. They that are to speak before Prin∣ces ought to accommodate their Discourse to their liking, if they would be well heard. In Augustus's Reign the Harangues were long, his being so, because of the care he took to deliver his Thoughts clearly. Under Tiberius they were short and pertinent, because his Style was con∣cise and close. Which shews, Elo∣quence has its Modes, and that the Fashion and Rules of Graminar and Rhetorick are used according to the conformity they have with the pre∣sent Genius of the Court.
• 3 1.59

  It is very difficult to discover the Truth of those matters that have been differently reported when they happened. The older they are, the more obscure they become, and are intermixed with ingenious Circum∣stances that make them pass for Romances. Therefore the Chan∣cellor Chivergny said in his Memoirs, he thought good to deliver the Truth of the most remarkable Things wherein most Historians deceive Po∣sterity.
• y 1.60

  Without which he could not fall again to his publick Imployments, which had been interrupted ever since his return to Rome, nor enjoy the Ho∣nour of the Triumph was decreed him. This Ceremony consisted in Prayers that those made who took upon them any Civil or Military Employments, to the God's to be propitious to them.
• z 1.61

  The Ovation some fancy to have derived its Name from shouting Evion to Bacchus, but the true Original is Ovis, usually offered in this Pro∣cession, as an Ox in the Triumph. The Procession generally began at the Albanian Mountain, whence the General, with his Retinue, made his Entry into the City. He went on Foot, with many Flutes or Pipes sounding in Consort as he passed along, wearing a Garland of Myrtle, as a Token of Peace, with an Aspect rather raising Love and Respect, than Fear.
• a 1.62

  Caius and Lucius by Poison, Agrippa Posthumus by the Sword, Agrip∣pina by Famine.
• 1 1.63

  Tho' Sallies, says Commines, are sometimes necessary, yet they are dangerous, for the loss of Ten Men to them is more than an Hundred to the Besiegers, because their number is not equal, and cannot Recruit at pleasure, and if they lose their Com∣mander, (which often happens) it causes the loss of the place. Chap. 11. du Liv. 2. de ses Mem. He that is afraid of losing a Fort, ought not to make Sallies often, for Ten of the Besiegers will not recompence the loss of one of his Men, because they can Recruit, and he has no hopes of doing it. Dis. 3. du Liv. 20. de son Commentaire sur Tacite.
• b 1.64

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 majores nostri, says Cicero, speaking of Decimation, ut, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 m••ltis esset 〈◊〉〈◊〉 rei militaris admissum, sor••ione in quosdam animadver∣••e••etur, ut metus videlicet adonmes, poena ad paucos perveniret. Pro Cluentio. That is, Our Ancestors have decreed, that if many offend against Martial Law, some only shall be punished by Lot, so that their Punishment may strike Terrour to all the rest. Appius Claudius seems to have been the first Author of Decimation among the Romans. His Army having forsoke him in his Expedition against the Volsci, he Decimated them at his return, and cut off the Centurions Heads after they had run the Gantle••. T. Liv. livrez. The same Historian says, he killed the Roman Soldiers, (vitibus,) and the Foreigners (fustibus.) Paterculus says, That the Proconsul Calvinius Domi∣tius caused Vibillius, a Lieutenant Colon••l, to be slain with his Generals Staff, because he shamefully run away. Hist. 2. Chap. 78. Sometimes the Roman Consuls viges••••a••ant and centesima••ant, i. e. punished only One of Twenty or an Hundred.
• 2 1.65

  Decimation is the most effectual remedy for the Cowardice, Disobe∣dience and Infidelity of Soldiers. It is rarely executed in France, but sup∣plied with an equivalent, the break∣ing of Companies. What Lewis the Iust did in 1639. is remarkable, Viz.

  The King being well informed how cowardly the Troops of Light Horse of Fontette, Castelet and Cu∣villiers, left the Foot at the Bat∣tle of Thionville, and resolving such Infamy should be taken notice of, and exemplarily punished, ordered they should be broke and never raised again. His Majesty declares the Captains and Officers of the said Troops infamous, and incapa∣ble of ever having any Command, reserving himself to appoint them such Punishment as they deserved.

  And in a Letter to the Viscount de Lignon,

  My desire is▪ says he, That you break with Disgrace, and ex∣pel your Regiment, all the Offi∣cers and Soldiers that were known to fly on that occasion, and that you let them not serve in other ••roops, where the Contagion of their ill Conduct may make the like disorder, as at the Battle of Thionville.

  Dans le Tom. 4. des Memoires du Ministere du Cardinal d•• Richelieu.
• 3 1.66

  Sometimes those that are Beat, bring more Resolution, Courage and Conduct to a second Battle, than their Victors; for these are apt to relax, through Haughtiness and Pride, which Victory inspires, when the others have Shame, Anger, and a desire of Vengeance to spur them to recover the Esteem and Favour of their General, Which Tacitus says, Acri••r•• disciplin•• victi▪ quam vi∣ctores agunt: hos ira, odium, ul••ionis cupiditas, ad virtutem accendit; illi; per fastidium & contuma••iam he∣bescunt. Hist. 2. Profuisse disciplinae ipsum pudorem. Hist. 3.
• 4 1.67

  Princes are always pleased to have their Ministers leave to them the disposing of Rewards, especially Military Rewards, the distribution whereof draws great Consequences after it, when done by other Hands. After the Battle of Rocroy, the Bâton of Marshal was not refused M. de Gassion, because the D. d'Anguien as∣ked it, but because the Queen Re∣gent and Cardinal Mazarine would not let him owe that Dignity to a Victorious General. However, there is nothing gives a Soveraign greater satisfaction, than the Moderation of a Subject, who after he has done great Services will receive no Re∣compence from any other hand than his. Cardinal d'Ossat, speaking of the Presents Cardinal Ioyeuse had sent him, after his Promotion, said, He accepted only the Silver Basin, which might be worth an Hundred Crowns; f••r tho' he had not then what became him to support his Dignity, yet he would not renounce his Abstinence, that he had always preserved, to be obliged to any other Lord or Prince, than the King, Lettre 171. The King, saith a Mo∣dern Author, should be the only Master and Iudge of all Rewards, and ought to dispose them himself, so that they who receive any of them, may be persuaded they owe them to his Bounty. Besides, nothing can give juster satisfaction to Subjects, who have a true Sense of Honour, than to receive a Favour from the King's own Hand, because the Dig∣nity of the Royal Hand adds a Qua∣lity to the Present that augments its excellence and value. Chap. 9. du Traité de la Politique d•• Franc••.
• 5 1.68

  It is easie to persuade Iudges, a Woman that commits Adultery would Poison her Husband:
• c 1.69

  Ita enim apud Roman••s, says Appian, futuri anni Consul primus censet.
• 1 1.70

  'Tis very certain, if Tiberius had desired to have saved Lepida, he would have let his Son have spoke first, to have had the Reputation of it, to which the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 would willingly have consented, because the Con∣tempt they had for Quirinus, her Accuser, would have enclined the Iudges to shew her Favour. He would not let his Son declare himself first, under pretence of leaving others to their liberty, but in effect, that they might do what he would not be thought the Author of; and to shew, that instead of imposing a necessity on the Iudges to follow Drusus's Opinion, he might pretend Drusus conformed to theirs, which threw the Odium on them. See how Prince's Actions are covered with shews of Modesty, Clemency and Iustice. When Philip II. King of Spain, pre∣served the Lady Elizabeth, and gained her Liberty, after she was commit∣ted to the Tower upon Wiat's accu∣sing her, this Action was magnified by the Spaniards, as a singular Ex∣ample of Clemency and Generosity. When he would not consent she should be sent into Spain to be shut up in a Convent, the English be∣lieved it to be for the Reason he gave the Queen, because the King∣dom would have reason to complain, if the Lawful Heir was taken from them when the Queen and he had no Children. When to prevent the ••eheading of her, he told the Queen, That the Prince, who has his Hands in the Blood of his Relations, pre∣pares a Sword for himself, she be∣lieved him concerned for her Safety. But all these were only Pretences▪ as his own Historian Cabrera allows.

  The French, says he, would have it, That Philip saved Elizabeth on∣ly out of State Policy to prevent England's being joyned after the Queen's Death in Mary Queen of Scots, who had Married the Dau∣phin of France, by which Union France had been formidable to the Low Countri••s, which was very tr••e. And God suffer'd Elizabeth to disturb and divide these Pro∣vinces, and to give Philip great Trouble for preferring his own Interest to that of Religion, in sa∣ving one was afterwards the great∣est Enemy the Roman Church ever had. Thus God punishes Princes who prefer the Welfare of their Temporal Affairs before their Con∣science.

  Chap. 7. & 10. du Liv. 1. de son Histoire, & Aubery du Maurier dans la Préface de ses Memoires.
• d 1.71

  The Calph••••nii and Aemilii were very considerable Fam••lies in Rome.
• e 1.72

  Decius.
• f 1.73

  Tacitus, says, Valida in R••mp. fortuna, which rendring Literally, is, He had good Fortune against the Commonwealth. And I believe, that is the Author's true Sense, who in my Opinion would take notice of the ex∣traordinary good Fortune he had to make himself by force of Arms absolute Master of the Empire. For if Tacitus would only have spoke of his Govern∣ment, he should have said in Rep. and not in Remp. Which none of the Spanish, Italian or French Translators have observed, but Rodolfus, who says, (as Fortune was very favourable to the Emperor Augustus, against the Commonwealth.) But I think it more proper to content my self wi•••• the common Interpretation, making only a Grammatical Note upon it, (which I do seldom) Non ut arguerem, sed ne arguerer.
• 2 1.74

  It is fatal to Princes that are happy in their Government, to be unfortunate in their Families, either by the Disobedience of their Chil∣dren, as Charles VII. of France, Phi∣lip II. of Spain, or in the Lewdness of their Wives or Daughters, as Augustus, Tiberius, and many others. Besides, Augustus deserved this very well, because he forgot all the Sa∣cred Tyes of Friendship when he con∣sulted his Pleasure, and abused Mece∣nas's Wife, who was his first Mini∣ster and Favourite, which has given occasion to Arioste the Italian Poet, to say,

  Non fù si santo nè benigno Augusto, Come la tromba di Virgilio suona.

  i. e. Augustus was not so Virtuous, nor so Good, as Virgil tells us.
• 3 1.75

  The Prince that observes not his own Laws, gives room to think, either that they are unjust, or not necessary, and brings publick Hatred on himself, if he makes others rigo∣rously observe them. The more se∣vere Laws are, the more it concerns a Prince to Authorise them by his Example, which wins those would otherwise oppose them. Macchiave•• gives us a very considerable Relation, which shews how dangerous it is for the Maker of a Law to Break it. He says, That Fryar 〈…〉〈…〉, having among other things, for the security of the Government of Florence, obtained a Law for Appeals to the People in Matters of State▪ both from the Senate and the Coun∣cil of Eight, (which he had a long time solicited, and got with much difficulty at last.) It happened, that not long after, there were five Per∣sons Condemned to Death by the Senate, who endeavouring earnestly to Appeal to the People, were denied it, and could not have the Benefit of that Law, which was greater Dimi∣nution to the Reputation of the Fryar, than any thing had ever hap∣pened before. For if that Law was of such Importance as he pretended, it ought to have been observed; if not, Why was it solicited so earnest∣ly? And it was the more remark∣able in the Fryar, because in his Ser∣mons and Discourses afterwards to the People, he neither blamed the break∣ing of that Law, nor went about to excuse it: For being to his purpose, he would condemn it, and excuse it he could not, having nothing to say; which Action having discovered the Ambitious Partiality of his Mind, lessened his Repute, and loaded him with Scandal. Chap. 45. Liv. 1. de ses Disc. Sixtus V. lost a little the Reputation he had of a constant Man, by one or two Promotions he made extra tempora in 1587. after his Bull, whereby he decreed, That no Promotions should be made but in Ember-Week in December. Leti livri dernier de sa Vi••.
• g 1.76

  So I render, Amicitia Caesaris prohiberi; for Tacitus says by that the Romans declared they renounced Friendship with those had offended them. ••orem fuisse majoribus, quotis dirimerent amicitias, interdicere domo, ••ùm∣que finem gratiae ponere. Ann. 6. To which Tacitus's Words to Tiberius in his Harangue against Piso; Si obsequium erga Imperatorem exuit, ejusdémque & luctu meo laetatus est, odero, seponàmque à domo mea. Ann. 3.
• h 1.77

  There were three sorts of Exile; the first was called Deportatio. Tran∣sportation, this was perpetual, and extended to loss of Estates and Privi∣vileges. Ann. 1. Deportati autem jus civitatis & bona amittebant. The se∣cond was Relegatio, by which a Criminal was sent to such a Place or such a time, or perhaps for ever, but not deprived of the Priviledge of a Roman Citizen. The third, Depended on the Will and Pleasure of the Prince, by a certain Writing under his Hand to those he suspected, or had offended him, and he recalled them at Pleasure.
• 1 1.78

  Princes ought to forbear as much as may be, reversing what their Pre∣decessors have done. For besides that, this Respect is of good Example for their Subjects, who have therefore the greater Reverence for Majesty, it is a lesson to their Successors, how to behave themselves towards them. Never any Prince had greater Cause to be discontented with his Prede∣cessor, and despise his Memory, than David, and yet he not only slew him that brought the News of Saul's Death and his Crown, and lamented him that would often have killed him, he makes his Elegy, magnifies his Valour, his Liberality, his Riches, the Loveliness of his Person, saying to the People of Israel, He was swif∣ter than Eagles, he was stronger than Lions, 2. Sam. c. 1. Lewis XII. of France was very ill used under Charles VIII. yet he turned out few of his Officers, but said he would maintain every Man in his Estate, whereby he gained great Honour. Commines dans le dernier Chapitre de ses Memoires.
• i 1.79

  This Law was made by Papius and Poppeus, when Consuls, and con∣tained Rewards and Punishments. That the Magistrates should have Pre∣cedence according to the number of their Children, or a Married Man be∣fore a Batchellor. That in Elections, those who had most Children should be prefer'd; That any Person might stand sooner than ordinary for an Office if he had so many Children as to be capable of it. That whosoever in the City had three Children, in other Parts of Italy four, and in the Pro∣vinces five, (some say seven) should be excused all troublesome Offices. Hence came the famous Iustrium Liberorum, which the Emperor's often in∣dulged to several to whom Nature had denied it. On the other side, Un∣married Persons were uncapable of receiving any Legacy or Inheritance by Will, unless from near Relations.
• 2 1.80

  When Men had rather want the Comforts and Pleasures of Marriage than to bring upon themselves the Necessity of Children, and conse∣quently of multiplying the Misfor∣tunes of their Families, 'tis a certain sign of a Tyrannical Government. It was in this Sense, Pliny the youn∣ger wrote to Trajan, that he desired Children in his Reign, because he was assured of being an happy Fa∣ther. And Tacitus says, After the English had lost a Battle, whereby they were at the Mercy of the R••∣mans, they fell into so great a Des∣pair, that many of them killed their Wives and Children, tanquam mise∣rerentur, in compassion to them, to deliver them from a cruel Slavery that was coming upon their Coun∣try. In Agricola.
• 3 1.81

  Pagliari pleasantly asks, Who were these Men had this Simplicity and Innòcence Tacitus speaks of? The first Man that was Born in the World killed the second, we ought then to conclude, since Adam's Fall by Disobedience, there have always been good and bad. Obser••ation 341. But probably Tacitus never read Ge∣nesis.
• 4 1.82

  Divers Monarchies have been turned into Commonwealths, some through the Inconstancy or Untra∣ctableness of the People, but most through the unbounded liberty of their Kings, who would not content themselves with a Legal Authority. Therefore, says Antonio Perez, if Princes love and would preserve themselves, they ought not so much to beware of those Physicians, that either through Ignorance or Flattery, or particular Hatred, suffer them to Eat what is contrary to their Health, as Counsellors that give them an Arbitrary Power without Bounds. For such Counsellors will soon tire out the Patience of the People, and consequently make them Dethron•• their Masters. Dans ses Relations.
• 5 1.83

  Laws ought to bear a ••roportion to the condition of Men, for they are made like Remedies in Physick, to Sute the Nature of Distempets. A Law-Giver that shall make Laws against Vices and Corruptions, un∣known to the People he governs, will debauch their Innocence, by teaching what they should rather be ignorant of. Like imprudent Con∣fessors, that by unnecessary Questi∣ons instruct Girls in the Knowledge of Ill, before they know the diffe∣rence of their Sex. Or like some Preachers, that to Confute Errors and Infidelity, raise such Scruples and Objections as their Answers do not sufficiently clear, and instead of con∣firming the People in the Faith, make many of them curious and in∣quisitive, and Scepticks, if not down∣right Atheists.
• k 1.84

  They are now the Inhabitants of the Isle of Candia.
• 6 1.85

  The more cunning and discern∣ing People are, the more numerous the Laws should be, for as a Law-Maker can never foresee all Cases that may happen, nor all the Subtil∣ties and Cavils will be thought on for evading his Law, or at least, the Exceptions will be found, that is the Reasons against obeying it hic & nunc; he is obliged to explain his Law, or rather to make as many Laws as new Cases shall arise. There is no Country where there are better Laws, nor more than in Nor∣mandy, for the Normans have always been very cunning, and are in France like the Athenians in Greece.
• 7 1.86

  According to Plato, Monarchy is the worst and best sort of Govern∣ment. The worst if absolute, the best if limited. Those that teach Kings and Sovereign Princes the contrary, learn them to Tyrannize, not Reign, not to keep the People in Duty and Obedience, but to make them Rebel. No Princes have ever been better Obeyed, nor consequent∣ly more Princes, than those that have not set themselves above the Laws. Commines gives a very good instance in Charles VIII. of France, that at his Accession to the Crown; obtained of the States at Tours, a Gift of Two Millions and Five Hundred Thou∣sand Livres, (which was▪ says he, rather too much than too little) tho' the Kingdom had been under gri••vous Taxes for Twenty Years. On the contrary, when a Prince will do every thing according to his Will and inordinate Desire, his People will not Obey him, nor Succour him in his Necessities; but instead of aid∣ing him when he has great Affairs upon his Hands, they despise and run into Rebellion against him. Chap. dernier du liv. 5. de ses Memoires.
• 8 1.87

  See the end of Independent, Ar∣bitrary and Unlimited Authority▪ which Flatterers make Princes as∣sume. See what happened to Hen∣ry III. of France, of whom it is said, he forbid the French make any Ap∣plications to him, and taught them there was no other measure of Iu∣stice than his Will. Mezeray de sa Vie.

  One thing that most hur•• this poor Prince, says the Chancel∣lor de Chiverny, was the Opinion he had entertained of his own Suf∣ficiency, despising others Iudg∣ments, which is the greatest Mis∣fortune that can befal a Prince, or any other Person.

  Dans s••s M••∣moirs.
• 9 1.88

  The Nobility always love a Prince, whatever he is, better than a popular Government, where the People never fail bringing them to an Equality, which they cannot bear, being used to Distinction. For it is the same with Great Men, as it was with Agrippa, Augustus's Son-in-Law, who, according to Paterculus, will∣ingly obeyed one, but in revenge would command all others. Paren∣di, sed uni, scientissimus, aliis sanè imperandi cupidus.
• l 1.89

  See Decemviri in the Historical Notes of the Preface to Tacitus.
• 10 1.90

  Nothing is more useful to a Prince that has great Dominions, and consequently great Affairs to Tran∣sact with other Princes, than an exact Knowledge of the Laws and Customs of other Countries: Be∣sides that, it teaches him to distin∣guish good and bad in every Go∣vernment, shews him proper Expe∣dients for Reforming Abuses that daily happen in Government, whe∣ther in his Revenue, in his Military Discipline, in his Courts of Iustice, and in all other Parts thereof. Ma∣riana says, That Henry III. of Ca∣stile, sent Ambassadors to Christian Princes, and to Mahometans, only to inform him their manner of Govern∣ing, so to collect the Wisdom of all Courts in his own, and to know the better how to shew the Majesty of a King in all his Actions. What might have been expected from this Prince, who died at 27 years old, and was the ablest that had Reigned in Spain? Chap. 14. de liv. 19. de son Histoire.
• m 1.91

  That this Recital of the History of the ancient Commonwealth may be the better understood, in which Tacitus is so short, it is in my Opinion pro∣per to give an Extract here of some Chapters of Paterculus, which relate very well those Dissentions. Scip••o Nasica, says he, was the first advised Force against the Tribune Tiberius Gracchus, his Cosin, to prevent the Exe∣cution of the Lege•• Agrariae, made in favour of the People. Ten years af∣ter, Nasica was followed by the Consul Opimius, taking up Arms against Caius Gracchus, who, either to revenge his Brother Tiberius's Death, or to open a way to Sovereignty, which he affected, exercised the Tribunate with greater Violence than his elder Brother, and subverted the Governme••t of the City and State. The Gracchi being Dead, Opimius caused all their Friends or Servants to be put to Death, which was not liked, as proc••••ding rather from his particular Hatred to the Gracchi, than a desire to make publick Examples of them. The Gracchi were succeeded by Servilius Glau∣cia, and Saturninus Apuleius, who to keep the Tribunate longer than the Laws allowed, and to prevent others being chose in their Places, (which Tacitus expresses by apisci inlicitos Honores) dissolved by Fire and Sword the meetings of the People, which obliged Marius, then Consul the sixth time, to Sacrifice them to the publick Hatred. The Tribunate of Livius Drusus, who would have restored to the Senate the right of judging Causes, which Caius Gracchus had transferred to the Knights, was neither more quiet nor happier, all the Senators opposing him in those things he designed in their Favour, chusing rather to bear the Insults of his Colleagues, than be be∣holding to him for the Honour he would procure them. So much envi••d they his Glory, which appeared to them too great. The Death of Dr••sus, who was killed as the Gracchi, for extending the Priviledges of the City of Rome to all Italy, (which explains Tacitus, Corrup••i sp••, aut 〈◊〉〈◊〉 per inter∣cessionem socii) kindles a War in Italy, or of the Contederates, 〈…〉〈…〉 who presently demanded this Honour, complaining with good Reason, that they were treated like Strangers by a City, maintained by their Arms, tho' of the same Nation, the same Blood, and Rome obliged to them for her great Power. This War was the first occasion of raising, Cn. Pomp••ius, Marius and Sylla, who turned those Arms against the City they were en∣trusted with against the Allies. For Sylla, that was of a noble Family, out much lessened in their Greatness, valuing himself upon the Credit of ending the War in Italy, demanded the Consulate, and obtained 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by the Su••••rag••s of almost all the Citizens. At the same time the Government of Asia ••alling to Sylla, Pub. Sulpicius the Tribune, declared for Marius, who at 70 years of Age would Command all the Provinces, and by a Law turn'd Sylla out of the Government to give it to Marius, whence presently began Sylla's Civil War, who drove Marius and Sulpicius with their Accomplices out of Rome. This War was succeeded by that of Cinn••, who was no more moderate than Marius or Sulpicius. He to Revenge himself of the Senate, that deposed him from the Consulate, and put another in his place, recalled Marius and his Son from Exile, and all of their Party that were Banished, to strengthen his own, to which by great Promises he drew all the Officers of the Roman Army at Nola. While he made War with his Country; Cn. Pompeius, see∣ing himself disappointed in his hopes of being continued Consul, stands 〈◊〉〈◊〉 'twixt the Commonwealth and Sylla, to watch an opportunity to m••nd his Condition, by going with his Army to that side had the Advan••age▪ (For it often happens in Civil Wars, that great Men Sacrifice their Al••e∣giance to their Interest.) Pompey dying after he had given Cinna Battle, he and Marius became Masters of Rome, whose Entry was followed with the Death of the Consuls, Octavius killed by their Order, and Cornelius Merula, who cut his Veins to prevent Cinna's Revenge, for being in his Place. Marius dying next year at the beginning of his Seventh Consulate, Cinna that en∣tred upon his Second had all the Power of the Government, but being very violent, the great Men retired to Sylla in Greece, which made him return in∣to Italy to revenge the Nobles, who made him their Chief, as Marius was of the People, and Cinna was slain by the Soldiers who Mutined against him, when he would have had them Embarkt to Fight the Nobles. Sylla endeavours to end all Differences by a good Accommodation, and upon ••ea∣sonable Terms, but Peace would not please those that hoped to advantage themselves by Fishing in Troubled Waters. The Ambition of young Marius, elected Consul at 26 years of Age, continued the War, but after he lost a Battle, he was slain by some that Sylla hired to do it. He was surnamed, The Happy, so much was his Courage valued. This Victory made Sylla Dictator, who so much abused his Authority, that Marius and Cinna were regretted. For he was the first invented Proscription, i. e. by publick Au∣thority, gave a Reward to any one should kill a Citizen of Rome, so that more was no•• given for the Head of an Enemy slain in Battle, than for a Citizen's killed in his own House. After Cinna, Marius and Sylla, came Pompey the Great, who according to Tacitus, was not better than they, but knew more how to Dissemble. Post quos Cn. Pompeius occultior, non melior. Hist. 2. As soon as Pompey was in the Management of Publick Affairs, not content to be the first, he would be alone, from thence came Caesar's Iea∣lousie, which in Conclusion produced another Civil War, where Fortune leaving Pompey, Caesar became Master of the Empire. Pater••. Hist. 2. Chap. 6. •• 12. 13. 15. 17. 19. 20. 21. 22. 25. 28. 33. 47. & 48.
• 1 1.92

  The multitude of Laws, says Plato, de Republica, is as sure a sign of the Corruption of a State, as a multitude of Physicians is of a Com∣plication of Distempers. It may truly be said, adds a great Minister, That new Laws are not so much Remedies for the Disorders of States, as Testimonies thereof, and sure to∣••ens of the weakness of a Govern∣ment; if old Laws have been well executed, there will be no need of renewing them, nor making others to stop new Disorders, which then had never been settled. Chap. 5. de la seconde partie du Testament Politique. However it be, Mezeray had reason to say, That the multiplying Regulati∣ons in France served only to multiply the Abuses. Dans la Vie d' Henry III.
• n 1.93

  Paterculus says, That in this Consulate he had no Colleague, and that this extraordinary Honour gave Caesar so much Iealousie, that from that time they were irreconcileable Enemies. He adds, Pompey used all his Au∣thority against Canvasing for Offices. Chap. 47.
• 2 1.94

  In making Laws, the Disposi∣tion of the People is to be observed. No Laws are worse than those that require Perfection, for the difficulty of observing them brings them into a Disuse. Practice never reaches Speculation, and consequently things are not to be adjusted in such a man∣ner as will be best, but in such a manner as will last longest. Car∣dinal Pallavicini very properly calls too severe Laws, the Bane of pub∣lick Tranquillity.
• o 1.95

  All good Men, says the same Author, would have Pompey and Caesar both quit their Commands, Pompey agreed with those would have Caesar do it, but was against doing it himself too. And thence began the Civil War. Chap. 48.
• p 1.96

  By the Lex Papia, those who had never been Married, nihil capiebant ••x testamentis, they were incapable of taking any thing by Will. But the Orb••, i. e. those who had been Married, but had no Children, lost only a Moiety. And it is in this Sense Iuve••al makes the Adulterer say to the Husband;

  Quod tibi filiolus, vel filia nascitur ex me, Iura parentis habes; propter me scriberis haeres. Legatum omne capis, nec non & dulce caducum. Sat. 9.

  The Emperor Antonine took from the People the Right of vacantia tenere, and ordered such Goods to fall to the Prince's Treasure. Hodie, says Ulpian, 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 Imperatoris Antonini, omnia caduca fisco vindicantur. In Fragm. Tit. 18.
• 3 1.97

  Since the end of Laws is the preserving Order, and the Welfare of Societies, a Prince should moderate or repeal them, when they are no longer profitable to the publick.
• q 1.98

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 distributed Corn to the People, they had the Care of the High-Ways, and to see the Money was not altered.
• r 1.99

  According to the Laws, no Man could be Quaestor till he was 25 years of Age.
• s 1.100

  Augu••tus to do a popular thing, and to give the People an empty shew of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pretended he wanted their Consent to grant his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Children a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he had in his own Powe••.
• 4 1.101

  The Education Prince's Chil∣dren have, and the Priviledge of their Birth, ar•• such Advantages that they ought not to be subject to the Laws of Age, because they are ripe for Bu∣siness sooner than others. Whence 'tis said,

  Caesaribus virtus contigit antè diem.

  It is impossible, says Cardinal Per∣ron, but Princes should know every thing; for they have the Fruits of their Labours that Study, and Learn in a quarter of an hour, what a good Wit has laboured for a month. Perroniana.
• t 1.102

  And therefore Tiberius sho••ld be more concerned for the Advancement of his Grandson, than Augustus for his Wives Children.
• 1 1.103

  Equal Marriages are always liked.
• 2 1.104

  Princes of the Blood, when they have any thing to obtain, commit not so great an Error as some imagine, by Marrying the Daughters or Neices of Ministers. For besides, 'tis a means to keep in a Prince's Favour, it will also make them great; but Ministers that have the Ambition to be Allied to Princes, expose themselves very much to Envy; and when the Re∣verse of Fortune comes, as it o••ten happens, they have little Protection from them but for their Interest, and when that ceases, consider them on∣ly as Relations that are D••s••redit to them. There is also another Reason should keep Ministers from aspiring to this Honour, because those Princes are very liable to be suspected by him that Reigns, which often falls upon the Minister that is concerned to protect them because of the Relation. And the Prince that will be Ma••ter of all, and be chiefly regarded by his Creatures, can never love much, nor long, a Minister that divides his Affection and Complaisance betwixt him and the Princes of the Blood.
• u 1.105

  Paterculus says, Mecenas contented himself all his Life with being a Roman Knight, without regarding those Dignities he might easily have obtained from Augustus, who loved him as well as Agrippa, if he had been of a Temper to have desired them. Hist. 2. Chap. 88.
• 3 1.106

  For the most part, those that have managed, or are capable of managing great Affairs, have been Vo∣luptuous. Never any Man was more vigilant than Mecenas, when the State Affairs required it, and never any Man loved Quiet, Laziness, and the Pleasures of Life more than he. So Salust imitated him in all his Vir∣tues and his Vices.
• 4 1.107

  Sooner or later Princes forbear seeing, or at least having a Kind∣ness for those have been Witnesses, Accomplices, or have assisted them in their Crimes, either through Shame or Repentance. Voi la Note 3. du Chap. 1. du Liv. 1.
• 5 1.108

  The ••isgrace of the Chief Mi∣nisters is not always an Effect of their ill Conduct. The wisest and most moderate lose Favour as well as those who abuse it. Mecenas was without ••••spute one of the best and most understanding Ministers Au∣gustus could have, and yet he found his Master loved Change. Gon••alo Hermandez conquered the Kingdom of Naples, and the first Recompence he had, was, Ferdinand the Catho∣lick gave Ear to all the Complaints and Calumnies of his Enemies, and was glad to have an Occasion to reform and preserve his Authority. After which, calling him into Spain, he confined him for 7 or 8 years to his own Estate, while he was un∣blemished he refused him the Com∣manderic of Leon, and then that of Horna••hos, vacant at the same time. Mariana, ch. 9. du liv. 28. & 14. du liv. 30. de son Histoire. At the end whereof he gives a Commendation of this great Captain, in these words. He had, says he, a very beautiful Personage, and was altogether the braves•• and happiest Warriour Spain has bred a long time. The Ingrati∣tude he met with, added to him Glo∣ry, and preserved him from those Errors he might have fallen into in his old Age. For it rarely happens that a Man puts often to Sea with∣out meeting with a Tempest.
• x 1.109

  The Chancellor Chiverin says, It has been fatal to the Race of the Va∣lois to hate those at last, they loved most at first. Philip de Valois, the first of that Line, was obliged to the Count d' Artois for his Crown, and after∣wards did all he could to spoil him of his Possessions. Lewis XI, ruin'd the Duke of Burgundy, with whom he lived six years. Lewis XII. perse∣cuted the Mareschal Gie; and Francis I. the Duke of Bourbon, whom he had entirely loved, and the Messieurs de Montmorency and de Biron, that had been his Favourites. Henry II. did the same to Monsieur de Dampierre, and the Mareschal de Gie, by whose Hand he would be made a Knight; Charles IX. to Messieurs Montmorency and de Cosse. Henry III. to the Messieurs de Lig∣nerolles, de Bellegarde, le Guast, St, Luc. de Villequier, Beauvais-Nangis, and above all the Messieurs de Guise, whom he lov'd so much in his Youth, and all of his Council that had served him best. Dans ses Memoirs. The same may be said almost of all Princes.
• 6 1.110

  The Favour of Princes, (says Anthony Perez, who knew it by Ex∣perience) rises or falls. When it can go no higher, it necessarily falls. When Princes have no more to give, they are asham'd to see their own want of Ability; and when Favourites have no more to ask, they forbear their Compliances. For, according to Co••••ines, more serve in hopes of the good Things to come, than those already received. Cap. 11. Lib. 3.