The second volume of Plutarch's Lives Translated from the Greek, by several hands.

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Labour and paine did Catoes yeares employThe Country gave his youth an honest joySometime hee little Ʋillages wou'd seeAnd plead y^e poore mans cause w^thout a fee

THE LIFE OF MARCUS CATO THE CENSOR.

By Sir John Litcott, late Fellow of King's Colledge in Cambridge.

Volume II.

MArcus Cato (as it is reported) was born at Tusculum, though (till he betook himself to Civil and Military Affairs,) he liv'd and was bred up in the Countrey of the Sabines, where his Father's Estate lay. His Ancestours

seeming to almost every one unknown, he himself is fain to praise his Father Mar∣cus as a Worthy and Valiant Person, and Cato his great Grandfather too, as one who had often obtain'd the Military Prizes, and who, having lost five Horses under him, receiv'd, on the account of his Valour, the Worth of them out of the Publick Exche∣quer. Now it being the custome among the Romans to call those (who, having no lustre by Birth, made themselves Eminent by their own Worth) Freshmen or Ʋpstarts, they call'd even Cato himself so, and so he confess'd himself to be, as to any publick Eminency or Employment, but yet asser∣ted that in reference to the Exploits and Virtues of his Ancestours, he was very an∣cient. His third name formerly was not Cato, but Priscus, though afterwards he had the Sir-name of Cato, by reason of his great Abilities; for the Romans signify'd by Cato a Prudent or Experienc'd Man. He was of a Ruddy complexion, and grey ey'd, as he hints to us, who, with no good will, made the following Epigram upon him.

Porcius, who snarls at all in every place, With goggling grey eyes, and his fi••ry face, Ev'n after Death, will not received be By Proserpin, th' Infernal Deity.

He contracted even from his Childhood a very good habit of Body by his Exercises, so that he seem'd to have an equal portion both of Health and Strength: But he exerted and us'd still his Eloquence through all the Neighbourhood and little Villages, it being as requisite as a second Body, and a neces∣sary Organ to one who has great business. Nor wou'd he ever deny to be Council for those who needed him, and he was indeed early reckon'd a good Lawyer, and quickly after an Eminent Oratour.

Hence his Wisdome and depth of Capa∣city did appear more and more to those who us'd his Conversation, which Talents requir'd an Employment in the manage∣ment of great Affairs, and those even of the Roman Commonwealth it self. Nor did he onely abstain from taking Fees for his Counsel and Pleading, but did not so much as affect the honour which proceeded from such kind of Combats, seeming much more desirous to signalize himself in the Camp and in real Fights; for being yet but a youth, his Breast was full of the scars he received from the Enemy; being (as he him∣self says) but seventeen years old when he made his first Campagne: About which time Hannibal burnt and pillag'd all Italy. In Engagements he wou'd use to strike lustily, without the least flinching stand

firm to his ground, with a fierce counte∣nance stare upon his Enemies, and with a harsh threatning voice accost them. Nor was he out in his Opinion, whilst he taught, That such a rugged kind of Behaviour sometimes does strike the Enemy more than the Sword it self. In his Marches he bore his own Arms on foot, whilst one only Servant fol∣low'd, to carry the Provisions for his Table, with whom he is said never to be angry or hasty whilst he made ready his Dinner or Supper, but wou'd sor the most part, when he was free from Military Duty, assist and help him himself to dress it. Moreo∣ver, when he was with the Army, he us'd to drink onely Water; but, when thirsty he wou'd mingle it with a little Vinegar; or if he found his strength fail him, take a little Wine.

The little Countrey-house of Marcus Cu∣rius, who had been thrice carry'd in Tri∣umph, happen'd to be near his Grounds; so that going thither often, and contemplating the small compass of the Place, and littleness of the Dwelling, he cou'd not but won∣der at the mind of the Person, who be∣ing one of the greatest of the Romans, and having subdu'd the most War-like Nations, nay and driven Pyrrhus out of Italy, should himself after three Triumphs dig in so small a piece of

ground, and live in such a kind of Cot∣tage. Here it was that the Ambassadours of the Samnites finding him boiling of Turnips in the Chimney-corner, offer'd him a good present of Gold; but he sent them away with this Saying; That He, whom such a Supper did suffice, had no need of Gold; and he thought it more honoura∣ble to conquer those who possess'd the Gold, than to possess the Gold it self. Cato re∣flecting much upon these things, went his way, and reviewing his Farms, Servants and House-keeping; encreas'd his La∣bour, and retrench'd all superfluous Ex∣pences.

When Fabius Maximus took Tarentum, Cato, being then but a youth, was a Soul∣dier under him, and being lodg'd once with one Nearchus a Pythagorean, he de∣sir'd to understand some of his Doctrine, so that hearing the man discourse of a few Sentences which Plato uses, as, That Voluptuousness is the greatest Bait for Vice; The Body is the principal Calamity of the Soul; and that those Thoughts which do most separate and take it off from the Affe∣ctions of the Body, do most affranchise and purify it; he indeed fell in love the more with Frugality and Temperance. Far∣thermore, He is said to have learn'd Greek late, and when he was pretty old;

and that as to his Rhetorick, he profited a little by Thucydides, but much more by Demosthenes: and indeed his Writings are handsomly mix'd both with Greek Say∣ings and Histories, nay many of them translated word for word, are interwoven with his own Apophthegmes and Senten∣ces. Now there was a certain Nobleman, and one very powerful among the Ro∣mans, call'd Valerius Flaccus, who was won∣derful skilful in discerning a budding Ver∣tue, and also very much dispos'd to nou∣rish and advance it: He, it seems, had Grounds bordering upon Cato's; nor cou'd he but admire, when he understood by his Servants the manner of his Living, how he labour'd with his own hands, went on foot betimes in the morning to the Pleading Courts to assist them who wanted his Counsel; how returning home again when it was Winter, he wou'd throw a little Jacket over his shoulders; but in the Summer-time work bare with his Do∣mesticks, sit down with them, eat of the same Bread, and drink of the same Wine. Whilst they related also his other Affabili∣ties, and great Moderation, together with some of his Wise Sayings; he order'd, That he shou'd be invited to him to Supper; from which time being well acquainted with his agreeable and facetious disposition, which,

like a Plant, seem'd to require cultivating, and to be grafted in a more eminent place: He did exhort and persuade him to apply himself to the study of State-Affairs at Rome. Thither therefore he went, and streight by his pleading got many Friends and Admirers; but Valerius chiefly pro∣moting him to Honour and Power. He first of all got a Colonel's Place, and after∣wards was made Questor or Treasurer. And now becoming eminent and noted he ran with him through the greatest Com∣mands, being first his Fellow-Consul, and then Censor. But among all the ancient Senatours, he did most keep company with Fabius Maximus; not so much for the honour of his Person, and greatness of his power, as that he might set before him his particular Worth and manner of life, as the best Examples to follow, whereupon he made nothing to oppose Scipio the Great, who being then but a young man, seem'd to envy and set himself against the Power of Fabius; for being sent together with him as Treasurer, when he saw him ac∣cording to his natural custome make great Expences, and distribute among the Soul∣diers without sparing; he freely told him, That the Expence in it self was not the great∣est thing to be considered, but that he cor∣rupted the ancient Frugality, giving occasion

to the Souldiers to abandon themselves to unnecessary Pleasures and Pastimes: But Scipio answer'd, That he had no need of too accurate a Treasurer, for he resolv'd to go, as it were, full sail to the War, and that he ought to give the People an account of his Actions, and not of the money he spent. Hereupon Cato return'd from Sicily, and to∣gether with Fabius, made a huge noise in the open Senate against Scipio's lavishing of unspeakable Summs, and his childish loy∣tering away his time in Wrestling-Matches and Comedies, as if he were not to make War, but Holy-day; so that he caus'd some of the Tribunes of the People to be sent to call him back to Rome, in case the Accusati∣ons shou'd prove true: But Scipio demonstra∣ting as it were to them, an ensuing Victo∣ry, and appearing onely to live pleasant∣ly with his Friends, when there was no∣thing else to doe, shewing also he was not by his Liberality the more negligent in things of consequence and moment, he forth∣with set sail towards the War.

Now Cato grew more and more power∣ful by his Eloquence, so that most call'd him the Roman Demosthenes, but his man∣ner of Life was yet more famous and talkt of; for Eloquence was as an Exercise com∣monly study'd and affected by all the Youth, but he was very rare who wou'd

endure bodily Labour, a light Supper, and a Dinner which never saw the Fire; or be in love with a poor thin Garment, and a homely Lodging, nay and did more esteem a mind that wanted not great things, than the real possession of them: For now the State (unable to keep its Purity, by reason of its Greatness, and having so many Places and People from all Parts under its Govern∣ment) was fain to receive many mix'd customs, and new fashions of living: With reason therefore did every body admire Cato, when they saw others sink under their Labours, and grow quite effeminate by Pleasures; and yet beheld him unconquer'd by either, and that not onely when he was young and desirous of Honour, but also when Old and Bald, after his Consulship and Tri••mphs. As a true Victour too in Wrestling, he wou'd persevere and carry on that Exercise to his very last. He him∣self also says, That he never wore a Gar∣ment which cost more than a hundred Drachms, and that when he was General and Consul, he drank the same Wine which his Workmen did; and that the Provision which was bought in the Market for his Dinner cost not (usually) above thirty Asses. Now all this was for the sake of the Commonwealth, that so his Body might be the more Robust and Hardy for

the War. Having a piece of the finest mixt Babylonian Tapestry left him, he sold it; for that none of his Countrey Houses were so much as Plastred. Nor did he ever buy a Slave for above 1500 Drachms, or seek for effeminate handsome ones, but able, sturdy Workmen, such as are Ostlers and Neat-herds: And these he thought ought to be sold again, when once they grew old; nor wou'd he allow them so much as Victuals, when they became useless. In short, He reckon'd nothing a good penn'oth, which was superfluous; but whatever it was, though sold for a farthing, he wou'd think it a great Price, if you had no need of it. He purchas'd also good Arable and Pasture-ground, rather than your well swept Gar∣dens with their fine Water-works. Some did impute these things to the sordid A∣varice of the Man, but others approve of him therein, as if he did onely the more strictly deny himself for the rectifying and amending of others: But for my part, I impute it to an unnatural temper, when a Person uses his Servants like brute Beasts, by turning off and selling them in their old Age, and thnks there ought to be no farther Commerce between man and man, than whilst there arises some profit there∣by. Besides, we see that good Nature or Humanity has a larger Field than bare Ju∣stice

to exercise it self in; for naturally in∣deed we are born to deal with men accor∣ding to Law and Justice; but we may ex∣tend our Goodness and Charity even to ir∣rational Creatures, and such Acts flow from a mild good nature, as Water from an exu∣berant Fountain; so that 'tis doubtless the part of a good natur'd man to keep even cast Horses and Dogs, and not onely take care of them when they are Foles and Whelps, but also when they are grown old. The A∣thenians, when they built their Hecatom∣podon, turn'd those Mules loose to feed freely, which they had observ'd to have undergone the greatest labour. One of these (they say) came once of it self to offer its service, and ran along with, nay and went before, the Teams which drew the Carriages up to the Castle, as if it would in∣cite and encourage them to draw more stoutly; upon which there pass'd a Vote, That the poor Mule should be kept at the Publick Charge even till it dy'd. The Graves of Cimon's Horses, which won thric•• the Olimpian Races, are yet to be seen next his own Monument. Old Xantippus too (as well as many others who buried the Dogs they had bred up) entomb'd his which swam after his Gally to Salamina, when the People fled from their City [Athens] on the top of a Cliff, which they call the

Dog's Tomb to this day. Nor are we to use Living Creatures like old Shooes or Platters, and throw them away when they are worn out or broken with service; but if it were for nothing else but to express the respect we have for Humanity, a man ought always to shew himself in these things to be of a kind and sweet disposition. As to my self, I wou'd not so much as sell my Draught-Ox on the account of his Age, much less for a small piece of money sell a poor old man, and so chase him, as it were, from his own Countrey, by turning him not only out of the place where he has liv'd a long while, but also out of the manner of living he has been accustom'd to, and that more especially when he would be as useless to the buyer as to the seller. Yet Cato for all this glory'd that he left that very Horse in Spain, which he us'd in the Wars when he was Consul, onely, because he wou'd not put the Pub∣to the charge of his Freight. Now whether these things are to be ascrib'd to the great∣ness or poorness of his spirit, let every one argue as they please: However as to the Temperance he himself us'd, he was really to be admir'd, it being beyond even the or∣dinary course of nature; for when he com∣manded the Army, he never took for him∣self, and those that belong'd to him, above

three Bushels of Wheat for a Month, and about a Bushel, and a half a day for his Car∣riages and Horses: Nay when he enter'd upon the Government of Sardinia, though his Predecessors there us'd to require Tents, Bedding and Cloaths upon the publick ac∣count, and to charge them heavily by fur∣nishing Provisions and Entertainments for a great Train of Servants and Friends; He, on the contrary, by his Frugality shew'd an incredible difference, for in nothing wan∣ted he the Contribution of the Publick; nay he wou'd walk without a Coach to visit the Cities, and with one onely of the Common Town-Officers, who carry'd his Garment, and a Cup to offer Sacrifice in; yet though he seem'd thus easie and sparing to all who were under his Power, he, on the other hand, shew'd great severity and strictness, being always inflexible in what related to Publick Justice, and most upright and severe in what concern'd the Ordinances of the Common-wealth; so that the Ro∣man Government, where he was, never seem'd more terrible, and yet more mild. Nay his very manner of speaking seem'd to have such a kind of Idea with it, for it was Courteous, and yet Grave; Pleasant and Piercing; Facetious and Austere; Sen∣••entious, and yet Pithy: And (as Plato says) he was like Socrates, who seem'd

outwardly to those about him to be but a simple, blunt and sullen Fellow; whilst at the bottom he was full of such Gravity and Matter, as wou'd even move Tears and touch the very Hearts of his Auditours. Where∣fore I know not what has perswaded some to say, That Cato's Style was chiefly like that of Lysias; however, let us leave those to judge of these things, who profess most to distinguish between the several kinds of Roman Styles; whilst we write down some of his memorable Sayings; being of the o∣pinion with some others, That a Man's Parts appear much more by his Words, than Looks.

Being once desirous to dissuade the com∣mon people of Rome from their unseasonable and impetuous Clamour for Largesses and Distributions of Corn, he began thus to harangue them: 'Tis a difficult task, O Ci∣tizens, to make Speeches to the Belly, which has no Ears. Reproving also the ill managery of Affairs, he said, 'Twas hard to preserve that City, where a Fish was sold for more than a•• Ox. He had a Saying also, That the Roman People were like Sheep; for they, when single obey not; but when altogether in a Flock they follow their Leaders: So ye (said he) are guided by those got together in a Body though singly you wou'd not use the Counse of a man of 'em. Discoursing of the Powe••

of Women: All men, quoth he, usually com∣mand Women; We command all Men, and the Women command us. But this indeed is taken out of the Sayings of Themistocles, for he being in many things govern'd by his Son, by means of the Mother: Wife (says he) the Athenians govern the Greeks; I govern the Athenians, but thou govern'st me, and thy Son governs thee; wherefore pray let him use his Power sparingly, whereby as simple as he is, he can do more hurt than all the Athenians together. Another Saying of Cato's was, That the Roman People did not onely prize such and such Purple Dies, but such and such Studies and Exercises also; For, said he, as Dyers do most of all dye such Colours which they see most agreeable, so the young men learn, and zealously affect what is most cry'd up. He did also exhort them. That if they were grown Great by their Vertue and Temperance, they should not change for the worse; but if by Intem∣perance and Vice they became Great, they should change for the better, for by that means they were grown indeed too too great. He would say likewise, That they who endeavour'd to have a share in the Government, ought like those who know not their way to go a∣long with Beadles, who have long Sticks, ••est they should go astray. He did also re∣prove the Citizens for chusing still the

same Governours; for ye will seem (said he) either not to esteem the Government worth much, or that many are not worthy to Govern. Speaking too of a certain E∣nemy of his, who liv'd a very base and discreditable life: This Blade's Mother (quoth he) when she prays that he may survive her, is lookt upon rather to curse than to pray. Pointing at one who had sold the Land which his Father had left him, lying near the Sea-side, He made as if he wonder'd at him, being stronger even than the Sea it self; for what it washed away with a great deal of labour, he with a great deal of ease drank away. When the Senate with a greet deal of splendour receiv'd King Eume∣nes at his entrance into Rome, and the chief Citizens strove who should be most about him; Cato seem'd only to stare upon, and watch him as it were at a distance. One that stood by too, took occasion to say, That he was a very good Prince, and a great Lover of the Romans; It may be so, (quoth Cato) but by Nature that same A∣nimal of a King, is a kind of Man-Eater. Nor were there ever Kings so fortunate as to be compared with Epaminondas, Pe∣ricles, Themistocles, Marcus Curius, or Amil∣car, surnamed Barcas. He us'd to say too, That his Enemies did envy him because he wou'd rise before day, and neglected his own

Business to follow that of the Publick. He would also tell you, That he had rather be deprived of the Reward for doing well, than not to suffer the Punishment for doing ill; and that he could pardon all Offenders but himself. The Romans having sent three Ambassadours to Bithynia, of which one was Gouty, another had his Scull trepan'd, and the other seem'd little better than a Fool; Cato laughing, gave out, That the Romans had sent an Embassy, which had neither Feet, Head nor Brains. Be∣ing entreated by Scipio, on the account of Polybius, for those who were banished out of Achaia, and there happening to be a great Di∣spute in the Senate about it, some being for, and some against their Return; Cato stand∣ing up, thus deliver'd himself: Here do we sit all day long, as if we had nothing to do but beat our brains whether these old Greeks should be carried to their Graves by the Bearers here, or by those in Achaia; But the Senate vote∣ing their Return, it seems that a few days after Polybius's Party did farther re∣quest, that it should be moved in the Se∣nate, that the said Banished Persons should again receive the honours which they first had in Achaia, and to this purpose they sounded Cato for his Opinion, but he smi∣ling, answered, That Polybius, Ʋlysses∣like, seem'd to have a mind to go back to

the Cyclop's Den, as having forgot his Cap and Belt behind him. He wou'd use to as∣sert also, That wise Men profited more by Fools, than Fools by Wise Men; for that Wise Men would avoid the Faults of Fools, but that Fools would not imitate the good Exam∣ples of Wise Men. He would profess too, That he was more taken with young Men that blush'd, than with those who look'd pale; and that he never desir'd to have a Souldier that would use his hands too much in marcbing, and his feet too much in fight∣ing; or snor'd lowder in his sleep, than he hallow'd in an Engagement: Intending to put-upon a huge fat Fellow; How (quoth he) can that Body be profitable to the Com∣monwealth, when all the space between the Throat and Groyn is taken up by the Belly? When one who was much given to Epicu∣rism, desir'd his acquaintance, Begging his pardon (he said) He could not live with a Man whose Palate was of a quicker sense than his Heart or Brains. He would likewise say, That the Soul of a Lover liv'd in the Body of another; and that in his whole life he did most repent him of three things; One was, That he had trusted a Secret to a Woman; Another, That ever he went by Water when he might have gone on Foot; The third, That he had remained one whole day without doing any business

of moment. Applying himself to an old Man who was committing some Vice, Honest man (quoth he) being old age has of it self Blemishes enough, do not you add to it the deformity of Vice. Speaking to a Tribune, who was reputed a Poisoner, and was very violent for the bringing in of a Bill, in order to make a certain Law; Young man (cry'd he) I know not which wou'd be better, to drink what you mix, or confirm what you wou'd put up for a Law. Being revil'd by a Fellow who liv'd a profligate and wicked life; A Contest (reply'd he) is unequal between thee and me, for thou canst hear ill words easily, and canst as easily give them; but it is unplea∣sant to me to give such, and unusual to hear them: And this was his manner of expressing himself in his memorable sayings.

Now being chosen Consul, with his Friend and Acquaintance Valerius Flaccus, the Go∣vernment of that part of Spain which the Ro∣mans call the Interiour Spain, fell to his Lot; Having overthrown the people hereabouts, some by force, and overcome others by good words, a great Army of Barbarians fell in upon him, so that there was danger of being dis∣gracefully forc'd out again. Wherefore he cal∣led upon his then neighbours the Celtibe∣rians for help; but they demanding Two hundred Talents for their Auxiliaries, eve∣ry

body made as if it were intollerable that ever the Romans should promise Barbarians a Reward for their Assistance; but Cato said, There was no discredit or harm in it; for if they overcame, they would pay them out of the Enemies Purse, and not out of their own; but if they were overcome, there wou'd be no body left to demand the said Reward. But he stoutly won that Battel, and after that, all his other affairs succeeded splen∣didly; for Polybius says, That by his command the Walls of all the Cities, on this side the River Baetis, were in one days time demolished, and yet there were a great many of them full of stout and warlike men. Cato him∣self says, That he took more Cities than he stay'd days in Spain. Neither is this a Rho∣domantado, if it be true, that the number was Four hundred. Now though the Soul∣diers themselves had gotten much in the fights, yet he distributed a pound of silver to every man of them, saying, It was bet∣ter, that many of the Romans should return home with Silver, rather than but a few with Gold.

But he affirms, That of all the things that were taken, nothing came to him besides what he ate and drank. Neither do I find fault (continu'd he) with those that seek to get by these spoils, but I had rather strive with the Best for Valour's sake, than for Wealth

with the Richest, or with the most covetous for love of Money. Nor did he only keep him∣self clear from taking any thing, but even all those who more immediately belong'd to him.

Now he had five servants with him in the Army; one of them, called Paccus, bought three Boys, out of those who were taken Captive; which Cato coming to un∣derstand, the poor fellow, rather than he would venture into his presence, hang'd himself, so that Cato again sold the said Boys, and carried the Price he got for them into the publick Exchequer.

Scipio the Great being his enemy, and de∣siring, whilst he carry'd all things so success∣fully, to obstruct him, and take the affairs of Spain into his own hands, accordingly brought about his own ends, so as to be ap∣pointed his Successour in the Government, making therefore all possible haste he put an end to Cato's Authority; but he, taking with him a Convoy of five Companies of Foot, and five hundred Horse to attend him home, o∣verthrew by the way the Lacetanians, and taking from them six hundred Deserters, he caus'd them all to be beheaded; Upon which Scipio seem'd to be in Indignation, but Cato smiling, said, Thus Rome wou'd be∣come great indeed, if the most honourable and great men would not yield up the first Place of Valour to those who were more ob∣scure,

and when they who were of the Com∣monality (as he himself was) would con∣tend in valour with those who were most eminent in Birth and Honour. Now the Senate having voted to change nothing of what had been establish'd by Cato, that Government pass'd away under Scipio to no manner of purpose, in idleness and doing nothing; and so diminish'd his credit much more than Cato's. Nor did Cato, even af∣ter he had triumph'd, remit, and slacken the Reins of Vertue, as many of those doe, who strive not so much for Vertue's sake, as Vain-Glory; and having attain'd the highest Honours, as the Consulship and Triumphs, pass the rest of their Life in Pleasure and Idleness, and so quit all af∣fairs relating to the Publick. But he, like those who are just got into Office, and thirst after Honour and Glory, would stretch himself, as if he were but just setting out; and offering still publickly his service to his Friends and Citizens, he wou'd give over neither his pleadings or Souldiery. He did also as an Ambassadour accompany and as∣sist Tiberius Sempronius, when he went into Tracia and Istria; and in quality of a Colonel went along with Manlius Aquilius into Greece, against Antiochus the Great, who, after Hannibal, did more than any one strike terrour into the Romans; for ha∣ving

taken as much of Asia as Seleucus Nicanor possessed, and having brought un∣der his obedience many and warlike Na∣tions of the Barbarians, he long'd to fal upon the Romans, as if they onely wer•• now worthy to fight with him: So on h•• came with his Forces, pretending as a spe∣cious Cause of the War, that it was to free the Grecians, who had indeed no need there∣of, they having been but newly deliver'd from the power of King Philip and the Ma∣cedonians, and made Masters of their own Laws, and that by the goodness even of the Romans themselves; so that hereupon all Greece was in a Commotion and elevated, having been corrupted by the mighty hopes which the Governours of their Cities put them into. Manlius therefore sent Ambassa∣dours to the said Cities, and Titus Flaminius (as it is written among the Affairs concern∣ing him) did compose and quiet most of the Attempts of the Innovatours, and that without any trouble. Cato did also suppress the Corinthians, those of Patras, and the Aegians, and spent too a good deal of time at Athens. There is also an Oration of his said to be extant, which he spoke in Greek to the people, and where∣in he highly commended the Vertue of the ancient Athenians, and signified, that he came with a great deal of pleasure to be

a spectatour of the Beauty and Greatness of their City. But this is not true; for he spoke to the Athenians by an Inter∣preter, though he was able to have spo∣ken himself; but his intention thereby was to keep up the Fashion of his own Countrey, and as it were scornfully laugh at those who admired nothing but what was in Greek. Wherefore jesting upon Posthumius Albinus, who had written a Greek History, and begg'd pardon for doing so, he said, Pardon indeed ought to have been given him had he not undertook the Work by the Votes or Order of the Amphictyones. The Athenians, they say, did admire the quickness and celerity of his Speech, for an Interpreter wou'd be very long a repeating what he expressed with a great deal of brevity. In short, he made them believe, that the words of the Greeks came onely from their Lips, whilst those of the Romans came from their Hearts.

Now Antiochus having guarded with his Army the narrow passages about the Mountains, called Thermopyloe, and ad∣ded Trenches and Walls to the natural Fortifications of the place, sate down there thinking he had done enough to divert the War from thence, so that the Romans seem'd wholly to despair of forcing the Passage; but Cato calling to mind the Compass and Circuit which the Persians

had formerly made to come at this place, went forth in the night, taking along with him part of his Army; after which, whilst they were climbing up, the Guide who was a prisoner went out of his way, and wandring up and down by unpassa∣ble and crooked paths, struck the Souldi∣ers with a terrible fear and consternation. Cato perceiving the danger commanded all the rest to hault, and stay where they were, whilst he himself, taking along with him one Lucius Manlius, a wonderful man at climbing of Mountains, went forward with a great deal of labour and danger, in the dark night, and without the least Moon∣shine, over the wild Olive-Trees, and steep craggy Rocks, there being (as has been hinted) nothing but Precipices, and dark∣ness before their eyes, till they fell into a little pass which they thought might lead down into the Enemies Camp; There they put up marks upon some of the most con∣spicuous tops which hung over the Moun∣tain Callidromus, so that returning again they led the Army along with them to the said Marks, till they got into their little Path again, and there once made a halt; but when they began to go farther, the Path did (as it were) leave them, and a great Precipice seem'd to receive them, and put them in another strait and fear; nor

did they perceive all this while that they were near the Enemy. And now the day began to give some light, when they seem'd to hear a noise, and presently af∣ter to see the Greek Trenches and Guard at the foot of the Rock. Here therefore Cato staid his Forces, and commanded the Firmians onely without the rest to stick by him, for them he had found always faith∣ful and ready, and streight they stood round him at their close order, whilst he thus spoke to them. I desire (said he) to tak•• one of the Enemy alive, that so I may under∣stand what kind of Blades they are who guard the Passage; their number; and with what Discipline, Order and Preparation they expect us: but to bring about this Feat (continu'd he) you must snap him with a great deal of quickness and boldness, such as the couragious Lyons use, when unarm'd they fall upon the timorous Beasts. Cato had no sooner thus exprest himself, but the Firmians forthwith rushed down the Mountains, and that in the ve∣ry posture they were in upon the Guard, so falling unexpectedly in upon them, they frighted and dissipated them all; one ar∣med man too they took, and brought to Ca∣to, who quickly learned from him, That the rest of the Forces lay in the narrow Passage about the King; That those who kept the

tops of the Rocks were Six hundred choice Aetolians; Now Cato despising the smallness of their number and care∣lesness, forthwith drawing his sword, fell upon them with a great noise of Trumpets and shouting. The Enemy perceiving them thus tumbling as it were upon them from the Precipices, flew to their Main Guard, and put all things into Disorder. In the mean time whilst Manlius was forcing the Works below, and pouring the thickest of his Forces into the narrow Passages, Antio∣chus was hit in the mouth with a stone, so that his teeth being beaten out thereby, he felt such excessive pain, that he was fain to turn tail with his Horse; nor did any part of their Army stand the shock of the Romans.

Now though there seem'd no hopes of Fight by reason of the inaccessible ways and By-paths, as also of the deep Marishes and steep Rocks, which look'd as if they were ready to receive those who shou'd tumble down; the Athenians neverthe∣less crowding and pressing together in the strait Passages, destroy'd even one another whilst they seem'd afraid of the Swords and Blows of the Enemy. Cato (as it plainly appears) was never over∣sparing of his own Praises, and seldom shunn'd boasting of any Exploit, which

quality indeed seems much to accompany great Actions, and with any such kind of Actions he was indeed usually puff't up; nay, he wou'd say, That those who saw him pursue and slay his Enemies, stickt no•• to assert, That Cato ow'd not so much to the Publick, as the Publick did to Cato: nay, and adds, that Manlius the Consul, coming hot from the Fight, embrac'd him for a great while, when all over in a sweat, then cry'd out with a deal of joy, That neither he him∣self, no, nor all the People together cou'd make him Recompences equal to his great Actions. After the Fight he was sent to Rome, that he himself might be the Messen∣ger of it; so that with a favourable Wind he sail'd to Brandusium, and in one day got from thence to Tarentum; and having tra∣vell'd four days more, upon the fith, count∣ing from the time he came from Sea, hear∣riv'd at Rome, and so he himself brought the first news of the Victory; whereby he fill'd the whole City with Joy and Sacrifices; and the People with an opinion, that they were able to conquer both Sea and Land.

Now these are almost all the Eminent A∣ctions of Cato, relating to military Affairs: but as to Civil Policy, he was of opinion, that a great part of it ought to be employ'd in accusing and enditing Malefactours; for he himself did prosecute many, and wou'd

also assist others who prosecuted them like∣wise; nay wou'd even procure such, as he did Petilius's Party against Scipio; but not being able to destory him, by reason of the greatness of his Family, and the integrity of his mind, he at last wou'd meddle no more with him, yet joining with the Accusers a∣gainst his Brother Lucius, he cast him in a great sum which was forfeited to the Publick; but he being insolvent, and in danger of being thrown into Goal, was by a Petition to the Tribunes of the People with much ado, dismiss'd. 'Tis also said of Cato, that when he met a certain youth, who had with disgrace overthrown one of his Father's Enemies, walk∣ing in the Market-place; He shak'd him by the hand, telling him, That we ought to sacrifice to our dead Parents, not Lambs and Goats, but the Tears and Mulcts of our Adversaries. But neither did he himself 'scape scot-free in his Managery of Affairs; for if he gave his Enemies but the least Hold, he was still in danger, and ready to be brought to Justice, for he is reported to have escap'd at least 50 Enditements; and one above the rest, which was the last, when he was fourscore and six years old, about which time, he had this remarkable Saying, That it was hard for him who had liv'd contemporary with others a great while ago, to plead now before a new Race of Men.

Neither did he make this the last of hi•• Law-suits, for four years after, when 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was fourscore and ten, he accus'd Servil•••• Galba: So that he arriv'd [we see, as N••••∣tor did] to three usual Ages of Man, and that in continual Action, for [as is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of him] having had several Suits with Scipio the Great, about Affairs of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he stretch'd them down even to Scipio 〈◊〉〈◊〉 younger, who was his adopted Grand 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and the Son of that Paulus, who ov•••• threw Perseus and the Macedonians. Now Cato, ten years after his Consulship, pu•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for the Office of Censor, which was in∣deed the Top of all Honour, and in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 manner the highest step in Civil Affairs •• for besides all other Power, it had also that of an Inquisition into any ones 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Manners; for the Romans though•• that not so much as a Marriage, or 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nights lodging for the Procreation 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Children, nay not a Feast or Drinking bout ought to be permitted according 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ev'ry ones Appetite or Fancy, without ••••¦ing censur'd and enquir'd into; bein•• therefore of opinion, That a Man's ••••¦mour was much sooner perceiv'd in these kind of things, than in what is done p••••¦lickly and in open day, they chose two Per¦sons; one out of the Patricians, the other out of the Commons, who were to watch

correct and punish, if any one ran too much after Voluptuousness, or transgress'd the usual manner of living in the place where he was: And these they called Censors. They had power to take away a Horse, or expel out of the Senate any one who liv'd intem∣perately and out of order. 'Twas also their business to take an estimate of what every one was worth, and to put down in Re∣gisters every bodies Birth and Quality: The said Office had also many other Prero∣gatives, wherefore the chief Nobility oppos'd his Pretensions to it; for Emulation vex'd the Patricians, who thought that it wou'd be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 stain to every bodies Nobility, when men of no honour originally shou'd rise to the ••ighest Dignity and Power. Others, con∣••cious of their own evil Practices, with the Violation of the Laws and Customs of their own Countrey, were afraid of the Au∣••terity of the Man; which, when he was ••n Power, was very uneasie and inexora∣ble. Wherefore consulting among them∣••elves, they set up in opposition to Cato, ••even Competitours, who with obsequious∣ness and fair hopes sooth'd the People, which seem'd desirous of such a kind of Magistracy, which would govern gently, ••nd serve their Pleasures. Now Cato on ••he contrary promising no such mildness, but openly threatning evil Livers, from

the very speaking Desk he thus express'd him∣self, and cry'd out, That the City wanted great Reformation, therefore persuaded the people, if they were wise, not to chuse one of the gentlest, but roughest of Physicians; and that such a one he was; and Valeri•••• Flaccus, one of the Patricians, another; so that, together with him, he doubted not (he said) but he should do something worth the while, and that by cutting to pieces, and burning like a Hydra, all Luxury and Voluptuousness. He added too, That he saw all the rest endeavouring after the Office with ill intent, because they were afraid of those who wou'd exercise it just∣ly, as they ought. Upon this occasion the People of Rome did really express themselves Great, and worthy also of great Officers▪ shewing, that they fear'd not the severity and grim countenance of Cato, for reject∣ing those soothing Blades who seem'd to do all things to ingratiate themselves, they took him, together with Flaccus; nay forth with hearken'd to, and obey'd him, not •• one who stood for the Place, but as if he ha•• had the actual power of Commanding an•• Governing already.

By these means [I say] he put down th•• name of this his friend Lucius Valerius Flac•••• to be his Collegue in that Office, and thre•• out of the Senate (among several others

Lucius Quintus, who had been Consul seven years before, and (which was greater ho∣nour to him than the Consulship) Bro∣ther to that Titus Flaminius, who overthrew King Philip. Now the reason he had for the Expulsion was this; Lucius it seems took along with him a youth, whom he had kept always as a Minion from the very flower of his Age, and to whom he gave as much pow∣er and respect as to the chiefest of his Friends and Domesticks.

Now it happen'd that Lucius being Gover∣nour of one of the chief Provinces, the youth clapping himself down by him, as he us'd to do, among other Flatteries with which he did easily turn and wind him, when he was in his Cups, he thus express'd himself; I love you so dearly (quoth he) that though there was a prize to be seen of the Gladiators at home [viz. Rome] of which nature I never beheld one in my life; and though I, as 'twere long'd to see a Man kill'd, yet did I make all possible haste to come to you. Upon this, Lucius mutually caressing him, reply'd, Pri∣••hee sit not so melancholy, for that long∣ing of yours I will cure: Ordering there-fore forthwith one of those condemned to dye to be brought to the Feast, together with the Heads-man and Axe: He askt his Paramour, if now he desired to see the ••ellow executed? The Boy answering that

he did: Lucius commanded the Executioner to cut off his Neck: and this several Historians mention; nay Cicero himself in his Dialogue de Senectute brings in Cato expressing the same thing; but Livy says, That he that was kill'd was a French Renegade, and that Lucius did not execute him by the stroke of the Publick Executioner, but even with his own hand. And all this is written in a Speech of Cato's. Now Lucius being thus expelled out of the Senate by Cato, his Brother took it very ill, and addressing himself to the People, desir'd that Cato shou'd declare how the said Execution was; which when he began to relate, and bring in the Trans∣actions of the Feast, Lucius, with lifted up hands, eadeavour'd to deny it; but Cato calling him to his Oath, he fell off and refus'd it, so that he was then acknowledg'd to suffer deservedly. Afterwards when there was some show at the Theatre, he pass'd by the seat, where those who had been Consuls us'd to be plac'd, and sate a great way off, whereby he mov'd Com∣passion in the common people, who presently with a great noise made bim go on forward, and so as much as possibly they cou'd did set right and salve what had happen'd. Ma∣nilius also, who according to the publick vogue, wou'd have been next Consul, he threw out of the Senate, and that because

in the presence of his Daughter, and in open day he was a little too sweet upon his own Wife. He wou'd use to say too, That his Wife never hugg'd him so close as when there was a great Thunder; therefore when he had a mind to rally, he wou'd add, That he was happy when Jupiter thunder'd. Lucius like∣wise, the Brother of Scipio, and one who had been honour'd vvith a Triumph, occasion'd some Envy against Cato for taking his Horse from him, and seeming to do it vvith a design of putting an affront on Scipio Afri∣canus; but most of all he chock'd the peo∣ple, by retrenching from their Luxury, though (most of the youth being thereby already corrupted) it seem'd almost im∣possible to take it away vvith an open hand and directly; vvherefore going, as it were, ob∣liquely round the hedge, he caus'd all Victu∣als, Voitures, Womens Apparel, Utensils of Housevvifery, whose price exceeded a Thou∣sand and five hundred Drachms, to be rated at ten times as much as they vvere vvorth; intending by thus making the said Rates grea∣ter, to make greater also the publick Tributes. He did also ordain, that for ev'ry thousand Asses, three shou'd be paid; so that they vvho vvere press'd vvith these Taxes (and savv others, of as good Estates, more fru∣gal and sparing, pay less into the publick Exchequer) shou'd be tyr'd out of their

prodigality. Hereby, on the one side, not onely they were disgusted at Cato who bore the Taxes for the sake of their Luxury, but those too who on the other side lay'd by their Luxury for fear of the Taxes; for the com∣mon people reckon, That an Order not to shew their Riches, is equivalent to the ta∣king away their Riches; because Riches are seen much more in superfluous, than in ne∣cessary things, though this made Aristo the Philosopher, much wonder that we shou'd account them who possess'd super∣fluous things more happy than those who abounded with what was necessary and useful. In troth, reply'd he, in these unuseful and unnecessary things am I happy and rich. Thus the ardent desire of Riches, proceeds not from any natural Passion within us, but arises rather from some vulgar and extrinsick opinion. Cato notwithstanding being little sollicitous as to those who exclaim'd against him, grew more stiff in his Austerity: He therefore caus'd the Pipes, through which some persons brought the publick Water in∣to their own Houses and Gardens to be cut, and threw down all the Porches which jet∣ted out into the common streets. He beat down also the price of publick Works, and, on the other side, rais'd the Imposts on all things that were sold; by which proceedings he contracted a great deal of

hatred to himself. Now those who were of Titus Flaminius's Cabal, vacated in open Council all the Bargains and Contracts made by him for the repairing and carrying on of the sacred and publick Buildings, as bring∣ing no profit to the Commonwealth: They did incite also the boldest of the Tribunes of the people to accuse him to the Rabble, and to fine him two Talents. They did likewise very much oppose him in build∣ing the Palace which he caus'd to be erected at the common charge, just by the Senate-house, in the Market-place, and call'd it by his own name, Porcia House. However the people it seems did like his Censourship wondrous well, for setting up a Statue for him in the Temple of the Goddess of Health, they put an Inscription under it, not of his War-like Feats and Triumphs, but such a one as signify'd, That this was Cato the Censour, who by his good Discipline and Ordi∣nances reclaim'd the Roman Common-wealth when it was declining and supinely tumbling into Vice.

Now before this Statue-honour was done to himself, he us'd to laugh at those who lov'd such kind of things, saying, They were not sensible that they glory'd chiefly in the Workmanship of Engravers and Pain∣ters, but that the Citizens bore about his fair∣est Image in their Breasts. When any seem'd to

wonder at him, that he should have never a Statue, when many ordinary persons had one; I wou'd (said he) much rather be ask'd why I have not one, than why I have one. In short, He would not have any honest Citizen endure to be prais'd, ex∣cept it might prove advantageous to the Common-wealth; yet still he most of all commended himself; for he would often in∣timate, that they who were of an ill life, and found fault with, us'd to say, It was not sure so great a feat to blame them, for they preten∣ded not all to be Cato's. He wou'd also add, That they who did awkardly mimick some of his Actions, were called left-handed Cato's; and that the Senate in most perillous times wou'd cast their eyes on him, as upon a Pi∣lot in a Ship, and that often when he was not present wou'd they put off Affairs of greatest consequence. These things are in∣deed too testify'd of him by others; for he had a great Authority in the City, both for his Life, Eloquence and Age. He was also a good Father, an excellent Husband to his Wife, and an extraordinary Oeconomist; nor did he manage all these his Affairs carelesly, and as things of little moment. Wherefore I think I ought to run over a little farther, whatever was commendable in him.

He marry'd a Wife more noble than rich; being of opinion nevertheless, that both of

them so qualify'd are usually haughty and proud: but yet that those of noble blood, wou'd be more asham'd of base things, and consequently more obedient to their Hus∣bands in all that was fit and handsome for them. Him that beat his Wife or Child, he esteem'd as one that laid violent hands on what was most sacred; and a good Husband he reckon'd worthy of more Praise than a great Senatour; wherefore he did in nothing more admire old Socrates, than that with a scolding Wife and block-headed Children, he liv'd contented and quiet.

As soon as ever his Son was born, though he had never such urgent business upon his hands, (if it related not to the Publick) he wou'd be by when his Wife did unswaddle and wash it; for she her self suckled it, nay did often too give her Breast to her Servants Children, to beget by sucking the same Milk a kind of natural Love in them to her Son. Now when he began to come to years of Discretion, Cato himself would teach him his Book, although he had a Servant, a very honest fellow and a good Gramma∣rian, called Chilo, who also taught a good many others; but he thought not fit, as he himself said, to have his Son repriman∣ded by a Servant; or pull'd it may be, by the Ears when found tardy in his Lesson: Nor wou'd he have him owe to a Servant

the obligation of so great a thing as his Lear∣ning; vvherefore he himself (as we vvere say∣ing) taught him Grammar, Law and Fen∣cing: Nor did he onely shew him too how to throw a Dart, to fight with other Arms, and to Ride, but even to play at Fisty-cuffs, to endure both heat and cold, and to swim over the most rapid and rough Rivers. He says likewise, that he wrote Histories, in great Characters, with his own hand, that so his Son without stirring out of the House, might learn the Experience and vertuous Exploits of his Forefathers: Nor did he less abstain from speaking any thing obscene before his Son, than if it had been in the presence of those sacred Virgins, which we call Ve∣stals: Nor would he ever go into the Bag∣no with him, which seems to be according to the common custome of the Romans; for Sons-in-Law avoided still bathing with Fathers-in-Law, being asham'd to see one another naked: But having in time learn'd of the Greeks to strip with the Men, they have since taught the Greeks to doe it even with the Women themselves.

Thus Cato form'd and fashion'd his Son to Vertuous Inclinations, who was not to be found fault with as to his spritefulness; but being of too weak a constitution for hardships, he requir'd not of him any austere or hard way of living.

However, though he was thus tender and delicate, he prov'd a stout man in the Field, and valiantly behav'd himself when Paulus Aemilius fought against Perseus, where when his Sword was struck from him by a blow, or rather slipt out of his hand by reason of the moistness thereof; He so far resented it, that he turned to some of his friends about him, and taking them along with him a∣gain fell upon the Enemy; and having by along Fight and much force clear'd the place at length found it among great heaps of Arms, and the dead Bodies of his Friends as well as Enemies pil'd one upon another. Whereupon Paulus the Governour very much recommended the youth; and there is even a Letter of Cato's to his Son, which does very highly praise this his honourable Exploit and Prowess for the Recovery one∣ly of his Sword. Afterwards he married, Tertia Paulus Aemilius's Daughter, and Si∣ster to Scipio; nor did he match into this Family less for his own Worth than his Fa∣ther's, so that Cato's care in his Sons Educa∣tion had an effect suitable. He purchas'd still a great many Slaves out of the Captives taken in War, but chiefly he bought up the young ones, who were capable to be (as it were) broken and taught like little Whelps and Colts; but none of these ever went into a∣nother man's house, except sent either by Cato

himself or his Wife. If any one of them were ask'd what Cato did; they answer'd, No∣thing that they knew of. When a Servant was at home, he was oblig'd either to do•• some work, or sleep; for indeed Cato lov'd those most, who us'd to lye down often to take a nap, accounting them mure docile than those who sate up much, and more 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for any thing when they were refresh'd with a little slumber. Being also of an opinion, that Servants would take the greatest pains imag••∣nable to satisfie their Venery; he set a certain price to be paid by those who consorted with his Bondwomen, but wou'd suffer none to be concern'd with any others abroad. At first when he was but a poor Souldier, he wou'd not be difficult in any thing which related to his Diet, but look'd upon it as a pitiful 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thing to quarrel with a Servant for the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of his own belly; but afterwards, when 〈◊〉〈◊〉 grew richer, and made any Feasts for his Friends and Comrades, presently when Sup∣per was done, would he with a Leathern Thong scourge those who had waited and dress'd the meat carelesly. He always contriv'd too, that his Servants should have some difference one among another, always suspecting and fear∣ing a good Understanding between 'em▪ Now those who had committed any thing worthy of Death, he accordingly punish'd, if in the opinion of their Fellow-servants

they were found guilty. But being after all much given to an extravagant desire of Gain, he lookt upon Agriculture rather as a plea∣sure than Profit; resolving therefore to lay out his money in lasting and solid things, he purchas'd Ponds, Hot baths, Grounds full of Fullers Earth, Pastures and Wood, whereby a great Revenue flow'd in unto him, and such a one (he us'd to say) as Jupiter himself cou'd not hurt. He was also given to a most blame∣able Usury in his Trafick by Sea; and that thus: He would that those whom he put out his money to, shou'd have many Partners; now when the number of them and their Ships came to be Fifty, he himself wou'd put in but one share; for which Quintion, whom he had made a Freeman, and who traded and sail'd along with the said Adventurers, was to be his Factour; so that thus there was no danger of losing his whole stock, but onely a little part, and that with a prospect of great profit. He likewise lent money to those of his Slaves, who would borrow any, with which they bought also other young ones, whom, when they had taught and bred up at his Charges, they wou'd sell again at the years end; but some of them Cato wou'd keep for himself, giving just as much for them as another had offer'd. To incline his Son to be of this kind of Temper, he wou'd use to say, That it was not like a solid man

to lessen an Estate, but rather like a weak W••••∣dow. But a farther Argument of Cato's av••∣ricious humour, was, when he took the bold∣ness to affirm, That he was a most wonderf••l•• nay a God-like man, who left more behind him than he received.

He was now grown old, when Carneades the Academick, and Diogenes the Stoick came Ambassadours from Athens to Rome, with re∣quest of releasing a Fine of 500 Talents lay'd on the Athenians; in which the Oropians were Plaintiffs, and the Sicyonians Judges. Now all the most studious Youths streight waited on the old Gentlemen, and frequently with ad∣miration, heard them speak: But the Grace∣fulness of Carneades his Oratory (which had greatest force, and was not inferiour to the Fame of it) (especially when he had a great and good natur'd Auditory) fill'd, like a sudden Wind, all the City with the sound of it; so that it soon flew about, that a Grecian, famous even to Admiration, win∣ning upon, and carrying all before him, had impress'd so strange a Love upon the young men, that quitting all their Pleasures and Pastimes, they ran mad, as it were, af∣ter Philosophy, which indeed did much please all the Romans in general; nor cou'd they but with much pleasure see the Youth receive so welcomely the Greek Li∣terature, and frequent the company of these

Learned men: But Cato on the other side, seeing this same Zeal for the Greek flowing into the City, did, from the beginning, take it in dudgeon, fearing lest the youth shou'd be diverted that way, and so prefer the Glo∣ry of Speaking well before that of Arms, and Doing well: Now when the Fame of these Philosophers encreas'd in the City, and Caius Aquilius, one of the principal Senatours, at his own Request became their Interpreter, Cato resolv'd under some specious pretence to have all Philosophers sent packing out of the City; and coming into the Senate, did, as it were, accuse the Magistrates, That the Ambassadours stay'd a long time without being dispatch'd, they being persons that cou'd easily persuade the People to what they pleas'd; that therefore in all haste something should be concluded as to their Embassy, that so being sent home again to their own Schools, they might declaim to the Grecian Chil∣dren, and the Roman Youth, might, as they formerly did, be obedient to their own Laws and Governours. Yet this he did not out of any anger (as some think) to Carneades; but because he wholly de∣spis'd Philosophy, and out of a kind of Pride, scoff'd at the Greek Muses and Literature; for indeed he wou'd use to say, That Socrates was a prating seditious fellow, and endeavour'd by all means possible to

tyrannize over his Countrey, to violate the ancient Customs, and to entice and with∣draw the Citizens to Opinions contrary to the Laws; then scoffing at Socrates's School, he wou'd add, That his Scholars grew so old before they had done Learning with him, as if they were to use their Art and plead Cau∣ses in the next World; and to fright his Son from any thing that was Greek, he us'd a much harsher tone than was usual with one of his age, pronouncing, as it were, with the voice of an Oracle, That the Romans wou'd certainly be destroy'd when they began once to be infected with Greek, though time shew'd the Vanity of this his way-ward Say∣ing; for in truth, the City of Rome grew never greater than when they entertain'd the Gre∣cian Learning; nor had he an aversion onely against the Grecian Philosophers, but the Physicians also, for having it seems heard, how Hippocrates shou'd say, when the King of Persia sent for him, and would have feed him even with several Talents; That he wou'd never assist Barbarians, who were Enemies to the Grecians; he affirm'd, that this was now become a common Oath to be taken by all Physicians, and so enjoin'd his Son to have a care and avoid them; for that he him∣self had written a little Treatise; whereby he gave Prescriptions, and cur'd those who were sick in his Family; that he never en∣join'd

Fasting to any one, but order'd them a little Duck, Pigeon or Levret, such kind of Diet being of light digestion, and fit for sick folks, onely it made those who eat it, rave and dream a little too much; and by the use of this kind of Physick, he wou'd tell them, he did not onely make those about him well, but kept them so: However, for this his presumptuous bragging, he seem'd not to escape unreveng'd; for he lost both his Wife and his Son, though he himself be∣ing of a strong robust constitution, held out longer, so that he would often, even in his old days, make use of Women, nay when he was past a Lover's Age, he married a young Woman, and that upon this pre∣tence: You must know, that having lost his own Wife, he married his Son to the Daughter of Paulus Aemilius, who was Sister to Scipio; so that being now a Widower himself, he made use of a small Girl, who came privately to him; but the House being very little, and a Daughter-in-law also in it, the In∣trigue was quickly discover'd; for the young wench seeming once to pass by a little too boldly to Cato's Bed-chamber, the youth, his Son, though he said nothing, seem'd to look a little grim upon her; the old man percei∣ving it a little offensive, without finding any fault, or saying a word, away he goes, as his custome was, vvith his usual company to the

Market: Among the rest, he call'd aloud to one Salonius, a Clerk of his, and ask'd him whether he had marry'd his Daughter? He answer'd no, nor wou'd not, till he had con∣sulted him: Quoth Cato, then by Jove I have found out a fit Son-in-law for thee, if he may not displease by reason of his Age, for in all other things there is no fault to be found in him: but he is indeed, as I said, a little Old. However, Salonius streight desir'd him to undertake the business, and to give the Vir∣gin to whom he pleas'd, she being an humble Servant of his, and one who stood in need of his Care and Patronage: Upon this Cato, without any more ado, told him, he desir'd to have the Damosel himself. These words did (as you may well imagine) at first astonish the fellow, conceiving that Cato was as far off from marrying, as he from a likelyhood of being ally'd to the Family of one who had been Consul, and triumph'd; but perceiving him in earnest, he took hold of it vvillingly; and going onwards to Market, they quickly struck up the match.

Now whilst this same Marriage was in hand, Cato's Son taking some of his friends along with him, vvent and askt his Father for what offence he brought in a Mother-in-law upon him? but Cato presently cry'd out, Soft and fair, good Son, what thou doest is a greea∣ble enough to me, nor do I find any fault

with it; onely I desire to have many Chil∣dren, and to leave the Commonvvealth more such Citizens as thou art. Pisistratus, the Tyrant of Athens, made, they say, such a kind of Ansvver to his Sons, vvhen they vvere grovvn men, and vvhen he marry'd his second Wife Timonassa of Argos, by vvhom he had (as is reported also) Jophon and Thessalus. Now Cato had a Son by this same second Venter, to vvhom from his Mother, he gave the Sir-name of Salonius; in the mean time his eldest dy'd in his Pretorship, of vvhom Cato makes often mention in his Books, as having been a very good man: Hovvever, he is said to have born the Loss moderately, and like a Philosopher, and that he vvas ne∣ver the more remiss in minding Affairs of State; so that he did not, as Lucius Lucullus and Metellus did, aftervvards grovv languid in his old Age under the burthen of Publick business, looking still upon that as a sacred Duty incumbent upon him.

Nor did he, as Scipio Africanus had done before, vvho because Envy had struck at his Glory, turn'd from the Publick, and so chang'd and pass'd avvay the rest of his Life vvithout doing any thing. But as one persuaded Dio∣nysius, that the most honourable Tomb he could have, wou'd be to dye in the exer∣cise of his Dominion; so he thought that Age to be the most honourable, vvhich vvas

busied in publick Affairs, though he wou'd now and then, when he had leisure, recr••∣rate himself with Husbandry and Writing▪ and indeed he compos'd several Books and Histories, nay in his youth addicted kimself to Agriculture, and that for Profit's sake; for he us'd to say, he had but two ways of getting by, Agriculture and Parsimony; the first of which gave him, in his old Age, both Pleasure and Contemplation. One Book he wrote of Countrey-affairs, in which he treated particularly of making Cakes, and preserving Fruit; being emulous to be ex∣cellent, and singular in all things. His Sup∣pers at his Countrey-house us'd also to be plentiful, for he daily invited his Friends and Neighbours about him, and pass'd away the time merrily with them; so that his company was not onely agreeable to those of the same Age, but even to the younger Fry; for he had experience in a great ma∣ny things, and had been concern'd in much Business and Conversation worth ones hear∣ing. He lookt upon a good Table, for the most part, to be fittest to make Friends with, where the Commendations of brave and good Commonwealths-men was usually in∣troduc'd, but not a word of base and ill ones; for Cato wou'd. not give leave in his company to have either good or ill spoken of such kind of men.

Some will have the Overthrow of Carthage

to have been one of his last Feats of State, when indeed Scipio the younger did by his Valour give it the Necking-blow, though in∣deed chiefly by the Counsel and Advice of Cato. The War happen'd upon this occasion, Cato was sent to the Carthaginians and Massa∣nissa, King of Numidia, who were at War with one another, to know the cause of their diffe∣rence. He, it seems was a Friend of the Romans from the beginning; and they too, since they were conquer'd by Scipio, were their Confederates, and kept in awe by taking away their Dominion, and laying a heavy Tax upon them. Now he finding Carthage, not (as the Romans thought) low and in an ill condition, but well mann'd, full of Riches, all sorts of Arms and Am∣munition, and perceiving the Carthagini∣ans thereupon carry it high, he conceiv'd that the Romans had not time to adjust Af∣fairs betwen them and Massanissa, but ra∣ther that they themselves wou'd fall into danger, except they kept under that same City, which had of old been an Enemy, and still bore a grudge to Rome, and grew incredibly stronger and stronger: Wherefore returning quickly to Rome, he acquainted the Senate, That the former Defeats and Blows given to the Carthaginians, had not so much diminish'd their Strength, as it had abated their Imprudence and Folly;

that they were not become weaker, but more experienc'd in War, and did onely skirmish with the Numidians, to exercise themselves the better to cope with the Romans: That the Peace and League they had made was but a kind of Suspension of Arms, till they expected a fairer opportunity to break again. Moreo∣ver they say, That shaking his Gown, he took occasion to let drop some Africk Figs before the Senate. Now they admiring the bigness and fairness of them, he presently ad∣ded, That the Place that bore them was but three days sail from Rome; Nay, he never after this gave his Opinion; but at the end he wou'd be sure to come out with this Sentence, CAR∣THAGE METHINKS OUGHT UTTER∣LY TO BE DESTROY'D. But P. Scipio Nasica wou'd always declare his opinion to the contrary, in these words, It seems requi∣site to me that Carthage should still stand. Now P. Scipio seeing the Romans very haughty, and by reason of their prosperity, growing obstinate and disobedient to the Senate; as also drawing the whole City whither they wou'd after them. He vvould have had the Fear of Carthage to serve as a Bit to hold in the Contumacy of the Multitude; for though he look't upon the Carthaginians too weak to overcome the Romans, yet he thought them too Great to be despis'd. On the other side, it seem'd a dangerous

thing to Cato, that a City which had been al∣ways great, and was now grown sober and wise by reason of its former Calamities, shou'd still lie as it were upon the Catch with the Romans, who were now become wanton and faulty by reason of their Pow∣er; so that he thought it the wisest course to have all outward dangers remov'd when they had so many inward ones among themselves.

Thus Cato (they say) stirr'd up the third and last War against the Carthaginians: But no sooner was the said War begun, but he dy'd, prophecying of the Person that should put an End to it (viz. Scipio the second) who was then but a young man; but being a Colonel, he in several Fights gave proof of his Courage and Conduct. The news of which being brought to Cato's Ears at Rome, he thus express'd himself.

He onely breathes couragiously, Whilst others like swift shadows fly.

This same Prophecy Scipio soon con∣firm'd by his Actions. In fine, Cato left no Posterity, besides one Son, by his se∣cond Wife, who was nam'd (as we said) Cato Salonius; and a little Grandson by his Eldest Son, who dy'd. Cato Salonius dy'd when he was Praetor, but his Son Marcus was after∣wards

Consul, and Grand-father of that Cato the Philosopher, who for Vertue and Renown was one of the most Eminent Per∣sonages of his time.

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