The voyages and travells of the ambassadors sent by Frederick, Duke of Holstein, to the Great Duke of Muscovy and the King of Persia begun in the year M.DC.XXXIII. and finish'd in M.DC.XXXIX : containing a compleat history of Muscovy, Tartary, Persia, and other adjacent countries : with several publick transactions reaching near the present times : in VII. books. Whereto are added the Travels of John Albert de Mandelslo (a gentleman belonging to the embassy) from Persia into the East-Indies ... in III. books ... / written originally by Adam Olearius, secretary to the embassy ; faithfully rendered into English, by John Davies.

HIs Highness had no sooner understood, that the Great Duke of Muscovy had permitted his Ambassadors to pass through his country, to go into Persia, but all his thoughts were busied about the prosecution of the second Voyage, whereof the expence was incredible, which he gives order for, causing all neces∣sary preparations to be made, and presents to be fought out worthy so great a Monarch.

He also augmented the Ambassadors retinue, and ordered, that, till the time of their departure, the Gentlemen, Officers, and Servants, should be entertain'd at Hambooough, at the house of Otton Brugman, one of the Ambassadors; where they were very well treated, every one according to his condition and quality, the Trumpet always sounding when the meat was carried up, which was also done all along the Voyage.

The retinue consisted of a Mareshal, or Steward, a Secretary of the Embassy, four Gentle∣men of the Chamber, and eight other Gentlemen for ordinary attendance, among whom were the Minister and interpreter, four Pages of the Chamber, four other Pages, four Grooms of the Chamber, four Masicians, a Controler, a Harbinger, two Sumpter-men, an Overseer of the Servants, two Trumpetters, two Watch-makers, eight Halbaldiers, who were of se∣veral professions, as Bakers, Shoe-makers, Taylors, Smiths, Sadlers, &c. ten Laqueys, a Clark for the Kitchin, with two Head-cooks, and one Under-cook, a Master of the Wag∣gons and his Servant, ten Servants belonging to the Gentlemen, an Interpreter for the Musco∣vian Language, another for the Persian, and a third for the Turkish. The Sumpter-men, the Musicians, and the Trumpeters had also their boys, eight in number, besides twelve other persons for the ordering of things belonging to the Ship, and 30 Souldiers, and four Musco∣vian Officers, with their Servants, whom we eatertain'd into our service in Muscovy, with the Great Duke's permission.

All Summer, and some part of Autumn, were spent in preparation for this Voyage, inso∣much that we could not get from Hamborough, till the 21 of October 1635. The 24 we got to Lubeck, where we staid two days, during which, our Baggage, and Horses, which were 12. were embark'd at Trauemunde. The 27. we followed, and went aboard about noon, with all our people, into a new Ship, that had never been at Sea before. The wind serv'd as well as could be wish'd, to get out of the Harbour, and yet we met with such a strong current of water, that we could not avoid falling foul on two great Ships that were in the Port, between which we were so intangled, that we could not in three hours dis-engage our selves. Which many

among us took for an ill omen of the misfortune that happen'd to us some few dayes after.

Oct. 28. about five in the morning, after prayers said, we set sail with a West-South-West wind, which growing higher at noon, was at night heightned to a dreadful Tempest. It con∣tinu'd all night, during which, we discover'd, that our Mariners were as raw as the Ship was new, which had never seen the Sea till that time; and it was our continual fear that the Mast would slip out of its place, in as much as, the ropes, being new, stretch'd so, that they seem'd not to have any hold of it.

The 29. we found our selves to be on the Coasts of Denmark, which our Captain took for the Isle of Bornholm, and we perceived, that we had directed our course streight towards the Country of Schonen; so that if we had not at the break of day, discover'd Land, and found we were at 4. fathom water, which soon oblig'd us to alter our course, there had been an end of both us and our Ship. About 9. of the clock we discover'd the Island of Bornholm, and the wind being fair, made all the fail we could. But about ten at night, when we thought our selves most secure, and made accompt to rest our selves after the precedent night's toil, even, while Brug∣man, one of the Ambassadors, was charging the Master's Mate to be carefull, and the other an∣swer'd, there was no danger, since we had Sea-room enough, the Ship, being then under all the sail she could make, struck against a Rock which was cover'd by the water. The shock made such a horrible noise, that it made all start up. The amazement we were in surpris'd us so, that there was not any one but might easily be perswaded, that the end of both his Voyage and Life were neer at hand.

At first we knew not where we were, and in regard the Moon was but newly chang'd, the night was so dark, that we could not see two paces from us, We put our ••antern at the Castle, and caus'd some Muskets to be discharg'd, to see if there were any help to be had neer us. But no body made answer, and the Ship beginning to lye on one side, our affliction began to turn into despair; so that most cast themselves on their knees, begging of God, with horrid cries, that he would send them that relief which they could not expect from men.

The Master himself wept most bitterly, and would meddle no further with the conduct of the Ship. The Physician and my self were sitting one close by the other, with a design to embrace one another, and to die together, as old and faithful friends, in case we should be wrack'd. O∣thers took leave one of another, or made vows to God, which they afterwards so Religiously kept, that coming to Reuel, they made up a portion for a Poor, but Virtuous Maid, who was married there. The Ambassador Crusius's Son mov'd most compassion. He was but 12. years of age, and he had cast himself upon the ground, importuning Heaven with incessant cries and la∣mentations, and saying, Son of David have mercy on me; whereto the Minister added, Lord, if thou wilt not hear us, be pleas'd to hear this Child, and consider the innocence of his age. At last God was so gracious as to preserve us, though the Ship struck several times, with great vio∣lence, against the Rock.

About one in the morning, we saw fire, whence we inferr'd that we were not far from Land. The Ambassadors commanded the Boat to be cast out, with design to get into it, with each of them a Servant, and to go streight towards the fire, to see if there were any means to save the rest: but no sooner had they thrown in two Cabinets, in which were the Credential Letters and some Jewels, ere it was full of water, which had almost occasion'd the loss of two of our peo∣ple, who had leapt first into it, thinking to save themselves; in so much that they had much ado to get into the Ship ere the Boat sunk. We were forc'd to continue there the rest of that night, expecting to see a period of that danger.

At break of day we discover'd the Isle of Oleand, and saw the ruins of a Danish Ship, which had been cast away thereabouts a month before. The wind being somewhat abated, two Fisher∣men of the Isle came aboard us, and Landed the Ambassadors, having a very considerable re∣ward for their pains, and after them, some of their retinue.

About noon, we found the two Cabinets, and when the Sea was a little calm'd, many peo∣ple of the Isle came in to our relief, to get off our Ship from among those Rocks: but with this misfortune, that as they would have let down the Anchor, which they had carried in the Boat about a hundred paces from the Ship, the Boat over-turn'd, so that those in it were toss'd into the Sea. Our Masters Mate went immediately with one of the Isle boats to their relief; and in regard, as they were over-turn'd, some caught hold of the Boat, others of an Oar, or somewhat else, as also that the Wine they had drunk a little before, had somewhat heightned their Cou∣rage, we had the time to send twice to them, and to save all but our Carpenter, who was lost for want of having fasten'd on somewhat that might have kept him above water.

While they were getting off our Ship, the waters increas'd so, as that the wind, coming to the North-West, made our passage thence into the Sea the easier. Whither we were no sooner gotten, but the wind turn'd again to South-West, and brought us safely through the streight of Calmer, which is so much the more dangerous in that season of the year, in as much as the Sea thereabouts is full of Rocks, and that even in the Summer time, it is ill sailing there by reason of the banks of Sand. The Ship stay'd for the Ambassadors, at Calmer, whither they got by

Land, upon the first of November, and came aboard neer an old ruin'd fort, called Ferstat.

Being come to Calmer, we sent back a Page and a Lacquey to Gottorp, to get other Creden∣tials, the Sea-water having spoil'd those we had at first. It was there also taken into considera∣tion, whether it were not our best course to take our way by Land, through Sueden, or pro∣secute our Voyage by Sea. The latter was resolv'd on; and that we might do it with the less danger, we laid out for a skilfull Master for the Baltick Sea; but there being none to be had, we took only two Pilots, who conducted us half a League through the Sand banks, till we were got into the main Sea.

The 3. we continu'd our course, and pass'd by a Rock called, the Suedish Lady, which we left on the lar-board. From Calmer thither are accounted eight Leagues.

About noon, we spy'd the Castle of Bornholm, in the Isle of Oeland. At night we doubled the point of the Isle, with such a Tempest from the North-East, that the fore-part of the Ship was more under water than above it, and ever and anon our sails were wash'd by the Waves.

Another misfortune was, that our Pump was out of order, in so much that till it could be made to do its Office, all the Kettles and other Vessels were little enough to empty out the wa∣ter. This trouble lasted till the next day at noon, with so much danger to us, that if the wind had not chang'd, it would have been impossible for us to escape shipwrack. But the wind being somewhat better for us than it had been, we kept on our course, and came towards night in sight of Gotland.

The Isle of Gotland is opposite to the Province of Scandinavia, or Schoven, which hath also the same name given it, at 58. degr. of Latitude. It is in length 18. German Leagues; in breadth, between three and four. The Country is full of Rocks, Firre-Trees, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Juniper-Trees, having East-wards, many commodious Havens; as those of Ostergaar, Sleidaf, Sanduig, Naruig, and Heiligolm. Ostergaar is a small Isle standing at an equal distance from the two points of the great one, with a convenient Harbour, for those who can avoid the Sand-banks, which thereabouts reach out a good way into the Sea. Sleidaf is higher towards the North, than Ostergaar, and hath a safe Har•••••••• against all winds, the Ships lying under the shelter of four little Isles, or rather Mounts 〈◊〉〈◊〉, which break the violence of the Waves. There's but one Town in all the Island; but there are above 500. Farms, and the Churches are built within a League distance one of another, as they are in the Isle of Oeland, so that the Steeples give a great direction to the Ships that sail that way. The Inhabitants are Danes, and the Island was sub∣ject to the King of Denmark, till that after a tedious War it submitted to the Crown of Sueden, to which it payes annually 100. lasts of Pitch. All their Traffick lies in Cattel, and Wood, for building and fire, and thence the best deal Boards come. I would needs, with some other Came∣rades, go and see the Town of Wisby. It is built on the descent of a Rock, upon the Sea side, encompass'd with a good Wall, and fortify'd with some bastions. The ruins of 14. Churches, and several Houses, Gates, and Walls of Free-stone and Marble, which we observ'd there, ar∣gue it hath been bigger than it now is. It is said, that the foundations of it were laid, about the end of the eighth Age, and that it hath been since so populous, that it had 12000. Inhabitants, for the most part Merchants, not accounting the Danes, Suedes, Vandols, Saxons, Muscovites, Iews, Greeks, Prussians, Poles, and Livonians, who traded thither. There, they say, were made the first Orders concerning maritime affairs, which Lubeck, and the other Hanseatick Cities still make use of; But now the Port is quite lost, so as that Ships cannot get into it.

The 5. the wind became more boisterous than before, so that the Vessel, at every great Sea, was all under water. About 10. at night, we sounded, at 12. fathom; whereupon we chang'd our course, and got into the main Sea, for fear of running against the Land, which if we had, we must needs have been cast away.

The 6. we met a Holland Vessel, which directed us towards the Isle of Tageroort, whither we came at night; but, the same night, we were again forc'd into the main Sea.

The 7. at noon, we were upon the point of Tageroort; but the Masters Mate was mistaken, who, thinking the wind would have carried us North-ward, would perswade us it was Oetgen∣sholm, and upon that presumption, imprudently engag'd himself in a most dangerous passage, called the Hondeshuig. He was not convinc'd of his error, till he saw the Church-Steeple; so that we were forc'd to return into the main, with greater hazard than we had run, at our en∣trance into that passage. That day, we met a bark, which had lost its course; so that under∣standing we intended for Reuel, she follow'd us a while, but at night left us, and cast Anchor before Tageroort, and, as we heard since, came safely the next day to Reuel. All the afternoon we lost not sight of the coasts of Livonia, and at night were within a League of the Isle of Nar∣ga, which is at the entrance of the Haven of Reuel. Our Master and his Mate, would ueither go into, nor anchor before Tageroort, choosing rather the main Sea, though in a great Tempest, which kept us in action all that night, and took away our Main-mast, which was soon follow'd by the Mizen, and the fore-castle, and it was no less than a miracle, that our compass was left us, without which it had been impossible for us to have kept on our intended course.

The 8. we perceiv'd that we had pass'd the Haven of Reuel, and about ten, the weather be∣came

to foul, that it seem'd rather an Earthquake, that should turn the World upside down, than a storm. Our danger and fears encreas'd till three in the afternoon, that one of the Sea∣men having got up into the scuttle of the sprit-sale, told us, he discover'd Hogland. We got thither by 7 at night, and cast Anchor at 19 fathom water. There we stayd the 9. and resol∣ved, that thence-forward, Prayers should be said twice a day, to give God thanks for our de∣liverance the day before, from a danger we could not have avoided, otherwise than by passing among the Rocks upon the Coasts of Finland, as we must have resolv'd to do, if we had not discover'd that Island. The Ambassadors went ashore, to observe the situation of the Country, and refresh themselves. At night it was consider'd, whether we should continue our Voyage by Sea to Narva, or return to Reuel; but the diversity of Opinions was such, that nothing was resolv'd on. About 9 at night, the Master came to the Ambassadors Lodgings, to tell them, that the wind being East, and forcing the Ship towards the Shore, he saw no liklier way to be safe than by making for Reuel. The Ambassadors bade him do what he thought most convenient, and went aboard: but as they were weighing Anchor, the wind riss so, that there was no pos∣sibility of taking the course intended, so that the Master and his Counsel chang'd their design, and thought it best to ly still at Anchor, for fear of running-a-ground. But all to no purpose. For being near the shore, the Orders given could not be put in execution with diligence enough to avoid shipwrack. All could be done was to let down the Boat, and to set the Ambassa∣dors ashore with some of their retinue. After the Ship had struck several times against certain pieces of Rocks, whereof there is abundance all along the Coast, it split and sunk. All the men were sav'd, a good part of the goods, and seven horses, whereof two dy'd the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 day.

We shelter'd our selves in Fishers huts, along the Sea-side, where we met with some Live∣nians that dwelt thereabouts who could speak nothing but the jargon of the country. That poor refuge sav'd their lives who had escap'd the wrack; else, their cloaths being all wet about them, most of them would have been starv'd to death in the snow, which fell the night fol∣lowing.

The 10. we thought fit to try whether any more of the goods could be gotten out of the Ship; but the rough weather continuing, none would venture going near it with a Boat, till that in the afternoon some things were gotten out. Our Cloaths, Books, and other things we laid out a-drying, the Sea water having injur'd some, and utterly spoil'd others.

The greatest of our losses was that of a Clock, worth four thousand crowns, which the horses had broke to pieces, by striving to get loose.

This misfortune was follow'd by another, which though we saw at some distance, yet di∣stracted us no less; and that was, want of provisions. The Sea-water had spoil'd ours, and our fear was, that the frost forcing us to winter in the Island, we must either be starved, or re∣duc'd to the extremities of feeding on the barks of trees, as some that had been cast away there some years before, were constrain'd to do. We had but little bread left, and the Bisket was so soak'd in Salt-water, that we were forc'd to boyl it in fresh, with a little Cummin or Fen∣nel, and so made a Pottage of it for our Servants. One day, we took in a Brook which falls from the Mountains, as many small Fishes as found us two good meals.

Hogland hath its name from the height of its situation, it being seen a great way into the Sea, and is about 3 leagues in length, and one, in breadth. You see nothing but Rocks, Firr-trees, and Thorns. We indeed saw some few Hares, which in Winter turn white, as they do all o∣ver Livonia; but our Dogs could not follow them through the VVoods, and over the Rocks.

In the mean time, it was reported at Reuel, that we were all lost, rais'd by this, that there had been dead bodies found upon the coast of Livonia, clad in red, which was our Livery; as also with this addition, that, the Bark, spoken of before, had related, that she had seen us car∣ried away with the storm beyond the bay of Reuel. Besides, it was eight days before they heard from us; so that those of our people whom we had left there, at our return from Muscovy, were seeking out other services, when M. Vchterits (then Chamberlain to the Ambassadors, and now Gentleman of the Privy-chamber to his Highness of Holstein at Gottorp) brought them an accompt of us. We had the convenience to send him thither in one of the two Finland barks, which the tempest had forc'd to that Island on the 3 of November.

The 17. The Ambassadors embark'd themselves, each of them with a retinue of five persons, in two Fisher-boats, to pass over to the continent, from which this Island is distant above 12. leagues. Nor were we in less danger now than before, for as much as the Boats, being small and old, were not caulked, and were ty'd above, only with cords made of barks of trees. The sail was a great many rags fasten'd together, and so order'd, that there was no use to be made of it but when the wind blew right a-stern: so that the wind beginning to shift, after we had come five leagues, the Fisher-men would have tack'd about, but we prevail'd with them to let down the sail, and to make use of their Oars, to get to an Island which was within half a league of us, and where we arriv'd that night. We found there only two ruin'd hutts; we made a fire,

and pass'd over the night, but having neither Bread nor Meat, we made our supper on a piece of Milan Cheese we had left.

The next day, we prosecuted our Voyage with a very good wind and fair weather, though the Sea was a little rough. Having made two leagues, a sudden blast coming from the East, though the wind were North turn'd the Boat, in which I was, with the Ambassador Brugman, so much upon one side, that it took in water; the surges at the same time rising half an ell above the brinck of it. All the Fisher-men could do was to let down the sail, and to run to the other side of the boat to weigh it down. The blast being over, we kept on our course, till a second put us to the same trouble. We had three of them in less than two hours; and this I think the greatest danger we had met with, in our Voyage: in as much as the Boat being old, and ha∣ving in it, eight Persons, all the Silver Plate and other luggage, which in a manner fill'd it, so as that one wave might have overwhelm'd it, and cast us all away. But afterwards, when the Fisher-men saw the blast coming, they turn'd the side of the Boat to the wind, that the wave might not come with its full force upon it, and by that means we avoided the danger. Within three Leagues of Land we had also a violent shower of hail; but what is most to be admir'd in all this, was, that the Boat which carried the Ambassador Crusius, though within Pistol-shot of us, felt nothing of all this, but had fair weather all along.

Being gotten within half a League of Land, the wind, shifting to the South, was just in our teeth, and had oblig'd our Fisher-men to return, if the hope of a three-pint-Flagon of strong water, which we promis'd them, had not given them the courage to let down the sail, and to row us ashore. This was the 18. at night, in Esthonie, after we had roved two and twenty dayes upon the Baltick Sea, with all the danger that is to be expected by those, who trust them∣selves to the mercy of that Element in so uncertain a season.

The 22. came to Hogland two other barks forc'd thither by foul weather: Those we had left of ours in the Island pass'd in them to the continent, whither they came the 24. with the horses and baggage. We went thence to Kunda, a house belonging to my late Father-in-Law, Iohn Muller, distant two Leagues from the Sea, where we staid three weeks, to refresh our selves after so much hardship at Sea. Most of us fell sick, yet none kept their beds above three dayes. Thence we went to Reuel, whether we came the second of December, with an intention to so∣journ there some time, which we spent in ordering our Cloaths, and the Presents, which the salt-water, and the other inconveniences ensuing upon the wrack, had much prejudiced.

The Ambassadors having all their people about them at Reuel, thought fit to publish the Or∣der which the Duke would have observ'd through the whole Voyage. They had brought it with them seal'd with his Highnesse's Great Seal: but they added some things thereto, the better to prevent the disorders, which are but too frequent where there are so many Servants. But in regard they contain'd nothing extraordinary, we shall not insert them here, and only say, they were ill observ'd: for the Ambassador Brugman having arm'd the Lacquies with Pole-axes, which had Pistols in their handles, and given order they should not take any affront from the Inhabitants of Reuel, there hardly pass'd a day during the three Moneths we staid there, in ex∣pectation of other Credentials, but there was some falling out and fighting. In so much that Feb. 11. Isaac Mercier, a French-man, that waited on the Ambassador Brugman in his Cham∣ber, a person of a good humour and not quarrellous, hearing the noise of an engagement be∣tween the Ambassadors Servants and the Apprentices of the City, and desirous to relieve his friends, was struck over the head with an iron-bar, which bruis'd the skull so, as that he dyed the next day. The Magistrate did all lay in his power to find out the Murtherer; but, to no purpose, so that all the reparation was, that the Senate, together with the Ambassadors and their retinue, accompany'd him to the grave.

Reuel is situated at 50. degr. 25. min. latitude, and 48. deg. 30. min. longitude, upon the Baltick Sea, in the Province of Esthonie. Waldemar, or Wolmar II. King of Denmark, laid the foundations of it, about the year 1230. Wolmar III. sold it in the year 1347. together with the Cities of Narvan and Wesenberg to Gosuin d'Eck, Master of the Order of Livonia, for 19000. Marks of Silver. About 100. years since, Livonia groaning under a troublesome War against Muscovy, this City put it self under the protection of Eric, King of Sueden. It was so strong in those times, that it indur'd a notable Siege in the year 1570. against Magnus, Duke of Hol∣stein, who commanded the Great Duke's Army; and another in the year 1577. against the same Muscovites, who were forc'd to raise it with loss. The situation of its Castle is so much the more advantageous, for that the Rock on which it is built is steepy on all sides, unless it be to∣wards the City, which, being fortify'd according to the modern fortification, is almost as con∣siderable a place as Riga; whence it came that for some years, it had the oversight of the Col∣lege at Novogorod, joyntly with the City of Lubeck. It hath been these 300. years numbred among the Hanseatick Towns; but its Commerce began not to be great till about the year 1477. and at that time it might well keep up its Traffick, especially that of Muscovy, by rea∣son of her excellent Port and Haven, which indeed are such, as if God and Nature had intended it for the convenience of Commerce. Had it not been ingross'd into few hands, it had still con∣tinu'd

in the same posture; but having broken with the other Hanseatick Towns in the year 1550. and the Great Duke having taken Narva soon after, the Muscovites establish'd, there, the Trading they before had at Reuel. It still enjoyes the privilege of being a Mart, and the Inhabi∣tants have, with the preference of the Merchandises discharg'd in their Port, the power to hin∣der the Traffick of Livonia into Muscovy, without their permission. These privileges have been confirmed to it by all the Treaties that have been made between the Kings of Suoden, and Dukes of Muscovy, as in the year 1595. at Teusina, in 1607. at Wibourg, and in 1617. at Stoluo••s. 'Tis true it hath lost some of these advantages since the last War of Muscovy, which were taken away, left, in imitation of several other of the Hanseatick Towns, it should attempt a defection from its Prince, yet does it still enjoy many other privileges, which have been confirmed to it, from time to time, by the Masters of the Order, while they were Lords of the Country, and afterwards by the Kings their Successors. It observes the same Customes with Lubeck, and hath a Consistory and a Superintendent for Ecclesiastical affairs, professing the Protestant Reli∣gion, according to the Auspourg Confession, as also a very fair School, whence there come ve∣ry good Scholars, who consummate their studies at Derpt, or some other Universities in those quarters. The Government of the City is Democratical, the Magistrate being oblig'd to sum∣mon the principal of several Professions, and the most antient Inhabitants, to consultations that concern affairs of Importance. There are still to be seen, within half a League of the City, towards the Sea-side, the ruins of a fair Monastery, founded by a Merchant of that City, at the beginning of the 15^th age, out of a particular devotion he had for St. Bridget, under Conrad de Iungingen, Grand Master of Prussia, and Conrad de Vitinghof, Master Provincial of Livonia. It consisted of both Religious Men and Women, and the Book I saw of the foundation of this Monastery, pleasantly acquaints the Reader, that the Friers and Nuns there had found out a way to express their meanings one to another by signs, of which there is in it a little Dictionary.

Livonia hath, on the East, Muscovy; on the North, a Gulf of the Baltick Sea, dividing it from Sueden and Finland; on the West, the same Baltick Sea, and on the South, Samogitia, Lithuania, and Prussia. It is above 120. German leagues in length, and about 40. in breadth, and is divided into Esthonie, Lettie, and Courland. The first of these Provinces is subdivided in∣to five Circuits, called Harrie, Wirland, Allentaken, Ierwe, and Wiecks, its chief City Reuel, as Lettie hath Riga••, and Courland, Goldingen.

Livonia, and its Lords, the Masters of the Order, of whom we shall speak hereafter, were subject to the Emperor of Germany, not only since the Conquest of that Island from the Infi∣dels by the Germans, but also, particularly since that in the year 1513. the Archbishop of Riga, with his Suffragans, and the Master of the Order, who had freed himself from the subjection of that, of Prussia, were receiv'd among the Princes of the Empire. Let us now see how it is gone from the Empire. The Muscovite looking on this Province as lying very convenient for him, enter'd it, in the year 1501. with a powerful Army; but Gualtier de Plettenberg, Master of the Order, gave him battel, where∣in above 40000 Muscovites were kill'd upon the place. This defeat produc'd a Cessation of 50 years. In the year 1558. Iohn Basilouits, Great Duke of Muscovy, having added to his territories the Tartars of Cassan and Astrachan, and willing to make his advantages of the diffe∣rences between the Master of the Order, and Archbishop of Riga, enter'd Livonia, and having made incursions into the Bishoprick of Derpt, and Wirland, retreated into Muscovy. During these troubles, the Livonians were importunate with the Estates of the Empire, to send them relief against so cruel and barbarous an enemy; but none being to be expected, the City of Reuel, which was the most expos'd to danger, offer'd it self to the King of Denmark, and up∣on his refusal, apply'd it self to Eric King of Sueden, and desir'd of him a considerable succour of men and money. His answer was, that his Kingdom was not in a condition to supply them with either, but if the Town would put it self under his protection, he would maintain all its Privileges, and defend it against the Muscovite. Upon which, the City, having advis'd with the adjacent Nobility, broke off from the Master of the Order, and put it self under the pro∣tection of the King of Sueden, in the year 1560. The year before, 1559. the Archbishop of Riga, and the Coadjutor of the Order, had made their addresses to Sigis••und Augustus, King of Poland, for assistance against the same enemy, and had promised him the sum of 600000. Ducats towards the charges of the War, engaging to him, for his security, nine of the best Baylywicks of the Country. But in the year 1561. the King of Poland, perceiving that all Li∣vonia was likely to be lost, through the divisions of the Province, and that the City of Reuel, with part of Esthonie, had submitted to the King of Sueden, refus'd to execute the Treaty, and to send the relief promised, unless the Archbishop, and Master of the Order, would acknow∣ledge the Soveraignty of the King of Poland. This extremity forc'd them to put all the Acts and Privileges they had obtain'd from the Empire and Pope, with the Seal, and other marks of Soveraignty, into the hands of the Prince of Radzivil, Commissioner from Poland, to whom also they took the Oath of fidelity. Upon which the King of Poland gave Courland, with the

[illustration]

title of a Dutchy, to Godard Ketler, Master of the Order, who took the Oath of Allegiance to the Crown of Poland, on the 5 of March 1562.

By the Treaty concluded between the King of Poland, and the Great Duke of Muscovy, Jan. 15. 1582. the Duke restor'd to the Crown of Poland all the places of Livonia, those excepted which the King of Sueden was possess'd of in Esthony. Now, it is in a manner all under the power of the Suede.

Livonia is, in all parts, very fertile, and particularly in Wheat. For though it hath suffer∣ed much by the Muscovites, yet it is now more and more reduc'd to tillage, by setting the Forests afire, and sowing in the ashes of the burnt Wood and Turf, which for three or four years produce excellent good Wheat, and with great increase, without any Dung. Which is the more to be admir'd, in that 'tis known there remains to generative quality in the ashes: So that it is to be conceiv'd, that the Sulphur and Saltpeter, which remain with the Cinders upon the earth, leave behind them a heat and fatness able to produce, as well as dung. Which con∣ceit is not dis••onant from what Strabo says, at the end of his fifth book, where he speaks of the fertility of the Lands near the Mountain Vesuvius and Mont-gibel, in Sicily. There is also a∣bundance of Cattel, and Fowl, so cheap, that many times we bought a young Hare for four pence; a Heath-Cock for fix, and accordingly others, so that it is much cheaper living there than in Germany.

The Inhabitants were a long time Heathens, it being in the 12 age that the rayes of the Sun of righteousness began to break in upon them, occasion'd by the frequentation of certain Mer∣chants of Bremen, and the Commerce they were desirous to establish in those parts. About the year 1158. one of their Ships having been forc'd by a Tempest into the Gulf of Riga, which was not yet known, the Merchants agreed so well with the Inhabitants of the Country, that they resolv'd to continue their Traffick there, having withall, this satisfaction, that, the people be∣ing very simple, they thought it would be no hard matter to reduce them to Christianity. Me∣nard, a Monk of Segeberg, was the first that preach'd the Gospel to them, and was made first Bi∣shop of Livonia, by Pope Alexander III. in the year 1170. Menard was succeeded in the Bi∣shoprick of Livonia, by Bertold, a Monk, of the Order of white Friers; but he, thinking to reduce those people rather by Arms than the word of God, met with a success accordingly, for having incens'd them, they kill'd him in the year 1186. and with him 11000. Christians. Al∣bert, a Canon of Bremen, succeeded Bertold, in the Bishoprick. He laid the first foundations of the City of Riga, and of the Order of the Friers of the short sword, by authority from Pope In∣nocent the third, and by vertue of a power he had given them, to allow them the third part of that they should Conquer from the Barbarians. They observ'd the same rule as the Templars, and were call'd Friers or Knights of the short sword, because they had on their white Cloaks a red short sword, with a star of the same colour, which they have chang'd since into two short Swords, Saltar-wise. But in regard this new Religious Profession was not fully setled, it was joyn'd to the Order of St. Mary of Ierusalem, in the person of Herman Balk, Grand-Master of Prussia, in the year 1238. And it is since that time that the Master Livonia had a dependence on the Grand-Master of Prussia, which was, till Sigismond King of Poland chang'd that quality into that of Duke of Courland, in the person of Godard Ketler, as is said before.

All the Champain Countrey, of the two Provinces of Letthie and Esthonie, is to this day peopled with these Barbarians, who have nothing of their own, but are slaves, and serve the Nobility in the Countrey, and the Citizens in Cities. They are called Unteutche, that is, not-Germans, because their language was not understood by the Germans, who went to plant in those quarters; though that of Letthie hath nothing common with that of Esthonie, no more than there is between them, as their Cloaths and manner of Life. The Women of Esthonie wear their Petticoats very narrow, and without any folds, like sacks, adorn'd above on their backs with many little brass Chains, having at the ends Counters of the same metal, and be∣low set out with a certain lacing of yellow glass. Those who would express a greater bravery, have about their Necks a Necklace of plates of silver of the bigness of a Crown, or half-Crown, and upon the breast, one as big as a round Trencher, but not much thicker than the back of a knife.

Maids wear nought on their heads, Summer nor Winter, and cut their hair as the men do, letting it fall negligently down about the head. Both Men and Women are clad with a wretch∣ed stuff made of Wool, or a coarse Linnen. They are yet unacquainted with Tannage, so that, in Summer, they have barks of Trees about their feet, and in the Winter, raw Leather of a Cow's hide. Both Men and Women do ordinarily carry all the Wealth they have about them.

Their Ceremonies of marriage are very odd. When a Country fellow marries a Lass out of another Village, he goes a hors-back to fetch her, sets her behind him, and makes her embrace him with the right hand. He hath in his hand a stick cleft at the top, where he puts a piece of brass money, which he gives to him who opens the wicket, through which he is to pass. Before, rides a man that playes upon the Bag-pipe, as also two of his friends, who, having naked swords in their hands, give two stroaks therewith, cross the Door of the House, where the marriage is to

be consummated, and then they thrust the point of one of the swords into a beam, over the Bridegroom's head, which is done to prevent Charms, which, they say, are ordinary in that Country. 'Tis to the same end that the Bride scatters little pieces of Cloath, or red Serge by the way, especially where cross-ways meet, near Crosses, and upon the Graves of little Children dead without baptism, whom they bury in the High-ways. She hath a Veil over her face while she is at the Table, which is not long; for, as soon almost as the Guests are set down, the married couple rise, and go to bed. About two hours after they get up, and are brought to sit down at the Table. Having drunk and danc'd till such time as they are able to stand no long∣er, they fall down on the floor, and sleep altogether like so many Swine.

We said the Gospel was pteach'd in Livonia in the 12. age; but the Livonians are never the better Christians for it. Most of them are only such in name, and can hardly yet abstain from their Heathenish Superstitions. For though they are Lutherans, by profession, and that there is hardly a Village but hath its Church and Minister; yet are they so poorly instructed, and so far from regeneration, that it may be said, Baptism excepted, they have not any Character of Christianity. They very seldom go to Sermons, and never almost Communicate. They ex∣cuse their backwardness in frequenting the Sacraments, by alleging the great slavery they are in, which, they say, is so insupportable, that they have not time to mind their Devotions. If they go at any time to Sermon, or to the Communion, it is by force, or upon some other particu∣lar accompt. To this effect is a story was told me by Andrew Besiq, Provost of the Church of Luckenhausen, which was, That having been sent for to comfort, and administer the Com∣munion to a Country-fellow who lay very sick, he ask'd him how he came to send for his Pa∣stor in the condition he was then in, when for so many years before he had never bethought him of reconciling himself to God? The fellow ingenuously answer'd, that, for his own part, he should not have minded it then, but what he did, was by the advice of a friend, who told him, that if he did it not, he could not be buried in the Church-yard, nor carried to the ground with the ordinary Ceremonies. 'Tis true, the gross and inexcusable ignorance of most of the Pastors in those quarters, who might well come to be Catechiz'd themselves, hath con∣tributed much to the obduration of those poor people: but the late King of Sueden hath taken order, therein enjoyning, by a severe Ordinance, the Bishop of the Province, who hath his residence in the Cathedral Church of Reuel, to convocate a Synod once a year, for the re∣gulation of Church affairs, and then to examine, not only the Recipiendaries, but also the Pastors themselves, thereby to oblige them to apply themselves to the constant study of the ho∣ly Scripture.

It must be acknowledg'd, the slavery these people are in is great, and indeed insupportable; but it is true withall; that upon the least liberty given them, they would break out into any extravagance. For being perswaded that their Predecessors have been Masters of the Country, and that only force hath enslav'd them to the Germans, they cannot forbear their resentments of it, and discovering, especially in their drink, if any opportunity of regaining their liberty should offer it self, a readiness to prosecute it. Of which they gave an evident example, when, upon the irruption of Colonel Bot, the Peasants would side with the Enemy, and head together, to secure their Masters and deliver them up to the Polanders.

They believe there is another life after this; but their imaginations of it are very extravagant. A Livonian woman, being present at her husband's burial, put a Needle and Thread into the Grave, giving this reason for it, that, her husband being to meet, in the other World, with persons of good Rank, she was asham'd he should be seen with his Cloaths rent. Nay, they so little mind what is to happen in the next World, that in the Oath they take to decide any dif∣ference at Law, instead of interessing the salvation of their Souls therein, they are oblig'd to consider their present and temporal advantages, and so they are sworn, as followeth: I, N. N. am here present before thee: since thou, O Iudge, desirest to know, and askest me, whether this Land, on which I now am, is God's and mine with a just title, I swear to God and his Saints, and accordingly God judge me at the last day, that this Land belongs to me of right, that it is God's and mine, and that my father hath been possess'd of it, and hath enjoy'd it a long time. And if the Oath I take prove to be false, I consent, that the Curse of God fall upon my Body and Soul, upon my Children, upon whatsoever appertains to me, even to the ninth generation. And to shew that their Language hath nothing common with any of those, wherewith the most learned have any acquaintance, we shall here set down the same Oath, word for word, as they take it.

Nucht seisen mina N. N. Seihn. Kui sinna sundia minust tahat, eht minna se Kockto perrast tunnis tama Pean, eht sesinnane mah, Kumba pehl minna seisan, jumla ninc minnu verteenitut mahon, Kumba pehl minna minno eo aial ellanut ninck prukinu tollen seperast sihs mannut an min∣na jumla ninck temma poha de eest. Ninc kui nued jummal peph sundina selh wihmb sel pehwal; & ses in nane mab jumla ninck minnu verteenitur permah on, Kumba minna ninck minno issa igkas prukinut ollemei, kus ma ulle Kock so wannutan, sihs tulke sedda minno tho ninck hinge pehl, minno ninck Keick minno lapsede pehl, nink Keick minna onne pehl emmis se uduya polwe tagka.

'Tis the same in Esthonie; but about Riga, when the Peasants swear at Law, they put a Turf upon their heads, and take a white stick in their hands, expressing thereby, that they are content, that they, their Children, and Cattel, may become dry as that Turf, and that stick, if they swear falsly.

These customs favour of their antient Idolatry. The Ministers do all they can to weed it out of them by little and little: to which end we saw, at Narva, the Catechism, Epistles, and Gospels, with their explications, which Henry Stahl, Superintendent of Ecclesiastical affairs in those parts (a person much esteem'd for his Learning and pains in instructing those Barbari∣ans) had caused to be translated and Printed in their Language, to give them some apprehensi∣ons of Christian Religion. But Idolatry and Superstiton are too deeply rooted in them, and their stupidity and stubborness too great to give way to any hope, that they will ever be suscepti∣ble of instruction. They do their devotions commonly upon hills, or neer a tree they make choice of to that purpose, and in which they make several incisions, bind them up with some red stuff, and there say their prayers, wherein they desire only temporal blessings. Two leagues from Kunda, between Reuel and Narva, there is an old ruin'd Chapel, whither the Peasants go once a year on Pilgrimage, upon the day of our Lady's Visitation. Some put off their cloaths, and in that posture having kneel'd by a great stone that is in the midst of the Chapel, they after∣wards leap about it, and offer it Fruits and Flesh, recommending the preservation of themselves and their Cattel to it for that year. This piece of devotions is concluded with eating and drink∣ing, and all kind of licentiousness, which seldom end without quarrels, murthers, and the like disorders.

They have such an inclination to Sorcery, and think it so necessary for the preservation of their Cattel, that Fathers and Mothers teach it their Children, so that there is scarce any Pea∣sant but is a Sorcerer. They all observe certain superstitious Ceremonies, by which they think to elude the effects of it, upon which accompt it is, that they never kill any Beast, but they cast somewhat of it away, nor never make a Brewing, but they spill some part of it, that the Sorce∣ry may fall upon that. They have also a custome of rebaptizing their Children, when, during the first six weeks after their birth, they chance to be sick or troubled with fits, whereof they think the cause to be, that the name, given them at their baptism, is not proper for them. Where∣fore they give them another; but in regard this is not only a sin, but a crime which the Magi∣state severely punishes in that Country, they conceal it.

As they are stubborn in their superstitions, so are they no less in the exact observation of their Customs. To which purpose we had a very pleasant, but true, story, related to us at Co∣lonel de la Barr's, concerning an old Country fellow. Being condemn'd, for faults enormous enough, to lye along upon the ground, to receive his punishment, and Madam de la Barre, pittying his almost decrepit age, having so far interceded for him, as that his corporal punishment should be chang'd into a pecuniary mulct of about 15. or 16. pence, he thank'd her for her kindness, and said, that, for his part, being an old men, he would not introduce any novelty, nor suffer the Customes of the Country to be alter'd, but was ready to receive the chastisement which his Predecessors had not thought much to undergo, put off his cloaths, layd himself upon the ground, and receiv'd the blows according to his condemnation.

This is accounted no punishment, but an ordinary chastisement in Livoniae For, the people, being of an incorrigible nature, must be treated with that severity, which would elsewhere be insupportable. They are not permitted to make any purchase, and to prevent their so doing, they have only so much ground to manage, as will afford them a subsistence. Yet will they ven∣ture to cut down wood in some places of the Forests, and, having order'd the ground, sow wheat in it, which they hide in pits under ground, to be secretly sold. When they are taken in this, or any other fault, they make them strip themselves naked down to the hips, and to lye down upon the ground, or are ty'd to a post, while one of their Camerades beats them with a Switch, or Hollywand, till the blood comes of all sides; especially when the Master says Selcke nack maha pexema, Beat him till the skin falls from the flesh.

Nor are they suffer'd to have any money; for as soon as it is known they have any, the Gentle∣men and their Officers, who are paid by the Peasantry, take it from them, nay force them to give what they have not. Which cruelty of the Masters puts these poor people many times into despair, whereof there happened a sad example. A Peasant press'd by his Officer to pay what he neither had, nor ought, and being depriv'd of the means whereby he should maintain his Fa∣mily, strangled his Wife and Children, and when he had done hung himself up by them. The Officer coming the next day to the house, thinking to receive the mony, struck his head against the man's feet that was hanging, and so perceiv'd the miserable execution, whereof he was the cause.

The Nobility of Livonia, especially of Esthonie, is free from all charges and taxes. Their courage, and the services they have done against the Infidels and Muscovites, have acquir'd them this liberty, and most of their privileges. Volmar II. King of Denmark, first gave them Man∣nors to be held by Fealty, which have been since confirm'd by Eric VII. who gave them Letters

Patents to that purpose. The Masters of the Order of the Short Sword, and the Grand Masters of the Order of Prussia, augmented them. Conrad de Iungingen extended the succession of such Mannors, in Harrie and Wirland, to the daughters and their issue, to the fifth degree: and Gaultier de Plettenberg, who was chosen Grand-Master, in the year 1495. and acknowledg'd Prince of the Empire in 1513. absolutely exempted the Nobility of Esthonie from all subjection; excepting only the service which Gentlemen are oblig'd to do in person, upon the accompt of their Mannors. Once a year there is a review made of them, and that body of Nobility is look'd upon as a Nursery, that hath furnish'd and still doth furnish Sueden with a great number of Officers, even to Generals of Armies; besides the Noble Cavalry it is able to raise, for the service of that Crown. The said Nobility came not under the protection of the King of Sueden, till such time as, being forsaken by all their Neighbours, and not able to op∣pose their enemies any longer, they were forc'd to make their applications to a forein Crown, which hath promis'd to secure unto them all the Privileges, they have by their courage acquired.

The Government of the Country, both as to Policy and Justice, is in the Nobility, who commit the administration thereof to twelve of themselves, who are the Council of the Coun∣try, and have for their President, him who is Governour of the Province for the Crown of Sueden. In the time of our Embassy Philip Scheiding was President, who hath been since suc∣ceeded by Eric Oxienstern, Baron of Kimilko, Counsellor of the Crown of Sueden, and he, by Henry, Count de la Tour.

They meet yearly, in Ianuary, and then decide all differences between parties, all their proceedings consisting in a Declaration and an Answer, upon which they immediately give judgement. To this purpose is chosen a Gentleman, who hath the quality of Captain of the Province, and represents to the Governour and Council the grievances of the people, if there be any, and this employment is not continued in the same person above three years. And whereas, during the Wars with the Muscovites and Polanders, private mens Inheritances in the Provinces of Harrie, Wirland, and Wieck, have been so confounded, that the sutes occa∣sion'd thereby could not be peremptorily decided; there are appointed certain Judges from three years to three years, who take cognizance thereof, and if any one find himself aggriev'd by their judgement, he may appeal to the Governour and Council of the Country, who appoint Commissioners, who having been upon the places in question, do either reverse or confirm the former Judgement. They have also particular Judges for the High-wayes, which are there ve∣ry bad, because of the Fenns, Bridges, and Causwayes, which are frequent all over the Country.

Notes

• 1635.
• Prepara∣tives for the second Voyage.
• The Ambas∣sadors reti∣nue.
• They em∣bark.
• The Ship strikes a∣gainst a Rock.
• The streight of Calmer.
• NOVEM.
• The Isle of Gotland.
• Tageroort▪
• Oetgen∣sholm.
• Honde∣shuig.
• Narga.
• The Island of Hog∣land.
• A dange∣rous at∣tempt of the Ambas∣sadors.
• The Am∣bassadors come into Livonia.
• To Reuel. DECEM.
• Reuel de∣scribed.
• The descrip∣tion of Livonia.
• Its fertility
• Its Inhabi∣tants.
• The Orders of Livoni∣an Knights.
• The Cere∣monies of marriages in Livonia.
• They are sad Chri∣stians.
• Their sla∣very.
• Their opi∣nion of e∣ternal life.
• Their Oath in Law-sutes.
• Their Sor∣cery.
• Their obsti∣nacy.
• The Nobili∣ty of Livo∣nia.
• The Go∣vernment of Livonia