The second volume of Plutarch's Lives Translated from the Greek, by several hands.

[illustration]

ALCIBIADES.

M. Burgers sculp.

See with what joy the Exile is restor'd,So Hated once, and now so much ador'd;His fortune various, & noe less his mind,Where every vice with every vertue joyn'd.Nothing seem'd hard to his courage, will, or pride,Success still following as he chang'd his side.

THE LIFE OF ALCIBIADES. Translated from the Greek. Volume II.

ALcibiades, as it is suppos'd, was anci∣ently descended from Eurysaces, the Son of Ajax, by his Fathers side, and by his Mothers side from Alcmeon, for Dino∣nache, his Mother, was the Daughter of Me∣••acles. His Father Clinias, having fitted out a Gally at his own expence, gained great Honour in a Sea-fight near Artimisium, and was afterwards slain in the Battel of Coronea,

fighting against the Baeotians. Pericles and Ariphron, the Sons of Xantippus, being nearly related to Alcibiades, were his Guar∣dians. 'Tis said, and not untruely, that the Kindness and Friendship which Socrates shewed to him, did very much contribute to his Fame. Hence it is, that tho' we have not an account from any Writer, who was the Mother of Nicias or Demosthenes, of Lamachus or Phormio, of Thrasybulus or Theramenes, notwithstanding they were all of them Illustrious Persons, and of the same Age; yet we know even the Nurse of Al∣cibiades, that her Countrey was Lacedae∣mon, and her Name, Amyclas; and that Zopyrus was his Schoolmaster; the one being recorded by Antisthenes, and the other by Plato.

It is not perhaps material to say any thing of the Beauty of Alcibiades, only that it lasted with him in all the Ages of his Life, in his Infancy, in his Youth, and in his Manhood; and thereby rendred him lovely and agreea∣ble to every one. For it is not universal what Euripides saith, that,

Of all Fair things the Autumn is most Fair.

But this happened to Alcibiades, amongst few others, by reason of his happy Compo∣sition, and the natural Vigor of his Body. It

is said, that his Lisping, when he spoke, became him well, and gave a Grace to his Pronunciation. Aristophanes takes notice, that he lisped in those Verses wherein he jeers Theorus, because Alcibiades, speaking of him, instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 pronounced 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and so called him Flatterer unawares to himself. From whence the Poet takes oc∣casion to observe,

How very luckily he lisp'd the Truth.

Archippus also makes mention of it, thus re∣flecting upon the Son of Alcibiades:

His Father he will imitate in all; Like one dissolv'd in Ease and Luxury, His long loose Robe he seems to draw with pain, Carelesly leans his Head, and in his Talk Affects to lisp.

His Manners were very different, nor is it strange that they varied according to the many and wonderful Vicissitudes of his For∣tune.

He was naturally subject to great Passions, but the most prevailing of all was his Ambi∣tion, and Desire to be esteem'd the first: which appear'd by several memorable Things spoken by him whilst he was a Child. Once being hard press'd in Wrastling, and fearing

to be thrown, he got the Hand of the Per∣son who strove with him to his Mouth, and bit it with all his sorce; his Adversary loos'd his hold presently, and said, Thou bitest, Al∣cibiades, like a Woman: No, replied he, I bite like a Lion. Another time as he play∣ed at Cockal in the Street, being then but a Boy, a loaded Cart came that way, when it was his Turn to throw; at first he requir'd the Driver to stay, because he was to cast in the way over which the Cart was to pass; but the rude Fellow did not hearken to him, and driving on still, when the rest of the Boys divided and gave way, Alcibiades threw himself on his Face before the Cart, and stretching himself out, bid the Carter drive on, if he would: This so startled the Man, that he put back his Horses, while all that saw it were terrified, and crying out, ran to assist Alcibiades. When he began to study, he obeyed all his other Masters with great Respect, but refused to learn upon the Flute, as a sordid thing, and not becom∣ing a Gentle man; for he would say, To play on the Lute or the Harp, does not disor∣der the Posture of a man's Body, or the Air of his Face; but one is hardly to be known by his most intimate Friends, when he play on the Flute. Besides he who plays on th•• Harp, may discourse or sing at the sam•• time; but the use of the Flute does so con∣tract

the Mouth, that the Voice is intercep∣ted, and all Speech taken away. There∣fore said he, let the Theban Youths pipe, be∣cause they know not how to discourse; but we Athenians, (as our Ancestors have told us,) have Minerva for our Patroness, and Apollo for our Protector, one of which threw away the Flute, and the other stripped off his Skin who play'd upon it. Thus between Raillery and good Earnest, Alcibiades not only kept himself but others from learning upon that Instrument; for it presently be∣came the Talk of the young Gentlemen, that Alcibiades with good Reason despis'd the Art of playing on the Flute, and ridicul'd those who studied it. Whereupon it quickly ceas'd to be reckon'd amongst the Liberal Arts, and became universally exploded.

It is reported in the Invective which Anti∣phon wrote against Alcibiades, That once when he was a Boy, he fled to the House of Democrates, one of his Lovers, and that Ari∣phron had determin'd to cause Proclamation to be made for him, had not Pericles diver∣ted him from it, by saying, That if he were dead, the Proclaiming of him could only cause it to be discover'd one day sooner, and if he were safe, it would be a Reproach to him whilst he liv'd. Antiphon does also say, That in the publick Place of Exercises in Sy∣burtius, he slew one of his own Servants with

the blow of a Staff. But it may be unreaso∣nable to give Credit to all that is objected by an Enemy, who makes profession of his De∣sign to defame him.

It was manifest, that the many Persons of Quality who were continually waiting upon him, and making their Court to him, were surpriz'd and captivated by his extraordina∣ry Beauty only. But the Affection which Socrates express'd for Alcibiades, was a great Evidence of his Vertue and good Disposition, which Socrates perceiv'd to appear and shine through the Beauty of his Person; and fearing lest his Wealth and Quality, and the great Number both of Strangers and A∣thenians, who flatter'd and caress'd him, might at last corrupt him, he therefore re∣solv'd to interpose, and take care to preserve so hopeful a Plant from perishing in the Flower, and before its Fruit came to perfe∣ction. For never did Fortune surround and enclose a Man with so many of those things which we vulgarly call Goods, whereby to keep him from being touch'd or approach'd, by the free and clear Reasonings of Philoso∣phy, as she did Alcibiades: who from the beginning was softned by the Flatteries of those who convers'd with him, and hindred from hearkning to such as would advise or instruct him. Yet such was the happiness of his Genius, that he discern'd Socrates from

the rest, and admitted him, whilst he drove away the Wealthy and the Noble who made Court to him. And in a little time they grew into a Familiarity; Alcibiades obser∣ving that his Discourses aimed not at any effeminate Pleasures of Love, nor sought any thing wanton or dishonest, but laid open to him the Imperfections of his Mind, and re∣press'd his vain and foolish Arrogance.

Then like the Craven Cock he hung his Wings.

Esteeming these Endeavours of Socrates, as Means which the Gods made use of, for the Instruction and Preservation of Youth. So that he began to think meanly of himself, and to admire Socrates; to be pleas'd with his Kindness, and to stand in awe of his Ver∣tue: and unawares to himself there was form'd in his Mind an Idea of Love, or ra∣ther of that mutual Affection whereof Plato speaks. Insomuch that all men won∣dred at Alcibiades, when they saw Socrates and him eat together, do their Exercises together, and lodge in the same Tent, whilst he was reserv'd and rough to all o∣thers who made their Addresses to him, and carried himself with great Insolence to some of them. As in particular to Anytus the Son of Anthemion, one who was very fond of him, and invited him to an Entertainment which he had prepared for some Strangers: Alci∣biades

refused the Invitation; but having drank to excess at his own House with some of his Companions, he went thither to play some Frolick; and as he stood at the Door of the Room where the Guests were treated, and perceiv'd the Tables to be cover'd with Vessels of Gold and Silver, he commanded his Servants to take away the one half of them, and carry them to his own House; and then disdaining so much as to enter into the Room himself, as soon as he had done this, he went away. The Company was extreamly offended at the Action, and said He behav'd himself rudely and insolently to∣wards Anytus: But Anytus made Answer, That he had used him kindly and with great Humanity, in that he left him part, when he might have taken all. He behav'd him∣self after the same sort to all others who cour∣ted him, except only one Stranger, who (as it is reported) having but a small Estate, sold it all for about a 100 Staters, which he presented to Alcibiades, and besought him to accept: Alcibiades smiling and well pleas'd at the thing, invited him to Supper, and after a very kind Entertainment, gave him his Gold again, withall requiring him, not to fail to be present the next day, when the publick Revenue was offer'd to Farm, and to out-bid all others. The Man would have excus'd himself, because the Farm was so

great, and would be lett for many Talents; but Alcibiades, who had at that time a pri∣vate Picque against the old Farmers, threat∣ned to have him beaten if he refus'd. The next morning the Stranger coming to the Market-place, offer'd a Talent more than the old Rent: The Farmers were enrag'd at him, and consulting together, call'd upon him to name such as would be Sureties for him, concluding that he could find none. The poor Man being startled at the Proposal, began to retire; but Alcibiades, standing at a distance, cryed out to the Magistrates, Set my Name down, he is a Friend of mine, and I will undertake for him. When the old Farmers heard this, they perceiv'd that all their Contrivance was defeated; for their way was, with the Profits of the present year, to pay the Rent of the year preceding; So that not seeing any other way to extri∣cate themselves out of the Difficulty, they began to entreat the Stranger, and offer'd him a Sum of Money. Alcibiades would not suffer him to accept of less than a Talent; but when that was paid down, he com∣manded him to relinquish the Bargain, ha∣ving by this Device reliev'd his necessity.

Tho Socrates had many and powerful Rivals, yet he still prevail'd most with Alcibiades, by reason of the excellency of his natural Parts. His Discourses master'd

him to that degree, as not only to draw Tears from his Eyes, but to change his very Soul. Yet sometimes he would abandon himself to Flatterers, when they proposed to him varieties of Pleasure, and would de∣sert Socrates▪ who then would pursue him, as if he had been a fugitive Slave. The truth is, Alcibiades despis'd all others, and did reverence and stand in awe of him alone. And therefore it was that Cleanthes said, He had given his Ears to Socrates, but to his Rivals, other Parts of his Body, with which Socrates would not meddle. For Alcibiades was certainly very much addicted to Plea∣sures, and that which Thucidides says, con∣cerning his Excesses in his course of Living, gives occasion to believe so. But those who endeavour'd to corrupt Alcibiades, took ad∣vantage chiefly of his Vanity and Ambition, and thrust him on to undertake unseasonably great things, perswading him, that as soon as he began to concern himself in publick Affairs, he would not only obscure the rest of the Generals and Statesmen, but exceed the Authority and the Reputation which Pe∣ricles himself had gain'd in Greece. But in the same manner as Iron which is softned by the Fire, grows hard with the Cold, and all its Parts are clos'd again; so as often as So∣crates observ'd. Alcibiades to be misled by Luxury or Pride, he reduc'd and corrected

him by his Discourses, and made him hum∣ble and modest, by shewing him in how many things he was deficient, and how very far from perfection in Vertue.

When he was past his Childhood▪ he went once to a Grammar School, and ask'd the Master for one of Homer's Books; and he making Answer, that he had nothing of Homers, Alcibiades gave him a Blow with his Fist, and went away. Another School∣master telling him, that he had Homer cor∣rected by himself; How, said Alcibiades, and do you imploy your time in teaching Chil∣dren to read? You who are able to amend. Ho∣mer, may well undertake to instruct Men. Being once desirous to speak with Pericles, he went to his House, and was told there, that he was not at leisure, but busied in con∣sidering how to give up his Accompts to the Athenians; Alcibiades as he went away, said, It were better for him to consider how he might avoid giving up any Accompts at all.

Whilst he was very young, he was a Soul∣dier in the Expedition against Potidaea, where Socrates lodg'd in the same Tent with him, and seconded him in all Encounters. Once there happen'd a sharp skirmish, wherein they both behav'd themselves with much Bravery; but Alcibiades receiving a Wound there, Socrates threw himself before him to defend him, and most manifestly

sav'd him and his Arms from the Enemy, and therefore in all Justice might have challeng'd the Prize of Valour. But the Generals appearing earnest to adjudge, the Honour to Alcibiades, because of his Qua∣lity, Socrates, who desir'd to increase his Thirst after Glory, was the first who gave Evidence for him, and press'd them to Crown him, and to decree to him the compleat Suit of Armour. Afterwards in the Battel of Delium, when the Athenians were routed, and Socrates with a few others was retrea∣ting on Foot, Alcibiades who was on Horse-back observing it, would not pass on, but stay'd to shelter him from the danger, and brought him safe off, tho' the Enemy press'd hard upon them, and cut off many of the Party. But this happened some time after.

He gave a Box on the Ear to Hipponicus, the Father of Callias, whose Birth and Wealth made him a Person of great Power and Esteem. And this he did unprovok'd by any Passion or Quarrel between them, but only because in a Frolick he had agreed with his Companions to do it. All men were justly offended at this Insolence, when it was known through the City: But early the next Morning Alcibiades went to his House, and knock'd at the Door, and being admit∣ted to him, stripp'd off his Garment, and pre∣senting his naked Body, desir'd him to

beat and chastize him as he pleas'd. Upon this Hipponicus forgot all his Resentment, and not only pardon'd him, but soon after gave him his Daughter Hipparete in Mar∣riage. Some say, that it was not Hipponi∣cus, but his Son Callias, who gave Hippa∣rete to Alcibiades, together with a Portion of 10 Talents, and that after, when she had a Child, Alcibiades forc'd him to give 10 Talents more, upon pretence that such was the Agreement if she brought him any Chil∣dren. And yet after, Callias for fear of being assassinated by him, in a full Assembly of the People did declare, that if he should happen to die without Children, Alcibiades should in∣herit his House and all his Goods. Hippa∣rete was a vertuous Lady, and fond of her Husband; but at last growing impatient of the injuries done to her Marriage-bed, by his continual entertaining of Curtezans, as well Strangers as Athenians, she departed from him, and retir'd to her Brother's House. Alcibiades seem'd not at all concern'd at it, and liv'd on still in the same Luxury; but the Law requiring that she should deliver to the Archon in Person, and not by Proxy, the Instrument whereby she sought a Divorce; when in obedience to the Law, she presen∣ted her self before him to perform this, Alci∣biades came in, and took her away by force, and carried her home through the Market-place,

no one all this while daring to oppose him, nor to take her from him. And she continu'd with him till her death, which happened not long after, when Alcibiades made his Voyage to Ephesus. Nor was this Violence to be thought so very enormous or unmanly. For the Law, in making her who desires to be divorc'd, appear in pub∣blick, seems to design to give her Husband an opportunity of discoursing with her, and of endeavouring to retain her. Alcibiades had a Dog which cost him 70 Mina, and was a very great one, and very handsom; his Tail, which was his principal Ornament, he caus'd to be cut off; and his Acquain∣tance childing him for it, and telling him, that all Athens was sorry for the Dog, and cried out upon him for this Action; he laugh'd, and said, It is then come to pass as I desir'd, for I would have the Athenians en∣tertain themselves with the Discourse of this, lest they should be talking something worse of me.

It is said, that the first time he came into the Assembly, was upon occasion of a Largess of Money which he made to the People. This was not done by Design, but as he pass'd along he heard a Shout, and enquiring the Cause, and having learn'd that there was a Donative made to the People, he went in amongst them, and gave Money also. The

Multitude thereupon applauding him, and shouting, he was sotransported at it, that he for∣got a Quail which he had under his Robe and the Bird being frighted with noise, fled from him: Thereupon the People made louder Acclamations than before, and many of them rose up to pursue the Bird; but one Antio∣chus, a Pilot, caught it, and restor'd it to him, for which he was ever after very dear to Alcibiades.

He had great Advantages to introduce himself into the Management of Affairs: His noble Birth, his Riches, the personal Courage he had shewn in divers Battels, and the multitude of his Friends and Dependents. But above all the rest, he chose to make him∣self Considerable to the People by his Elo∣quence: That he was a Master in the Art of Speaking the Comick Poets bear him witness; and Demosthenes, the most eloquent of men, in his Oration against Midias, does allow, that Alcibiades, among other Per∣fections, was a most exact Orator. And if we give Credit to Theophrastus, who of all Philosophers was the most curious Enquirer, and the most faithful Relator, he says, that Alcibiades was very happy at inventing Things proper to be said upon the Occasion. Nor did he consider the Things only which ought to be said, but also what Words and what Expressions were to be us'd; and when

those did not readily occur, he would often pause in the middle of his Discourse for want of apt words, and would be silent and stop till he could recollect himself, and had consi∣der'd what to say.

His Expences in Horses kept for the pub∣lick Games, and in the number of his Cha∣riots, were very magnificent; for never any one besides himself, either private Per∣son or King, sent seven Chariots to the O∣lympick Games. He carried away at once the first, the second, and the fourth Prize, as Thucydides says, or the third, as Euripi∣des relates it; wherein he surpass'd all that ever pretended in that kind. Euripides ce∣lebrates his success in this manner.

Thee lovely Son of Clinias will I sing, Thy Triumphs down to future Ages bring. Thou Pride of Greece! which never saw till now, So many Crowns adorn one conquering Brow. With how much ease the three-fold Prize he gains, And smiles to see from far his Rivals Pains. Their Chariots lagging on the distant Plains, His Temples thrice the willing Judges crown, And general Shouts do the just sentence Own.

The Emulation which those who conten∣ded with him, expressed in the Presents which they made to him, rendred his Success the more illustrious. The Ephesians

erected a Tent for him adorned magni∣ficently: The City of Chios furnished him with Provender for his Horses, and with great numbers of Beasts for Sacrifice. And the Lesbians sent him Wine and other Pro∣visions, for the many great Entertainments which he made. Yet in the midst of all this, he escap'd not without Censure, oc∣casion'd either by the Malice of his Ene∣mies, or by his own ill Carriage. For 'tis said, that one Diomedes, an Athenian, a good man, and a Friend to Alcibiades, pas∣sionately desiring to obtain the Victory at the Olympick Games, and having heard much of a Chariot which belogned to the State ••t Argos, where he had observ'd that Alci∣biades had great Power and many Friends, ••e prevail'd with him to undertake to buy ••he Chariot. Alcibiades did indeed buy it, ••ut then claim'd it for his own, leaving ••iomedes to rage at him, and to call upon he Gods and Men to bear witness of the ••njustice. There was a Suit at Law com∣nenc'd upon this Occasion, and there is ••et extant an Oration concerning a Cha∣••ot, written by Iscrates in Defence of Al∣••••biades, then a Youth. But there the ••laintiff in the Action is named Tisias, and ••ot Diomedes.

As soon as he began to intermeddle in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Government, which was when he

was very young, he quickly lessen'd the Credit of all who pretended to lead the People, except Pheax the Son of Erasistra∣tus, and Nicias the Son of Niceratus, who alone durst contend with him. Nicias was arriv'd at the Age which is proper for War, and was esteem'd an excellent General; but Pheax was but beginning to grow in Reputation, (as Alcibiades was.) He was descended of noble Ancestors, but was infe∣rior to Alcibiades, as in many other things, so principally in Eloquence. He could speak well, and had the Art of Perswading in private Conversation, but could not main∣tain a Debate before the People; that being true which Eupolis said of him, That he could talk well, but was not good at ma∣king Speeches. There is extant an Oration written against Pheax and Alcibiades, wherein, amongst other things, it is said, that Alcibiades made daily use at his Table of many gold and silver Vessels, which be∣long'd to the Common-wealth, as if they had been his own.

There was one Hyperbolus, a Native of Perithoide, (of whom Thucydides makes mention, as of a very ill man) who furnish'd Matter to all the Writers of Comedy in that Age for their Satyrs. But he was unconcern'd at the worst things they could say, and being careless of Glory, he

was also insensible of Shame. There are some who call this Boldness and Courage, whereas it is indeed Impudence and Mad∣ness. He was lik'd by no body, yet the People made frequent use of him, when they had a mind to disgrace or calumniate any Persons in Authority. At this time the People by his Perswasions were ready to proceed to pronounce the Sentence of ten years Banishment, which they called Ostracism. This was a way they made use of to lessen and drive out of the City such Citizens, as exceeded the rest in Credit and Power, therein consulting their envy rather than their fear. And when at this time there was no doubt but that the Ostracism would fall upon one of those three, Alci∣biades contriv'd to unite their several Facti∣ons, and communicating his Project with Nicias, he turn'd the Sentence upon Hy∣perbolus himself. Others say, that it was not with Nicias but Pheax that he con∣sulted, and that by the help of his Party he procured the Banishment of Hypenbolus himself, when he suspected nothing less. For never any mean or obscure person fell under that Punishment before that time. Which gave occasion to Plato the Comick Poet, speaking of this Hyperbolus, to say that he was,

Worthy to suffer what he did and more, But not in such an honourable way: The abject Wretch the Sentence did disgrace.

But we have in another place given a fuller account of all that History has delivered down to us of this Matter.

Alcibiades was not less disturbed at the Reputation which Nicias had gain'd a∣mongst the Enemies of Athens, than at the Honours which the Athenians them∣selves paid to him. For tho' Alcibiades was the Person who did publickly receive the Lacedaemonians when they came to Athens, and took particular Care of such of them as were made Prisoners at the Fort of Pylos, yet after they had obtained the Peace and Restitution of the Captives by the Procurement of Nicias, they began to respect him above all others. And it was commonly said in Greece, that the War was begun by Pericles, and that Nicias made an end of it, and therefore as being his Work, this Peace was by most men called the Nician Peace. Alcibades was extreamly troubled at this, and being full of Envy, set himself to break the League. First therefore observing that the Argives, as well out of fear as hatred to the Lacedae∣monians, sought for protection against them, he gave them a secret Assurance of a

League offensive and defensive with A∣thens And transacting as well in Person as by Letters, with those who had most Authority amongst the People, he encou∣raged them neither to fear the Lacedae∣monians, nor submit to them, but to betake themselves to the Athenians, who, if they would expect but a little while, would repent of the Peace, and soon put an end to it. And afterwards when the Lacedae∣monians had made a League with the Bae∣otians, and had not delivered up Panactum entire, as they ought to have done by the Treaty? but defac'd and slighted it, which gave great offence to the People of A∣thens, Alcibiades laid hold of that oppor∣tunity to exasperate them more highly. He exclaim'd fiercely against Nicias, and accus'd him of many things, which seem∣ed probable enough: As that when he was General, he would not seize upon those men who were deserted by the E∣nemies Army, and left in the Isle of Spha∣cteria; and that when they were after∣wards made Prisoners by others, he pro∣cur'd them to be released, and sent back to the Lacedaemonians, only to get favour with them; that he would not make use of his Credit with them, to prevent their entring into this Confederacy with the Baeotians. and Corinthians; and yet on the

other side he sought to hinder those Grecians who were inclined to make an Alliance and Friendship with Athens, if the Lacedaemoni∣ans were not pleased with it.

It happen'd at the very time when Ni∣cias was by these Arts brought into dis∣grace with the People; that Ambassadours arrived from Lacedaemon, who at their first coming said what seemed very satisfa∣ctory, declaring that they had full power to concert all Matters in difference upon equal terms. The Council received their Propositions, and the People was to as∣semble on the morrow to give them Au∣dience. Alcibiades grew very apprehen∣sive of this, and ordered Matters so, that he had a secret Conference with the Am∣bassadors. When they were met, he said; What is it you intend, you Men of Sparta? Can you be ignorant, that the Coun∣cil always carry themselves with Moderation and Respect towards Ambassadors, but that the People are haughty, and affect great things? So that if you let them know what full Powers your Commission gives you, they will urge and press you to yield to unreasona∣ble Conditions. Quit therefore this indiscreet Method, if you expect to obtain equal Terms from the Athenians, and would not have things extorted from you contrary to your Inclination; and begin to treat with the

People upon some reasonable Articles, not owning at the first that you are Plenipotentia∣ries, and I will be ready to assist you, as be∣ing very zealous to serve the Lacedaemoni∣ans. When he had said thus, he gave them his Oath for the performance of what he promised, and by this way drew them from Nicias to rely entirely upon himself, and to admire him as a Person ex∣traordinary for Wisdom and Dexterity in Affairs. The next day when the People were assembled, and the Ambassadors intro∣duc'd, Alcibiades with great Civility deman∣ded of them, with what Powers they were come? they made answer, That they were not come as Plenipotentiaries.

Instantly upon that Alcibiades with a loud Voice, (as tho' he had receiv'd, and not done the wrong) began to call them faithless and inconstant, and to shew that such men could not possibly come with a purpose to say or do any thing that was sin∣cere. The Council was highly incens'd, the People were in a rage, and Nicias, who knew nothing of the Deceit and the Impo∣sture, was in the greatest Confusion imagi∣nable, being equally surpriz'd and asham'd at such a Change in the Men. So that without more ado, the Lacedaemonian Am∣bassadors were utterly rejected, and Alci∣biades was declar'd General, who present∣ly

drew the Argives, the Elians, and those of Mantinoea, into a Confederacy with the Athenians.

No man commended the Method by which Alcibiades effected all this, yet it was a great reach in the Politicks, thus to divide and shake almost all Peloponnesus, and to bring together so many men in Arms against the Lacedaemonians in one day before Man∣tinoea; thereby removing the War and the Danger so far from the Frontier of the A∣thenians, that even success would profit the Enemy but little should they be Conquerors, whereas if they were defeated, Sparta it self was hardly safe.

After this Battel at Mantineoea, the Offi∣cers of the Army of the Argives attempt∣ed to destroy the Government of the Peo∣ple in Argos, and make themselves Masters of the City; and by the Assistance of the Lacedaemonians they abolished the Demo∣cracy. But the People took Arms again, and having gain'd some Advantage, Alci∣biades came in to their Aid, and made their Victory compleat. Then he perswaded them to build long Walls, and by that means to joyn their City to the Sea, that so at all times they might more securely receive Suc∣cour from the Athenians. To this purpose he procur'd them many Masons and Hew∣ers of Stone from Athens, and in all things

made shew of the greatest Zeal for their Service, and thereby gain'd no less Ho∣nour and Power to himself, than to the Common-wealth of Athens. He also per∣swaded the Patroeans to joyn their City to the Sea, by lengthening their Walls; and when they were warn'd, That the Atheni∣ans would swallow them up at last; Alci∣biades made Answer, that possibly it might be so, but it would be by little and little, and beginning at the Feet, whereas the La∣cedoemonians will begin at the Head, and devour you all at once. He did also advise the Athenians to make themselves strong at Land, and often put the young Men in mind of the Oath which they had made at Agraulos, and excited them to the effectual performance of it; for there they were wont to swear, that they would repute Wheat and Barley, and Vines and Olives, to be the Limits of Attico; by which they were taught to claim a Title to all Lands that were ma∣nured and fruitful.

But with all these excellent Things which he said and did, with all this Wis∣dom and Eloquence, he intermingled ex∣orbitant Luxury in his Eating and Drink∣ing, and in his Loves, joyn'd with great Insolence, and Effeminacy. He wore a long purple Robe, which dragg'd after him as he went through the Market-place.

He caus'd the Planks of his Galley to be cut away, that so he might lye the softer, his Bed not being plac'd on the Boards, but hanging upon Girths. And his Shield, which was richly gilded, had not the usual En∣signs of the Athenians, but a Cupid holding a Thunderbolt in his Hand, was painted upon it; which when those of the best Qua∣lity in the City saw, they did not only detest it, and resent it highly, but were afraid of his dissolute Manners, and insolent Contempt of Laws, as things monstrous in themselves, and tending to a Change of the Government. Aristophanes has well express'd in what manner the People stood affected towards him:

They hate him, yet they love to see him too, Still Popular amidst his wild Debauches.

And in another place he doth more plainly discover the Jealousie which was conceiv'd of him:

'Tis folly to breed up an infant Lion, But to provoke him after, downright Madness.

The truth is, his Liberalities, his publick Shews, and other Munificence to the Peo∣ple, (which were such as nothing could exceed,) the Glory of his Ancestors, the

Force of his Eloquence, the Loveliness of his Person, his Strength of Body, joyn'd with his great Courage, and extraordinary Knowledge in Military Affairs, prevail'd upon the Athenians to endure patiently his Excesses, to indulge many things to him, and to give the softest Names to his Faults, attributing them only to his Youth and good Nature. He kept Agatharcus the Pain∣ter a Prisoner, till he had painted his whole House, but then dismis'd him with a Reward. He publickly struck Taureas, who exhibited certain Shews in opposition to him, and con∣tended with him for the Prize. He took to himself one of the captive Melian Wo∣men, and had a Son by her, whom he took care to educate. This the Athenians styl'd great Humanity: and yet he was the principal Cause of the Slaughter of all the Inhabitants of the Isle of Melos, who were of Age to bear Arms, by speaking in favour of that cruel Decree. When Aristophon the Painter had drawn Nemea the Curtezan, sitting and holding Alcibia∣des in her Arms, the Multitude seem'd pleased with the Piece, and throng'd to see it, but the graver sort were highly offended, and looked on these things as great Enormities, and savouring of a Tyranny. So that it was not said a∣miss by Archestratus, that Greece could

not bear two Alcibiades. Once when Alci∣biades succeeded well in an Oration which he made, and the whole Assembly attend∣ed upon him to do him Honour, Timon, sirnamed the Man-hater, would not pass slightly by him, nor avoid him as he did others, but purposely met him, and ta∣king him by the Hand, said, Go on boldly, my Son, maist thou increase in Credit with the People, for thou wilt one day bring them Calamities enough. Some that were present laugh'd at the Saying, and some reproach∣ed Timon; but there were others upon whom it made a deep Impression: So vari∣ous was the Judgment which was made of him, by reason of the Inequality of his Manners.

The Athenians in the Life-time of Peri∣cles had cast a longing Eye upon Sicily, but did not attempt any thing in relation to it, till after his Death. For then, under pre∣tence of aiding their Confederates, they sent Succours upon all Occasions to those who were oppress'd by the Syracusans, and thereby made way for the sending over of a greater Force. But Alcibiades was the Person who inflam'd this Desire of theirs to the height, and prevail'd with them no longer to proceed secretly in their Design, and by little and little, but to set out a great Fleet, and undertake at once to make

themselves Masters of the Island. To this purpose he possess'd the People with great Hopes, whilst he himself had much grea∣ter; and the Conquest of Sicily, which was the utmost Bound of their Ambition, was but the beginning of those things which he thought of. Nicias endeavour'd to divert the People from this Expedition, by representing to them, that the taking of Syracuse would be a work of great Diffi∣culty. But Alcibiades dreamt of nothing less than the Conquest of Carthage and Lybia, and by the Accession of these, fancied him∣self already Master of Italy and of Pelopon∣nesus; so that he seemed to look upon Sicily as little more than a Magazine for the War. The young Men were soon rais'd with these Hopes, and heark'ned gladly to those of riper years, telling them strange things of this Expedition; so that you might see great Numbers sitting in Rings in the Places of Exercise, some describing the Figure of the Island, and others the Si∣tuation of Lybia and Carthage. But it is said, that Socrates the Philosopher, and Meton the Astrologer, never hop'd for any good to the Common wealth from this War: The one, (as 'tis probable,) presaging what would ensue, by the As∣sistance of his Daemon, who conversed with him familiarly; and the other, either

upon a rational Consideration of the Project, or by making use of the Art of Divination, was become fearful of the success: and therefore, dissembling Madness, he caught up a burning Torch, and seem'd as if he would have set his own House on fire: Others report, that he did not take upon him to act the Mad man, but that secretly in the night he set his House on fire, and the next morning besought the People, that for his Comfort after such a Calamity, they would spare his Son from the Expedition. By which Artifice he deceived his fellow-Citi∣zens, and obtained of them what he desired.

Together with Alcibiades, Nicias, much against his Will, was appointed General for he endeavour'd to avoid the Command as disliking his Colleague. But the Athe∣nians thought the War would proceed mor•• prosperously, if they did not send Alcibia∣des free from all Restraint, but temper'd hi••▪ Heat with the Caution of Nicias. Thi•• they chose the rather to do, because Lama∣chus the third General, tho' he was in hi•• declining years, yet in several Battels had appeared no less hot and rash than Alcibia∣des himself. When they began to delibe∣rate of the number of Forces, and of th•• manner of making the necessary Provisions Nicias made another Attempt to oppose th•• Design, and to prevent the War; but Alci∣biades

contradicted him, and carried his Point with the People. And one Demostra∣tes, an Orator, proposing to them, that they ought to give the Generals absolute Power, both as to the greatness of the Preparations, and the management of the War, it was presently decreed so. But just when all things were fitted for the Voy∣age, many unlucky Omens appear'd. At that very time the Feast of Adonis happen∣ed, in which the Women were used to expose in all Parts of the City, Images resembling dead men carried out to their Burial, and to represent Funeral Solemni∣ties by their Lamentations and mournful Songs. The maiming also of the Images of Mercury, most of which in one night had their Faces broken, did terrifie many persons who were wont to despise things of that nature. It was given out, that this was done by the Corinthians, for the sake of the Syracusans, who were a Colo∣ny of theirs, in hopes that the Athenians observing such Prodigies, might be induc'd to repent of the War. Yet this Report gain'd not any Credit with the People, nor the Opinion of those, who would not believe that there was any thing ominous in the Matter, but that it was only an ex∣travagant Action, committed by some wild young men coming from a Debauch; but

they were both enrag'd and terrifi'd at the thing, looking upon it to proceed from a Conspiracy of persons, who design'd some great Commotions in the State. And there∣fore as well the Council, as the Assembly of the People, which upon this Occasion was held frequently in a few days space, ex∣amin'd diligently every thing that might administer ground for Suspicion. During this Examination, Androcles, one of the Demogogues, produc'd certain Slaves and Strangers before them, who accus'd Alci∣biades and some of his Friends for defacing other Images in the same manner, and for having prophanely acted the sacred My∣steries at a drunken Meeting. Wherein one Theodorus represented the Herald, Po∣lytion the Torch-bearer, and Alcibiades the Chief Priest, and that the rest of his Com∣panions were present, as persons initiated in the holy Mysteries, and acting the Part of Priests. These were the Matters contain'd in the Accusation, which Thessalus the Son of Cimon, exhibited against Alcibiades, for his impious Mockery of the Goddesses, Ceres and Proserpina. The People were highly exasperated and enrag'd against Al∣cibiades upon this Accusation, which being aggravated by Androcles, the most malici∣ous of all his Enemies, at first disorder'd him exceedingly. But when he perceiv'd

that all the Sea-men design'd for Sicily, were fond of him, and that at the same time the Forces of the Argives and the Mantineans, which consisted of a 1000 men at Arms, spar'd not to say openly, that they had un∣dertaken this tedious maritime Expedition for the sake of Alcibiades, and that if he was ill us'd, they would all presently be gone, he recover'd his Courage, and became eager to make use of the present opportunity for justifying himself. At this his Enemies were again discourag'd, as fearing lest the People should be more gentle towards him in their Sentence, by reason of the pre∣sent Occasion which they had for his Service. Therefore to obviate this Mischief, they con∣triv'd that some other Orators, who did not appear to be Enemies to Alcibiades, but really hated him no less than those who a∣vow'd themselves to be so, should stand up in the Assembly, and say, that it was a very absurd thing, that one who was created Ge∣neral of such an Army with absolute Power, after his Troops were compleated, and the Confederates were come, should lose the present Opportunity, whilst the People were choosing his Judges by Lots, and ap∣pointing times for the hearing of the Cause. And that therefore he ought to set Sayl presently, (and may good Fortune attend him,) but when the War should

be at an end, he might then in Person make his Defence according to the Laws.

But Alcibiades soon perceiv'd the Malice of this Delay, and appearing in the Assembly, represented to them, that it was a very grievous thing to him, to be sent forth with the Command of so great an Army, when he lay under such Accusations and Calum∣nies, that he deserv'd to die, if he could not clear himself of the Crimes objected to him. But when he had purg'd himself, and appear'd to be innocent, he should then chearfully apply himself to the War, as standing no longer in fear of false Accusers. But he could not prevail with the People, who commanded him to sail immediately. So he departed together with the other Ge∣nerals, having with them near 140 Galleys, 5100 men at Arms, and about 1300 Archers, Slingers, and light arm'd men, and all the other Provisions were answerable, and every way compleat.

Arriving on the Coast of Italy, he landed at Rhegium, and there propos'd his Advice in what manner they should manage the War. Wherein he was oppos'd by Nicias, but Lama∣chus being of his opinion, they sail'd for Si∣cily forthwith, and took Catana. That was all which was done while he was there, for he was soon after recall'd by the Athenians, to abide his Tryal. At first, (as we before said,)

there were only some slight suspicions offer'd against Alcibiades, and accusations by cer∣tain slaves and strangers. But afterwards in his absence his Enemies attack'd him more fiercely, and confounded together the break∣ing the Images with the pro〈…〉〈…〉anation of the holy Mysteries, as tho' Span•• been com∣mitted in pursuance of the ••ame Conspiracy for changing the Government. Thereupon the People imprison'd all that were accus'd, without distinction, and without hearing them, and repented themselves exceedingly, that having such pregnant Evidence, they had not immediately brought Alcibiades to his Tryal, and given Judgment against him. And if any of his Friends or Acquain∣tance fell into the Peoples hands, whilst they were in this Fury, they were sure to be us'd very severely. Thucydides hath o∣mitted to name his Accusers, but others mention Dioclides and Teucer. Amongst whom is Phrynichus the Comic Poet, who introduces one speaking thus:

Hear Hermes thy deceiv'd Athenians call! Preserve thy Image from a second fall. Lest Dioclydes once again accuse, And sacred Justice by false Oaths abuse.

To which he makes Mercury return this Answer.

Safe from Affronts my Statues I will guard, False Teucer shall not meet with new Reward, Nor shall his impious Lyes obtain Regard.

The truth is, his Accusers alledg'd nothing that was certain or solid against him. One of them being ask'd, How he knew the men who defac'd the Images; when he said, He saw them by the light of the Moon, was grosly mistaken, for it was just New Moon when the Fact was committed. This made all men of Understanding cry out upon the thing as a Contrivance, but the People were as eager as ever to receive fur∣ther Accusations, nor was their first Heat at all abated, but they instantly seiz'd and imprison'd every one that was accus'd. A∣mongst those who were detain'd in Prison in order to their Tryals, there was Andocides the Orator, whom the Historian Hella∣nicus reports to be descended from Ʋlysses. He was always look'd upon to hate the Popular Government, and to affect an Oli∣garchy. The chiefest ground of causing him to be suspected for defacing the Images, was because the great Mercury which was plac'd near his House, and was an ancient Monument of the Tribe of the Aegeides, was almost the only Statue, of all the re∣markable ones, which remain'd entire.

For this Cause it is now call'd the Mercury of Andocides, all men giving it that Name, tho' the Inscription is an Evidence that it belongs to another Tribe. It happen'd that Ando∣cides, above all others who were Prisoners upon the same account, did contract a par∣ticular Acquaintance and Friendship with one Timaeus, a Person not equal to Andocides in Quality, but very extraordinary both for Parts and Boldness. He perswaded Andocides to accuse himself and some few others, of this Crime, urging to him, that upon his Confession he would be secure of his Pardon, by the Decree of the People, whereas the event of Judgment is uncertain to all men, but to great Persons, as he was, most terrible. So that it was better for him, if he regarded himself, to save his Life by a Falsity, than to suffer an infamous Death, as one really guilty of the same Crime. And if he had a regard to the publick Good, it was commendable to sacrifice a few su∣spected men, by that means to rescue many excellent Persons from the Fury of the Peo∣ple. The Arguments us'd by Timaeus so far prevail'd upon Andocides, as to make him accuse himself and some others, and thereupon, according to the Decree of the People, he obtain'd his Pardon, and all the persons which were nam'd by him, (except some few who sav'd themselves by Flight)

suffer'd Death. To gain the greater Oredit to his Information, he accus'd his own Ser∣vants amongst others. But notwithstanding this, the Peoples Anger was not appeas'd; and being now no longer diverted by those who had violated the Images, they were at leisure to pour out their whole Rage upon Alcibiades. And in conclusion, they sent the Galley call'd the Salaminia, to recal him. but they gave it expresly in Command to those that were sent, that they should use no violence, nor seize upon his Person, but address themselves to him in the mildest terms, requiring him to follow them to Athens, in order to abide his Tryal, and purge him∣self before the People. For indeed they fear'd a Mutiny and a Sedition in the Army in an Enemy's Countrey, which they knew it would be easie for Alcibiades to effect, if he had a mind to it. For the Souldiers were dispirited upon his departune, expecting for the future tedious delays, and that the War would be drawn out into a lazy length by Nicias, when Alcibiades, who was the Spur to Action, was taken away. For tho' Lamachus was a Souldier, and a Man of Courage, yet being poor he wanted Authority and Respect in the Army. Al∣cibiades just upon his departure prevented Messina from falling into the hands of the Athenians. There were some in that

City who were upon the point of delivering it up, but he knowing the persons, disco∣ver'd them to some Friends of the Syratu∣sans, and thereby defeated the whole Con∣trivance. When he arriv'd at Thuria he went on shore, and concealing himself there, escap'd those who search'd after him. But to one who knew him, and ask'd him, If he durst not trust his native Coun∣trey? he made Answer, Yes, I dare trust her for all other things; but when the Matter concerns my Life, I will not trust my Mother, lest she should mistake, and unwarily throw in a black Bean instead of a white one. When afterwards he was told, that the Assembly had pronounc'd Judgment of Death against him, all he said was. I will make them sensi∣ble that I am yet alive.

The Information against him was con∣ceiv'd in this Form:

Thessalus, the Son of Cimon, of the Town of Laciades, doth accuse Alcibiades, the Son of Clinias, of the Town of Scambonides, to have offended the Goddesses Ceres and Proserpine, by representing in derision the holy Myste∣ries, and shewing them to his Companions in his own House. Where being habited in such Robes as are us'd by the Chief Priest, when he shews the holy things, he nam'd himself the Chief Priest, Polytion the Torch-bearer, and Theodorus, of the Town

of Phy••ea, the Herald, and saluted the rest of his Company as Priests and Novices. All which was done with design to expose the Rites and Institutions of the Eumolpides, and the Priests, and other Officers of the holy Mysteries of the Temple at Eleusis. He was condemn'd as contumacious upon his not ap∣pearing, his Estate confiscated, and it was de∣creed that all the Priests and Priestesses should solemnly curse him. But one of them, Theano, the Daughter of Menon, of the Town of Agrau∣los, is said to have oppos'd that part of the Decree, saying, That her holy Office oblig'd her to make Prayers, but not Exe∣crations,

Alcibiades lying under these heavy Decrees and Sentences, when first he fled from Thu∣ria, pass'd over into Peloponnesus, and re∣main'd some time at Argos, But being there in fear of his Enemies, and seeing himself utterly rejected by his native Countrey, he sent to Sparta, desiring Letters of safe Con∣duct, and assuring them, that he would make them amends by his future Services for all the Mischief he had done them, while he was their Enemy. The Spartans giving him the Security he desir'd, he went thit her chearfully, and was well receiv'd. At his first coming he brought it to pass, that laying aside all further Caution or De∣lay, they should aid the Syracusans, and he

quickn'd and excited them so, that they forth with dispatch'd Gylippus into Sicily at the Head of an Army, utterly to destroy the Forces which the Athenians had in Si∣cily. Another thing which he perswaded them to do, was to make War also upon the Athenians, on the side of Peloponnesus. But the third thing, and the most important of all the rest, was to make them fortifie Decelea, which above all other things did streighten and consume the Common-wealth of Athens.

As Aloibiades gain'd Esteem by the Servi∣ces which he rendred to the Public, so he was no less respected for his manner of living in private, whereby he wholly captivated the People, and made them dote on him. For he conform'd himself entirely to the Laco∣nic way, so that those who saw him shav'd close to the Skin, and bathe himself in cold Water, and feed upon a course Cake, and use their black Broth, would have doubt∣ed, or rather could not have believ'd, that he ever had a Cook in his House, or had ever seen a Perfumer, or had worn a Robe of Milesian Purple. For he had (as it was observ'd) this peculiar Talent and Artifice, whereby he gain'd upon all men, that he could presently conform him∣self to, and take up their Fashions and way of Living, more easily than a Chamaelion

can change himself into new Colours. For a Chamaelion, they say, cannot imitate one Colour, that is, White; but Alcibi∣ades, whether he convers'd with debauch'd or vertuous persons, was still capable of imitating and complying with them. At Sparta he was diligent at his Exercises, frugal, and reserv'd. In Ionia he was luxu∣rious, frolick, and lazy. In Thracia he was always drinking, or on Horse-back. And when he transacted with Tisaphernes, the King of Persia's Lieutenant, he exceeded the Persians themselves in Magnificence and Pomp▪ Not that his natural Disposition chang'd so easily, nor that his Manners were so very variable, but being sensible that if he pur∣su'd his own Inclinations, he might give offence to those with whom he had occa∣sion to converse, he therefore transform'd himself into such. Shapes, and took up such Fashions, as he observ'd to be most agree∣able to them. So that to have seen him at Lacedaemon, if a Man judg'd by the outward appearance, he would say of him:

'Tis not Achilles Son, but it is He, The very man the wise Lycurgus taught.

But if one look'd more nearly into his Manners, he would cry out, according to the Proverb:

'Tis the old Woman still, still lewd as ever.

For while King Agis was absent, and a∣broad with the Army, he corrupted his Wife Timaea, and got her with Child. Nor did she deny it, but when she was brought to Bed of a Son, call'd him in publick Leotychides, but when she was amongst her Confidents and her Attendants, she would whisper that his Name ought to be Alcibi∣ades. To such a degree was she transpor∣ted by her passion for him. But he on the other side would say in sport, he had not done this thing out of Revenge or Lust, but that his Race might one day come to Reign over the Lacedoemonians.

There were many who acquainted Agis with these Passages, but the time it self gave the greatest Confirmation to the Story. For Agis being frightned with an Earthquake, fled out of Bed from his Wife, and for ten months after never lay with her, and therefore Leotychides being born after those ten months, he would not acknowledge him for his Son; which was the Reason that at last he never came to the Kingdom.

After the Defeat which the Athenians receiv'd in Sicily, Ambassadors were dis∣patch'd to Sparta at once from Chios, and

Lesbos, and Cyzicum, to signifie their pur∣pose of deferting the Interests of the Athe∣nians. The Boeotians interpos'd in favour of the Lesbians, and Pharnabazus of the Cyzyanians, but the Lucedoemonians, at the perswasion of Alcibiades, chose to assi•••• those of Chios before all others. He him∣self also went instantly to Sea, and pro∣cur'd almost all Ionia to revolt at once, and joyning himself to the Lacedaemonian Gene∣rals, did great mischiof to the Athenians. But Agis was his Enemy, hating him for ha∣ving dishonour'd his Wife, which he resen∣ted highly, and also not able to bear patient∣ly the Glory he acquir'd, for most of the great Actions, which succeeded well were universally ascrib'd to Alcibiades. O∣thers also of the most powerful and ambiti∣ous amongst the Spartans, were ready to burst with Envy against Alcibiades, and la∣bour'd it so, that at last they prevail'd with the Magistrates in the City to send Orders in∣to Ionia that he should be kill'd. But Alcibia∣des had secret Intelligence of it, and was a∣fraid, so that tho' he communicated all Af∣fairs to the Lacedaemonians, yet he took care not to fall into their hands. At last he re∣tir'd to Tisaphernes, the King of Persia's Lieu∣tenant, for his security, and immediately became the first and most considerable Person about him. For this Barbarian not

being himself sincere, but artificial and full of deceit, admir'd his Address and won∣derful subtilty. And indeed his Carriage was so agreeable in their daily Conversati∣ons and Pleasures; that it could not but soften the worst Humour, and take with the roughest Disposition. Even those who fear'd and envi'd him, could not but take delight and have a sort of Kindness for him, when they saw him, and were in his Company. So that Tisaphernes, who was otherwise fierce, and above all other Persians hated the Greeks, yet was so won by the Flatte∣ries of Alcibiades, that he set himself even to exceed him in Civility; to that degree, that being owner of some Gardens which were extreamly delightful, by reason that they were near Fountains and sweet Mea∣dows, wherein there were Apartments and Houses of Pleasure, royally and exquisitely furnish'd, he caus'd them to be call'd Al∣cibiades, and afterwards every one gave them that Name. Thus Alcibiades, quit∣ting the Interests of the Spartans, as those whom he could no longer trust, because he stood in fear of Agis, endeavour'd to do them all ill Offices, and render them odious to Tisaphernes, who by his means was hindred from assisting them vigorous∣ly, and from finally ruining the Atheni∣ans. For his advice was to furnish them

but sparingly with Money, whereby he would wear them out, and consume the•• insensibly, and when they had waste•• their strength upon one another, they would both become an easie prey to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 King. Tisaphernes did readily pursue 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Counsel, and did so openly express the Va∣lue and Esteem which he had for him, that Alcibiades was consider'd highly by th•• Grecians of all Parties. The Athenians now in the midst of their Misfortunes, repent•••• them of their severe Sentence against him▪ And he on the other side began to be trou¦bled for them, and to fear, lest if th•••• Common-wealth were utterly destroy'd he should fall into the hands of the Lace∣daemonians, his mortal Enemies. At that time the whole Strength of the Athenia•• was at Samos. And their Fleet which ro•••• there, was imploy'd in reducing such 〈◊〉〈◊〉 had revolted, and in protecting the rest of their Territories, for as yet they were in a manner equal to their Enemies at Sea. But they stood in fear of Tisaphernes and the Phae∣nician Fleet, consisting of an 150 Galleys, which was said to be already under Sayl, and if those came, there remain'd then no hopes for the Common-wealth of Athens. When Alcibiades understood this, he sent se∣cretly to the chief of the Athenians, who were then at Samos, giving them hopes that

he would make Tisaphernes their Friend, not with any Design to gratifie the Peo∣ple, whom he would never trust, but out of his Respect to the Nobility, if like men of Courage, they durst attempt to repress the Insolence of the People, and by ta∣king upon them the Government, would endeavour to save the City from Ruine. All of them gave a ready Ear to the Proposal made by Alcibiades, except only Phrynichus, one of the Generals, who was a Native of the Town of Dirades. He oppos'd him, suspecting, as the truth was, that Alcibia∣des concern'd not himself, whether the Government were in the People or the No∣bility, but only sought by any means to make way for his Return into his native Countrey, and to that end inveigh'd against the People, thereby to gain the Nobility, and to insinuate himself into their good O∣pinion. But when Phrynichus found his Coun∣sel to be rejected, and that he was now be∣come a declar'd Enemy of Alcibiades; he gave secret Intelligence of this to Astyochus, the Enemy's Admiral, cautioning him to beware of Alcibiades, and to look upon him as a double Dealer, and one that offer'd himself to both sides, not understanding all this while that one Traitor was making Discoveries to another. For Astyochus, who was zealous to gain the Favour of

Tisaphernes, observing the great Credl•• which Alcibiades had with him, reveal•••• to Alcibiades▪ all that Phrynichus had sai•• against him. Alcibiades presently dispatch•••• away some to Samos, to accuse Phrynich•••• of the Treachery. Upon this all the Com¦manders were enrag'd at Phrynichus; and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 themselves against him, and he seeing no ••••¦ther way to extricate himself from the pr••¦sent Danger, attempted to remedy one Ev•••• by a greater. For he sent away to Astyoch•••• to reproach him for betraying him, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 make an Offer to him at the same time 〈◊〉〈◊〉 deliver into his hands both the Army 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Navy of the Athenians. But neither di•• this Treason of Phrynichus bring any Dam¦age to the Athenians, by reason that Asty¦ochus repeated his Treachery, and revea•••••• also this proposal of Phrynichus to Alcibiades This was foreseen by Phrynichus, who fea••∣ing a second Accusation from Alcibiades to prevent him, advertis'd the Athenia•••• before-hand that the Enemy was ready to sail, in order to surprize them, and ther••∣fore advis'd them to fortifie their Cam•• and to be in a readiness to go aboard the•••• Ships. While the Athenians were inten•• upon doing these things, they receiv'd other Letters from Alcibiades, admonish¦ing them to beware of Phrynichus, as one who design'd to betray their Fleet to the

Enemy, to which they then gave no credit at all, conceiving that Alcibiades, who knew per∣fectly the Counsels and Preparations of the Enemy▪ made use of that Knowledge, in or∣der to impose upon them in this false Ac∣cusation of Phrynichus. Yet afterwards when Phrynicus was stabb'd with a Dag∣ger in the Market-place by Hermon, who was then upon the Watch, the Athenians, entring into an Examination of the Cause, solemnly condemn'd Phrynichus of Treason, and decreed Crowns to Hermon and his Associates. And now the Friends of Alcibiades carrying all be∣fore them at Samos, they dispatch'd Pisander to Athens, to endeavour a Change in the State, and to encourage the Nobility to take upon themselves the Government, and destroy the Republic, representing to them, that upon those Terms, Alcibiades would procure that Tisaphernes should become their Friend and Confederate.

This was the Colour and the Pretence made use of by those, who desir'd to reduce the Government of Athens to an Oligar∣chy. But as soon as they prevail'd, and had got the Administration of Affairs in∣to their hands, they took upon themselves the Name of the 5000. whereas indeed they were but 400. and began to slight Alcibiades extreamly, and to prosecute the War with less Vigor than formerly. Part∣ly

because they durst not yet trust the Citi∣zens, who secretly detested this Change, and partly because they thought the Lacedaemo∣nians, who did ever affect the Government of the Few, would now press them less ve∣hemently.

The People in the City were terrifi'd into a Submission, many of those who had dar'd openly to oppose the 400 having been put to death. But they ••••ho were at Samos, were enrag'd as soon as they heard this News and resolv'd to set Sayl instantly for the Pi∣raeum. And sending for Alcibiades, they declar'd him General, requiring him to lead them on to destroy these Tyrants. But in that Juncture he did not act like one rais'd on a sudden by the Favour of the Multitude, nor would yield and comply in every thing, as being oblig'd entirely to gratifie and sub∣mit to those, who from a Fugitive and an Exile, had created him General of so great an Army, and given him the Command of such a Fleet. But as becmae a great Cap∣tain, he oppos'd himself to the precipi∣tate Resolutions which their Rage led them to, and by restraining them from so great an Error as they were about to com∣mit, he manifestly sav'd the Common∣wealth. For if they had return'd to A∣thens, all Ionia and the Isles of the Helle∣spont, would have fallen into the Enemies

hands without opposition, while the Athe∣nians, engag'd in Civil Wars, destroy'd one another within the Circuit of their own Walls. It was Alcibiades principally who prevented all this Mischief, for he did not only use Perswasions to the whole Army, and inform them of the Danger, but appli'd himself to them one by one, entreating some, and forcibly restraining others. And herein he was much assisted by Thrasybulus of Stira, who having the loudest Voice of all the Athenians, went along with him, and cry'd out to those who were ready to be gone. Another great Service which Al∣cibiades did for them was, his undertaking that the Phaenician Fleet, which the Lace∣daemonians expected to be sent to them by the King of Persia, should either come in Aid of the Athenians, or otherwise should not come at all. He went on board with all ex∣pedition in order to perform this, and so ma∣nag'd the thing with Tisaphernes, that tho' those Ships were already come as far as Aspendos, yet they advanc'd no farther, so that the Lacedaemonians were disappointed of them. It was by both sides agreed that this Fleet was diverted by the Pro∣curement of Alcibiades. But the Lacedae∣monians openly accus'd him, that he had advis'd this Barbarian to stand still, and suffer the Graecians to waste and destroy

one another, For it was evident that, the Accession of so great a Force to either Party, would have enabled them to have ravish'd entirely the Dominion of the Sea from the other side. Soon after this the 400 Usur∣pers were driven out, the Friends of Alci∣biades vigorously assisting those who were for the popular Government. And now the People in the City not only desir'd, but com∣manded Alcibiades to return home from his Exile. However he disdain'd to owe his Re∣turn to the meer Grace and Commiseration of the People, and therefore resolv'd to come back with Glory, and upon the Merit of some eminent Service. To this end he sail'd from Samos with a few Ships, and cruis'd on the Sea of Gnidos, and about the Isle of Coos, and got Intelligence there that Mindarus, the Spartan Admiral, was sail'd with his whole Army into the Hellespont, in pursuit of the Athenians. Thereupon he made haste to succour the Athenian Commanders, and by good fortune arriv'd with 18 Galleys at a critical time. For both the Fleets ha∣ving engag'd near Abydos, the Fight be∣tween them had lasted from morning till night, the one side having the Advantage on the right Wing, and the other on the left. Upon his first Appearance, both sides conceiv'd a false opinion of the end of his coming, for the Enemy was encourag'd

and the Athenians terrifi'd. But Alcibiades suddenly advanc'd the Athenian Flag in the Admiral Ship, and with great Fury fell upon the Peloponnesians, who had then the Advantage, and were in the pursuit. He soon put them to flight, and follow'd them so close that he forc'd them on shore, broke their Ships in pieces, and slew the men who endeavour'd to save themselves by Swim∣ming; altho' Pharnabazus was come down to their Assistance by Land, and did what he could to cover the Ships as they lay un∣der the shore. In fine, the Athenians having taken 30 of the Enemies Ships, and re∣cover'd all their own, erected a Trophy. After the gaining of so glorious a Victory, his Vanity made him affect to shew himself to Tisaphernes, and having furnish'd himself with Gifts and Presents, and an Equipage suitable to so great a General, he set for∣wards towards him. But the Thing did not succeed as he had imagin'd, for Tisaphernes had been long suspected by the Lacedaemo∣nians, and was afraid to fall into Disgrace with his King upon that account, and therefore thought that Alcibiades arriv'd very opportunely, and immediately caus'd him to be seiz'd, and sent away Prisoner to Sardis; fancying by this Act of Inju∣stice, to purge himself from all former Imputations. But about 30 days after Alcibi∣ades

escap'd from his Keepers, and having go•• a Horse, fled to Clazomene, where he accus'•• Tisaphernes as consenting to his Escape. From thence he sail'd to the Athenian Camp, and being inform'd there that Mindarus and Pharnabazus were together at Cyzicum, he made a Speech to the Souldiers, shewing them that it was necessary to attack the E∣nemies both by Sea and Land, nay even to force them in their Fortifications; for unless they gain'd a compleat Victory, they would soon be in want of necessary Provisions for their subsistance. As soon as ever he go•• them on Ship-board, he hasted to Proconesus, and there gave Command to place all the smaller Vessels in the midst of the Navy, and to take all possible care that the E∣nemy might have no notice of his coming, and a great Storm of Rain, accompani'd with Thunder and Darkness, which hap∣pen'd at the same time, contributed much to the concealing of his Design. So that it was not only undiscover'd by the Enemy, but the Athenians themselves were igno∣rant of it, for he suddenly commanded them on board, and set Sayl before they were aware. As soon as the Darkness was o••er, he perceiv'd himself to be in sight of the Peloponnesian Fleet, which rode at Anchor before the Port of Cyzicum. Alcibiades fearing lest if they discover'd

the number of his Ships, they might en∣deavour to save themselves by Land, com∣manded the rest of the Captains to slacken their Sayls, and follow after him slowly, whilst he advancing with 40 Ships, shew'd himself to the Enemy, and provok'd them to fight. The Enemy being deceiv'd in their Number, despis'd them, and supposing they were to contend with those only, made them∣selves ready and began the Fight. But as soon as they were engag'd, they perceiv'd the other part of the Fleet coming down upon them, at which they were so terrifi'd that they fled immediately. Upon that Alcibia∣des with 20 of his best Ships breaking through the midst of them, hastned to the shore, and suddenly making a Descent, pursu'd those who abandon'd their Ships and fled to Land, and made a great Slaughter of them. Min∣darus and Pharnabazus coming to their Succour, were utterly defeated. Mindarus was slain upon the Place, fighting valiant∣ly, but Pharnabazus sav'd himself by flight. The Athenians slew great Numbers of their Enemies, won much Spoyl, and took all their Ships. They also made themselves Masters of Cyzicum, it being deserted by Pharnabazus, and put to death all the Pelopon∣nesians that were there, and thereby not only secur'd to themselves the Hellespont, but by force drove the Lacedaemonians from out of

all the other Seas. They intercepted als•• some Letters written to the Ephori, whic•• gave an account of this fatal Overthrow▪ after their short Laconic manner. Our Hope•• are at an end. Mindarus is slain. The Soul∣diers starve; and we know not what Measures to take. The Souldiers who follow'd Alcibia∣des in this last Fight, were so exalted with the Success, and come to that degree of Pride, that looking on themselves as Invincible, they disdain'd to mix with the other Souldiers, who had been often overcome. For it hap∣pen'd not long before, Thrasyllus▪ had receiv'd a great Defeat near Ephesus, and upon that Occasion the Ephesians erected a brazen Tro∣phy to the Disgrace of the Athenians. The Souldiers of Alcibiades reproach'd those who were under the Command of Thrasyllus, with this Misfortune, at the same time magnifying themselves and their own Commander, and it went so far at last, that they would not do their Exercises with them, nor lodge in the same Quar∣ters. But soon after Pharnabazus with a great Strength of Horse and Foot, falling upon the Souldiers of Thrasyllus, as they were laying waste the Territory of the Abydenians, Alcibiades coming to their Aid, routed Pharnabazus, and together with Thrasyllus, pursu'd him till it was night. Then their Troops united and return'd to∣gether

to the Camp, rejoycing and congra∣tulating one another. The next day he e∣rected a Trophy, and then proceeded to lay waste with Fire and Sword the whole Province which was under Pharnabazus, where none durst appear to oppose them. In this Action he took divers Priests and Priestesses, but releas'd them without Ran∣som. He prepar'd next to make War upon the Chalcedonians, who had revolted from the Athenians, and had receiv'd a Lacedae∣monian Governour and Garrison. But ha∣ving Intelligence that they had remov'd their Corn and Cattel out of the Fields, and had sent all to the Bithynians, who were their Friends, he drew down his Ar∣my to the Frontier of the Bithynians, and then sent a Herald to accuse them of this Procedure. The Bithynians being terrifi'd at his Approach, deliver'd up to him the whole Booty, and entred into an Alliance with him. Afterwards he proceeded to the Siege of Calcedon, and enclos'd it with a wall from Sea to Sea. Pharnabazus advanc'd with his Forces to raise the Siege, and Hippocra∣tes, the Governour of the Town, at the same time gathering together all the strength he had, made a Sally upon the Athenians. Alcibiades divided his Army so, as to engage them both at once, and not only forc'd Pharnabazus to a dishonourable flight, but

slew Hippocraces, and a great number of th•• Souldiers which were with him. After this he satl'd into the Hellespont, in order to raise supplies of Money, and took the Cit•• of Selybria, in which Action through hi•• precipitancy, he expos'd himself to grea•• Danger. For some within the Town had un∣dertaken to betray it into his hands, and by Agreement were to give him a Signal by a lighted Torch about midnight. But one of the Conspirators beginning to repent him∣self of the Design, the rest for fear of being disover'd, were driven to give the signal be∣fore the appointed hour. Alcibiades as soon as he saw the Torch lifted up in the Air, tho' his Army was not in readiness to march, ran instantly towards the Walls, taking with him about 30 Men only, and com∣manding the rest of the Army to follow him with all possible Diligence. When he came thither, he found the Gate open'd for him, and entred with his 30 Men, and about 20 more light arm'd Men, who were come up to them. They were no sooner fallen into the City, but he perceiv'd the Selybrians all arm'd coming down upon him: so that there was no hope of escaping if he stay'd to receive them; and on the other side, having been always successful till that day, wherever he com∣manded, his Glory would not suffer him to fly. But on the sudden he thought of

this Device: he requir'd Silence by sound of a Trumpet, and then commanded one of his Men to make Proclamation, that the Selybrians should not take Arms against the Athenians. This cool'd such of the Inhabi∣tants as were fiercest for the Fight, for they suppos'd that all their Enemies were got within the Walls, and it rais'd the hopes of others who were dispos'd to an Accommo∣dation. Whilst they were parlying, and Propositions made on one side and the o∣ther, Alcibiades whole Army came up to the Town. But then conjecturing rightly that the Selybrians were well inclin'd to Peace, and fearing lest the City might be sack'd by the Thracians, (who came in great Numbers to his Army to serve as Volunteers, out of their particular Kindness and Respect for him) he commanded them all to retreat without the Walls. And upon the Submis∣sion of the Selybrians, he sav'd them from being pillag'd, and only taking of them a Sum of Money, and placing an Athenian Garrison in the Town, he departed.

During this Action, the Athenian Captains who besieg'd Chalcedon, concluded a Treaty with Pharnabazus upon these Articles: That he should give them a Sum of Money: That the Chalcedonians should return to the Sub∣jection of Athens, and that the Athenians should make no Inroad into the Province

whereof Pharnabazus wa•• Governour; and Pharnabazus was also to provide safe Con∣ducts for the Athenian Ambassadors to th•• King of Persia. Afterwards when Alcibia∣des return'd thither, Pharnabazus requir'd that he also should be sworn to the Treaty▪ but he refus'd it, unless Pharnabazus would swear at the same time. When the Trea∣ty was sworn to on both sides, Alcibiades went against the Byzantines, who had re∣volted from the Athenians, and drew a Line of Circumvallation about the City. But Anaxilaus and Lycurgus, together with some others, having undertaken to betray the City to him, upon his Engagement to preserve the Lives and Estates of the In∣habitants, he caus'd a Report to be spread abroad as if by reason, of some unexpect∣ed Commotion in Ionia, he should be ob∣lig'd to raise the Siege. And accordingly that day he made a shew to depart with his whole Fleet; but return'd the same night, and went ashore with all his Men at Arms, and silently and undiscover'd march'd up to the Walls. At the same time his Ships were row'd into the Haven with all possible Violence, coming on with much Fury, and with great Shouts, and Outcries. The Byzantines being thus sur∣priz'd, and quite astonish'd, while they were universally engag'd in defence of

their Port and Shipping, gave opportunity to those who favour'd the Athenians, se∣curely to receive Alcibiades into the City. Yet the Enterprize was not accomplish'd without Fighting, for the Peloponnesians, Baeotians, and Megareans, not only repuls'd those who came out of the Ships, and forc'd them to get on board again, but hearing that the Athenians were entred on the other side, they drew up in order, and went t•• meet them. But Alcibiades gain'd the Victo∣ry after a sharp Fight, wherein he himself had the Command of the right Wing, and Theramenes of the left, and took about 300 of the Enemy Prisoners. After the Battel, not one of the Byzantines was slain, or driven out of the City, according to the Terms upon which the City was put into his hands, that they should receive no pre∣judice in their Persons or Estates. Where∣upon Anaxilaus being afterwards accus'd at Lacedaemon for this Treason, he neither dis∣own'd nor was asham'd of the Action: For he urg'd that he was not a Lacedaemo∣nian, but a Byzantine, and that he saw not Sparta, but Bysantium in extream Danger; the City so streightly begirt, that it was not possible to bring in any new Provisions, and the Peloponnesians and Baeotians which were in Garrison, devouring their old Stores, whilst the Byzantines with their

Wives and Children were ready to 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ That he had not betray'd his Country to En••¦mies, but had deliver'd it from the Calamit•••••• of War, wherein he had follow'd the Exa••¦ple of the most worthy Locedaemonians, wh•• esteem'd nothing to be honourable and jus•• but what was profitable for their Countr••••▪ The Lacedaemonians upon the hearing h•• Defence, were so well pleas'd, that they di••¦••harg'd all that were accus'd.

And now Alcibiades began to desire to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his native Countrey again, or rather to show his fellow-Citizens a Person who had gain so many Victories for them. To this 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he set Sayl for Athens, his Ships being adorn•• on every side with great Numbers •••• Shields and other Spoyls, and towing after them many Galleys taken from the Enemy and the Ensigns and Ornaments of many o¦thers which he had sunk and destroy'd; all of them together amounting to 200. But there is little Credit to be given to what Daris the Samian (who pretended himself to be descended from Alcibiades) does add that Chrysogonus, who had won the Prize at the Pythian Games, play'd upon his Flute as the Galleys pass'd on, whilst the Oars kept time with the Musick; and that Calipides the Tragaedian, attir'd in his Bus∣kins, his purble Robes, and other Orna∣ments which he us'd in the Theatre, ex∣cited

those who labour'd at the Oars; and that the Admiral Galley entred into the Port with a purple Sayl. For these things are such kind of Extravagances as are wont to fol∣low a Debauch, and neither Theopompus, nor Euphorus, nor Xenophon, mention them. Nor indeed is it credible, that one who return'd from so long an Exile, and such variety of Misfortunes, should carry himself with so much Insolence and Luxury. On the contrary he entred the Harbour full of Fear, nor would afterwards venture to go on shore, till standing on the Deck, he saw Euryptolemus his Nephew, and others of his Friends and Acquaintance, who were ready to receive him, and invited him to Land. As soon as he was landed, the Multi∣tude who came out to meet him, disdain'd to bestow a Look on any of the other Captains, but came in Throngs about Alcibiades, and saluted him with loud Acclamations, and still follow'd him. They who could press near him, crown'd him with Garlands, and they who could not come up so close, yet stay'd to behold him a far off, and the old Men pointed him out, and shewed him to the young ones. Nevertheless this publick Joy was mix'd with some Tears, and the present Happiness was allay'd by the remembrance of all the Miseries they had endur'd. They made Reflections, that

they could not have so unfortunately m••••¦carri'd in Sicily, or been defeated in any 〈◊〉〈◊〉 those things which they had ever hop'd 〈◊〉〈◊〉 if they had left the management of their A••¦fairs, and the Command of their Forces, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Alcibiades. Since upon his undertaking 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Administration, when they were in a ma••¦ner ruin'd at Sea, and could scarce defen•• the Suburbs of their City by Land, and the same time were miserably distract•••• with intestine Factions, he had rais'd the•• up from this low and deplorable Conditi•••• and had not only restor'd them to their a••¦cient Dominion of the Sea, but had 〈◊〉〈◊〉 made them every where victorious ov•••• their Enemies at Land. There had b••••n decree for recalling him from his Banishme•••• already pass'd by the People, at the Instanc•• of Critias, the Son of Calleschrus, as appea•• by his Elegies, in which he puts Alcibiad•• in mind of this Service:

From my proposal the Decree did come, (hom•• Which from your tedious Exile brought yo•• That you're restor'd, you to my Friendship ow•• I was the first durst press it should be so.

The People being summon'd to an Assem∣bly, Alcibiades came in amongst them and first bewail'd and lamented his ow•• Sufferings, and gently and modestly com∣plain'd of their Usage, imputing all to hi••

hard Fortune, and some ill Genius that at∣tended him. Then he discours'd at large of the great Assurance of their Enemies, but withal exhorted them to take Courage. The People crown'd him with Crowns of Gold, ••nd Created him General both at Land and Sea with absolute Power. They also made Decree, that his Estate should be restor'd to ••im, and that the Eumolpides and the holy Heralds should again absolve him from the Curses which they had solemnly pronounc'd ••gainst him, by Sentence of the People. Which ••hen all the rest obey'd, Theodorus the High∣••riest excus'd himself, For, said he, I never ••enounc'd any Execration against him, if he have ••one nothing against the Common-wealth.

But notwithstanding the Affairs of Al∣••••biades succeeded so prosperously, and so ••uch to his glory, yet many were still much ••••sturb'd, and look'd upon the time of his ••rrival to be ominous. For on the same ••ay that he came into the Port, the Feast ••f the Goddess Minerva, which they call 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Plynteria, was kept. It is the 25th. ••ay of September, when the Praxiergides ••o solemnize those Mysteries which are ••ot to be reveal'd, taking all the Orna∣••ents from off her Image, and keeping 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Image it self close cover'd. Hence it that the Athenians esteem this day most ••auspicious, and never go about any thing

of Importance upon it: and therefore th•••• imagin'd, that the Goddess did not recei•••• Alcibiades graciously and propitiously, ••h•• hid her Face from him, and rejected hi•••• Yet notwithstanding every thing succeed•••• according to his Wish. When the 100 G••••¦leys were fitted out and ready to sail, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 honourable Zeal detain'd him till the Cel••¦bration of those Mysteries was fully pa•••••••• For since the time that Decelea was fortii•••• the Enemies had made themselves Masters 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Ways which lead from Athens to El••••¦sis, and by reason thereof, the Processio•• being of necessity to go by Sea, could not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 perform'd with Solemnity; but they we•••• forc'd to omit the Sacrifices, and Dance•• and other holy Ceremonies, which were us•••• to be done in the way, when they brin•• forth Iacchus. Alcibiades therefore judg'd 〈◊〉〈◊〉 would be a glorious Action, whereby h•• should do Honour to the Gods, and gai•• Esteem with Men, if he restor'd the ancien•• Splendor to these Rites, in conducting th•• Procession again by Land, and protectin•• it with his Army from the Enemy. Fo•• thereby he was sure, if Agis stood still an•• did not oppose him, it would very much diminish and obscure his Glory, or other¦wise that he should engage in a Holy War in the Cause of the Gods, and in defenc•• of the most sacred and solemn Ceremonie••

and this in the sight of his Countrey, where he should have all his fellow-Citi∣zens Witnesses of his Valour. As soon as he had resolv'd upon this Design, and had communicated it to the Eumolpides, and o∣ther holy Officers, he plac'd Sentinels on the ••ops of the Mountains, and at the break of day sent forth his Scouts. And then ta∣king with him the Priests, and consecrated Persons, and those who had the Charge of ••nitiating others in the holy Mysteries, and compassing them with his Souldiers, he con∣ducted them with great Order and pro∣found Silence. This was an august and venerable Procession, wherein all who did not envy him said, He perform'd at once the Office of an High-Priest and of a Gene∣ral. The Enemy durst not attempt any thing against them, and thus he brought them back in safety to the City. Upon which as he was exalted in his own Thought, so the opinion which the People had of his Conduct, was rais'd to that degree, that they look'd upon their Armies as irresistible and invinci∣ble while he commanded them. He so won upon the lower and meaner sort of People, that they passionately desir'd he would take the Soveraignty upon him, some of them made no difficulty to tell him so, and to advise him to put himself out of the reach of Envy, by abolishing the Laws and Ordinances of the

People, and suppressing those ill affected pe••¦sons who would overturn the State, that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he might act and take upon him the manage∣ment of Affairs, without standing in fea•• of being call'd to an Account. How far hi•• own Inclinations led him to usurp soveraig•• Power, is uncertain, but the most consid••¦rable Persons in the City were so much afrai•• of it, that they hastned him on Ship boa•••• all they could, granting him Liberty 〈◊〉〈◊〉 choose his own Officers, and allowing hi•• all other things as he desir'd. Thereupon 〈◊〉〈◊〉 set Sayl with a Fleet of an 100 Ships, an•• arriving at Andros, he there fought with an•• defeated as well the Inhabitants, as the L••¦cedaemonians who assisted them. But yet 〈◊〉〈◊〉 took not the City, which gave the first oc¦casion to his Enemies for all their Accusat••¦ons against him. Certainly if ever 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was ruin'd by his own Glory, it was Alcibi¦ades. For his continual Success had bego•• such an opinion of his Courage and Conduct▪ that if he fail'd in any thing he undertook, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was imputed to his Neglect, and no one woul•• believe it was through want of Power. Fo•• they thought nothing was too hard fo•• him, if he went about it in good earnest▪ They fanci'd also every day that they should hear News of the reducing of Chios and of the rest of Ionia, and grew impat••¦ent that things were not effected as fa••

and as suddenly as they imagin'd. They never consider'd how extreamly Money was wanting, and that being to make War with an Enemy, who had Supplyes of all things from a great King, he was often forc'd to forsake his Camp, in order to procure Money and Provisions for the Subsistance of his Soul∣diers. This it was which gave occasion for the last Accusation which was made against him. For Lysander being sent from Lacedae∣mon with a Commission to be Admiral of their Fleet, and being furnish'd by Cyrus with a great Sum of Money, gave every Mariner four Oboles a day, whereas before they had but three. Alcibiades could hardly allow his Men three Oboles, and therefore was con∣strain'd to go into Caria to furnish himself with Money. He left the Care of the Fleet, in his absence, to Antiochus, an experien'd Sea-man, but rash and inconsiderate, who had express Orders from Alcibiades not to engage, tho' the Enemy provok'd him. But he sligh∣ted and disregarded the Orders to that de∣gree, that having made ready his own Gal∣ley and another, he presently stood for Ephe∣sus, where the Enemy lay, and as he sail'd before the Heads of their Galleys, us'd the highest Provocations possible both in Words and Deeds, Lysander at first mann'd out a few Ships, and pursu'd him. But all the Athenian Ships coming in to his Assist∣ance,

Lysander also brought up his wh•••• Fleet, which gain'd an entir•• Victory. H•• flew Antiochus himself, took many Men and Ships, and erected a Trophy.

As soon as Alcibiades heard this News▪ he return'd to Samos, and loosing from thence with his whole Fleet, he came an•• offer'd Battel to Lysander. But Lysander c••••¦tent with the Victory he had gaind, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 not stir. Amongst others in the Arm•• who had a malice to Alcibiades, Thrasybul••••▪ the Son of Thrason, was his particular E••••¦my, and went purposely to Athens to acc•••••• him, and to exasperate his Enemies in th•• City against him. In an Oration to the P••••¦ple he represented that Alcibiades had ruin'•• their Affairs, and lost their Ships, by inso¦lently abusing his Authority, committi•••• the Government of the Army in his absen•••• to such as by their Debauchery and scur••∣lous Discourses were got most into Cre•••• with him, whilst he wandred up and down 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pleasure to raise Money, giving himself up 〈◊〉〈◊〉 all Luxury and Excesses amongst the Abyd••¦nian and Ionian Curtezans, at a time wh•••• the Enemy's Navy rode at Anchor so 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his. It was also objected to him, that he h•••• fortify'd a Castle near Byzanthe in Thr•••• for a safe retreat for himself, as one th•••• either could not, or would not live in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 own Country. The Athenians gave Cred•••• to these Informations, and discover'd the Re∣sentment

and Displeasure which they had conceiv'd against him, by choosing other Generals.

As soon as Alcibiades heard of this, he im∣mediately forsook the Army, being afraid of what might follow. And getting many Stran∣gers together, he made War upon his own account against those Thracians who pretend∣ed to be free, and acknowledg'd no King. By this means he amass'd to himself a great Trea∣sure out of the Spoyls which he took, and at the same time secur'd the bordering Graecians from the Incursions of the Barbarians.

Tydeus, Menander and Adimantus, the new made Generals, were at that time ri∣ding in the River Aegos, with all the Ships which the Athenians had left. From whence they were us'd to go out to Sea every Morn∣ing, and offer Battel to Lysander, who lay at Anchor near Lampsachus: and when they had done so, returning back again, they lay all the rest of the day carelesly, and with∣out order, as Men who despis'd the Enemy. Alcibiades who was not far off, did not think so slightly of their Danger, nor did neglect to let 'em know it, but mounting his Horse, he came to the Generals, and repre∣sented to them, that they had chosen a very inconvenient Station, as wanting a safe Har∣bour, and far distant from any Town: so that they were constrain'd to send for their ne∣cessary

Provisions as far as Sestos. He als•• reprov'd them for their Carlesness, in suffe••¦ing the Souldiers when they went ashore, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 disperse themselves, and wander up and down at their pleasure, when the Enemies Fleet, which was under the Command of one Ge∣neral, and strictly obedient to Discipline, lay so very near them. Alcibiades admonish'd them of these things, and advis'd them to remove the Fleet to Sestos. But the Admi∣rals did not only disregard what he said, but Tydeus with great Insolence commanded him to be gone, saying, that now not he, but others had the Command of the Forces. Where∣upon Alcibiades suspecting something of Treachery in them, departed. But he told his Friends who accompani'd him out of the Camp, that if the Generals had not us'd him with such insupportable Contempt he would within a few days have forc'd the Lacedaemo∣nians, however unwilling, either to have fought the Athenians at Sea, or to have deserted their Ships. Some look'd upon this as a piece of Ostentation only, but others said, the thing was probable, for that he might have brought down by Land great Num∣bers of the Thracian Cavalry and Archers, to assault and disorder them in their Camp. The Event did soon make it evident, how very rightly he judg'd of the Errors which the Athenians committed. For Lysander fell

upon them on a sudden, when they least suspected it, with such Fury, that Conon with 8 Galleys only escap'd him, all the rest, (which were about 200) he took and carri∣ed away: together with 3000 Prisoners, which he afterwards put to death. And within a short time after he took Athens it self, burnt all the Ships, which he found there, and demolish'd their long Walls.

After this Alcibiades standing in dread of the Lacedaemonians, who were now Masters both at Sea and Land, retir'd into Bithynia. He sent thither great Treasure before him, took much with him, but left much more in the Castle where he had before resided. But he lost great part of his Wealth in Bithy∣nia, being robb'd by some Thracians who liv'd in those Parts, and thereupon he determin'd to go to the Court of Artaxerxes, not doubt∣ing but that the King, if he would make tryal of his Abilities, would find him not inferior to Themistocles, besides that he was recom∣mended by a more honourable Cause. For he went, not as Themistocles did to offer his Service against his fellow-Citizens, but a∣gainst their Enemies, and to implore the King's Aid for the defence of his Country. He concluded that Pharnabazus would most readily procure him a safe Conduct, and therefore went into Phrygia to him, and continu'd to dwell there some time,

paying him great Respect, and being ho∣nourably treated by him. The Athenians in the mean time were miserably afflicted •••• their loss of Empire, but when they wer•• depriv'd of Liberty also, and Lysander had im∣pos'd 30 Governours upon the City, and their State was finally ruin'd, then they began to reflect on those things, which they would never consider whilst they were in a prosp••∣rous condition: then they did acknowledge and bewail their former Errors and Follies, and judg'd this second ill Usage of Alcibia∣des to be of all others the most inexcusable. For he was rejected, without any Fault com∣mitted by himself, and only because they were incens'd against his Lieutenant, for having shamefully lost a few Ships, they much more shamefully depriv'd the Com∣mon-wealth of a most valiant and most ac∣complish'd General. Yet in this sad state of Affairs they had still some faint Hopes left them, nor would they utterly despair of the Athenian Common-wealth while Alcibiades was safe. For they perswaded themselves be∣fore when he was an Exile, he could not con∣tent himself to live idly and at ease, much less now (if he could find any favourable op∣portunity) would he endure the Insolence of the Lacedaemonians, and the Outrages of the 30 Tyrants. Nor was it an absurd thing in the People to entertain such Imaginations,

when the 30 Tyrants themselves were so very solicitous to be inform'd, and to get In∣telligence of all his Actions and Designs. In fine, Critias represented to Lysander, that the Lacedaemonians could never securely enjoy the Dominion of Greece, till the Athenian Democracy was absolutely destroy'd. And tho' now the People of Athens seem'd quiet∣ly and patiently to submit to so small a number of Governours, yet Alcibiades, whilst he liv'd, would never suffer them to acquiesce in their present Circumstances.

Yet Lysander would not be prevail'd upon by these Discourses, till at last he receiv'd se∣cret Letters from the Magistrates of Lacedae∣mon, expresly requiring him to get Alcibiades dispatch'd. Whether it was that they fear'd the vivacity of his Wit, or the greatness of his Courage in enterprizing what was hazardous, or whether it was done to gratify King Agis. Upon receipt of this Order, Lysander sent a∣way a Messenger to Pharnabazus, desiring him to put it in execution. Pharnabazus commit∣ted the Affair to Magaeus his Brother, and to his Uncle Susamithres. Alcibiades resided at that time in a small Village in Phrygia, toge∣ther with Timandra, a Mistress of his. As he slept, he had this Dream: He thought himself attir'd in his Mistresses Habit, and that she, holding him in her Arms, dress'd his Head, and painted his Face, as if he had been a

Woman. Others say, he dream'd that Magaeu•• cut off his Head, and burnt his Body. And it is said, that it was but a little while before his Death, that he had these Visions. They who were sent to assassinate him, had not Courage enough to enter the House, but sur∣rounding it first, they set it on fire. Alci∣biades as soon as he perceiv'd it, getting to∣gether great Quantities of Cloaths and Fur∣niture, threw them upon the Fire, with a Design to choke it, and having wrapp'd his Robe about his left Arm, and holding his naked Sword in his right, he cast himself into the middle of the Fire, and escap'd secure∣ly through it, before his Cloaths were burnt. The Barbarians, as soon as they saw him, re∣treated, and none of them durst stay to ex∣pect him, or to engage with him, but standing at a distance, they slew him with their Darts and Arrows. When he was dead, the Barba∣rians departed, and Timandra took up his dead Body, and covering and wrapping it up in her own Robes, she bury'd it as decently and as honourably as her present Circum∣stances would allow. 'Tis said, that the fa∣mous Lais, (who was call'd the Corinthian, tho' she was a Native of Hyccaris, a small Town in Sicily, from whence she was brought a Captive) was the Daughter of this Timandra. There are some who agree with this Relation of Alcibiades Death in

all things except only that they impute not the Cause of it either to Pharnabazus, Ly∣sander, or the Lacedaemonians. But they say, that he kept a young Lady of a noble House, whom he had debauch'd, and that her Bro∣thers not being able to endure the Indigni∣ty, by night set fire to the House where he dwelt, and as he endeavour'd to save him∣self from the Flames, slew him with their Darts, in the manner before related.

[illustration]

CORIOLANUS.

M Burghers sculp.

THE LIFE OF CAIƲS MARCIƲS CORIOLANƲS.

Translated from the Greek: By Thomas Blomer D. D.

Volume II.

THE House of the Marcii in Rome, did produce many noble Patricians, that were Men of great Renown; and among the rest, Ancus Marcius, Grandson to Numa by his Daughter, who reign'd there after Tullus Hostilius. Of the same Family were also

Publius, and Quintus Marcius, which two convey'd into the City the best Water the•• have at Rome, and that in the greatest quan∣tity. As likewise Censorinus, who having been twice chosen Censor by the People did afterward himself perswade them t•• make a Law, that no body should bear th•••• Office a second time. But Caius Marcius▪ of whom I now write, being left an Or∣phan, and brought up under the Widow∣hood of his Mother, has shewn by Expe••••∣ence, that although the early loss of a Fa¦ther may be attended with other disadvan¦tages, yet it can hinder none from bein•• either vertuous or eminent in the Wor•••• and that it is no obstacle to true Goodne•••• and Excellence; however bad men 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pleas'd to lay the blame of their corruption and debauched lives upon that misfortun•• and the neglect of them in their Minority▪ as if they fell into Vice and Meanness, rathe•• by a loose and careless Education, than 〈◊〉〈◊〉 degenerate and ignoble Mind. And 〈◊〉〈◊〉 very Man comes in as a Witness to the trut•• of their Opinion, who conceive that a ge¦nerous and worthy Nature, if it want Dis∣cipline and Breeding, (like a fat Soyl which lyes unimprov'd and without Culture •••• does with its better productions bring forth a mixture of vitious and faulty things For as the force and vigor of his Soul

and a persevering Constancy in all he un∣dertook, did supply him with great and effective Instincts for many handsom Acti∣ons, so likewise on the other side by indul∣ging the vehemence of his Passion, and through an obstinate stiffness which knew not how to yield, or accommodate his Humours and Sentiments to those of other men, he became harsh and disagreeable, and wholly unfit for the easiness of Friend∣ship, and the gentler parts of Conversa∣tion; insomuch that those who did esteem his other good Qualities, and admir'd to see that he was the same equal proof against all the softnesses of Pleasure, and the hard∣ships of Travel, and the allurements of Gain, allowing that universal Firmness of his, the respective Names of Temperance, Fortitude and Justice, yet as to the Ver∣tues of Humanity and civil Intercourse, he was so defective therein, that they could not chuse but be disgusted at him for the hateful Severity, and unpleasant Rugged∣ness of his stern deportment, as being one of an over-bearing, haughty, and impe∣rious Temper. It was therefore a thing much to be desir'd, that Marcius had spent some time in Philosophy, and studying the Art how he might sweeten his Address, and polish his Demeanour; for indeed men can draw no great Advantage from

the Mildness and Benignity of the Muses than to civilize and cultivate their Nature by Rules of Prudence, and the Precepts o•• Morality, while they observe those Limit•• and Boundaries which are set by Reason, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as always to embrace the sober mean, and avoid the wildness of Extremities.

Now those were the Times wherein tha•• kind of Worth and Gallantry was in high Credit, and preferr'd at Rome above all th•• rest, which did appear in martial Deeds an•• military Atchievments; as an Evidenc•• whereof, the Latin word for Vertue came the•• to signifie Prowess, and as if Valour and a•• Vertue had been the same thing, they di•• confine the general notion, and appropriate the common term to that particular Excel∣lence. But Marcius having a more passion∣ate Inclination, than any of that Age fo•• Feats of Chivalry, began presently from his Childhood to handle Arms, and being o•• opinion, that adventitious Implements and artificial Arms would effect little, and b•• of small use to such as have not their na∣tive and congenite Weapons well fixt and prepar'd for Service, he did so exercise and inure his Body to all sorts of Activity, and the different ways of Encounter, that he became swift and nimble to pursue, and beside the lightness of a Racer, had that

weight and heaviness in close Seizures and Wrestlings with an Enemy, from which it was hard for any to get loose, or forci∣bly clear and disengage himself; so that his domestick Rivals, and those that stood ••n competition with him for true Courage and Magnanimity, being loth to own them∣••elves inferior in that respect, were fain to excuse their Foyls and Deficiencies, by saying he had a robust, inflexible Body, that was hardned against all Fatigues, and the utmost stress of Opposition.

The first time he went out to the Wars, being yet a Stripling, was when Tar∣••uinius Superbus (who had been King of Rome, but driven thence for his Pride and Lewdness) after many Skirmishes, and no fewer Defeats, did now enter upon his last Effort, and hazard all as it were upon a single Throw; for a great num∣ber of the Latins, and other People of Italy, had joyn'd their Forces, and were marching with him toward the City, as resolv'd to procure his Restoration and Set∣tlement in the Regal Throne; but this however not so much out of a desire to serve and oblige Tarquin, as to gratifie their own Fear and Envy, at the growth and increase of the Roman Greatness, which they did intend to pull down from its late Advancements, under a pretence of raising

him to his ancient Royalties. The Armies then being met and engag'd in a decisive Battel, which had divers Turns and Varia∣tions on both sides, Marcius fighting bravely in the Dictator's presence, saw a Roman Souldier struck down at a little distance, whom he did not abandon in that posture, but immediately stept in, and stood before the Man, and made so vigorous a defence, that he slew the Aggressor which bore fu∣riously upon him. The General having gotten the Victory, did not forget how well he had behav'd himself, whom he therefore crown'd▪ one of the first with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Garland of Oaken branches; for it was the Roman Custom thus to adorn those wh•• had protected a Citizen; whether that Law did intend some special Honour to the Oak, in memory of the Arcadians, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 People the Oracle had made famous by the Name of Acorn-eaters; or whether the Rea∣son of it was, because they might easily and in all places where they fought, have plen∣ty of Oak▪ for that purpose; or last o•• all, the Oaken Wreath, being otherwise sacred to Jupiter, the great Guardian of their Cities, they might therefore think it the most proper Ornament for him who had preserv'd a Citizen; Beside that the Oak, as it is a Tree which bears the most and the prettiest Fruit of any that grow

wild and without Improvement, so likewise is it stronger than any of those which are dress'd and manur'd by us; its Acorns too were the principal Diet of the old Mortals, and the Honey which was lodg'd there, did help to make them a pleasant Liquor; yea, I may say, it furnish'd out Fowl and other Creatures for their Dainties, in pro∣ducing Misselto for Birdlime, that artful Instrument to ensnare them. But that I may return from these wandring Specula∣tions, and keep the way of my History, it is reported, that Castor and Pollux appear'd in the Battel before mention'd, and that presently after it they were seen at Rome, just by the Fountain where their Temple now stands, upon Horses all foaming with a white frothy Sweat, as if they had rid Post to bring tidings thither of the Victory, on which account the 15th. of July, (being the day of this Conquest) became a solemn Holiday to the kind and Officious Brethren.

Now from the Grace which was then done Coriolanus, and the manner how it did affect him, I may observe in general, That when young Men do arrive at Fame and Reputa∣tion betimes, if they happen to be of a Na∣ture that is but slightly touch'd with Emu∣lation, this early Attainment does soon ex∣tinguish their thirst, and satiate the desire they have for Glory; whereas the first Ho∣nours

that dignifie and illustrate those who ar•• of a more solid and weighty Mind, make them study to grow still in merit, and to shine the brighter, and are so far from dulling, that they even whet their appetite, and carry them on, like a fair wind, in the pursuit of every gene∣rous thing and applauded Enterprize; while they look upon these Marks and Testimonies of their Virtue, not as a recompence re∣ceiv'd for what they have already done, but as a Pledge given by themselves of what they will perform hereafter, being asham'd now to forsake or under-live the Credit they have won, yea, not to exceed and ob∣scure all that is gone before, by the lustre and worthiness of their following Actions. Marcius therefore, having a Spirit of this noble Make, was ambitious al∣ways to get the better of himself, and did no∣thing how extraordinary soever, but thought he was bound to out-do it at the next occasi∣on, so that his own deeds provok'd him day∣ly to▪ excel, and being infinitely desirous to give some fresh Instance, and new Ex∣periment of his prowess, he added one Exploit to another piece of Bravery, and heap'd up Trophies upon Trophies, by all which he brought in many rich Spoyls from the Enemy. This also became the Matter of a glorious Contest among the Roman Generals, the latter still striving

with the former, which of them should pay him the greatest Respect, and speak highest in his Commendation; for there be∣ing frequent Wars and numerous Conflicts in those days, Marcius was present at them all, and return'd back from none without Laurels and without Rewards; and whereas others made Glory the end of their daring, the end of his Glory was his Mothers gladness; for the delight she took to hear him prais'd, and to see him crown'd, and her weeping for joy in his Embraces, did render him in his own thoughts the most honourable and most happy Person in the World. An Affecti∣on or Sentiment not unlike that of Epami∣nondas, who made no scruple to profess, that he reckon'd it the greatest Felicity of his whole Life, that his Father and Mo∣ther did still survive to behold his Conduct and Victory in the Plains of Leuctra; he had the Advantage indeed to have both his Parents partake with him, and enjoy the pleasure of his good Fortune; but Marcius believing himself oblig'd to pay his Mother Volumnia, all that Gratitude and Duty which belong'd to his Father, had he also been alive, could never satisfie his mind, or think he did enough, in all the Consolations and Caresses she receiv'd from him, but took a Wife also at her mo∣tion and entreaty, and liv'd still with his

Mother, without parting Families, wh•••• she had brought him Children. The ••••¦pute of his Integrity and Courage, had 〈◊〉〈◊〉 this time gain'd him a considerable Inter•••••• and Authority in Rome, when the Senate fa¦vouring the wealthier sort of Citizens, hap¦pen'd to be at odds and variance with the common People, who made very sad Com¦plaints, touching that rigorous and inhuman▪ Usage they found among the Usurers which had lent them Money; for as many as wer•• behind with them, and had any small matter in possession, they presently stripp'd even o•• that little Stock, by the way of Pawns and Auctions; but such as through former Exa∣ctions were reduc'd already to extream In∣digence, and had nothing more to be de∣priv'd of, these they led away in person, and put their Bodies under constraint, notwith∣standing they did expose the Scars and Slashes of their Wounds, and shew their mangl'd Limbs, as a proof of that Service they had done the Publick in several Expeditions, the last whereof was against the Sabins, which they undertook upon a promise made by their rich Creditors, that they would treat them with more Gentleness for the future, Marcus Valerius the Con∣sul, having by Order from the Senate, en∣gag'd also for the performance of it; but seeing, that after they had fought couragi∣ously,

and acquitted themselves so well in the late Action, as to vanquish the Enemy, there was however no such Moderation and Forbearance us'd, as they had reason to ex∣pect, since the Senate also did pretend to re∣member nothing of that Agreement, and sate without testifying the least concern to see them dragg'd away like Slaves, and their Goods seiz'd upon as formerly, there be∣gan now to be open Mutinies, and dange∣rous Factions in the City, insomuch that the Enemy being aware of that popular Tumult, did invade and lay waste the Coun∣trey; upon which when the Consuls gave notice, that all who were of an age to bear Arms, should make their personal Appear∣ance, and no body for all that did regard the Summons, the chief Magistrates then coming to consult what course should be taken, were again of several minds, and still differ'd in opinion: for some thought it most advisable to comply a little, and yield somewhat in favour of the poor Ple∣beians, by relaxing their over-s••rain'd Rights, and that excessive ridgedness of the Law, whereas others did withstand this Propo∣sal, but Marcius in particular, and with more vehemence than the rest, alledging that the business of money on either side was not the main thing in question, or to be most minded, but he lookt upon

this disorderly proceeding as an Essay and Rudiment of the Peoples Insolence, and their hardiness to affront and defie the stablish•• Laws, that it would therefore become the wisdom of the Government to stop them▪ in their first Career, and stifle those unruly heats that were now flaming out into a Combustion.

There had been frequent Assemblies of the whole Senate, and that within a small com∣pass of time, about this ticklish Affair, but without any certain issue or final resolution: the poor Commonalty perceiving then there was like to be no redress of their grie∣vances, came suddenly together in a body, and after some warm discourses among them∣selves, forsook the City with one accord, and marching up that Ascent which is now called the Holy Mount, they sate down by the River Anien, doing no sort of violence or seditious outrage all the while, only they made loud and heavy outcries as they went along, that the rich men, havin•• endeavoured it of old, did now actually expell and thrust them out of Rome, but that Italy however would every where afford them the benefit of Air and Water for the small remainder of their days, and a place of burial, when they dy'd, which was all they cou'd ex∣pect by their continuance in the City,

beside the priviledge of being cut and kill'd in a time of War for the defence of those cruel Banquiers. The Senate apprehending the dangerous consequence of this Rupture, sent away the gravest of their own Order, and such as had been most moderate, and were most gracious among the people, to treat with them.

Menenius Agrippa their chief Spokes∣man, after much Courtship to the Rab∣ble, and no less freedom us'd on behalf of the Senate, came at length to con∣clude his discourse with this celebrated Fable. It once happen'd, says he, that all the other Members of a man fell to mutiny against the Stomach, which they accus'd as the only idle uncontributing part in the whole Body, while the rest were put to migh∣ty hardships, and the expence of much la∣bour to supply that and minister to its Ap∣petites: but the provident and painful sto∣mach hearing such a sensless charge brought against her, could not choose but laugh at the ignorance and ill breeding of those dissa∣tisfied members, who either wanted the wit to understand, or else the civility to acknow∣ledge that she receives the nourishment into her Office out of meer charity to the publick, which she returns ever with advantage, that being prepared by the art of her Chymistry, it may pass and circulate to all, and so fur∣nish

them with spirits for life and acti•••••• Now this is exactly the case betwixt you a•••• the Senate, O ye Roman Citizens, and the very image of its care and kind dealing as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 your regard; for there they mingle counsels and digest matters, which become the strength and maintenance of the whole state, and that se∣cretly disperse and bring home all manner of sup∣port and convenience to every one of you.

This ingenious and sensible representatio•• of things, did pretty well pacifie and recon∣cile the Multitude, the Senate too having granted their request for an annual choice o•• five Patrons or Protectors of such among them as should need assistance, which Patron•• are now called the Tribunes of the People; th•• two first they pitcht upon were Junius Brut•••• and Sicinnius Vellutus the prime Authors o•• that Apostacy.

The City being thus united, the Commo•••• stood presently to their Arms, and follow'•• their Commanders to the War with grea•• alacrity. As for Marcius, though he w•••• not a little vext himself to see the Populace prevail so far, and get ground of the Sena∣tors, and might observe many other Patri∣cian's have the same dislike of their late Concessions, yet he besought them after all not to yield at least to the common people in that zeal and forwardness they now shew'd for their Countries service, but

make it evidently appear that they were superiour to them, not so much for their power and riches, as their heroick minds and noble resolutions.

The Romans were now at War with a Nation call'd the Volscians, whose prin∣cipal Seat or City of the greatest note and eminence, was that of Corioli; when therefore Cominius the Consul had invest∣ed this important Place, the rest of the Volscians, fearing it should be taken, mu∣ster'd up what ever force they could make from all parts, in order to relieve it, designing to give the Romans Battel before the City, and so attack them on both sides: Cominius to avoid this Incon∣venience, divided his Army, marching himself with one body to encounter those Volscians that made towards him from without, and leaving Titus Larcius (the bravest Roman of his time) to command the other, and still carry on the Siege. Those within Corioli despising now the smalness of that number, made a brisk sally upon them, wherein they prevail'd at first, and pursu'd the Romans into their Trenches: Here it was that Marcius flying out with a slender Company, and cutting those in pieces that were nearest and did first engage him, oblig'd the o∣ther Assailants to slacken the speed they

were making to fall on, and then with a strong forcible Cry, did as it were sound in the Romans to renew the Skirmish; for he was a man (that which Cato required in a Warriour) not only dreadful to meet with in the Field by reason of his hand and stroke, but insupportable to an Enemy for the very tone and accent of his voice, and the sole terrour of his aspect. Divers of his own party then rallying and making up to him the Enemies soon retreated for fear of a smarter on-set from those they had but now routed; but Marcius not content to see them draw off and retire, prest hard up∣on the Rear, and drove them, as they fled away in haste, to the very Gates of their City; where perceiving the Ro∣mans to fall back from the pursuit, beaten off by a multitude of Darts pour'd in up∣on them from the Walls, and that none of his followers had the hardiness to think of falling in Pell-mell among the Runnagates, or forcing an entrance into the City, which had a strong Garison arm'd at all points, and ready to give them a warm reception; he was how∣ever instant with, and did mightily en∣courage them by his words and actions, crying out, That Fortune had now set open Corioli, not so much to shelter the Vanquisht, as to receive the Conque∣rours;

which he had no sooner spoken, but seconded by a few that were willing to ven∣ture with him, he bore along the Croud, and made good his passage, and thrust him∣self into the Gate through the midst of them, no body daring to resist, or sustain the vio∣lence of his first impressions; but after he had lookt well about him, and could discern but a very small number of Assistants who had slipt in to engage in that hazardous ser∣vice, and saw that Friends and Enemies were now mingled together, he was said to commence a Combate within the Town, wherein he perform'd the most extraordina∣ry and incredible things, as well for the mightiness of his force, as the nimbleness of his motion, and the audacity of his mind, breaking thorough all he made any attempts upon, constraining some to shift for them∣selves in the farthest corners of the City, and others to throw down their Weapons as despairing they should be able to oppose him: By all which he gave Titus Lartius a fair occasion to bring in the rest of the Romans with ease and safety.

Corioli being thus surpriz'd and taken, the greater part of the Souldiers fell present∣ly to spoil and pillage it, and were imploy'd still in Rapine, or carrying off their Booty: that which Marcius was highly offended at, and reproacht them for it as a dishonourable

and unworthy thing, that when the Con∣sul and their fellow-Citizens had now per∣haps encountred the other Volscians, and were hazarding their lives in Battel, they should basely mispend the time in running up and down for Pelf and Treasure, and under a pretence of enriching themselves, decline the present jeopardy; yet for all he could alledge, there were not many that would leave plundering for a share in glory: Putting himself then at the head of those generous Spirits that were still ready to de∣serve well, he took that Road where the Consuls Army had marcht before him, of∣ten exciting his Companions, and beseeching them as they went along that they would not falter and give out, praying often to the Gods too, that he might be so happy as to arrive before the Fight was over, and come seasonably up to assist Cominius, and partake in the peril of that action.

It was customary with the Romans of that Age, when they stood in Battel-array, and were now taking up their Bucklers, and gird∣ing their Gowns about them, to make a•• the same time an unwritten Will or mee•• verbal Testament, and to name who should be their Heirs in the hearing of three or fou•• Witnesses: In this posture did Marcius fin•• them at his arrival, the Enemy being ad¦vanc'd within view.

They were not a little disorder'd by his first appearance, seeing him all over bloody and sweating as he was, and attended with a small Train; but when he hastily made up to the Consul with an air of gladness in his looks, giving him his hand, and recount∣ing to him how the City had been taken; when they saw Cominius also embrace and salute Marcius upon that discourse, then every one took heart a fresh, and both such as were near enough to hear the Relation of his Success, and those that, being at a greater distance, could only guess what had hap∣pen'd by the manner of their greeting, be∣sought the Consul with a loud voice, that he would lead them on to engage the Ene∣my: but, before he did that, Marcius de∣sir'd to know of him, how the Volscians had dispos'd the order of their Battalia, where they had plac'd the Men of Metal, and the more stout and pugnacious part of their whole Army; who answering, that he took those Troops of the Antiates in the middle Rank to be their prime Warriors, and that would yield to none for Prowess and Bra∣very; let me then demand and obtain of you, says Marcius, that I may be directly confronted to these daring People. The Consul then fa∣vour'd him in that request, admiring much the forwardness and ardor of his mind; when the Conflict was begun by darting at

each other, and Marcius sally'd out before the rest, the Vant-guard of the Volscians was not able to make head against him, for wheresoever he fell in, he presently broke their Ranks, and made a Lane through them; but the Parties turning again, and enclosing him on each side with their Weapons, the Consul, who observ'd the danger he was in, dispatch'd some of the choicest Men he had for his speedy rescue. The Dispute then growing warm and sharp about Mar∣cius, and many falling dead in a little space; the Romans bore so hard upon the Enemies, and press'd them with such violence, that they were forc'd at length to abandon their Stations, and to quit the Field; and going now to prosecute the Victory, they besought Marcius, tir'd out with his Toyls, and faint and heavy through the loss of Blood, that he would retire himself to the Camp; but he replying, that Weariness was a thing which did not befit Conquerors, joyn'd with them in the pursuit; the rest of the Vol∣scian Army was in like manner defeated, a great multitude being slain, and no less ta∣ken. The day after, Marcius, with a nu∣merous Assembly of other Persons; appear∣ing at the Consuls Tent, he mounted up to his Chair of State, and having render'd al•• due Gratulation and Acknowledgment to the Gods for the prosperity of that Enter∣prize,

he applies himself immediately to Marcius, and first of all he made an admi∣rable Panegyrick upon his rare Exploits, which he had partly been an Eye-witness of himself in the late Battel, and had partly known from the Testimony of T. Lartius, reporting what had been done at the Siege and Conquest of Corioli. And then he re∣quir'd him to choose a tenth part of all the Treasure, and Horses, and Captives, that had fallen into their hands, before any di∣vision should be made to others; beside which, he made him the Present of a good∣ly Horse with Trappings and Military Or∣naments, as a mark and cognizance of his signal Fortitude; which being highly ap∣plauded by the whole Army, Marcius stept forth, and declar'd his thankful acceptance of that single Horse, and how extreamly satisfi'd he was with the Praise and Elogy which his General had vouchsaf'd to bestow upon him, but as for other things, which he look'd upon rather as Mercenary Accrue∣ments, than any significations of Honour, he did wave them all, and should be content that his proportion of such Rewards might not exceed that of the meanest Souldier. I have only, says he, one singular Grace to beg, and this, Sir, I hope you will not deny me: There was a certain hospitable and courteous Friend of mine among the Volscians, a Person of great

Probity and Vertue, who is now become a Pri∣soner, and from the Wealth and Freedom wherein he liv'd, reduc'd to Poverty and pre∣sent Servitude; the man has fallen under many Misfortunes, but he would think it a sufficient Deliverance, if my Intercession shall redeem him from this one at least, that he may not be sold as a common Slave. Now so handsom a Refusal in Marcius, was follow'd still with louder Acclamations, than the Consuls Offer had been before, and he had many more Ad∣mirers of that generous Resolution whereby he conquer'd Avarice, than of the warlike Stoutness he had shewn in subduing Enemies; for those very persons who did conceive some Envy and Despight, to see him thus infinitely honour'd, could not choose then but ac∣knowledge, that he was worthy to receive the greatest things, even for his noble decli∣ning the reception of them; and they were more deeply in love with that Vertue of his, which made him despise so many fair Ad∣vantages, than any of his former Actions, whereby he did so well deserve they should be conferr'd on him; for it is much more commendable to be dextrous and skilful in the use of Riches than of Arms, and yet a man shall have higher Veneration still, who does not w••nt or desire Money, than he that understands how to use and employ it as he ought.

When the noise of Approbation and Ap∣plause ceased, Cominius turning to the Com∣pany: There is no way, says he, fellow-Soul∣diers, to force and obtrude those other Gifts of ours, on a person who seems to be above such Gra∣tuities, and is so unwilling to accept them; let us therefore give him that which is so proper and suitable to the Service he has done, that he cannot well reject it; let us pass a Vote, I mean, that he shall hereafter be call'd Corio∣lanus, unless you think that his performance at Corioli has it self prevented us in decreeing him the priviledge of that Title. Hence therefore he came to acquire his third Name of Co∣riolanus; by which it is manifest, that Caius was a personal proper Name, that the second or Sirname of Marcius, was a Name in com∣mon to his House and Family, and that the third Roman Appellative was a peculiar Note of distinction, drawn afterwards and im∣pos'd either from some particular Fact, or Fortune, or Signature, or Vertue of him that bore it; for thus also the Grecians in old time, were wont to fix an additional Character on their great Men, for any fa∣mous Atchievement, such as Soter, that is, a preserver, and Callinicus, one renown'd for his Victories; or to express something re∣markable in their shape and figure, as Phys∣con a Gorge-belly, and Grypus, Eagle-nos'd; and then upon the account of their Virtue

and Kindness, as Euergetes, a Benefactor, and Philadelphus, a lover of his Brethren; or be∣cause of their unusual Felicity and good For∣tune, as Eudaemon, the prosperous or happy, an Epithite given to the second Prince of the Race of Battus; yea, and several Mo∣narchs have had Names appropriated to them in reproach and mockery, as Antigonus that of Doson, or one that was liberal only in the future, since he did always promise, but ne∣ver came to performance; and Ptolemy who was styled Lamyrus for the fond opinion he had of his own wit and pleasantness; which latter kind of denomination by way of rail, lery the Romans did very much delight in; for one of the Metelli was surnam'd by them Diadematus, because he had for a long time together walkt about with his head bound up by reason of an Ulcer in his Forehead.

Another of the same Family they call'd Celer, i. e. the swift or nimble, for that ex∣pedition and dispatch he made to procure them a Funeral Entertainment of so many pair of Gladiators within a few days after his Fathers death, the hast and magnifi∣cence of which provision was thought very strange and extraordinary for so short a time: there are some that even at this day derive Names from certain casual Incidents at their Nativity; one for instance, who happens to be born when

his Father is abroad in a foreign Country, they term Proculus, but if after his decease, they style him Posthumus; and when two Twins come into the World, whereof one dies at the Birth, the Surviver of them is call'd Vopiscus; nay, they use to denomi∣nate not only their Sylla's and Nigers, that is, men of a pimpled or swarthy Visage, but their Caeci and Claudii, the blind and the lame from such corporal blemishes and defects; thus wisely accustoming their peo∣ple not to reckon either the loss of sight, or any other bodily misfortune, as a matter of ignominy and disgrace to them, but that they should ansswer to such Names without shame or confusion, no otherwise than the most familiar and civil Compellations: But to treat of these things is not so proper to the Argument I have now in hand.

The War against the Volscians was no sooner at an end, but the popular Tri∣bunes and factious Orators fell again to revive domestick troubles, and raise an∣other Sedition, without any new cause of complaint or just grievance to pro∣ceed upon; but those very mischiefs that did unavoidably ensue from their former differences and contests, were then made use of as a ground and pretence to quar∣rel with the Nobility: The greatest part of their Arrable Land had been left un∣sown

and without tillage, and the time of War allowing them no means or leisure to fetch in Provision from other Countries, there was an extreme scarcity of things in Rome: The Movers of the People then ob∣serving that there was neither Corn brought into the Market, or if there had been Grain to supply them, yet they wanted Money to buy it, began to calumniate the Wealthy with false stories, and whisper it about, as if they out of an old grudge,, and to re∣venge themselves, had purposely contrived it thus to bring a Famine upon them. While these things were in agitation, there came an Embassie from the Velitrani, who delivered up their City to the Ro∣mans, desiring that they would send some new Inhabitants to people it, inasmuch as a late Pestilential Disease had swept away so many of the Natives, and made such havock and destruction among them, that there was hardly a tenth part re∣maining of their whole Community. Now this sad necessity of the Velitrani, was consider'd by the more prudent sort as a seasonable relief unto themselves, and seemed to happen very opportunely for the present state of their Affairs; for not only the dearth of Victuals had made it needful to ease and unburden the City of its superfluous Members, but they were

in hope also at the same time, and by this means to scatter and dissolve the Faction which now threatned them, through a purgation and discharge of the more rest∣less and inflamed Party, that like a redun∣dancy of morbid humours, put them all into so dangerous a ferment. Such as these therefore the Consuls singled out to supply the desolation at Velitrae, and gave notice to others that they should be rea∣dy to march against the Volscians, which was politickly design'd to prevent inte∣stine Broyls by employing them abroad. And there was some reason to presume, that, when as well the rich, as the poor, those of the Plebeian side, and the Pa∣trician Interest, should be mingled again in the same Army, and the same Camp, and engage in one common service and jeopardy for the Publick, it would mutu∣ally dispose them to reconciliation and friend∣ship, and to live upon gentler terms, and after a more sweet and benign fashion with each other.

But Sisinius and Brutus, a couple of se∣ditious Tribunes, did presently interpose here, crying out, That the Consuls went about to disguise the most cruel and barbarous action in the World, under that so mild and plausible name of a Colony, for no other end, but that they might precipitate so many poor Citizens,

as it were, into the very gulf of Perdition, by removing them to settle in an infectio••s Air, and a place that was covered with noysome Carkasses, and sending them to sojourn, not only under a strange Deity, but an angry and revengeful Genius; and then, as if it would not satisfie their hatred, to destroy some by hunger, and expose others to the mercy of a Plague, they must pro∣ceed to involve them also in a needless War of their own choosing, that all other Ca∣lamities might fall upon the City at once, because it did refuse to bear that of being any longer in slavery to the rich.

By which kind of discourses, the people were so fill'd with aversion and insolence, that none of them would appear upon the Consular Summons to be listed for the War, and they did as little relish the Proposal for a new Plantation; This put the Senate into such perplexity that it was utterly at a loss what to say, or do. But Marcius, who began now to swell and bear himself higher than ordinary, and to take more Spirit and Confidence from his noble Actions; being admired too by the best and greatest men of Rome, did openly op∣pose the harangues and practices of these Popular Incendiaries; so that in spite of them a Colony was dispatcht to Veli∣trae, those that were chosen by lot, being

oblig'd to depart and repair thither upon high Penalties; but when he saw them ob∣stinately persist in refusing to Inroll them∣selves for the Volscian Service, Marcius then muster'd up his own Clients, and as many others as cou'd be wrought upon by per∣swasion, and with these he made an in∣road into the Territories of the Antiates, where finding a considerable quantity of Corn, and lighting upon much booty both of Cattel and Prisoners, he reserved nothing for himself in private, but return'd safe and empty to Rome, while those that ventur'd out with him were seen loaden with rich Pillage, and driving their Prey before them; which made the rest that staid at home repent of their perversness, and envy such as had sped so well by the Enterprize; yea, and to be aggrieved and repine at Marcius, and the power and reputation he still got, as that which did encrease and rise only to the lessen∣ing and ruine of the Peoples Interest. It was not long after that he stood for the Consulship, when the people however did relent and incline to favour him, as being sensible what a shame it wou'd be to repulse and affront a man of his Family and Courage, and that too after he had done them so many signal Services, and been the Author of so much good and

benefit to the Publick; for it was the custom of those that pretended to Offi∣ces and Dignities among them, to sol∣licite and caress the people at their Ge∣neral Assemblies, clad only in a loose Gown without any Coat under it, either to promote their Supplications the bet∣ter, by suing in such an humble Habit, or that such as had receiv'd Wounds might thus more readily demonstrate the visible tokens of their fortitude: for it was not from any suspicion the people then had of bribery and corruption, that they required such as did petition them to appear ungirt and open without any close Garment; for it was much later, and many Ages after this that buying and sel∣ling crept in at their Elections, and Money was an Ingredient into the Publick Suffra∣ges; but Gifts and Presents had no sooner shewn what influence they had, and what Parties they cou'd make for choosing Ma∣gistrates, but the same practice came to at∣tempt their Tribunals, and even attack their Camps, till by hiring the Valiant, and en∣slaving Iron to Silver, it grew Master of the State, and turn'd their Common-wealth into a Monarchy; for it was well and truly said by him, who did affirm that the person who began to give Treats and Largesses to the people, was he that first depriv'd

them of their strength and power; but the mischief it seems stole secretly in and by little and little, not being presently dis∣cern'd and taken notice of at Rome; for it is not certainly known who the Man was that did there first either bribe the Citi∣zens, or corrupt the Bench; but in A∣thens it is said, that Anytus the Son of An∣themion, was the first that gave Money to the Judges toward the latter end of the Peloponnesian War, he being then ac∣cus'd of Treachery, for delivering up the Fort of Pylus; while those of the pure golden kind did as yet preside and give sentence in the Roman Courts: Marcius there∣fore, as the fashion of pretenders was, lay∣ing open the scars and gashes that were still extant in his body, from those innu∣merable Skirmishes and Conflicts where∣in he had successively engag'd, and al∣ways signaliz'd himself for seventeen years together; they had a certain reverence for his Virtue, and told one another that they ought in common modesty create him Consul; but when the day of Election was now come, and Marcius appear'd at the place where they were to give their Votes with a pompous Train of Senators attending him, and all the Patricians did manifestly express a greater concern, and acted more vigorously in his particular, than

they had ever done before on the like occa∣sion; the Commons then fell off again from all the kindness they had conceiv'd for him, and in stead of their late Benevolence, were carried to Indignation and Envy on the sud∣den: the Malignity of which Passions was assisted too by the general fear they were in, that if a man who was clearly to have the Senate govern, and was so mightily respected by the Nobles, should be invest∣ed with all the Power which that Office would give him, he might employ it to their prejudice, and utterly deprive the People of that Liberty which was yet left them: Being therefore so ill affected, and reasoning thus among themselves, in con∣clusion, they rejected Marcius; but when two other Persons were declared Consuls, the thing was taken very hainously by the Se∣nate, as reckoning that the Indignity of such a Slur did reflect rather upon it self than Marcius, who for his part was more sensibly nettled at their proceeding, and cou'd not bear that disgrace with any tem∣per or patience, having commonly us'd him∣self to follow the more wrathful and stick∣ling motions of the Soul, as if there were somewhat of Grandeur and bravery in those Transports, without a due mixture of that gravity and meekness, which are the ef∣fects of Reason and Discipline, and Ver∣tues

so necessary for Civil Conduct, and not considering that whoever undertakes to man∣age publick Business and Converse with men, should above all things avoid opiniateness and pertinacy in his own way, which (as Plato speaks) belong to the Family of So∣litude, and become a lover of that forbear∣ance, and those enduring qualities that are so much derided by some ridiculous persons; whereas Marcius being plain and artless; but ever rigid and inflexible, and strongly perswaded that to prevail and vanquish all he had to do with, was the proper work of Fortitude, and not rather a weakness and effeminacy of mind, which pushes out Fu∣ry from within, like the swelling of a bruised and painful part, flung away in great disorder, and bitterly enrag'd against the People: Those also of the young sparkish Gallants that did most flourish and flutter it in the City upon the score of their No∣ble Birth, as they had been always mar∣vellously devoted to his Interest, so adhe∣ring to him at that time, and unhappily pre∣sent when he was thus slighted, did by their Resentments and Condolence much aggra∣vate the Baffle, and blow up his heat into a flame; for he was not only their Captain and Leader, but a kind Instructor of the Ro∣man Gentlemen, when they went out with him, as to all that did belong unto the Art of

War; and taught them a true vertuous Emulation, how they shou'd mutually ex∣alt, and without Envy extol one another for any brave Atchievement.

In the midst of these Distempers, a great deal of Corn happen'd to come into Rome, a considerable part whereof had been bought up in Italy, which was equall'd by another Stock arriving from Syracuse, as a Present from Gelo, the King of Sicily; insomuch that many began now to hope well of their Affairs, supposing the City by this means wou'd be deliver'd at once both of its Wa•• and Discord. A Council therefore being presently held, the People came flocking about the Senate-house, and did there eager∣ly attend the issue of that Deliberation, a•• expecting that the Market Rates wou'd be more gentle and easie, for that which shou'd be expos'd to sale, and also that which wa•• sent in as a Gift, shou'd come on free cost and be distributed gratis among them, fo•• there were some within who advis'd the Se∣nate thus to moderate the price of one, and give such Orders for the disposal of the other. But Marcius standing up, did sharply inveigh against those who spoke in favour of the Mul∣titude, calling them Flatterers of the base Rab∣ble, but down-right Traytors to the Senate and alledging that by such mean and foolish Gratifications, they did nothing else 〈◊〉〈◊〉

cherish those ill seeds of Boldness and Petu∣••••ance that had been sown among the People, against themselves and to their own prejudice, which they shou'd have done well to observe and stifle at their first appearance, and not have suffer'd the Plebeians to grow so strong, by giving such Authority to their Tribunes; for now they were become formidable, through a compliance with their humour in all they did demand and insist upon, and for want of constraining them to any thing which was contrary to their own will; so that living, as it were, in Anarchy, they wou'd no longer obey the Consuls, or acknow∣ledge any superiour Magistrate, but the Heads and Leaders of their own Faction. And when things are come to such a pass, for us to sit here, and decree Largesses and Dividends for them, like those Grecians where the Popu∣lace is supream and absolute, what wou'd it be else, says he, but to foster and supply their Stubbornness for the common ruine of us all? for sure they will not look upon these Libe∣ralities as a Reward of publick Service, which themselves know they have so oft deserted; nor yet of those Apostacies and Departures from us, whereby they did openly re∣nounce and betray their Countrey, and much less of the Calumnies and Slanders they have been always so ready to en∣tertain, against the just and honourable

Proceedings of this Senate, but will rather conclude that a Bounty, which seems to have no other visible Cause or Reason, must needs be the effect of our Fear and Flattery; so that hoping we shall go on to yield and condescend still to any further Submissions, which may serve to pacifie and gain them, they will come to no end of their Disobe∣dience, nor ever cease from Riots and Up∣roars, and seditious Practices. It is there∣fore a direct madness in us to be so tame and coming, as we have hitherto shewn our selves; nay, if we had but the Wisdom and Resolu∣tion which becomes those of our Rank and Order, we shou'd never rest till we had re∣triev'd that Tribunitian Power they have extorted from us, as being a plain subver∣sion of the Consulship, and a perpetual ground of separation in our City, that is no longer one as heretofore, but has thereby receiv'd such a Wound and Rupture, as, for ought I can foresee, is never likely to close and unite again, or suffer us to be of a joynt Body and the same Mind, and so much in our right wits, as to leave heightening our own Distempers, & being a Plague and Torment to each other.

Marcius discoursing many things to this purpose, did strangely inspire the brisk Youngsters with the same furious Senti∣ments, and had almost all the wealthy on his side, who cry'd him up as the only Person

their City had, that was both insuperable by Force and above Flattery; but some of the more grave and elderly sort did 〈◊〉〈◊〉 him herein, suspecting the ill consequence of his Procedure, as indeed there came no good of it; for the Tribunes that were present at this Consultation, perceiving how the Pro∣posal of Marcius took and carry'd it against them, ran out into the Croud with Excla∣mations, calling on the Plebeians to stand together, and come in to their assistance. The Assembly then being grown tumultuous, and the sum of what Marcius had spoken, having been reported to them, the Rabble fell into such a Rage, that they were ready to break in upon the Senate; but the Tribunes prevented that, by laying all the blame on Coriolanus, whom therefore they cited by their Messengers to come be∣fore them, and give an account of his late violent Oration; and when he contemptu∣ously repuls'd the Officers who brought him such a Summons, they came presently them∣selves with the Aediles, or Overseers of the Market, designing to carry him away by force, and accordingly began to lay hold on his Person; but the Nobility striking in to his rescue, did not only thrust off the Tribunes, but also beat the Aediles that were their Seconds in the Quarrel, and then the Night approaching, put an end to

their present Scuffle. But as soon as it was day, the Consuls observing the People to be highly exasperated, and that they ran from al•• ••••arters, and met together in the Market-place, were afraid for the whole City, lest the business shou'd come to a general Up∣roar; so that convening the Senate afresh, they desir'd them to advise how by gentle Speeches and more benign Edicts, they might best qualifie and compose that in∣censed Multitude: for if they did wisely consider the state of Things, they must needs find that it was no longer time to stand upon terms of Reputation, and that the matter of this Contest was not a meer point of Glory, but that such a ticklish and critical Conjun∣cture did oblige them to kind Methods, and require temperate and good-natur'd Counsels. The majority therefore of the Senators sub∣mitting to new Measures and a milder Sen∣tence, the Consuls proceeded to bespeak and pacifie the People in the best manner they were able, answering gently to such Imputati∣ons and Charges as had been cast upon the Se∣nate, and using much Tenderness and Mo∣desty in those Admonitions and Reproofs they gave them for their late exorbitant Demea∣nor. And as for a supply of the Market with Provisions, or the moderate and reaso∣nable Rates of what shou'd be there expos'd to Sale, they said, there shou'd be no dif∣ference

at all between them upon that Sub∣ject. When a great part of the Commonalty was grown cool, and it appear'd from their orderly and peaceful Audience, that they had been wrought upon, and very much ap∣peas'd by what was spoken, the Tribunes standing up declar'd in the name of the Peo∣ple, that since the Senate was pleas'd to act soberly, and do them Reason, they likewise shou'd be ready to condescend in all things that were fair and equitable on their side; however they did peremptorily insist that Marcius shou'd give in his Answer to the se∣veral particulars he was accus'd of; as first, whether he cou'd deny that he did instigate and provoke the Senate to confound the Go∣vernment, and dissolve the Authority of the People; and in the next place, if being call'd to account for it, he did not insolently slight and disobey their Summons; and last of all, whether by the blows and other publick af∣fronts given to the Aediles, he did not as much as in him lay, introduce and commence a Civil War, and become a Leader to the rest of the Citizens to take up Arms one a∣gainst another.

Now these Articles were brought in a∣gainst him, with a design either to humble Marcius, and make it appear he was one of a mean Spirit, if contrary to his nature he

should now Court and Caress the people; or, if he did still maintain the usual haugh∣tiness of his mind, (which they did rather hope and expect as guessing rightly at the man) he might work up their Choller to such a height, that they shou'd remain im∣placable, and never more be reconcil'd to him.

He came therefore as it were to make his Apology, and clear himself from the Im∣peachment; in which belief the People kept silence, and gave him a quiet hearing: But when, in stead of the submissive and depre∣catory language was expected from him, he began to use not only an offensive kind of freedom, wherein he seem'd rather to accuse then apologize; but, as well by the tone and sierceness of his Voice, as the stern and searless air of his Countenance, did demon∣strate a security that was not far from dis∣dain and contempt of them, the whole mul∣titude then was ruffled and incens'd to purpose; and gave sufficient indication of their uneasiness and disgust, and that they cou'd no longer endure the pride and arro∣gance of such a scornful Orator; hereupon Sicinnius the most hardy and violent of all their Tribunes, after a little private Confe∣rence with the rest of his Collegues, did so∣lemnly pronounce before them all that Mar∣cius was condemn'd to die by the Tribunes

of the People, and without more ado, bid the Aediles hurry him up to the Tarpeian Rock, and presently throw him headlong from that precipice; but when they, in compliance with their Order, came to seize upon his body, the action did appear horrible and insolent to many even of the Plebeian Party; but the Patricians being wholly beside themselves, and infinitely affected with it, began to cry out for help; and while some made use of their hands to hinder the Arrest, and surround∣ing Marcius, got him in among them, others stretcht out theirs unto the multitude, be∣seeching them that they would not proceed to such furious Extremities; but in so great a hurly-burly and tumult, there was no good to be done by words and out-crys, till at length the Friends and Acquaintance of the Tribunes wisely perceiving how impossible it would be to carry off Marcius to punishment without much bloodshed and slaughter of the Nobility, perswaded them to take off that which was unusual and odious therein, and that they would not dispatch him by such a sudden violence, or without regular Process and the due Forms of Justice, but re∣fer what did concern the life of so eminent a Person to the general Suffrage of the Peo∣ple: Sicinnius then after a little sober pause, turning to the Patricians, demanded what

their meaning was thus forcibly to rescue Marcius out of the Peoples hands as they were going to punish him for such high Mis∣demeanours; when it was reply'd by them on the other side, and the question put, yea rather, how came it into your mind? and what is it you design, thus to hale one of the chief and the worthiest men of Rome, to such a barbarous and illegal Execution, and not allow him so much as a free Tryal, which is the right and priviledge of the mea∣nest Citizen? Very well, said Siccinnius, i•• that be all, it shall be no ground of your squablings and factious differences with the People, which grants all you require as to this particular; namely, that your swagge∣ring Hero may be judg'd and sentenc'd ac∣cording to the course of Law: And as for you, Sir, directing his speech to Marcius, we assign you the third Term of Judicature which shall next ensue, to make your ap∣pearance and defence in, and to try if you can satisfie the Roman Citizens of your Inno∣cence, who will thoroughly examine the Case, and then put it to a Vote, which shall decide your doom. The Noble-men were content with such a Truce and respite for that time, and gladly return'd home; ha∣ving weather'd the present storm, and brought off Marcius in safety.

During the Interval of that appointment, (for the Romans hold their Sessions every Ninth day, which from thence are call'd Nundinae in Latine) there fell out a War with the Antiates, which, because it was like to be of some continuance, gave them hope they might one way or other elude the Judgment, as presuming the People wou'd become mild and tractable, and that their Indignation must needs lessen and languish by degrees in so long a space, if it did not totally cease while they were taken up with the business of that Enterprize; but when contrary to expectation; they quick∣ly made an agreement with those of An∣tium, and the Army came back to Rome, the Patricians were again in great perplex∣ity about the affair of Marcius, and had frequent Meetings and Consultations among themselves, the subject whereof was, how things might be so order'd, that they shou'd neither abandon him, nor yet give an occasion to those that did influence the People to put them into new disorders. Now Appius Claudius, whom they reckon'd among those Senators that were most of all averse to the Popular Interest, made a solemn Declaration, and told them be∣fore hand, that the Senate wou'd utter∣ly destroy it self, and betray the Go∣vernment if they should once suffer the

People to become their Judges, and assume the Authority of pronouncing Capital Sentence upon any of the Patricians; but then the most aged and most inclin'd to Popularity, did alledge on the other side, and deliver it as their Opinion that the Peo∣ple wou'd not be so harsh and severe upon them, as some were pleas'd to imagine, but rather become more gentle and courteous through the concession of that Power, since it was not their contempt of the Senate, but the fear of being despis'd by it, which made them pretend to such a Prerogative of judging, the allowance whereof wou'd be a Testimony of Respect, and a means of Consolation to them; insomuch, that at the very time of receiving a liberty to Vote in these Cases, they wou'd presently dismiss and let fall their Animosities and Displeasures.

When therefore Coriolanus saw that the Senate was in no little pain and sus∣pence upon his account, divided as it were betwixt the kindness they had for him, and their apprehensions from the Peo∣ple, he desir'd to know of the Tribunes, what the Crimes were they did intend to charge him with, and what the Heads of that Indictment they wou'd oblige him to plead to before the People; and being told by them, that he was to be Impeacht for a

tyrannical Usurpation, and that they wou'd prove him guilty of designing to introduce Arbitrary Government; Stepping forth hereupon, let me go then, says he, to clear my self from that Imputation before an Assembly of them, and as I do freely expose my person to any sort of Cognizance touching this Article, so neither will I re∣fuse any kind of Punishment whatsoever, if I be convicted of it; only, says he, let what you now mention, be made the true Title of my Accusation, and be sure you do not falsifie or impose upon the Senate in this matter: when they gave consent there∣to, and promis'd they wou'd stick to that as the chief ground of their prosecution; he came to his Tryal upon these terms. But the People being met together, the Tri∣bunes, contrary to all former practice, did extort and obtain first, that Voices shou'd be given, not according to their Hun∣dreds, but their Tribes; by which Inver∣sion of Order, the indigent and factious Rabble, that had no respect for Honesty and Justice, and wou'd be sure to carry it by Number at the Poll, were to have a Precedency in Voting before the rich and eminent, and military sort of men, who did serve and support the Publick with their Lives and Fortunes: And then in the next place, whereas they had en∣gag'd

to prosecute Marcius upon no o∣ther head but that of Tyranny (which cou'd never be made out against him) they did wave and relinquish this Plea, and instead thereof, fell to repeat and aggravate some words of his which had been formerly spoken in the Senate; as, that he did there oppose and disswade an abatement of the price of Corn, but advise and encourage them to resume the Tribunitian Power; adding further as a new Impeachment, the distribution that was made by him of the spoyl and booty he had taken from the Antiates, when he over-run their Country, which up∣on his own head, and to gain the Souldiery, he had divided among those that were rea∣diest to follow him; whereas it ought ra∣ther to have been brought into the publick Store-house, and dispos'd of by Authority of the Senate for the common Interest; which last Accusation did, they say, more sur∣prize and discompose Marcius than all the rest, as not expecting he shou'd ever be question'd upon that subject, and there∣fore less provided to give a plausible and satisfactory Answer to it on the sudden; but when, by way of excuse, he began to mag∣nifie the Merits of those who had been Partakers with him in the Action, such as staid at home being more numerous than

the other, and not enduring to hear them commended, did so disturb him by the noise they made, that he cou'd not proceed upon that Argument: In conclusion, when they came to Vote, there were three intire Tribes that did condemn him more than those that gave their Suffrage in his Favour, and the Penalty they adjudg'd him to, was perpetual banishment. The Sentence of his Condemnation being pronounc'd, the People went away with greater joy and triumph, and exaltation of mind, then they had ever shewn for any Victo∣ry against their Enemies: But the Senate was all in heaviness, and a deep de∣jection, repenting now and vexed at the very Soul that they had not done and suffer'd all things rather than give way to the insolence of the People, and permit them to assume and abuse so great an Authority: there was no need then to look upon their habit or other marks of distinction, for discerning a Senator from any vulgar Citizen, for it did plain∣ly appear that the brisk and jocund were all Plebeians, and you might presently know a Noble-man by his sad Counte∣nance; only Marcius himself was not struck or humbled in the least by that severe Judg∣ment which had past upon him, appearing still by his gesture and motion, and aspect to

be the same steady person, and when all ••¦thers of the same Rank were so passionately toucht therewith, he alone did not seem t•• be any whit affected at his own misfortune▪ but this however was not so much an effec•• of reason, and the meekness of his Tempe••▪ or because he bore the Accident with Pati∣ence, as a certain Transport of Fury and pro∣found Displeasure, which with ordinary an•• ignorant Judges does not then pass for a grie•• of Mind, for when this passion lighting 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a fiery Nature, does as it were kindle an•• flame out into Choler, it throws off all th•••• depression and sluggishness, which is other∣wise so proper to it; from whence it happen•• that an angry Man is sometimes thought t•• be extream vigorous and active; just as o•• in a Feaver, may seem to have a hot Const••¦tution, when all this high beating is no mo•••• than a disorderly Pulse and Palpitation 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the heart, or as it were a painful Distentio•• and shooting Tumour of the Soul: Now, th•• such was the Distemper of Marcius, it imme¦diately appear'd by his following Actions for upon his return home, after saluting hi•• Mother and his Wife, that were all in Tea•• and full of loud Lamentations, and exhorting them to moderate the sense they had of hi•• Calamity, he presently went toward the Cit•• Gates, whither all the Nobility did atten•• him, and so not so much as taking ough••

with him, or making any Request to the Company, he departed from them, having only three or four Clients about his Person. He continu'd solitary and musing for a few days in some Villages he had, toss'd and di∣stracted with great variety of Counsels, such as Rage and Indignation did suggest to him; in all which therefore he did not propose to himself any honourable or useful end, but only how he might best satisfie his Revenge in per∣secuting the Romans, and for this purpose he resolv'd at length to raise up a heavy War a∣gainst them from their nearest Neighbours.

In order hereunto, his business was in the first place to make trial of the Volscians, whom he knew to be still vigorous and flourishing enough both in Strength and Treasure, and did imagine their Force and Power was not so much abated, as their Spite and wrathful Pertinacy was increas'd, by the late Overthrows they had receiv'd from the Romans. Now there was a Man of Antium, call'd Tullus Ausidius, who, for his Wealth and Prowess, and the Splendor of his Family, had the Respect and Privi∣••edge of a King among all the Volscians, but ••ne whom Marcius knew to have a parti∣cular Pique and an inveterate Malice against him above any Roman whatsoever; for ••here having frequent Menaces and Challen∣ges pass'd between them, as they met toge∣ther

in the Field, and by often defying each other through a competition of their Valour (as the Strife and Emulation of youthful Spirits does usually prompt them to such Braveries) they had, beside the common Quarrel of their Countrey, conceiv'd a mu∣tual Enmity and private Hatred to each o∣ther; but for all this, considering the great Generosity of Tullus, and that none of the Volscians did so much desire an occasion, to return back upon the Romans some part of the Evils they had done them, he ventur'd at a thing, which mightily confirms that Saying of the Poet:

Hard and unequal is with Wrath the Strife, Which makes us buy its pleasure with our life.

For putting on such Cloaths and Habili∣ments, by which he might appear most un∣like the Person he was, to all that should see him in that Equipage, as Homer says of Ʋlysse••▪

The Town he enter'd of his mortal Foes.

His Arrival at Antium was about Evening and though several met him in the Street•• yet he pass'd along without being know•• to any, and went directly on to the Hou•••• of Tullus; where stealing in undiscover'd he presently made up to the Fire-heart•• (a Place that was sacred to their Lares

and seated himself there without speaking a word, or using any motion, after he had co∣ver'd his Head, to prevent observance. Those of the Family could not choose but wonder at the man's Confidence, and yet they were afraid either to raise or question him, (for there was a certain air of Majesty about him, which shew'd it self both in his Posture and his Silence) but they recounted to Tullus (being then at Supper) the strangeness of this Accident, who immediately rose from Table, and coming to Coriolanus, ask'd him, who he was, and for what business he came thither: whereupon Marcius unmuffling him∣self, and pausing a while, If, says he, you can∣not yet call me to mind, Tullus, if you do not believe your eyes concerning me, I must of ne∣cessity be my own Accuser; know therefore that I am Caius Marcius, the same Man that has been Author of so much Mischief to the Volscians, which if I should offer to deny, the Surname of Coriolanus I now bear, would be a sufficient Evidence against me, for I have no other Re∣compence to boast of, for all the Hardships and Perils I have gone through during the Wars be∣tween us, but a Title that proclaims my Enmity to your Nation, and this is the only thing which ••s still left me; as for other Advantages, I have ••een stripp'd and depriv'd of them all at once by ••he Envy and Outrage of the Roman People, and ••hrough the Cowardise and Treachery of the

Magistrates, and those of my own Order; so the I am driven out as an Exile, and become as humble Supplicant before your houshold Gods, not so much for safety and protection, (for wh•••• should make me come hither had I been afra•••• to die?) as to seek and procure Vengeance a∣gainst those that did expel me from my Countrey, which, methinks, I have already obtain'd, by putting my self into your hands; if therefore you have really a mind to attack and defeat you Enemies, come on, noble Sir, make use of the Affliction you see me in to assist the Enterprize and let my personal Infelicity prove a comm•••• Blessing to the Volscians; for I am like to be s•• much more serviceable in fighting for, than a¦gainst you, as they who understand the Secrets •••• their Enemies, do manage the War better, th•••• such as are unacquainted with the way and ma••∣ner of their Conduct: But if you despond 〈◊〉〈◊〉 give out, and refuse to make any further At¦tempts upon them, I am neither willing to li•••• my self, nor will it be safe and prudent in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to preserve a Person who has been your Ri•••• and Adversary of old, and now, when he offe•••• you his Service, is so far slighted, as to •••• thought unprofitable and useless to you.

Tullus having heard the Discovery an•• Discourse he made, was wonderfully pleas•• with it, and giving him his right Hand, ••¦rise, says he, Marcius, and be of good Courag•• for it is a considerable Happiness you bring 〈◊〉〈◊〉

Antium, in that welcome Present you do here make us of your self, and you may look for all manner of Civility and respectful Ʋsage from the Volscians; and so for that time he did only feast and entertain him with great Kindness, but for several days after they held private Conference, and were in close Deliberation touching the Means and Requi∣sites of a War. While this Design was form∣ing, there were great Troubles and Com∣motions at Rome, from the Animosity of the Senators against the People, which came to be heightned too at present by a new Grudge, for the late Condemnation of Marcius; beside that their Soothsayers and Priests, and even private Persons, brought in fearful tidings of Signs and Prodigies, that were very much to be regarded, one whereof I shall mention here, which they report to have happen'd in this manner. Titus Latinus, one of ordinary Condition, but yet a sober and vertuous man, free from all superstitious Fancies on one hand, and much more from Vanity and Boasting on the other, had an Apparition in his Sleep, as if Jupiter came within view and bid him tell the Senate, that they had sent a very uncouth and disagreeable Dancer, to march before the Pomp of that Supplication they design'd him; but ha∣ving beheld the Vision, he said, he did not much mind it, or the words spoken at the first Appearance, and having seen and slighted

it a second and third time, he then saw the most hopeful Son he had, expire before his Eyes, and his own Body was so struck and loosen'd on a sudden, that himself became utterly impotent. These things he related, being brought hastily into the Senate on a Couch, and the Story goes, that he had no sooner deliver'd his Message there, but he presently felt his Strength and Vigour to return, insomuch that he got upon his Legs, and went home alone, without need of any assistance or support, which the Se∣nators much wondring at, made a diligent search into the Matter. Now that which his Dream alluded to was this: A Person whose Name I know not, had for some hai∣nous Offence, given up a Servant of his to the rest of his Fellows, with charge to whip him first through the Market, and then to kill him; while they were executing this Command, and scourging the poor Crea∣ture, that skrew'd and turn'd himself into all manner of Shapes and unseemly Mo∣tions, through the Pain and Torture he was in, a solemn Procession made in Honour of Jupiter, chanc'd to follow at their heels; several of the Assistants therein were very much scandaliz'd at such a sight, the hor∣rible sufferings and the indecent postures of that Wretch, being equally offensive to the Spectators, and detested by them; yet no

body would interpose, or call the Actors to account for it, they did only spend some Reproaches and Curses on the Master, who was so bitter and barbarous in his Inflictions: for the Romans treated their Servants with much Humanity in those days, because they did then work and labour themselves, and live together among them, and so were apt to be more gentle and familiar with their own Domesticks; for it was one of the great∣est Pennances for a Servant who had highly misdemean'd himself to take up that piece of Wood upon his shoulders wherewith they did support the Thill of a Waggon, and carry it round about through the Neighbourhood, and he that had once undergone the shame of this, and was seen by those of the Hou∣shold and other Inhabitants of the place, with that infamous burden, had no longer any trust or credit among them, but was sty∣led Furcifer by way of ignominy and re∣proach; for what the Greeks in their Lan∣guage call Hypostates, i. e. a Prop or Sup∣porter, is by the Latins termed Furca, from the forked Figure of that rustical In∣strument.

When therefore Latinus had given in such a Relation of his Dream, and all the Se∣nators were devising who this disagreeable and ungainly Dancer should be, some of the Company (having been much affected with

the strangeness of his punishment) did call to mind and mention the miserable Slave which was lasht through the Streets, and afterward put to death; the Priests then being consult∣ed in the Case, did all unanimously agree, that this must be the same ungraceful and odious Tripper, which Jupiter complain'd of; whereupon his Master was punisht, and they renew'd the Supplication to their God, with all the Shows and Solemnities of that Performance. By which it ap∣pears, that Numa was both in other re∣spects a very wise Author of what did be∣long to holy Offices, and that this in par∣ticular was an excellent institution of his, to make the People attentive at their Re∣ligious Ceremonies; for when the Magi∣strates or Priests do perform any Divine Worship, there is a Herald goes before, and proclaims with a loud voice, Hoc age, which signifies, Do this you are about, and so warns them heedfully to mind what∣ever Sacred Action they are engag'd in, not suffering any other business, or world∣ly avocation to come in between, that may disturb their thoughts, and interrupt the Exercise; and this he judg'd to be the more necessary here, inasmuch as most of the things which men do, especially of this kind, are in a manner forc'd from them, and effected by constraint. Now

it is usual with the Romans to begin their Sacrifices, and Processions, and Sights afresh, not only upon such a Cause as this, but for any slighter reason; for if but one of the Horses which drew the Chariots call'd Tensae, upon which the Images of their Gods were plac'd, did happen to fail and falter, or if the Coach-man took hold of the Reins with his left hand, they made a Vote that the whole Operation should com∣mence anew; and in latter ages one and the same Sacrifice was perform'd thirty times over, because there seem'd always to be a defect or mistake, or some vitious and offensive Accident in that Service; so great was the Reverence and Caution which the Romans then shew'd towards the Deity in all things.

But Marcius and Tullus did now secretly discourse of their Project before the chief men of Antium, advising them to invade the Romans while they were at odds among themselves, and embroyl'd in Dissentions and Contests with each other; and when the Respects of Shame and Decency did hinder them from embracing the motion, inasmuch as they had agreed and sworn to a Truce and Cessation of Arms for the space of two years, the Romans▪ themselves soon fur∣nisht them with a Pretence, by making Proclamation (out of a certain jealousie,

or slanderous report) in the midst of their Shews and Exercises, that all the Volscians who came thither to see them, shou'd de∣part the City before Sun-set: there are some who affirm, that all this was a Contrivance and Trick of Marcius, who sent one pri∣vately to the Consuls that should falsly ac∣cuse the Volscians, as if they did intend to fall upon the Romans while they were at their Plays and Pastimes, and set the City on fire. Now so publick an Affront did extremly nettle those of that Nation, and dispose them more than ever to Hostility and hatred a∣gainst the Romans; which Tullus perceiving, made his advantage of it, much aggravating the Fact, and working on their present In∣dignation, till he did provoke and perswade them at last to dispatch Embassadors to Rome, that should require them to restore that part of their Country, and those Towns which they had taken from the Volscians in the late War: When the Romans heard such a Message, they were in great wrath, and smartly reply'd, That if the Volscians were the first that did take up Arms, the Romans shou'd be the last that would lay them down. This Answer being brought back, Tullus made a General Assembly of the Volscian States, in which Convention the Vote pas∣sing for a War; he did propose that they should call in Marcius, laying aside the

remembrance of former grudges, and as∣suring themselves that the Services they should now receive from him as a Friend and Associate, would abundantly out-weigh any harm or damage he had done them when he was their Enemy: Marcius having made his Entrance, and spoken to the Peo∣ple, he was thought to be a shrewd War∣riour no less by his Discourse than by his Deeds, and to excel in Prudence as well as Courage; whereupon they joyn'd him in Commission with Tullus, to have full Power as General of their Forces in all that related to the War; who fearing lest the time that would be requisite to bring all the Volscians together, with their Ammunition and Equi∣page for that Service, might be so long as to make him lose the opportunity of some considerable Action; he left order with the chief Persons and Rulers of the City to pro∣vide and furnish out other things, while he himself, prevailing upon the most brisk and forward, to assemble themselves, and march out with him as Voluntiers, without stay∣ing to be enroll'd, made a sudden Inroad in∣to the Roman Confines when no body did expect him, by which nimble surprizal he possest himself of so much Booty, that the Volscians were incumber'd with their Prey, as unable to drive away and carry it all off, or when they had done so, to consume and

spend it in their Camp; but the abundance of Provision which he gain'd, and that waste and havock of the Country which he made, were of themselves and in his account, the smallest things in that Invasion, the great mischief he intended, and for the sake where∣of he did all the rest, was to increase at Rome their slanders and jealousies of the Nobles, and to make them still upon worse terms with the People; for which end, in ••poyling all the Fields, and destroying the Goods of other men, he took special care to preserve their Farms and Villages un∣toucht, and would not allow his Souldiers to ravage there, or seize upon any thing which belong'd to them; from whence their Invectives and Quarrels against one another, broke out afresh, and rose to a greater height than heretofore; the Senators reproaching those of the Commonalty, with their late injustice to Coriolanus, as if they were rightly serv'd for banishing a man of so great Im∣portance; while the Plebeians on their side did not stick to accuse them for having, out of meer spite and revenge, solicited Marcius to this Enterprize, and that, when others were involv'd in the miseries of a War by their means, they sate like unconcern'd Spectators, as being secure themselves, and furnisht with a Guardian or Protector a∣broad of their own Wealth and Fortunes,

in the very person of him who was a Mor∣tal Enemy to the People. After this Incur∣sion and Exploit which was of great use and singular advantage to the Volscians, inasmuch as they learnt by it to grow more hardy, and then first of all to contemn those Ene∣mies they so much dreaded before, Marcius drew them off, and return'd in safety. But when the whole strength of the Volscians was with great Expedition and Alacrity brought together into the Field, it appear'd so considerable a body, that they agreed to leave part thereof in Garrison for the secu∣rity of their Towns, and with the other Moyety to march against the Romans: Co∣riolanus then desired Tullus to consider which of the two Charges would be most agree∣able to him, and that he would choose ac∣cordingly; to which Tullus make answer, That since he knew Marcius to be equally valiant with himself, but far more fortu∣nate in all Rencounters, he would have him take the Command of those that were go∣ing out to the War, while he made it his care and business to defend their Cities at home, and provide all Conveniences for the Army abroad. Marcius therefore, being thus rein∣forc'd, and much stronger than before, mov'd first toward the City call'd Circaeum, that was a Roman Colony, which being freely deli∣ver'd up, he did not the least harm there to

the Place or its Inhabitants: And passing thence, he enter'd and laid waste the Coun∣try of the Latins, where it was expected the Romans should have come in to their assistance, and fought against him in behalf of the Latins, who were their Confederates and Allies, and had often sent to demand Succours from them; but because as well the People on their part shew'd little inclina∣tion for the Service, and the Consuls them∣selves were unwilling now to run the hazard of a Battle, when the time of their Office drew so near its end, and was almost ready to expire, they dismist the Latin Embassa∣dors without any effect: So that Marcius finding no Army to oppose him, marcht up to their very Cities themseives, and having taken by force that of the People call'd To∣lerienses, and of the Vicani and Pedani, and of the Belani too, who stood it out against him; he not only plunder'd their Houses, but made a Prey likewise of their Persons: But he had a particular regard for all such as came over to his Party, and was so ten∣der of them, that for fear they might su∣stain any damage against his will, he en∣campt still at the greatest distance he could, and wholly abstain'd from the Lands of thei•• Propriety. After he had made himself Ma∣ster of Bola, a City that was not above a hundred Furlongs from Rome, where he met

with great Treasure, and put almost all to the Sword that were of an age to carry Weapons; the other Volscians that were or∣der'd to stay behind as a safeguard to their Cities, hearing of his Atchievements and Success, had not the patience to remain any longer at home, but came running with their Arms to Marcius, and saying, that he alone was their General, and the sole person they would own as a Commander in Chief over them; upon which he had a mighty Name, and the Renown of him spread throughout all Italy, with a marvellous Opinion of his single Prowess; who, by changing sides, had himself alone given that sudden turn to the Affairs of two Nations, and made such a strange and notable altera∣tion in the state of things.

All was at Rome now in very great dis∣order, for they were utterly averse from Fighting, and spent their whole time in Cabals and Conspiracies, and seditious words, and perpetual Bandyings against each other; until News was brought that the Enemy had laid close Siege to Lavinium, wherein were all the Images and Sacred things of their tutelar Gods, and from whence they did derive the Original of their Nation, that be∣ing the first City which Aeneas built in Italy; which tidings did produce great variety of Sentiments, and wrought a wonderful dif∣ference

all at once as to the Thoughts and Inclinations of the People, but a very odd and unexpected change of Mind among the Patricians; for the former now was for re∣pealing the Sentence against Marcius, and calling him back into the City; whereas the Senate, being assembled to deliberate and resolve upon that Point, did finally dislike and oppose the Proposition; either out of a cross humour, to contradict and withstand the People in what-ever they should motion, or because they were unwilling perhaps, that he should owe his Restoration to their Kind∣ness; or having now conceived a Displeasure against Marcius himself, who did harass and plague them all alike, though he had not been ill treated by all, and was become a declar'd Enemy to the whole Countrey, though he knew well enough that the prin∣cipal Men, and all the better sort, did con∣dole with him, and suffer in his Injuries.

This Resolution of theirs being made pub∣lick, the People was utterly at a loss, and could proceed no further, as having no Au∣thority to pass any thing by Suffrage, and enact it for a Law, without a previous Decree from the Senate. But when Marcius came to hear of that Vote for prohibiting his Return, he was more exasperated than ever, inso∣much that quitting the Siege of Lavinium, he march'd furiously towards Rome, and

incamp'd at a Place call'd Fossa Claelia, about five miles from the City; but as the nearness of his Approach was terrible, and did create much Trouble and Disturbance, so likewise did it surcease their Animosities and Dissentions for the present; for no body now wheth•••• Con∣sul or Senator, durst any longer contradict the People in their design of recalling Marcius; but seeing their Women run frighted up and down the Streets, and the old Men at Prayer in every Temple with Tears and earnest Supplications, and that, in short, there was a general defect a∣mong them both of Courage and Wisdom, to provide for their own safety, they came at last to be all of one mind, that the People had been very much in the right, to propose and endeavour, as they did a Reconciliation with Marcius, but that the Senate was extream∣ly out, and guilty of a fatal Errour, then to begin a Quarrel with, and provoke Mar∣cius, when it was a time to forget Offences, and they should have studied rather to ap∣pease him. It was therefore unanimously a∣greed by all Parties, that Embassadors should be dispatch'd away, offering him the liberty of a Return to his former state at home, and desiring he would free them from the Appre∣hensions and the Straits of that War. The Per∣sons sent by the Senate with this Message, were chosen out of his Kindred and acquain∣tance, who did therefore expect a very kind

Reception at their first Interview and Audi∣ence, upon the score of that Relation, and their old Familiarity and Friendship with him; but it seems they were very much mistaken in their Count, for being led through the Enemies Camp, they found him sitting in great State amidst a crowd of Offi∣cers, with insupportable Arrogance and a sul∣len Gravity; the Chief of the Volscians being then present, he bid them openly declare the Cause of their coming, which they did in the most gentle and benigne terms, and with a Be∣haviour sutable to the modesty of that Lan∣guage. When they had made an end of speak∣ing, he return'd them a sharp Answer, full of Bitterness and angry Resentments, as to what concern'd himself, and the ill Usage he had re∣ceiv'd from them; but as General of the Vol∣scians, he demanded restitution of the Cities and the Lands they had seiz'd upon during th•• late War, and that the same Rights and Fran∣chises should be granted them at Rome, which they had before accorded to the Latines, since there could be no assurance that a Peace wou'd be firm and lasting, without fair Condition•• on both sides, and if it had not Justice and E∣quality to secure it; and having made these Proposals, he allow'd thirty days to consider and resolve about them. The Embassadours being departed, he prefently withdrew hi•• Forces out of the Roman Territory; that

which those of the Volscians, who had long envy'd his Reputation, and could not en∣dure to see the Interest and Sway he had with that People, did lay hold of, as the first matter of an Impeachment against him. Among his chief Maligners was even Tul∣lus himself, not for any personal Offence or private Injury, but out of humane pas∣sion, and a Vice so incident to Mankind, he felt an inward Pique, to find his own Glory thus totally obscur'd, by that of Mar∣cius, and himself overlookt and neglected now by the Volscians, who had so great an Opinion and Esteem of their new Leader, that he a∣lone was instead of all to them, and they would have other Captains be content with that share of Government and Power, which he should think fit to vouchsafe them. From hence the first Seeds of Complaint and Accu∣sation were scatter'd about in secret, and the Heads of that Conspiracy assembling toge∣ther, did help to raise and heighten each o∣thers Indignation, saying, that to retreat as he did, was in effect to betray and deliver up, though not their Cities and their Arms, yet the proper Times and Opportunities for Action, which is a dammage of no smaller consequence than the other, inasmuch as the preservation or the loss of all these, and every thing else, does naturally depend on them, seeing in less than thirty days space,

for which he had given a respite from th•• War, there might happen the greatest chang∣es in the World. Albeit Marcius spent not any part of the time idely, but did attack and damnifie the Confederates of the Enemy, yea, and took from them seven great and populous Cities in that Interval. The Ro∣mans in the mean while durst not venture out to their relief, but were of a sluggish and unactive Spirit, feeling no more disposition or Capacity for the Affairs of War, than 〈◊〉〈◊〉 their Bodies too had been struck and be∣num'd with a dead Palsie, and so become ut∣terly destitute of sense and motion: Bu•• when the thirty dayes were expir'd, an•• Marcius appear'd again with his whole A••∣my, they sent another Embassie to besee•••• him that he would moderate his Displeasu•••• and marching off with the Volscians conside•• what was fit to be done, and propose th•••• which he judged most agreeable to the ••n¦terest of both Parties, remembring alway•• that the Romans were not men to be wrough•• upon by Menaces, or that would yie•••• any thing out of Fear, but if it were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Opinion that the Volscians ought to hav•• some favour shewn them, upon laying dow•• their Arms, they might obtain all the•• could in reason desire and fairly prete•••• to.

The Reply of Marcius was, That 〈◊〉〈◊〉

should answer nothing thereto as General of the Volscians, but in the quality still of a Roman Citizen, he would advise and exhort them, as the case stood, not to carry it so high, but think rather of a just Compli∣ance, and return to him before three days were at an end, with a Ratification of those equal demands he had formerly made, and did insist upon; for otherwise they should not have the same freedom and security of passing through his Camp again upon such idle Errands, and for like impertinent and fruitless Treaties. When the Embassadors were come back and had acquainted the Senate with this resolute Answer, seeing the whole State now threatned as it were by a Tempest, and the Waves ready to overwhelm them, they were forc'd as we say, in extream Perils, to handle and let down the Sacred Anchor; for there was a Decree made, that the whole Order of their Priests, with such as did initiate in Mysteries, or had the care and custody of Holy Things, or the skill of Prophecying by Birds (an ancient way of Divination among the Romans) should all and every one of them go in full Proces∣sion to Marcius with their Pontifical Ar∣ray, and the same Dress and Habit which they respectively us'd in their se∣veral Functious or Religious Ceremonies;

which venerable Orators were to bespeak him as before, and recommend the former Request; that, upon their instance at least, he would be perswaded to surcease the War, and then discourse with his Country-men about the Volscian Articles; he consented so far indeed as to give these reverend and peaceful persons an Admittance into his Camp, but granted nothing at all out of respect and complaisance for them, nor did he so much as behave or express himself with more civility or smoothness upon their account; but without capitulating further, or receding from his main point, bid them once for all choose whether they would yield or fight, for the old terms were the only terms of Peace. When there was no better effect of such a solemn Application, (the Priests too returning unsuccessful) they determin'd to sit still within the City, and keep Watch about their Walls, intending only to repulse the Enemy, should he offer to attack them, and placing their hopes chiefly in the strange and extraordinary Accidents of Time and Fortune: for as to themselves, they had neither the Wit to contrive, nor the Courage to undertake ought for their own deliverance, but confusion and terror, and ill-boding Reports run through the whole City; till a certain thing did arrive, not unlike those we so often read of in Homer,

(which however most people will hardly believe) for when he upon great occasions, and some rare and unusual events does affirm and exclaim in this manner.—

But him the Goddess Pallas did inspire.—

And elsewhere,

But some Immortal being turn'd their mind, Who left another tale and bruit behind.—

And then,

Whether 'twere his own thought, or God's Command.

Men are ready here to despise or censure the Poet, as if he went about to destroy the Cre∣dit and the use of Reason, and indeed the very freedom of their Choice, by submitting all to such impossible things and absurd Fi∣ctions; whereas Homer can no way be sup∣pos'd to attempt or design this, for what is probable and usual, and brought about by the ordinary way of Reason, he ascribes that to humane performance, and leaves it wholly to our own power and management, fre∣quently discoursing to this effect,—

But I consulted with my own great Soul.

And in another passage.

This said, Achilles was with grief possest, And various thoughts did bustle in his breast▪

And then again,

Yet brave Bellerophon her charms withstood, On Vertue fixt, and ever true to good.

But in such things and actions as are unac∣countably daring, and of a prodigious and transcendent kind, and therefore need some touches of Enthusiasm and divine hardiness that may instigate and carry us thereto: Here, I say, he does introduce God not as taking away the liberty of our Will, but as moving it to act freely; neither as working in us the Inclinations and Pursuits themselves▪ but as offering those Phantasms and Objects to our Minds, from whence the Impulse is conceiv'd, and the Resolution taken; by which Representments however, he makes not the Deed involuntary, but only gives a beginning to spontaneous Operations, and superadds confidence and good hope to what is thus willingly undertaken: for we must either totally discharge and remove God from all manner of causality as to what we do, and a prime Original Influence on our Affairs, or be forced to confess that there is no other way of Insinuation beside this whereby

he does secretly assist men and co-operate with them; for sure the help which he affords us, cannot be imagin'd to consist in fashioning the postures of our body, or directing the motions of our hands and feet, so as they may be serviceable to us for the use of life, but in exciting the pra∣ctical part, and the elective powers of our Soul, by initial overtures and certain Images and Instincts from above; or else on the contrary, in a sudden aversion or seasona∣ble restraint of them from other▪things, and that also by hints and apprehensions of his sending.

Now in this perplexity of Affairs which I before mention'd, the Roman Women went some of them to other Temples, but the greater part, and the Ladies of best quality were at high Devotion about the Altar of Jupiter Capitolinus; Among these Supplicants was also Valeria, Sister to the great Publicola, a person who had done the Romans that emi∣nent service both in Peace and War: Publi∣cola himself was now deceas'd (as I have written in the History of his Life) but Va∣leria liv'd still with a mighty Reputation and Esteem at Rome, as one whose Conduct was thought not to disparage her Kindred, or any way shame the Relation she had to him. She therefore being suddenly seiz'd with an instinct or emotion of mind not unlike

those I but now spoke of, and happily light∣ing (not without Divine Guidance) on the right Expedient, both arose her self, and caus'd the rest of the Votaries to get up, and made directly with them toward the House of Volumnia, the Mother of Marcius; when she came in, and found her sitting with her Daughter-in-law, and having her little Grand-children on her Lap, Valeria then surrounded by her Female-companions, spoke in the name of them all to this pur∣pose.—

We that now make our appearance, O Vo∣lumnia, and you, Madam Vergilia, approach as women unto women, being come hither not by direction of the Senate, or an Order from the Consuls, or the appointment of any other Ma∣gistrate; but God himself, as I conceive, mov'd first to compassion by our Prayers, has consequent∣ly mov'd us to visit you in a body, and request a thing wherein our own and the common safety is concern'd, and which, if you consent to it, will raise your Glory above that of the Daughters of the Sa∣bines, who, by hazarding themselves, did reduce their Fathers and their Husbands from mortal enmity to peace and friendship. Come along then, my good Ladies, and joyn with us in our Suppli∣cation to Marcius, and do your Country the right of giving him this true and just testimony on her behalf; that notwithstanding the many mischiefs and calamities she has suffer'd, yet

she did never outrage your Persons, nor could so much as think of treating you ill, in the midst of all her Resentments, but does now restore and present you safe into his hands, though there is small likelihood she should obtain from him any better terms for her self, or the least favoura∣ble and gentle usage on that account.

This Discourse of Valeria was seconded by loud Approbations and Incentives of the other women; to which Volumnia made answer.—

Both I my self, Ladies, and my Daughter Vergilia, have an equal share with you all in the common miseries, beside this particular affliction which is wholly ours, that we have lost the me∣rit and the fame of Marcius, and may perceive his person to be secur'd, rather then protected by the Arms of the Enemy; but I reckon this the greatest of all Misfortunes, if indeed the Affairs of Rome be sunk to that desperate and feeble state, as to have its last dependance upon two simple insignificant women; for it is hardly imaginable he should have any consideration left for us, when he has no regard for his Country, a man who was wont to prefer that before his Mother, and Wife and Children put together. Yet notwithstanding this, if it be your opinion that we may do any good here, vouchsafe to make use of our service, and lead us to him, who, if we fail of every thing else, at least can die for, though not redeem our Countrey, and

spend the last breath we have in making suit to him for its deliverance.

Having spoken thus, she took Vergilia by the Hand, and the young Children, and so accompani'd those other Ladies to the Volscian Camp. So lamentable a sight did very much affect the Enemies themselves, and create in them a respectful Silence. Marcius was then sitting in an elevated Place▪ with his chief Officers about him, and seeing that female Party advance toward them, he wondred what should be the Mat∣ter; but came to perceive at length that his own Wife Vergilia was at the head of their Company; whereupon he endeavour'd to harden himself in his former obstinacy, and would fain have kept up the same inexora∣ble Stiffness against all Entreaties; but o∣vercome by Affection, and strangely disor∣der'd at such an Appearance, he could not endure they shou'd approach him sitting in that Stately posture, but came down ha∣stily to meet them, saluting his Mother first, and embracing her a long time, and then his Wife and Children, sparing neither▪ Tears nor Caresses on this occasion, but suf∣fering himself to be born away, and car∣ried headlong as it were by the impetuous Torrent, and the pleasing Violence of his pre∣sent Passion. When he had taken his fill of these Sweetnesses and Indearments and ob∣serv'd

that his Mother Volumnia was desi∣rous to say something, the Volscian Councel being first call'd in, he heard her Discourse before them to this effect: You may easily con∣jecture, Son, though we should say nothing our selves, and might conclude from the very form and habit of these wretched Bodies you behold here, in how forlorn a condition we have liv'd at home since your unhappy Banishment and Absence from us; and now consider with your self, whe∣ther we are not to pass for the most unfortunate of Women, and if ours be not the hardest of all Cases, seeing that, which ought to prove the most delightful thing, and a very gladsome Spe∣ctacle, is, through I know not what Fatality, be∣come of all others the most formidable and dread∣ful to us, when poor Volumnia has the Displea∣sure to see her Son, and that sad Vergilia the Regret to find her Husband now planting his Batteries against the Walls of Rome; yea even the business of Prayer it self, from whence others do fetch Comfort and Relief in all man∣ner of Misfortunes and Distresses, is that which adds to our Confusion, and does intangle and perplex us above all the rest; for our best wish∣es are grown inconsistent with themselves, nor can we at the same time petition the Gods for Rome's Victory, and your Preservation; but what the worst of our Enemies would imprecate as a Curse, that is the very Subject of our Vows, or at least is interwoven and mingled with them;

for your Wife and Children lye under this w••∣ful necessity, that they must either be depriv'd of you, or of their native Soyl. As for my self, I am resolv'd not to live till Fortune put an end to this War, and determine the Advan∣tage for one side; but if I cannot prevail with you to prefer Amity and Concord before Quar∣relling and hostile Practices, and shall not per∣swade my Son Marcius to become a Benefactor to both Parties, rather than a Plague to either, be assur'd of this from me, and reckon stedfastly upon it, that you shall not be able to stir a foot towards treading down your Countrey, unlest you trample first upon the dead Corps of her, that brought you into the World, and who will deserve to be so treated for having given you Life; for it will be indecent for me to wait and loiter in the World till that dismal day come, wherein I shall see a Child of mine either led in Triumph by his own Countreymen, or else erecting Trophies on the Waste and Ruine of that City where he was born. Did I require you at once to save your Countrey, and destroy the Volscians, here, I confess, the Case would be a little hard, and you might well pretend some difficulty to resolve it; for as it seems unnatural and barba∣rous to slaughter our fellow Citizens, so like∣wise it is unjust and perfidious to betray those who have plac'd their Confidence in us. But now without doing the least harm to others, we desire only a Deliverance from our own Evils;

and though the thing be equally expedient for them and us, yet will it look more handsom and honourable on the Volscian side, who having so much the better of us at present, will be thought freely to bestow the two greatest Bles∣sings of Peace and Friendship, even when they receive no less at our hands than is conferr'd by them. If we obtain these, the common Thanks and Acknowledgement will be chiefly owing to you, as the principal Cause of such a Reconcilia∣tion between us; but if they be not granted, you alone must expect to bear the blame of that, and whatever Mischief does ensue, from both Na∣tions. And when the Chance of all War is un∣certain, this will be the certain Event of that you are engag'd in, that, by conquering the Ro∣mans, you shall only get the reputation of having undone your Countrey; but if the Volscians hap∣pen to be defeated under your conduct, then the World will say, that to satisfie a revengeful Humour, you have been the Author of the great∣est Misery to your Friends and Patrons, and procur'd the Overthrow even of a kind and obli∣ging People. Marcius listned to his Mother, while she went on with her Discourse, and answer'd not a word; but Volumnia seeing him stand mute for a long time after she had left speaking, fell again to press him: O my Son, says she, why will you not vouchsafe to answer me, or what can be the meaning of this profound Silence? Does it become you thus

to comply with Passion, and yield all things to a sense of Injuries? And will you not think it fit to gratifie your Mother, that does now appear i•• so worthy a Cause, and solicit Matters of such weight and consequence? Can it pass for the pro∣perty of a noble Mind and a gallant Person, to preserve the memory of Affronts and ill Ʋsage? And shall we not reckon it the Character and Business of a great and a good Man to remember Benefits, and own the Obligation which Chil∣dren receive from Parents, by a return of Ho∣nour and Reverence to the Authours of them? But you above all Persons in the World, ought to shew a very grateful Resentment of the Fo∣vours have been done you, since no body living did ever punish Ingratitude, and persecute that Vice in others, with so much Severity as your self; and, to say the truth, you have been suf∣ficiently aveng'd of your Countrey, for requi∣ting your services so ill, but the amends of al•• mine towards you is behind still, and I wait now for the Recompence of a Mothers Care and Kind∣ness; the most sacred Tyes both of Nature and Religion, without any other constraint, should methinks oblige you to grant me things that are so fair and equal; but if, after all, I am s•• unhappy as to be deny'd, why should I spare my self any longer, and to what purpose do I spi•• out my last Hope? Having said this, she threw her self down at his Feet, and so did his Wife and Children; upon which Marcius

crying out, O Mother! what is it you have done to me, and whither am I reduc'd by it? rais'd her up from the ground, and pressing her right Hand with more than ordinary vehemence, You have gain'd a Victory, says he, over me, that is fortunate enough for the Romans, but destructive to my self, for I am preparing to depart hence, as vanquish'd and driven away by you only. After which, and a little private Conference with his Mother and his Wife, he sent them back again to Rome, as they desir'd of him.

The next Morning he discamp'd and led the Volscians homeward, who were vari∣ously affected with what was done, nor did they all testifie a like Concern at it; for some of them did both complain of the man, and condemn the action; while others in∣clining to reconciliation and a peaceable composure of things, did blame neither; and there was a third sort, which very much dislik'd his proceedings; yet they could not look upon Marcius as a treache∣rous person, but thought it pardonable in him, to be thus shaken and broke, and forc'd to surrender at last, through the stress and pressure of so many violent as∣saults and redoubled applications; however none were so hardy as to contradict his orders, but they did all obediently follow him, mov'd rather by the admiration of his

Vertue, then any regard they now had to his Authority. As for the Roman people they did more effectually discover how much fear and danger they had been i•• while the War lasted, by the manner o•• their deportment after they were freed fro•• it; for those that guarded the Walls had •••• sooner given notice that the Volscians were dislodg'd and drawn off, but they set ope•• all their Temples in a moment, and bega•• to Crown themselves with Flowers, and prepare for Sacrifice, as they were wo•••• to do upon Tidings brought of any signa•• Victory: But the joy and transport of the whole City became chiefly remarkabl•• from that honour and courtship of the Women, which was joyntly paid them 〈◊〉〈◊〉 well by the Senate as the Vulgar, every one declaring it his Opinion, that they were evidently the Causes and Instrument•• of their publick safety; and the Senate having past a Decree, that whatsoever they would ask by way of Recompence as a Me∣morial and acknowledgment of their Fame and Merit, should be allow'd and done fo•• them by the Magistrates; they demande•• nothing else but that a Temple might b•• erected to Female Fortune, all the Ex∣pence whereof they did offer to defray out of their own Stock, if the City woul•• be at the cost of Sacrifices, and furnis••

them with other things which appertain to the due Honour of the Gods, out of their common Treasury. The Senate then very much commending the Forwardness and Bounty of their Minds, caus'd the Temple to be built, and a Statue to be set up therein at the publick Charge; never∣theless they would needs make a Purse a∣mong themselves, for another Image of For∣tune, which as the Romans say, at the time of Dedication and placing of it, spoke to this purpose: O ye Ladies, great is your Piety and Devotion in the Present you have made of me. And they fabulously report that the same words were repeated a second time, endea∣vouring to make us believe things that were never done, and so like Impossibilities, that it is very hard to credit them. For I think it possible enough, that Statues may seem both to sweat, and to run with Tears, yea, and stand with certain dewy drops of a sanguine Dye; for Timber and Stones are frequently seen to contract a kind of Scurf and Rotten∣ness, that does produce moisture; and they do not only send forth many different Co∣lours of themselves, but receive variety of Tinctures from the ambient Air, by which it is not absurd to imagine, that the Deity may advertise and forewarn us of several things. It may happen also, that these Images and Statues shall sometimes make a

noise not unlike that of a Squeak or Groan, through a rupture at the bottom, or the violent separation of their inward Parts; but that articulate Voice, and such express words, and so clear and accurate, and even Language, should be thus formed by inanimate beings, is, in my judgment, a thing utterly unfeasible; seeing it was never known, that either the Soul of Man, or even God himself, did utter vocal Sounds and Discourse alone, without an organiz'd Body, and Instruments fitted for Elocution. But where History does in a manner force our Assent by the Concurrences of many cre∣dible Witnesses, in this Case we are to con∣clude, that an Impression not unlike that which does affect Sense, falling then upon the Fancy, draws in the Imaginative part to com∣ply therewith, and take it for a true Sensa∣tion; just as it happens to us when we are fast asleep, our Eyes and Ears seem to be entertain'd with those things which we nei∣ther see nor hear. As for those Persons who, out of good will towards God, and their friendly inclination for him, and a great Tenderness as to all religious Matters, are so over-fond and passionate herein, that they cannot easily perswade themselves to despis•• or reject any thing of this kind, they have th•• admirable efficiency of divine Power (which surpasses our Comprehension) as a mighty

Motive and Support to the belief thereof. For God has no manner of Resemblance, either as to his Nature, or his Motion, or his Skill, or his Ability, with what is humane, and therefore it is no wonder at all if he should devise and perform that, which can∣not be contriv'd or accomplish'd by any Mortal; and though he differs from, and does infinitely excel us in all things else, yet the dissimilitude and distance betwixt Him and Men appears no where so much, as in the Prodigiousness of his Working, and the strange Effects of his Omnipotence; how∣ever a considerable part of the Divine Ope∣rations (as Heraclitus affirms) do pass by unobserv'd, and escape our Knowledge, be∣cause we are Infidels in the Point, and have not Faith enough to believe them.

But let us now look after Marcius, and en∣quire how he was treated upon his Return to Antium; where we shall find Tullus, a Man that did perfectly hate him, and could not longer endure one he was so much afraid of, consulting how he might immediately dispatch him, who, if he did escape at pre∣sent, was never like to afford him such another Advantage for that purpose. Ha∣ving therefore got together, and suborn'd several Partisans against him, he requir'd Marcius to resign his Charge, and give the Volscians an account of his Administra∣tion

of Affairs; who apprehending the dan∣ger of a private Condition, if Tullus should be made Commander in Chief, that of all others had the greatest Power and Interest with those of Antium, made Answer, That he was ready to lay down his Commission, whenever the Volscian States, from whose common Authority he had receiv'd it, should think fit to command him, and that in the mean time he did not refuse to give the An∣tiates satisfaction, as to all Particulars of his Conduct, if they were desirous of it.

An Assembly then being call'd, there arose certain Orators, appointed for that Design, who by their popular Harangues did exaspe∣rate and incense the Multitude; but when Marcius stood up to answer those Objections and Impeachments they had brought against him, the more unruly and tumultuous part of the People waxed calm and quiet on the sudden, and out of Reverence to his Per∣son, gave him liberty to speak without the least disturbance; beside that all the better sort of Antium, and such as were most de∣lighted with a Peace, made it evident by their whole Composure, that they would give him a favourable Hearing, and then judge and pronounce according to Equity.

Tullus therefore began to dread his Apo∣logy, and suspect the issue of that Defence he was going to make for himself; for he was

an excellent Spokes-man, and one of singu∣lar Eloquence; and the former Services he had done the Volscians, did procure and still preserve for him a much greater Kindness, than could possibly be out-weigh'd by that new Displeasure, and the Blame of his late Conduct; yea, the very Crime and Accu∣sation it self, was a proof and testimony of the greatness of his Merits, for that People could never have complain'd or thought that he had been injurious to them, because Rome was not then brought into their Power, with∣out a plain Confession, that by his means only they were so near taking it. For these Reasons the Confederates judg'd it prudent not to make any further Delays, or At∣tempts upon the Vulgar, and so the boldest of their Faction crying out, that they ought not to listen to a Traytor, nor allow him still to bear Rule, and play the Tyrant among them, fell upon Marcius in a Body, and slew him there, none of those that were present so much as offering to defend him. But it quickly appear'd, that this base and unwor∣thy Action was in no wise approv'd by the Majority of the Volscians, for they came run∣ning out of their several Cities, to shew Re∣spect unto his Corps, which they did by an honourable Interment of it, adorning his Se∣pulchre with Arms and Trophies, as the Mo∣nument of a noble Hero and a famous Ge∣neral.

When the Romans heard tidings of his death, they gave no other signification either of Honour or of Anger towards him, but only granted this Request of the Women, that they might put themselves into Mourn∣ing, and bewail him for ten Months, as their Custom was upon the loss of a Father, or a Son, or a Brother; that being a period set for the longest Lamentation in such Cases, by the ancient Laws of Numa Pompilius, as it is more amply related in what I have written of his Life and Actions. Now Mar∣cius was no sooner deceased, but the Volsci∣ans came to need his Assistance, and wish for him again; for they fell to swabble first with the Sicani, (their Confederates and their Friends) about the nomination of a ••••ne∣ral, that should be Commander in Chief of their joynt Forces, which Dispute for Prehe∣minence was carried on with so much fierce∣ness, that it came at length to Bloodshed and Slaughter on both sides. After this they were defeated by the Romans in a pitch'd Battle, where not only Tullus lost his Life, but the principal Flower of their whole Ar∣my was cut in pieces; so that they were forc'd to submit, and accept of Peace upon very dishonourable terms, promising to ob∣serve the Roman Orders, and obey their Ene∣my in whatever he should impose.

Notes

• His Family and Educa∣tion.
• His Beauty.
• He lisped.
• He was na∣turally Am∣bitious.
• He refuses to learn to play on the Flute.
• The ground of Socra∣tes's love to Alcibi∣ades.
• His Reve∣rente for Socrates.
• His Inso∣lence to o∣thers.
• Alcibiades addicted to pleasure.
• His first Ap∣pearng in Arms.
• His Marri∣age.
• His Wife leaves him.
• He takes her agai•• by force.
• The occasion of his first Appearance in Publick.
• Alcibiades eloquent.
• His Victo∣ries at the Olympick Games.
• Niclas and Pheax his Rivals in the Pecptes Favour.
• The Sentence of Ostra∣cism pro∣nounce a∣gainst Hy∣perbolus.
• Alcibiades breaks the Nician Peace.
• Alcibiades restores the Democracy et Argos.
• His Luxury.
• Timon's Opinion of him.
• Alcibiades pr••••••tes the Sicilian Expedition
• Is made Ge∣neral, toge∣ther with Nicias and Lama∣chus.
• Is suspected of breaking the Mercu∣ries, and accus'd for prophaning the Myste∣ries.
• Departs for Sicily.
• I•• retall'd to answer the accusaion.
• Andocides accuses him∣self and o∣ther of breaking the Mer∣curies.
• Alcibiades escapes from those who were to bring him task.
• The Informa∣tion against him.
• He is con∣demn'd.
• He goes to Sparta.
• Takes up the Laco∣nic way of living.
• He •• the •••• King
• The Lace∣daemoni∣ans design his Death.
• He flees to Tisapher∣nes.
• And does ill Offices in the Lace∣daemo∣nians.
• Alcibiades makes Of∣fers to the Athenians.
• Phryni∣chus Trea∣chery.
• The Govern∣ment chang'd in Athens.
• Alcibiades made Ge∣neral of the Athe∣nians at Samos.
• Is recall'd by the A∣thenians.
• Alcibiades defeats the Lacedae∣monians at Sea.
• Is made Pri∣soner by Ti∣saphernes.
• Destroys the Lace∣daemonian 〈◊〉〈◊〉 at Cyzicum.
• He makes War upon the Chal∣cedonians.
• Takes the City of S••∣lybria.
• Treaty be∣tween Phar∣nabazus and the A∣thenians.
• He besieges and takes Byzan∣tium.
• Alcibiades returns ••o. Athens.
• His Recep∣tion there.
• Alcibiades conducts the Processi∣on to Eleu¦sis with his Army.
• He defeats the Lace∣daemonians at Andros.
• The Athe∣nian Fleet is defeated in his ab∣sence.
• Alcibiades is accus'd again at Athens.
• He for∣s••k••s the Army.
• The Athe∣niars cre∣ate new Generals.
• The Athe∣nians final∣ly over∣thrown.
• Athens taken.
• Alcibiades flyes into Bithynia.
• Lysander sets 30 Go∣vernours o∣ver Athens
• The Lace∣daemoni∣ans send Orders that Alcibia∣des should be slain.
• The-manner of his Death.
• His first go∣ing to the Wars▪
• The Ro∣mans be∣siege Cori∣oli.
• Corioli taken.
• The Vol∣scian Army is routed.
• The tenth part of the Spoils of∣fer'd to Marcius.
• He nobly refuses 'em.
• The Name of Corio∣lanus is gi∣ven to him.
• Coriola∣nus invades the Anti∣ates.
• Stands for the Consul∣ship.
• Is rejected.
• A great quantity of Corn brought to Rome.
• Coriola∣nus's Speech against its being di∣stributed among the People.
• The People rise against him.
• Sicinnius the T••ibune pronounces Sentence of Death a∣gainst Co∣••iolanus.
• His Accusa∣tion.
• He is ba∣nished.
• He leaves Rome.
• He goes to the Vols∣cians.
• His Arrival at Antium.
• His Speech to Tullus Aufidius.
• Valeria's Speech to Volum∣nia, &c.
• Volumnia's Answer.
• Volum∣nia's Speech to her Son Marcius.