The antient right of the Commons of England asserted, or, A discourse proving by records and the best historians that the Commons of England were ever an essential part of Parliament by William Petyt of the Inner-Temple, Esq.

THE PREFACE.

MY principal design in this following Dis∣course, is impartially to vin∣dicate the just honour of our English Parliament from the calumnies and reproches of some late Authors who have asserted,

1. That an essential part of that Great Council, viz. the Commons of England, represented by the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses in Parlia∣ment,

were introduced and began An. 49 H. 3. by Rebellion.

2. That before that time the Commons were ne∣ver admitted to have any Votes, or share in the making of Laws for the Government of the Kingdom, nor to any Communication in affairs of State.

To discover and refute the unsoundness of the second Po∣sition, and that the contrary may appear to be true, I shall before I come to answer the first, consider the second, and endeavour to prove, that du∣ring

the Brittish, Saxon, and Norman Governments, the Freemen or Commons of England, as now called and distinguished from the great Lords, were pars essentialis & constituens, an essential and constituent part of the Wittena Gemot, Commune Concilium, Baronagium An∣gliae, or Parliament, in those Ages.

1. Under the Brittish Go∣vernment.

THE Brittons called their Commune Con∣cilium, or Parliament, Kyfr-y∣then

then, because their Laws were therein ordained; and upon K. Lucius his Letter to Pope Elu∣therius, to send him the Roman Laws, the Pope who could not be ignorant of the consti∣tution and frame of the Brit∣tish Polity, writes back to him, Habetis penes vos in Regno utram{que} paginam, ex illis Dei gratia per Concilium Regni vestri sume legem, & per il∣lam Dei potentia vestrum rege Britanniae Regnum But what their Laws and parti∣cular Government were, is very uncertain, by reason that Scripta Patriae (as Gildas sayes) Scriptorumve Monu∣menta

(si quae fuerint) aut ignibus hostium exusta aut Civium exulum classe longi∣us deportata non comparent. The Histories of our Country (if there were any) are not to be found, being either burnt by the Enemy, or carried be∣yond the Seas by the banished Brittons. Yet this is certain, and not to be denied, that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 their elder time, the People or Freemen, had a great share in their publick Council and Government. For Dion Cas∣sius, or Xipniline out of him in the Life of Severus assures us, Apud hos i. e. Britannos populus magna ex parte prin∣cipatum tenet.

2. Under the Saxon Go∣vernment.

IT cannot be doubted but that the Saxons who made themselves Masters of the Brittish Nation, brought with them their Country Laws, and Government; and that the Commons were an essential and constituent part of their Commune Concilium, Taci∣tus tells us, De minoribus rebus Principes consultant, de majoribus omnes, ita tamen ut ea quo{que} quorum penes ple∣bem arbitrium est, apud Prin∣cipes praetractentur.

After the Saxon Govern∣ment became united and fixed under a sole Christian Mo∣narch, they still continued and kept their antient Wittena Gemots, or Parliaments, as now phrased, wherein they made Laws and managed the great affairs of the King and Kingdom, according to the Plat-form of their Ancestors. Many Authorities might be given to evidence this, I will instance in three or four.

1. then, We have that fa∣mous Parliament summoned by King Ethelbert, An. 605. which my Author calls, Com∣mune Concilium tam Cleri quam populi.

2. About the Year 712. King Ina assembled a great Council or Parliament, where∣in he made Ecclesiastical Laws concerning Marriages, &c. and did other things, ad concordiam publicam pro∣movendam per Commune Concilium & assensum omni∣um Episcoporum, & Princi∣pum, Procerum, Comitum & omnium sapientum seniorum & populorum totius Regni.

3. And we read elsewhere, that the grand League and Union between the Brittons, Saxons, and Picts, was con∣cluded and confirmed, Per Commune Concilium & assen∣sum

omnium Episcoporum, Procerum, Comitum & om∣nium Sapientum seniorum & populorum & per praeceptum Regis Inae.

4. Anno Dom. 905. Pleg∣mundus Cantuar. Archiepi∣scopus unacum Rege magni∣fico cognominato Edwardo Seniore Concilium magnum Episcoporum, Abbatum, Fi∣delium, Procerum & Populo∣rum in Provincia Gewisorum (in illa parte Angliae quae in plaga australi sita est Flumi∣nis Thamesis) convocant, &c. unde salubriter constitu∣tum est in hac Synodo ut pro duobus Episcopis quo∣rum

unus Wintoniae, alter Si∣reburniae sedem habuit, quin{que} crearentur antistites, ne grex Domini pastorum cura orba∣tus luporum lanienae & vora∣citati subjicerentur; and there were several other Laws then made.

William of Malmsbury expresseth the Saxon Witte∣na Gemott thus, Generalis Senatus & Populi Conven∣tus & Edictum.

Sir Henry Spelman: Con∣venere Regni Principes tam Episcopi quam Magistratus liberi{que} homines, consulitur de communi salute, de pace & bello & de utilitate publica promovenda.

Camden thus: Quod Sax∣ones olim Wittena Gemot, nos Parliamentum, & Pan∣anglicum recte dici possit, summam{que} & sacrosanctam authoritatem habet in Legi∣bus ferendis, confirmandis, an∣tiquandis, interpretandis & in omnibus quae ad Reipubli∣cae salutem spectant. And so we find Edward the Confes∣sor reforming and confirming the antient Saxon Laws, and making new ones, and that done à Rege, Baronibus & Populo, as particularly in the Law de Apibus, how Tythes ought to be paid of them, and other things.

Hence it is apparent and past all contradiction, that the Commons in those Ages were an essential part of the Legislative power, in making and ordaining Laws, by which themselves and their posterity were to be governed, and that the Law was then the golden metwand and rule which measured out and allowed the Prerogative of the Prince and Liberty of the Subject, (and when obstructed or denied to either, made the Kingdom de∣formed and leprous.) That great Monarch Aethelstan, in his Prologue to his Laws, made per Commune Concilium

Regni, thus declared and ad∣mitted; Ea mihi vos tan∣tummodo comparatis velim quae juste ac legitime parare possitis. Ne{que} enim mihi ad vitae usum quicquam injuste acquiri cupiverim, Etenim cum ea ego vobis lege vestra omnia benigne largitus sim, ut mea mihi vos itidem con∣cedatis.

I have past over the Da∣nish Government, because I do not find that there was any great mutation, either of the Council or Laws of the Eng∣lish Nation. It is true, King Knute obtained the Diadem or Dominion of England; but

'tis as true he did not govern more Victoris, as may evi∣dently be proved, 1. From the form of penning his Laws, they being ordained and con∣firmed, Cum consilio & De∣creto Archiepiscoporum, E∣piscoporum, Abbatum, Co∣mitum, aliorum{que} omnium fi∣delium, words of a large com∣prehension. 2. From his ge∣neral Law, or Declaration of Right to the English thus delivered to us by a faith∣ful Historian, William of Malmesbury, who lived near those times. Obtestor & praecipio meis Consiliariis quibus Regni Consilia credi∣di,

ne ullo modo aut propter meum timorem aut alicujus potentis personae favorem, aliquam injustitiam, amodò consentiant vel faciant pul∣lulare in omni Regno meo. Praecipio etiam omni∣bus Vicecomitibus & Prae∣positis universis Regni mei sicut meam volunt habere amicitiam aut suam salutem, ut nulli homini nec diviti vel pauperi vim injustam infe∣rant, sed omnibus tam Nobi∣libus quam ignobilibus sit fas justa lege potiundi, à qua nec propter favorem Regi∣um nec propter alicujus po∣tentis personam, nec prop∣ter

mihi congerendam pecu∣niam ullo modo deviant; quia nulla mihi necessitas est, ut iniqua exactione pecunia mihi congeratur. After which the Historian sayes: Omnes enim leges ab antiquis Regi∣bus & maxime ab Anteces∣sore suo Ethelredo latas sub interminatione Regiae mul∣ctae perpetuis temporibus observari praecepit, in quarum custodia etiam nunc tempore bonorum sub nomine Regis Edwardi juratur, non quod ille statuerit sed quod obser∣vaverit.

3. Under the Normans.

King William the First.

THough William the Conqueror got the Im∣perial Crown of England, and introduced several Arbitrary Laws, as new tenures, &c. yet did he never make such an absolute Conquest, nor did the Kingdom receive so universal a change, as our English mo∣dern Authors (as it were by a general Consederacy, without examination of truth) have published to the World, who father upon this revolu∣tion all the alterations which

their conceits or fancies can imagine and suppose. Thucy∣dides saith, Men receive the report of things, though of their own Country, if done before their time, all alike, from one as from another, without any examination; In like manner have those our Historians been mistaken, by transcribing and patching out their Histories one from ano∣ther, so that in conclusion, with their own additions or comments, truth in many things is utterly lost.

1. The word Conquestor or Conqueror, did not in that Age import or signifie what

our late Authors by flattery have since made it; nor did it carry with it the enslaving of the Nation, after that William had obtained the Vi∣ctory against Harold, there being no more in the Denomi∣nation of Conqueror, than that after William had made claim to the Crown from King Ed∣ward the Confessor, and Harold opposed him, he was forced to get his right by Bat∣tel against King Harold; and as to the word Conquestus or Conquest, Mat. Paris writes, Rex Angliae ex Conquestu dicitur tamen, quod beatus Edwardus, eo quod haerede

caruit, Regnum legavit Wil∣lielmo Bastardo Duci Nor∣mannorum. Sir Henry Spel∣man in his Glossary sayes, Willielmus primus Conquestor dicitur quia Angliam con∣quisivit, i. e. acquisivit, pur∣chased, non quod subegit. And Sir John Skene Clerk of the Register Council, and Rolls to King James in Scotland, in his Book, De verborum significatione, pag. 39. writes Conquestus signifies Lands quhilk ony person acquiris, and possessis privato jure, vel singulari titulo vel donatione vel singulari aliquo contractu. And therefore the learned

Knight, Sir Roger Twi••∣den, who well understood the force of the word Conquestus, in his Preface before that Kings Laws, sayes, Non ex∣istimo Willielmum primum de omnium Anglorum terris ad voluntatem suam & pro libitu in modum absolutae do∣minationis disposuisse.

All which is most plain and justified infallibly by Doomes∣day Book, made in that Kings Reign, and in other subsequent Records, where the title and claim of many common persons to their own and Ancestors possessions, both in his time and in the time of

the Saxon Kings, are clearly allowed; but if King Wil∣liam had made an absolute and universal Conquest of the Realm in the modern sense, how could such Titles have held, or who would or durst have made such claim, even against the King himself? would he not have seized all into his own hands, and gran∣ted the Conquered Lands to others? and his grant could not have been avoided by any Englishman who had the in∣heritance and possession, and lived in peace before and at his coming in, and no title could be derived but from or

under him, at least none could have been maintained against his Grant. But that the con∣trary was true, will evidently appear if we consider, 1. That it is recorded in Doomesday Book, that King William had certain Lands in Demesne, viz. the Lands which were in the hands of King Edward, and entitled Terrae Edwardi Regis, and other Lands, which were forfeited to him by those who took part with Harold, entitled Terrae Re∣gis. 2. William the first ha∣ving given away Sharnborn in Norfolk, to Warren a great Favourite, one of his

Normans; Edwinus de Sharnborn, being an Eng∣lishman, and true owner of the estate, demands his right in open Court, before the King, upon this reason of Law, that he never was a∣gainst the King, either before or after he came in; where∣upon the King, vinculo ju∣ramenti astrictus, gave judgment of right against the Norman, and Sharnborn re∣covered the Lordship. Sir Henry Spelman out of an antient Manuscript concern∣ing the Family of the Sharn∣borns in Norfolk, hath it thus. Edwinus de Sharborne

& quidam alii qui ejecti fue∣runt è terris suis, abierunt ad Conquestorem & dixe∣runt ei quod nunquam ante Conquestum, nec in Conquestu nec post fuerunt contra ipsum Regem in consilio & auxilio, sed tenuerunt se in pace. Et hoc parati sunt probare quo modo ipse Rex vellet ordi∣nare. Per quod idem Rex fecit inquiri per totam An∣gliam si ita fuit, quod qui∣dem probatum fuit: propter quod idem Rex praecepit ut omnes qui sic se tenuerunt in pace in forma praedicta, quod ipsi rehaberent omnes terras & dominationes suas adeo in∣tegre

& in pace ut unquam habuerunt vel tenuerunt ante Conquestum suum. This is cited almost as the only case or act of favour the Conqueror did; but that is a great mi∣stake, for many other in∣stances I could give of this nature, all acts of Justice and right, as appears in Doomesday Book; much more may be said upon this subject. I will only add the Judicious assertion of a great Lawyer and Judge in Edward the Thirds time, admitted and agreed as a rule of Law and truth, by the Judges, and transmitted to posterity.

Le Conqueror (saith he) ne vient pas pur ouster eux, qui avoient droiturell possession, mes de ouster eux que de lour tort avoient occupie as∣cun terre en desheritance del Roy & son Corone. It was spoken upon an objection made in a Quo Warranto against the Abbot of Peterborough, concerning a Charter granted by King Edgar to that Ab∣bey, which the Kings Coun∣cil would have avoided upon this pretence for want of a better, because by the Conquest all Franchises were devolved and come to the Crown.

2. King William claimed

the English Diadem, Jure hae∣reditario, from Edward the Confessor, which both his own Laws, Charters, and the Charters of his two Sons William and Henry, do fully prove: There are some indeed that mention that he obtained the Crown, ore gla∣dii, but that must be under∣stood quod jure belli contra Harolaum ipse acquisivit, as a Manuscript Historian sayes.

3. He did not make an actual Conquest by his Arms (when he came in) of the fifth part of the Nation, for the Pope having sent him a con∣secrated Banner, and a Bull

of Excommunication against the Bishops and Clergy, if they opposed him in adhering to King Harold, and he ha∣ving got the Victory at Hast∣ings, and the Clergy with several of the Nobility (whom he had purchased to his part, both by money and great as∣surances of preferment and other advantages) basely and treacherously deserting Edgar Etheling, a soft and weak Prince, yet right Heir to the Crown; at length upon Wil∣liams declaring that he would confirm the Laws of Saint Edward, he was electus à Clero & Populo, and with

all the Ceremonies and Solem∣nities then in use, was Crowned at Westminster, the whole Nation submitting to him. But hear what the Historians of those times say.

Londoniam convenientibus Francis & Anglis (ad Nati∣vitatem Domini) illis{que} om∣nibus concedentibus Coro∣nam totius Angliae & Do∣minationem suscepit. Die ordinationi decreto locutus ad Anglos condecenti sermo∣ne Eborac. Archiepiscopus sapiens, bonus, eloquens, an consentirent eum sibi Domi∣num coronari inquisivit, Pro∣testati sunt hilarem consen∣sum

universi minime haesi∣tantes, ac si coelitus unâ men∣te datâ unâ{que} voce Anglorum voluntati quam facillime Normanni consonuerunt ser∣mocinato apud eos a•• senten∣tiam percunctato à Con∣stantini Praesule, sic electum consecravit Archiepiscopus, imposuit ei Diadema ipsum{que} regio solio, &c.

Ante Altare S. Petri A∣postoli coram Ciero & Po∣pulo jurejurando promittens se velle Sanctas Dei Ecclesias & Rectores illarum defende∣re necnon & cunctum Popu∣lum sibi subjectum juste & regali providentia regere, re∣ctam

legem statuere & tenere, rapinas injusta{que} judicia pe∣nitus interdicere. Exacto prius coram omni populo jurejurando quod se modeste erga subditos ageret & aequo jure Anglos & Francos tra∣ctaret.

Pursuant to all which, and to fix himself more sure in that his new-got Chair of Soveraignty, he by his Magna Charta, or Great Charter, grants and confirms the Laws of Edward the Confessor. Willielmus etiam Rex cui Sanctus Edwardus Regnum contùlit, leges ipsius Sancti servandas esse concessit, saith

Sir Henry Spelman. But now we will set down a branch of the Charter, which runs thus. Volumus etiam ac firmiter praecipimus & concedimus ut omnes liberi homines totius Monarchiae Regni nostri prae∣dicti habeant & teneant ter∣ras suas & possessiones suas bene & in pace, libere ab omni exactione injusta & ab omni Tallagio. Ita quod nihil ab eis exigatur vel ca∣piatur nisi servitium suam liberum quod de jure nobis facere debent & facere tenen∣tur & prout statutum est ets & illis à nobis datum & concessum jure haereditario im∣perpetuum

per Commune Con∣cilium t••tius Regni nostri pr••di••••i.

From all which it must necessarily be granted, 1. That this Statute or Law, was made per Commune Conci∣lium totius Regni. 2. The Magna Charta of W. 1. H. 1. King Stephen, H. 2. and King John (the last of which sayes, Nullum scuta∣g••um v•••••• ••••xilium ponam in Regno nostro 〈◊〉〈◊〉 per Com∣mu•••• Co••silium Regni ••••stri, the same in substa〈…〉〈…〉 with the Great Charter of William 〈◊〉〈◊〉.) was but 〈◊〉〈◊〉 resti••••••••on and de∣claration of the antient Com∣mon

Law and right of the Kingdom, and no Law in∣troduced de novo, or forced upon King John at Running∣mead, to the disinberison of the Crown, and which by their several sacred Coronati∣on Oaths they had so solemnly sworn inviolably to observe and keep.

'Tis true indeed King William the First gave away the Estates of several of those who were in Arms against him, to his Adventurers and followers, but the rest of the English (as well by his Coro∣nation Oath, as by a solemn ratification of St. Edwards

Laws in a Parliament in his fourth year) were to enjoy their Estates and the benefit of those Laws; but that being not done in the general, and the English (who declared à majoribus didicisse aut liber∣tatem aut mortem) being op∣prest by the King and Nor∣mans, begun to be very un∣easy under his Government, so that things were brought, to that pass, that he vehemently feared, ne totum Regnum turpiter amitteret etiam tru∣cidatus; to obviate which mischiess in the seventh year of his Reign, (for so I take it,) by the policy of Lanfrank

Archbishop of Canterbury, serena facie vocavit eos, i. e. the English, ad pacem sed subdolam, who meeting at Berkhamsted, post multos disceptationes, both parties came to a second-compact, and the King to give them satis∣faction, reiterated his Coro∣nation Oath, and swore upon the Holy Evangelists and Re∣liques of St. Alban, bonas & approbatas antiquas Reg∣ni leges quas sancti & pii An∣gliae Reges ejus Antecessores & maxime Rex Edwardus statuit, inviolabiliter obser∣vare, & sic pacificati ad pro∣pria laeti recesserunt. Rex

autem caute propositum su∣um pallians, perswaded many of the principal of the Nobility and Gentry to attend him into Normandy, where Civita∣tem quae Cynomannis, & Provinciam ad illam perti∣nentem maximo Anglorum auxilio quos de Anglia se∣cum adduxerat, sibi subjuga∣vit, the rest that remained here, he suddenly set upon apàrt, which he durst not attempt when united, multos eorum trucidando, exhae∣redando & quamplures proscribendo, leges violans memoratas, & spoliatis An∣glis pro libitu ac sine judicio

Curiali depauperatis suos Normannos in suorum homi∣num Anglorum natalium qui ipsum sponte sublimave∣runt, provocationem, locuple∣tavit. So that after this time, 'tis plain, he bore a heavy hand upon the English, and increased his severity to acts of high injustice and barba∣rous cruelty, and so gave occa∣sion to Historians in future Ages, to say, that when he came in, he totally subdued and crushed the Nation, Nobi∣lity, and Gentry. Yet notwith∣standing the great power he took, we meet with some ge∣neral Councils or Parliaments

in his Reign, whereby it ap∣pears, that the Freemen or Commons of England, were there, and had a share in ma∣king of Laws; for what could the promised restitution of the Laws of Edward the Con∣fessor signifie, if their Wit∣tena Gemot, or Parliament, the Augustissimum Anglica∣rum libertatum Asylum & sacra Anchora, was destroyed and broken?

For one of the fundamen∣tal and principal ends of Par∣liaments, was for the redress of Grievances, and easing the Oppressions of the People. The Mirror of Justices, an antient

and learned Treatise of the Law, saith, that Parliaments were instituted, pur oyer & terminer les plaintes de tort de le Roy, de la Roigne & de lour Infans, & de eux specialment de queux Torts lun ne poet aver autrement common droit, To hear and determine the Complaints of the wrongful Acts of the King, the Queen, and their Children, and especially of those per∣sons against whom the subject otherwise could not have com∣mon justice.

And Knighton (one of our best Historians) writes, Quod ex antiquo Statuto &

Consuetudine laudabili & approbata, &c. That by an antient Statute and Custom, laudable and approved, which no man could deny; the King was once in the year to convene his Lords and Commons to his Court of Parliament, as to the highest Court of the whole Realm. In qua omnis Ae∣quitas relucere deberet abs{que} qualibet scrupulositate vel nota, tanquam sol in ascensu meridiei, ubi pauperes & di∣vites pro Refrigerio tran∣quilliratis & pacis & Repul∣sione injuriarum refugium infallibile quaerere possent, ac etiam errata Regni reformare

& de statu & gubernatione Regis & Regni cum sapien∣tiori Concilio tractare; ut Inimici Regis & Regni in∣trinseci & Hostes extrinseci destruantur & repellantur, qualiter quo{que} onera incum∣bentia Regi & Regno levi∣us ad Ediam Communitatis supportari poterunt. In which Court all Equity ought to shine forth without the least Cloud or Shadow, like the Sun in its meridian glory; where poor and rich refreshed with peace and ease of their oppressions, may al∣ways find infallible and sure refuge and succour, the grie∣vances

of the Kingdom re∣drest, and the state of the King and Government of the Realm debated with wiser Councils, the Domestick and Foreign Enemies of the King and Kingdom destroy'd and re∣pell'd, and to consider how the Charges and Burthens of both may be sustained with more ease to the people. But to re∣turn.

An. D. 1070. which was in the third and fourth year of William the I. at a General Council, or Parliament, Lan∣franc was chosen Archbishop of Canterbury, Eligentibus eum senioribus ejusdem Ec∣clesiae

cum Episcopis ac Prin∣cipibus Clero & Populo An∣gliae in Curia Regis in As∣sumptione Sanctae Mariae. Another Author relates it thus. Rex mittens propter illum in Normanniam fecit eum venire in Angliam, cui consensu & consilio omnium Baronum suorum omnium{que} Episcoporum & Abbatum totius{que} Populi Angliae com∣misit ei Dorobernensem Ec∣clesiam.

Anno 1072. The King summoned a General Council, or Parliament, at Pinneden in Kent, to examine and de∣termine the great cause be∣tween

Lanfranc Archbishop of Canterbury, and Odo Bishop of Bayeux, Earl of Kent, because the first, li∣bertatem Ecclesiae Cantuari∣ensis invaserat, yet Judgment went for the Archbishop, which Mr. Selden sayes, was confirmed totius Regni assen∣su, or as Eadmerus, stipula∣tione totius Regni.

In the fourteenth Year of this King, at a General Coun∣cil, or Parliament, held at Westminster, the King by his Charter confirmed the Liberties of that Church after he had subscribed his own name, with the sign of the

Cross, adding many of the great Clergy and Temporal Nobility, instead of, Cum multis aliis, hath these words, multis praeterea illustrissimis virorum personis & Regum Principibus diversi Ordinis omissis qui similiter huic con∣firmationi piissimo affectu te∣stes & fautores fuerunt. Hii autem illo tempore à Regia potestate diversis Provinciis & Urbibus ad universalem Synodum pro causis cujusti∣bet Christianae Ecclesiae au∣diendis & tractandis ad prae∣scriptum celeberrimum Sy∣nodum quod Westmonasteri∣um dicitur, convocati, &c. In

the margine of the Book I find writ this note, Nota hic hos omnes convocari à Rege sua auctoritate ad causas Religio∣nis tractandas tam Nobiles de Clero quam Principes Regni cum aliis inferioris gradus, Conventio quorum videtur esse Parliamentum. And in the Year-Book of E. 3. above 330. years since, in a Case touching the exemption of the Abbey of Bury from the Bishops of Norwich, we have mention of a Parliament held, en temps de W. Con∣queror à son Parlement.

King William the Second.

KIng William the First being dead, William his second Son, then living, succeeded him in the King∣dom; who designing to prevent his elder Brother Robert of the Crown, finding Lanfranc Archbishop of Canterbury not altogether consenting with him therein, to the compleat∣ing his desire, and fearing lest the delay of his Consecration might prejudice his desired ho∣nor, he begun by giving large gifts and rewards to the peo∣ple, and as well by himself as

all others whom he could en∣gage, fide sacramento{que} Lanfranco promittere, by his Faith and Oath to promise unto Lanfranc, Si Rex foret, Justitiam, aequitatem & mise∣ricordiam se per totum Reg∣num in omni negotio serva∣turum, he would in all actions observe and keep Justice, E∣quity, and Mercy, through the whole Kingdom; that he would defend the Peace, Li∣berty, and safety of the Church, against all men, and also, that he would in and through all things obey the Precepts and Counsels of the Arch-Prelate; thereupon, in Re∣gem

eligitur & consecra∣tur.

But not long after Odo Bishop of Baiox, Earl of Kent, Geffrey Bishop of Constance, Robert Earl of Morton, Roger Earl of Shrewsbury, and the greatest part of all the Norman Pre∣lates and Nobility in England, entred into a Conspiracy to make Robert King, and to deliver King William to his Brother alive or dead; and thereupon they took Arms: the King hearing these things, and foreseeing his inevitable ruine if the English power did not preserve him, caused the Eng∣lish

to be assembled together, and shewed them the Treason of the Normans, and intreats and begs them to help and de∣fend him, upon this condition, that if they would be faithful to him in that his necessity and distress, he would grant them better Laws which they should chuse, and would forbid or in∣terdict all unjust Scotts, Taxes, or Tallages, and grant to all persons their Woods and Hunt∣ing. Upon which assurance and promise the English did faith∣fully assist him, and by thier power valiantly overthrew the Normans, and preserved and fixed the Crown upon Willi∣ams

head. But whatsoever he promised he kept but a short time, the words of the Author are. His auditis Rex fecit congregari Anglos & osten∣dit eis traditionem Normanno∣rum & rogavit ut sibi auxilio essent, eo tenore ut si in hac necessitate sibi fideles existe∣rent, meliorem legem quam vellent eligere eis concederet, & omnem injustum Scott••m interdixit, & concessit omni∣bus sylvas suas & venatio∣nem. Sed quicquid promisit, parvo tempore custodivit. Angli tunc fideliter eum ju∣vabant .

'Tis therefore evident from

hence, that William the Se∣cond did not claim the Crown jure gladii, by the power of the Sword, nor did he affirm, that he had a despotical right to make or change Laws, ad libitum suum sine assensu Regni or Parliament. And 'tis a great observation to me, that from the pretended Conquest to this day, I never read of any King of England that decla∣red and publickly owned any such prerogative or right, but only that miserable and unfor∣tunate Prince Richard the Second, which the Parliament Roll thus expresseth. Item, Idem Rex nolens justas leges

& consuetudines Regni sui servare seu protegere, sed se∣cundum suae arbitrium vo∣luntatis facere quicquid desi∣deriis ejus occurreret, quan∣do{que} & frequentius quando sibi expositae & declaratae fuerant leges regni sui per Ju∣sticiarios & alios de Concilio suo & secundum leges illas petentibus justitiam exhibe∣ret, dixit expresse vultu au∣stero & protervo quod leges suae erant in ore suo & ali∣quotiens in pectore suo, & quod ipse solus possit mutare & con∣dere leges regni sui; & opi∣nione illa seductus quamplu∣ribus de ligeis suis justitiam

fieri non permisit, sed per mi∣nas & terrores quamplures à prosecutione communis ju∣stitiae cessare coegit.

But far different were the sentiments and Judgment of his Grandfather Great Ed∣ward the third, who tells us: Because, that by divers Com∣plaints made to us, we have perceived that the Law of the Land, which we by our Oath are bound to maintain, is the less well kept, and the Execution of the same distur∣bed many times by mainte∣nance and procurement, as well in the Court as in the Country; We greatly moved

of Conscience in this matter, and for this cause desiring as much for the pleasure of God, and ease and quietness of our Subjects, as to our Conscience, and for to save and keep our said Oath, We have ordain∣ed, &c.

And wise King James saith, That not only the Royal Prerogative, but the Peoples security of Lands, Livings, and Priviledges, were preserved and maintained by the antient fundamental Laws, Priviledges, and Cu∣stoms of this Realm, and that by the abolishing or al∣tering of them, it was im∣possible

but that present con∣fusion will fall upon the whole state and frame of this Kingdom.

And his late Majesty of ever blessed memory, was of the same mind and opinion, when he said, The Law is the Inheritance of every Sub∣ject, and the only security he can have for his Life, or E∣state, and the which being neglected or dis-esteemed (un∣der what specious shew so∣ever) a great measure of in∣felicity, if not an irrepara∣ble confusion, must without doubt fall upon them.

Henry the First.

AFter the Death of King William, the Magna∣tes Angliae, not knowing what was become of Robert Duke of Normandy, Eldest Bro∣ther of the deceased King (the said Duke having been absent for five years in a Voyage to the Holy Land) were afraid to be long without a King, which Henricus fratrum ul∣timus & juvenis sapientissi∣mus cum callide cognovisset, congregato Londoniis Clero

Angliae & Populo universo promisit emendationem le∣gum quibus oppressa fuit An∣glia tempore patris sui & fra∣tris nuper defuncti, ut animos omnium in sui promotionem accenderet & amorem, ut il∣lum in Regem susciperent & patronum; to which it was generally answered, That if he with a willing mind would grant, and by his Charter con∣firm to them, illas libertates & consuetudines antiquas, which their Ancestors enjoyed in the time of Edward the Confes∣sor, in ipsum consentirent & in Regem unanimiter conse∣crarent.

Henry willingly granted this, and taking an Oath, that he would perform it, conse∣cratus est in Regem, at Westm. upon Lady day, fa∣vente Clero & populo, and so forthwith he was Crowned by Maurice Bishop of London and Thomas Archbishop of York. After such his Corona∣tion, he granted and confirmed to the Nation, for the ad∣vancement of Holy Church, and preservation of the peace of his people, a Charter of their antient Liberties.

The Charter the Reader may find in that industrious Revivor, and Restorer of de∣cayed

and forgotten Antiqui∣ties, Mr. Lambard, as also in Matth. Paris. Where it appears, that the Archbishops, Bishops, Barons, Earls, Vi∣counts, or Sheriffs, & Optima∣tes totius Regni Angliae, were Witnesses to the Charter.

And that at the Coronation of the King, those Laws were made, de Communi Consi∣lio & assensu Baronum Regni Angliae, by the common ad∣vice and assent of the Barons of England. It being usual in succeeding ages, at the Coro∣nations of our English Kings, to confirm, make, and ordain Laws, De assensu Baronum

Regni, per Commune Conci∣lium Regni, or Parliament.

I shall from hence observe two things.

1. That these Laws were granted and confirmed, assensu Baronum Regni, or Barona∣gii Angliae, there being a clear difference between Barones Regis, and Barones Regni, as appears in the very bowels of those Laws and elsewhere; for the K. Saith, Si quis Baronum nostrorum, &c. but who were comprehended under those first phrases, Mr. Camden will tell us, Nomine Baronagii Angliae omnes quodammo∣do Regni ordines continen∣tur,

and so the Commons as we now call them, were there and assented to those Laws.

2. Clero & Populo uni∣verso Angliae congregatis. We read King Stephen assensu Cleri & Populi in Regem An∣gliae electus, & per Dominum Papam confirmatus, 10 H. 2. Congregato Clero & Populo Regni, or as Fitz-Stephens, Generali Concilio, the King made the Assise or Statute of Clarendon, which Council the learned Selden calls a full Parliament. King John was Crowned mediante tam Cleri quam Populi unanimi con∣sensu & favore. Anno 50

H. 3. Per providentiam Car∣dinalis, meaning the Popes Legate, apud Kenilworth Clerus & Populus convocan∣tur, which the Patent Roll of that year thus confirms. The King a le request de ho∣nourable pier Sire Ottobon Legat d'Engleterre son Par∣lement eust sommons à Ke∣nilworth; where the Statute or Dictum de Kenilworth, was made between the King and his Communante, or Parlement. Rex primo, post∣modum Clerus & Populus juraverunt quod Dictum in∣violabiliter observarent. Thus have I at length, I hope, fully

ascertained and explained the Historians phrase, Clerus & Populus, and proved it to be a Parliament from the Pat. Roll of H. 3.

Yet I do not think that the Lords Temporal only were the Populus, nor the Lords Spiritual the Clerus; for I agree with Dr. Heylyn, that there is no Record, either of History or Law (which I have observed) in which the word Clerus serves to signifie the Archbishops, and Bishops, exclusive of the other Clergy, or any writing whatsoever, wherein it doth not either sig∣nifie the whole Clergy gene∣rally,

or the inferior Clergy only, exclusive of the Arch∣bishops, Bishops, and other Prelates; and 'tis my opinion as far as I can find, that the word Populus following Cle∣rus, was, Thema universale in significando, and compre∣hended as well the Commons as the Lords, and indeed the subject matter of the Histori∣ans speaks it. William the Second, Henry the First, King Stephen, and King John, were to be elected and created Kings of England, having no here∣ditary right, 'twas but rea∣sonable then, and according to the Laws and precedents of

other Countries in like Cases, Quod omnes tangit ab om∣nibus approbari debet, and so was the solemn Resolution of both Lords and Commons in the Parliament, 40 E. 3. That neither King John, nor any other, could put the Realm or people of England into sub∣jection, sanz assent de eux, without their assent, or as the Parliament 29 H. 3. de∣clared, sine assensu Regni, or as Malmesbury says, in vita Willielmi primi, abs{que} gene∣rali Senatus & Populi con∣ventu & Edicto.

But now to close the Reign of Henry the first, I will out

of that excellent Historian Matthew Paris transcribe the Oration, or Speech of that King to the Common Coun∣cil or Parliament, in the se∣venth year of his Reign, his elder Brother Robert Duke of Normandy, then claiming the Crown of England, and ready to invade this Nation with a great Force; the Speech of the King, the learned Monk thus delivers to us.

MAgnatibus igitur Regni ob hoc Londoniam Edicto Regio convocatis Rex talibus alloquiis mel & favum oleum{que} mellitis & mol∣litis blandiens dixit: Amici & fideles mei indigenae ac naturales, nostis

veraci sama referente, qualiter fra∣ter meus Robertus electus & per Deum vocatus ad regnum Hiero∣solymitanum foeliciter gubernan∣dum, & quam frontosè illud infoe∣liciter refutaverit, merito prop∣terea à Deo reprobandus. Nostis etiam in multis aliis superbiam & ferocitatem illius; quia vir bellico∣sus, pacis impatiens est, vosque scien∣ter quasi contemptibiles & quos desides vocat & glutones conculcare deside∣rat. Ego vero Rex humilis & pacificus vos in pace in antiquis vestris libertati∣bus, prout crebrius jurejur ando promisi, gestio confovere, & vestris inclinando consiliis consultius ac mitius more mansueti principis sapienter guber∣nare, & super his (si provideritis) scrip∣ta subarata roborate & iteratis jura∣mentis praedicta certissime confirmare, omnia videlicer quae sanctus Rex Ed∣wardus Deo inspirante providè san∣civit

inviolabiliter jubeo observari, ut mecum fideliter stantes fratris mei immò & mei & totius Regni An∣gliae hostis cruentissimi injurias po∣tenter, animose ac voluntarie pro∣pulsetis. Si enim fortitudine Anglo∣rum roborer, inanes Normannorum minas nequaquam censeo formidandas. Talibus igitur promissis, quae ta∣men in fine impudenter violavit, omni∣um corda sibi inclinavit, ut pro ipso contra quemlibet us{que} ad ca∣pitis expositionem dimicarent.

This Speech to me is another strong Confirmation and Argument against the Norman Conquest, for 'tis luce clarius, 1. That King Henry the First did not pretend to hold the Crown Jure Victoris. 2. That the English were not totally sub∣dued and destroyed by his Father Wil∣liam the first. 3. That the Son

(as well as the Father) had several times solemnly sworn to the inviolable ob∣servance of the Laws of St. Edward or of the Saxon Government. 4. King Henry does not depend on the Nor∣mans that came in with his Father, no, it was upon the English Common Council, or Parliament; nor did he call them Vassels and Slaves, but Amici & Fideles mei naturales, in them he fixt his only hope and as∣surance, both for their Fidelity and Courage, and believed that they would (as indeed they did) preserve and defend his Crown and Life against the great Power and Policy of his and the Kingdoms most bloudy Enemies, who were ready to Invade both with a mighty Army; it being then Prudentially and Politickly resolved unanimously in Par∣liament, not to permit, or suffer the Duke to land here, but to fight him in his own Country, which the Eng∣lish

then did (forty years after the coming in of William the first) and at one Battle not only totally conquered and overthrew the Normans, but took Robert their Duke Prisoner, and thereby put a period to the dangers and fears of King Henry the first, and in despite of the French Power, set the Ducal Crown of Normandy upon the head of King Henry an Eng∣lish-man: and after Robert had re∣mained for some time in Prison, at last to conclude the Catastrophe of his un∣happy life, he had his eyes burnt out of his head, and so by a sad fate left all to the English King.

From all which Authorities and Reasons, under correction, it is suf∣ficiently evidenced, that in the Brittish, Saxon, and Norman Governments, the Commons (as we now phrase them,) had Votes, and a Share in the making and en∣acting

of Laws for the Government of the Kingdom, and that they were an essential part of the Commu∣ne Concilium Regni, Wittena Gemot, or Parliament, before and after the supposed Conquest by King William the First.

Having thus concluded my Preface, I shall now diligently apply my self to discuss that grand point touching the introduction of the Commons in∣to our great Council, or Parlia∣ment, as represented by the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses, being in∣deed the principal work I intended, and was finished before this Preface; the difficulty of which cannot be well judg∣ed of but by those who have undertaken subjects of like intricacy; for I have at a great charge, and expence of time, and without any mans assi∣stance or help, out of the dark and

neglected paths of Antiquity, en∣deavoured to make truth publick and general, and (with submission) I hope it will appear, that I have rescued from the force and power of a dan∣gerous growing errour, the just and ancient rights and priviledges of our Ancestors, in a matter of the high∣est moment and concern, which is impartially debated in the ensuing Dis∣course; a subject, whereof (to the best of my knowledge) no Author hitherto hath so particularly treated.

Notes

• Spelm. Concil. Tom. 1. p. 34.
• Erac Beltaunia viginti & octo Civitatibus quondam no∣bili••••imis in∣signita praeter Casteila innu∣mera quae 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ipsa muris, tur∣ribus, portis ac seris eraut in∣structa ••••rm••••∣simis. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Er••l. H••••t. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 C•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• Xiphilin. è Di∣one Cassio p. 601. impress. Basiliae.
• Sp••••m. Con〈…〉〈…〉. To••••. 1. p. 126.
• Idem Tom. 1. pag. 219.
• ••ed. Eccles. Histor. lib. 1.
• Antiquit. Bri∣tanniae, p. 75.
• Parliamentum Synodus mag∣na nuncupatur. Somn••••i 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• Malme••b. lib. 3 p. 56. l. 24.
• 〈…〉〈…〉m. Gloss. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Gemotum, ••ol. 261.
• Camd. Britan. in 8^o. impress. 1586. fol. 63.
• Lambard de priseis Anglor. Legibus Cap. 8. sol. 139.
• Bracton 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 134. Coke 12. Rep. sol. 65. Plou∣den. Commen. sol. 236, 237.
• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Con∣••ilia pag. 39. 397. Chron. ••o••an∣nis Br〈…〉〈…〉pton, Col. 841.
• I〈…〉〈…〉er Commu∣〈…〉〈…〉 de Term. S〈…〉〈…〉ae 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 7 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 2. p〈…〉〈…〉 R〈…〉〈…〉 Domini The∣saur. in S••••••∣ca••io rema〈…〉〈…〉. Cha••••a Regis 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• will. Malm••b. de Gestis Reg. Anglor. l. 2. pag. 4••. b. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 16.
• ••g. 42. l. 21.
• Lib. 1.
• Mat. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. pag. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• 〈…〉〈…〉
• A〈…〉〈…〉 Lamber∣dum.
• S〈…〉〈…〉 Review of his History of Tythes. Sir ••oh•• Da∣〈…〉〈…〉 Reports, in his C〈…〉〈…〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 4••.
• Camd. Britan.
• Spelmans Glos∣sary verbo Drenches, pag. 184.
• Sha••d. in Ca••. in ••tin. Temp. E. 3. fol. 143. b. Johannes Shar∣delowe unus Justi••. de Ban∣co. Rot. Pat. 16 E. 3. Par•• 1. m. 2.
• In ore gladii (saith he) Reg∣num adeptus sum, Anglorum devicto Haral∣do Rege cum suis complici∣bus qui mihi regnum cum providentia Dei destina∣tum & benefi∣cio concessio∣nis Domini & cognati mei gloriosi Regis Edwardi con∣cesa•••• conati sunt a••s••rre, &c. Chart. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. in in∣spex. Part. 7. 1•• E. 4. membr. 26
• MS. penes me∣ipsum.
• 〈…〉〈…〉.
• 〈…〉〈…〉.
• 〈…〉〈…〉.
• Main••••••sh. de Gest. Pontif. pag. 154. b.
• 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Concil. Tom. 2. pag. 3••1, 342. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pi∣〈…〉〈…〉is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 saith, Pag. ••••8. nulli Gallo datum quod Anglo cuiquam inju∣stè sterit abla∣tum.
• S••ldeni ad Ead∣m••rum Spice∣leg. pag. 190.
• Net.
• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Conquest.
• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pag. ••••5, 257.
• 〈…〉〈…〉
• S••••••••ns Titles of Honor, pag. 580.
• ••em pag 523.
• Mat. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in ••••ta Sanct•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Abbat〈…〉〈…〉, pag. 48.
• Mat. Pare in vita 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Abbat〈…〉〈…〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 l. 3••.
• Hoviden pars prior pag. 260.
• Mat. Paris in ••••••a S. A••bani Abbatum, pag. 48.
• Naturalium.
• Mirror of ju∣stices, Chap. 1. pag. 9.
• De Eventibus Anglia Lib. 5. sol. 2681. Col. 1, 2.
• ••e••••a•• Dorob. Act. Pont. Can∣tuar. p. 1653. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 5.
• Relat. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 primi ad 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tractat. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pag. 194.
• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ti••. of Honor, pag. 58••.
• Ex Car••••lario Coenobii 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Bibliotheca C••tton. sub E••••i∣gie 〈◊〉〈◊〉, A. 3.
• Provincia, 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Co〈…〉〈…〉, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ti••. of Ho∣nor, pag. 2••••. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Glo••••. Ti••. Provincia, pag. 4••••. Parlia••••ntum Synodus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••g∣n•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉, S〈…〉〈…〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 3. fol. 60.
• Eadm•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vita 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 2. sol. 13. l. 5. An. Dom. 1187.
• 〈…〉〈…〉
• Hoveden pars prior pag. 264.
• Lin. 40. b.
• 〈…〉〈…〉 ruined 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 1.
• Rot. Parl. 1 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 4. Art. 1••.
• Pultons Stat. 20 E. 3. sol. 137.
• King James's first Speech to his first Parlia∣liament in Eng∣land. Pulton Stat. 1 Jacobi, cap. 2. sol. 1157.
• King Charies the First's De∣claration to all his loving Sub∣jects, published with the ad∣vice of his Privy Council. Exact Collecti∣ous of Declara∣••ons, pag. 28, 29.
• Mat. Par. A. D. 11••0. pag. 55. l. 20. In〈…〉〈…〉itio ne qui Magnates, viz. Comes, Baro, Miles, seu aliqua al•• no∣tabi••••s persona transeat ad partes trans∣marinas. Ro••. C••aus. 3 E. 2. m. 1••. dor••o. Sie igitur ist••. modo Willi••••∣••o ••ortuo 〈…〉〈…〉rtas frater 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 contra ini∣micos fibi in∣festos in guer∣ra sua occupa∣tus est, in co∣dem tempore i••te Ro〈…〉〈…〉s semper contra∣rius & adeo innaturalis ex∣titerat Baroni bus Reg•••• Ar∣glie quod plenario consensu & consilio totius Communi〈…〉〈…〉s R••g•••• impo∣suerunt ei illegitimitatem quod non fuerat procreatus de legitimo Th••r•• willielmi Conquestoris, unde unanimi assensu suo ipsum recutarunt & pro Rege omnino recusaverunt & H••nricum fratren in Regem 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Henr. de Knighton, Coll. 2374. Cap. 8. l. 14.
• LL. Guli••••••ni primi, Lamb. sol. 175, 176. Hac etiam Carta habeatur apud Mat. Pa∣••is. An. Dom. 1118, and 1213.
• Carta modera∣••ioni. ••••odi magni si••••lli Anno 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••a∣hannis. Ex ve∣te•••• Registro in Archivis. Cantuar. Ar∣chiepiscopi. Rot. Pat. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 H. 3. m. 12. Cake 2. Instir. sol. 79. Rastals Stat. 1 E. 3.
• LL. G〈…〉〈…〉ni primi L••••••. sol. 175, 176.
• Camd. Britan∣in 8. De or∣din. Angli. e, sol. 61.
• W••••••. Malmesb. Histor. No∣vel, lib. 1. pag. 101. l. 15. b. Hoveden pars posterior, pag. 282. l. 13. MS. vita Tho••e Archiepiscopi Cant. in Bibl. Cotton.
• S••l••e••s Titles of Honor, fol. 585. Carta modera∣tionis seodi magni sigilli.
• Mat. West••••. pag. 397. l. 57.
• Rot. Pat. 50 H. 3. m. 3. dorso. Rastalls Stat. pag. 12.
• Mat. W••••••m. sol. 393. l. 1.
• D•• H••ylins stumbling Block, pag. 189.
• Rot Parl. 40 E. 3. n. 78.
• Mat. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. An. 1245. p. 191, 197.
• Malmisb. lib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. pag. 56.
• Oratio Regis Henrici ad Anglos.
• Mat. Paris in vita H. 1. pag. 62, 63. Inhibitio nèqui Magnates, viz. Comes, Baro, Miles, seualiqua alia Notabilis persona transe∣at ad partes transmarinas. Rot. Claus. 3 E. 2. m. 16. dorso.