Three letters tending to demonstrate how the security of this nation against al future persecution for religion lys in the abolishment of the present penal laws and tests, and in the establishment of a new law for universal liberty of conscience

The Third LETTER.

SIR,

SInce I have had the good fortune to please you the second time, I am resolved to try it a third. I have endeavored, as you have seen, to make it appear that it is not impossible to contrive a more Equitable and Ʋnexceptionable Law than the Tests, which wil secure us also infinitely better than they do, against the danger of being Persecuted by the Roman Catholics. Now you answer me that this Law, tho it should be consented to, would be less Security to us against the Roman Catholics than the Tests: be∣cause by it they would be admitted into the Legislative, as wel as Executive, parts of our Go∣vernment; wheras by the other they ar wholly excluded from both. And an Exclusion, say you, especially from the Legislative Power, is

a far better Security than any Regulation what∣soever that can be made about their conduct in it: because, when once admitted into that capacity, there wil be stil reason to apprehend lest they should break thro the Rules prescribed for their Conduct, and change even the Laws themselves at their pleasure.

This is indeed very specious. But I intreat you to consider, in the first place, That the Ex∣clusion we talk of by the Tests is onely Imaginary, not Real. We please our selves with a Notion, while we ar frustrated of the Thing. A Dispensa∣tion dissipates al that Bulwark into Dust and Aire: While on the contrary the Regulation I have propounded is to be declared and made abso∣lutely Indispensable. Which is no inconsidera∣ble advantage on the side that I incline to.

But this is not al. Your Objection prompts me to a further Defence of my Proposition. No∣thing wil serve your turn but an Absolute Exclu∣sion of those that may have a minde to hurt us, from al manner of share, either Legislative or Executive, in our Government. Be it so. I am very wel pleased to join Issu with you upon that Point.

The Hurt we fear, and desire to fence against, is Persecution. Let us therfore, in God's name, exclude al Persecuting Papists, and Protestants too, from those Imployments. But let al those that have a Spirit of Moderation and Charity, joy∣ned with other necessary Qualifications, be pro∣miscuously admitted into them, whatsoever be their profession of Religion. It is not the Notion of Transubstantiation that hurts us. Why should we therfore make that the ground of an Exclusion? Let us go to the tru Ground of the Matter, and do our Work at once, effectu∣ally.

In a Word: Let this Act it self, that we are projecting, be the Fundamental Test for the Ad∣mission of al Persons into al manner of Public Imployments, or for their Exclusion from them. Let every Member of both Houses of Parliament, before they ar admitted to sit there, be obliged to subscribe a Declaration, importing That they solemnly profess, and, in the presence of God, sincerely acknowledg the natural Equity of this Great Law; and that they in like manner promis never to infringe it, nor either directly or indirectly to promote any de∣sign of undermining or invalidating it in any man∣ner

whatsoever. Let al those that shal presume to sit in either House, without having first sub∣scribed that Declaration, be liable to the seve∣rest Penaltys that shal be annexed to the foresaid Law. And let al future Acts (if any such there should be) passed by a Parliament not so quali∣fied as by this Law shal be required, be declared Illegal and Nul. Nay further, if it may be thought any strengthning to our Security, let also Al other Public Officers, as wel as the Mem∣bers of Parliament, be obliged, upon their entrance into those Offices, to subscribe the same solemn Declaration, upon the hazard of the same Penalties, and of the Illegality and Nullity of al their Proceedings. Let al that Govern, or Teach, or any way Officiate in Ec∣clesiastical Affaires, either in Church or Conven∣ticle; Al Judges, Justices, Juries, Magistrates, Military Commanders both by Sea and Land, with al the Inferior and Subordinate Officers de∣pending upon any of them, from the highest to the lowest, be Al subject to the same Rule.

This is the Test against Persecution that we have been long since advised to, by One of the earliest and strongest Writers upon this Subject; but

which the Nation seems not yet to have enough reflected upon. If this be not judged a sufficient security, I wish those that perceiv the defects of it would propound unto us any thing better. I shal be always for chusing the best. But however, in the mean while, I think al Men must agree that, if it be indeed Persecution that we desire to fence against, this is infinitely a better security in that respect than the present Penal Laws and Tests ar. And therfore, provided this may be granted, I cannot but yet hope that there wil appear to be among us Men Wise enough, and Honest enough, and those too, Numerous enough, to sway the Nation to consent to their abolishing.

I have said already that, upon the supposition of this Security there can be nothing but private Ambition or Avarice capable to raise an opposition against this generous Design of Universal Liber∣ly. But surely no private Interest wil be capable to bear up long against the general Interest of the Nation. Now it has been often asserted by ma∣ny, and demonstrated with great evidence, that those whose Interest it is to desire Liberty ar far more numerous than those that oppose it. But if in that there should at present be any mistake,

I am sure, when once this Liberty shal be esta∣blished, it wil then be visibly and indisputably the Interest of al Partys to maintain it. Al the several Interests of the Nation wil be then drawn up into one Circle, and the Extremitys wil touch each other. The Church of Eng∣land and Protestant Dissenters, how opposite so∣ever in other respects, wil therby becom inse∣parably cimented into one Common Caus. And, tho we should suspect the Roman Catholics to have contrary inclinations, yet the strength of the others Union wil oblige them, for their own Safety, to concur in promoting the general Good.

Yet for al this, I wil not stick to acknowledg that such a suspicion of an inclination to Perse∣cute, in any that may be uppermost, is not altogether unreasonable. The Examples of Persecutions rais'd at one time or other, by al Partys that have had the power to do it, authorize those Fears. But for that very reason, I say, that this is the fittest time that ever we can expect, to settle this Liberty in England: because the Power is now in the Hands of the weakest Party, which is ther∣fore least able to strain it. And if once that

Settlement be made, the united Interest of al Par∣tys in the Advantages it brings along with it, wil in human appearance secure it against the possibi∣lity of ever being shaken hereafter.

These Considerations, you see, afford a se∣cond Prospect of our Security in the establish∣ment of a Law of Liberty; in that it wil be the Interest of al Partys to maintain it: And they afford also an Incitement to set about that Work; becaus of the seasonableness of the opportuni∣ty: Which things deserv exceedingly to be at∣tended unto. But after so palpable a demon∣stration, as I think I have given, of that Security, in the frame of the Law it self, I have no mind now to intertain you with any thing that may appear more speculative, tho in effect it be no less solid.

My meaning in this is, that I have shown onely the Possibility of this Security. But whe∣ther or no it wil be just granted in the manner that I conceiv it, is what I cannot answer for. I rather hope it wil be made much better. But how∣ever, after this plain appearance of the possibi∣lity of the thing, I think I may resume what I said in my first Letter, as an Advice of som

weight; That, in this Conjuncture, it is both the Duty and the Interest of the Nation to put this business to a Tryal, in a Grave and Moderate Parliament; and not by any means to make that impossible, by Faction, Jealousy, or Despair, which seems easily obtainable by a prudent Con∣duct.

Let this be our constant Aim, to have Liberty setled by a Law. That is the Mark that▪ I shoot at▪ And I would be very loath that other Peo∣ples Errors, or Humors, should make me miss it. We ought Al to be singly▪ intent upon our own Duty; and if we keep so, we cannot fail to know it. Which way soever we turn our Re∣flections, in these matters of Politics, they wil always bring us back to the same Center. The General Good is the Rule and Touch-Stone, by which al must be tryed and measured. That General Good can never be attended unto, much less procured, without the General Satisfaction of al Partys; Nor that Satisfaction without this Equal and General Liberty which I have been pleading for.

Now therfore that every one may the more easily discern their own Duty, while we ar in

this evident possibility of obtaining such an e∣qual and secure Liberty; I would have the Church of England, in the first place, Consider with how much Justice the Odium of a Self-interessed and sordid Partiality, wil be cast upon Her by al Men, in case She stil continu to obstruct it. Let Her consider that, and be Ashamed. In the next place, If the Protestant Dissenters should suffer themselvs to be fooled out of this Liberty, by the cunning of their Old Adversarys; I would have them consider how obnoxious they yet ly, even at this very hour, to the Redoubled Lashes of the same Laws under which they have so long groaned. Let Them consider that, and Tremble. And if the Roman Catholics should ever attempt to overstrain the Advantages they may receiv by this Liberty, when it shal be established; I would have them Consider that in gaping for the Shadow, they wil be in danger to lose the Substance. Let Them consider that, and be Wise. I have now don. Lonely again beg of you to pardon the te∣diousness of al these Considerations, and to believ me to be most sincerely and affectionately

Yours, &c.