The English historical library, or, A short view and character of most of the writers now extant, either in print or manuscript which may be serviceable to the undertakers of a general history of this kingdom / by William Nicholson ...

CHAP. IV. (Book 4)

Histories of the Reformation, and of our Church-Affairs, down to the end of Queen Elizabeth's Reign. (Book 4)

THE first Man that engaged in the History of our Reformation was Mr. John Fox,* 1.1 sometime Preben∣dary of Salisbury, who dy'd at London in the Year 1587. His Acts and Monu∣ments were first written in Latin, for the Instruction of Foreigners; and were so publish'd, during his own Exile in the Reign of Queen Mary. They afterwards grew into two large English Volumes, which have had se∣veral a 1.2 Impressions; and have (at last) been publish'd inb 1.3 three, with fair Copper-Cuts. In behalf of this last Edition, the Publishers had well nigh prevail'd with King Charles the Second to revive Queen Elizabeth's

Order and AB. Parker's Canon, for the having a Set of these Volumes in the Common Halls of every Archbi∣shop, Bishop, Dean, Archdeacon, &c. But that Project fail'd, and came to nothing: And indeed it would have look'd a little odly, to have paid such a respect to the Works of an Author, a 1.4 Qui Matri Ecclesiae Anglicanae non per omnia Amicus deprehenditur, ut pote qui Puritanis faveret, & Ritibus Ec∣clesiae se non Conformem praestiterit. The Design of the Author is to discover the Corruptions and Cruelties of the Ro∣mish Clergy; together with the Suffer∣ings and Constancy of the Reform'd, and of the Maintainers of their Do∣ctrins in all Ages of the Church: which he has done so throughly, that 'tis no wonder to find those of the Papal Communion very much gall'd with his Writings. Hence the Jesuite Parsonsb 1.5 took such Pains to repre∣sent him as a Corrupter of Antiquity, an impertinent Arguer, &c. And Nich. Harpsfield treated him as coursely; in thosec 1.6 six Dialogues of his, which were printed beyond Seas in his Friend

Alan Cope's Name, during their true Author's residing in England. It must be confess'd that these Volumes (being large and penn'd in haste) have some Mistakes in them that are not to be dis∣sembl'd: But in the main, 'tis an Ho∣nourable Character thata 1.7 one of the greatest Historians of our Age gives of them, That having compared these Acts and Monuments with the Records, he had never been able to discover any Errors or Prevarications in them, but the utmost Fidelity and Exactness. Indeed, where his Stories are of a more modern Date, and depend on common Reports, or such Informations as were sent him from distant parts of the Kingdom, the like exactness is not always to be look'd for; since the Author's hasty Zeal against the Papists, furnish'd him with a large Stock of Faith, and a rea∣diness to avouch any thing that might effectually blacken them and their Re∣ligion. Oneb 1.8 unlucky Tale occa∣sion'd a deal of Trouble to a Clergy∣man; who very innocently reporting from him that one Greenwood had by

Perjury taken off a Martyr in Queen Mary's Reign, and came afterwards to a shameful End; the said Greenwood was (it seems) present at the Sermon, and brought an Action of Scandal against the Preacher. However the Judge clear'd him at the Trial; as only harmlesly quoting an Author, without any malicious intent, of slandering his Neighbour. Such Slips as these were pretty numerous in some of the first Editions: But as many of them as came to the Author's knowledge were rectified by himself; and others have been corrected since his Death.

Several Papists were provok'd to write Counterparts to these Volumes;* 1.9 wherein they pretended to set forth the Reformers in as bloody a Dress, as Fox had painted Them; and to draw up as large Kalendars of their own Martyrs. The chief of these were, 1. Maurice Chancey (by some call'd Chamney, and by others Chawney) a fa∣mous Carthusian Friar in the Mona∣stery of that Order near London; who fled upon starting the Question of the King's Supremacy, and dy'd in a vo∣luntary Exile A. D. 1581. He wrote a large Account of the Sufferings of

Sir Thomas Moor, Bishop Fisher, and others; as also of Eighteen Monks of his own Order. This Work bears the Title ofa 1.10 Historia aliquot nostri saeculi Martyrum; and is falsly subdi∣vided into three several Books by John Pits. 2. John Fenn, sometime a Civi∣lian of New College in Oxford, and afterwards a Member of the Univer∣sity of Lovain; who clubb'd with one John Gibbon, a Jesuite, for such ano∣ther Martyrology: which they pub∣lish'd under the Title ofb 1.11 Concer∣tatio Ecclesiae Catholicae in Anglia adversus Calvino-Papistas & Puritanos. This Book was afterwards enlarg'd by John Bridgwater (or Aquaepontanus, as he stiles himself) another Jesuite; who, having corrected many faulty Particu∣lars, and added about a hundred new Martyrs, dedicated hisc 1.12 Edition to the AB. of Triers. 3. Thomas Wor∣thington, Doctor in Divinity, and sometime President of the English Col∣lege at Doway; who dy'd in England, A. D. 1626. His Book or Pamphlet (for it consists only of Four Sheets)

bears the Name ofa 1.13 Catalogus Mar∣tyrum pro Religione Catholica in Anglia occisorum ab Anno 1570. ad Ann. 1612. and is mostly taken out of the Book last mention'd. 'Tis chiefly valuable upon the Account of a Preliminary Discourse; wherein the Author gives the History of our English Seminaries beyond Seas, and the Success that has attended several Missions out of them. 4. John Musheus, sent from Doway into England; where he liv'd A. D. 1612. somewhere in his Native County of York. He isb 1.14 said to have drawn a Register of the Sufferings of all the Roman-Catholicks in the Northern parts of this Kingdom.

Nicolas Sanders deserves a peculiar Respect,* 1.15 and ought to be consider'd by himself. The short of his Story (as we have it from his Nephewc 1.16 Pits) is this: He was born in Surrey, Educated at Winchester and New Col∣lege in Oxford; where he was some∣time Regius Professor of the Canon-Law. He afterwards fled to Rome: whence he attended Cardinal Hosius to the Council of Trent, as also into Po∣land,

Russia, &c. At last Pope Gregory the 13th sent him, as his Nuncio, into Ireland; where he dy'd about the Year 1580. He was an indefatigable Writer, as well as Warrior, for the Roman Cause; and stuck at nothing that he thought might advance it. Amongst his many Treatises, those that fall under our present Considera∣tion, area 1.17 De Martyrio quorundam temp. Hen. 8. & Elizab. running in the same Strain with those of the like Title already mention'd.b 1.18 2. De Origine & Progressu Schismatis Anglicani, with such Enlargements as were made to it by Edward Rishton, another Po∣pish Emissary,c 1.19 Qui impie ingratus in Principem cui vitam debuit, publicatis scriptis malitiae Virus illieo evomuit. This Libellous Invective was mainly design'd for a Calumny upon Queen Elizabeth, in her Birth and Parentage. It was not in her Reign allow'd to be answer'd: because such an impudent Slander ('twas thought) would soon∣est fall to nothing, if slighted and de∣spised. But this allowance, of its

walking abroad without controul, has embolden'd some in our Days to mag∣nifie its Authority; and to quote it as a Story of great Truth and Gravity. Hence it has had the Honour to be translated, by a Polite Pen, intoa 1.20 French: A respect which had formerly been pay'd it in Italian byb 1.21 Pollini, who (tho' he pretended to write a History of his own, yet) in reality was no more than a Translator of Sanders. But sufficient care has been taken by our Learn'd Bishopc 1.22 Burnet, to guard the English Protestant Reader against any Mistake that this bold Ro∣mancer might lead him into; by pub∣lishing a Catalogue and Refutation of his Calumnies and Lies. His Stile is generally clean and pretty; and his way of telling his Tales is facetious enough and pleasant: So that the Book may pass, with Argenis and Euphormio, for good Diversion; but ought not to be rely'd on for sound History.

Great were the Clamours of many other Romanists upon this Kingdom's breaking the Papal Tyranny,* 1.23 and the

Monarchy's resuming its ancient and just Rights; insomuch that Pamphlets were penn'd and publish'd by Men of all Professions (Priests, Lawyers and Lay-Gentlemen) aspersing our Re∣formers with Heresy, Schism, Apo∣stacy, &c. As much of these as falls under our present Consideration has been amply reply'd to by Sir Roger Twisden, in his most elaboratea 1.24 Hi∣storical Vindication of the Church of Eng∣land in point of Schism; as it stands separated from the Roman, and was re∣form'd 1 Eliz. Wherein he shews, 1. How the Papal Usurpations grew upon us; and what immense Sums they extorted from the English Clergy. 2. That our Kings were always be∣liev'd to be invested with a Plenary Power in sacris; as much as is at this Day acknowledg'd by our Laws. 3. That the Procedure of our Princes, in this Separation from the Roman See, was agreeable to that Power; and con∣sistent with the legal and primitive Constitution of our Government. These Particulars he proves at large, by the irrefragable Authorities of a vast

number of our old Histories and Re∣cords; wherein no Man was ever bet∣ter vers'd than this truly Learned and Religious Baronet.

Tho' Sir Henry Spelmana 1.25 speaks of a third Tome of his Councils (which should give us a Collection of all the Acts and Constitutions of our Re∣form'd English Church) as of a Work already finish'd,* 1.26 and ready for the Press, we have no great encourage∣ment to enquire after any such thing. We have seen in what an imperfect Condition the second was left at his Death; and tho' his Grandson acknow∣ledges some assistance given, in the Edition of that Volume, by Mr. Ste∣phens, (whob 1.27 he says, not only Corrected the Press, but brought in a deal of Materials, yet) he says nothing of any such Provision like to be made for the sending abroad his Grandfa∣thers third Tome. The Truth is, the Gentleman takes no notice of his chief Benefactor in that Matter; who was (as has been already observ'd) Sir Will. Dugdale; and who seems to

have had a Resolution to have com∣pleated the whole Work. Amongst his MSS. at Oxford, there's one Vo∣lume of his own Collections, which he has Entitled,a 1.28 Papers to be made use of for a Third Volume of the Coun∣cils; or History of the Reformation: And there's no doubt but they will be found to contain most of what was any where to be had on that Sub∣ject.

Thomas Fuller'sb 1.29 Church-History must have the next Place: for,* 1.30 tho' he begins higher, and goes lower than the strict limits of this Chapter would require, his chief business falls within the Times we are speaking of. It starts with the first planting of Christia∣nity in this Island; and ends with the Death of King Charles the First. 'Tis divided into Eleven Books; whereof the Sixth gives the History of the Ab∣bies of England; from the first rise of Monkery, to the final Eradication of it under Henry the VIII. These are subdivided into lesser Sections; which are severally dedicated to such Patrons

as were most likely to make their due acknowledgments to the Author. Nor were these Infant Lords and Rich Al∣dermen the only People he design'd to flatter. He was to make his Court to the Powers then in fashion; and, he well knew, nothing would be more grateful to them than squinting Re∣flections on the Management of the Late King's chief Ministers of State, Eminent Church-men, &c. For such mis-behaviour as this he was severely taken to task by Peter Heylin, in his a 1.31 Examen Historicum: to which was added Dr. Cosin's Apology in Answer to some Passages in that History, which concern'd himself. We have formerly observ'd that his Worthies were sent abroad to Apologize for the mistakes in his Church-History; and we have here an ample instance of the Truth of that Remark. Upon the King's Restauration, Dr. Cosin was deservedly advanc'd to the See of Dur∣ham; and 'twas then high time to harp upon another string, and to turn his Eloquence another way. The late wavering Doctor, is now the very

a 1.32 Atlas of the Protestant Religion; confirming the same with his Piety and Learning, &c. But to what purpose should we insist upon Particulars? Through the whole he is so full of his own Wit that he does not seem to have minded what he was about. The Gravity of an Historian (much more an Ecclesiastical one) requires a far greater care, both of the Matter and Style of His Work, than is here to be met with. If a pretty Story comes in his way, that affords scope for Clinch and Droll, off it goes with all the gayety of the Stage; without staying to en∣quire whether it have any Foundation in Truth, or not; and even the most serious and most authentic Parts of it are so interlac'd with Punn and Quib∣ble, that it looks as if the Man had design'd to ridicule the Annals of our Church into Fable and Romance. Yet, if it were possible to refine it well, the Work would be of good use: since there are in it some things of Moment, hardly to be had elsewhere; which may often illustrate dark Passages in more serious Writers. These are not

to be despised, where his Authorities are cited and appear Credible: But, otherwise (in matters wherein he's sin∣gular, and without his Vouchers) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

The first that attempted a formal Hi∣story of our Reformation was Dr. Pe∣ter Heylyn;* 1.33 who, upon the return of Monarchy and Episcopacy, publish'd his Book entitl'd Ecclesiaa 1.34 Restaura∣ta; wherein he pretends to give a punctual account of the rise and pro∣gress of that great Work. But the first Agitations in Religion (as he calls them) are very slenderly touch'd; his Story beginning at the Year 1537. What he chiefly design'd by it, I can∣not well apprehend; unless 'twas to shew K. Charles the Second the Errors and Mistakes of our first Reformers, and to direct him how to settle the Church on a better Foundation: For he falls foul on all the Princes of those Times, without any regard to their good or ill Wishes to the Protestant Interest. He represents K. Edward the Sixth as one of ill Principles, and Soft; and Censures his Mother's Re∣lations

with a more than ordinary Freedom. He intimates as if the Zwinglian Gospellers would have car∣ri'd all before them, had that Prince Liv'd; and observes they were far too rife in the beginning of Queen Eli∣zabeth's Reformation, when many were rais'd to great Preferments, who were too much inclin'd to the Plat∣form of Geneva. On the other hand; Queen Mary's Bloodiness is no where set off in so lively a Paint as where he tells us,a 1.35 She admitted of a Con∣sultation for burning the Body of her Fa∣ther, and cutting off the Head of her Sister. 'Tis a good Rule which a mo∣dern b 1.36 Critick gives his Historian, That he should have a Regard to his own Birth; and not forget the Respect due to the Memory of those Princes that have Govern'd his native Country. As this should restrain a Man from ex∣posing the Failures of such Governours in their own Persons; so it ought to caution him against making too free with the Frailties of their Kin∣dred and Councellors. He concludes with the Act of Establishing the Go∣vernment

of the Church by Arch∣bishops and Bishops, in the Eighth Year of Queen Elizabeth; whose fa∣mous Court of High Commission, he calls the Principal Bulwark and Pre∣servative of the Church of England. If the Reader desires any further Chara∣cter of this Writer and his History, 'tis given him by onea 1.37 who should be best acquainted with it: He wrote (says he) Smoothly and Handsomly; His Method and Style are good; and his Work was generally more read, than any thing that had appear'd before him. But either he was very ill inform'd, or very much led by his Passions; and, being wrought on by some Violent Prejudices against some that were concern'd in that Time, he delivers many things in such a manner, and so strangely, that one would think he had been secretly set on to it, by those of the Church of Rome. Tho' I doubt not but he was a sincere Protestant; but violently carri'd away by some par∣ticular Conceits. In one thing, he is not to be excused, That he never vouch'd any Authority for what he wrote: which is not to be forgiven any who write of

Transactions beyond their own Time, and deliver new things not known before. [The most of his Materials (I guess) were had from the Transcript which AB. Laud caus'd to be made of all that related to the Story of the Refor∣mation, out of those eight large Vo∣lumes of Collections that are still in the a 1.38 Cottonian Library.] So that upon what Grounds he wrote a great deal of his Book we can only conjecture; and many, in their Guesses, are not apt to be very favourable to him. I know en∣deavours have been used to blunt the Edge of this Censure; by oneb 1.39 who has done all, that a true Friend could do, to place the Doctor and his Writ∣ings in a better Light. But what would that kind Gentleman have said to a sharper Sentence pass'd byc 1.40 ano∣ther Learn'd Prelate on this Book? How would he have resented the tel∣ling the World that Dr. Heylin's re∣presenting our first Reformers as Fa∣naticks, was an Angry and Scanda∣lous injury to Truth and our Church? This, I confess, is very hard Language;

but, perhaps, it may more easily be di∣gested than refused.

The Defects of the foremention'd Author were abundantly supply'd in the more compleat History of our Re∣formation bya 1.41 Dr. Burnet,* 1.42 the pre∣sent Bishop of Salisbury; whose first Volume was publish'd in the Year 1679. by Secretary Coventry's Order, and Dedicated to K. Charles the Second. In the Months of December and Janu∣ary (in the Year following, 1680.) The Historian had the Thanks of both Houses of Parliament for what he had already done; and was desired to pro∣ceed to the finishing of the whole Work: which was done accordingly. This History gives a punctual Account of all the Affairs of the Reformation; from it's first beginnings in the Reign of Henry the Eighth, till it was finally compleated and setled by Queen Eliza∣beth, A. D. 1559. And the whole is penn'd in such a Masculine Style, as becomes an Historian, and such as is this Author's Property in all his Writ∣ings. The Collection of Records, which he gives in the conclusion of each Volume, are good Vouchers of

the Truth of all he delivers (as such) in the Body of his History: and are much more perfect than could reasonably be expected, after the Pains taken, in Q. Maries days, to suppress every thing that carry'd the Marks of the Refor∣mation upon it. The Work has had so much Justice done it, as to meet with a general Acceptance abroad, and to be translated into most of the Euro∣pean Languages: insomuch that even the most Picquant of the Author's Ene∣mies allow it to have aa 1.43 Reputation firmly and deservedly establish'd. Indeed, some of the French Writers have ca∣vill'd at it: But the most eminent of them (Mr. Varillas and Mr. Le Grand) have receiv'd due correction from the Author himselfb 1.44. It was no won∣der to see some Members of the Ro∣man Communion, laying out their best endeavours to raise themselves a Name by so glorious a Service to their Church, as the disparagement of this Writer (and the disgracing his History) might justly have been reckon'd: But 'twas

a little unaccountable that the same Rancour should possess Men within the Pale of our Reform'd English Church; and such as desired to be looked upon as Zealous maintainers of Her Honour, and the Justice and Ho∣nesty of her Reformation. The first of these wasa 1.45 S. Lowth; who pretend∣ed only to batter the Erastian Tenets in Mr. Hobbes's Leviathan: But took occasion, in the conclusion of his Book, to Censure the Account Dr. Burnet had given of some of Arch-bishop Cranmer's singular Opinions. This Gentleman had the confidence to assert, That both our Historian and Dr. Stil∣lingfleet had impos'd upon the World in that Particular; and had unfaith∣fully joyn'd together in their endeavours to lessen Episcopal Ordination. I am not now concern'd with his Charge against Dr. Stillingfleet; who did him the Honour, which he ought not to have hoped for, to expose his Folly in a short Letter to the Bishop of Lon∣don. His Quarrel with Doctor Bur∣net, is wholly about Method and the

a 1.46 Art of Composure; wherein, most certainly, these two Authors have ex∣treamly differ'd. And yet, notwith∣standing the awkardness of Mr. Lowth's Stile, 'tis thought the Man himself was not Master of so much Venome and Ill-Nature, as appears in his Book: But that he had a great share of his spiteful Language put into his Mouth by a warm Neighbour; who is now dead, and ought to be forgotten. The next Assailant was a peevish Gentle∣man in Masquerade; who, under the feign'd Name of Anthony Harmer, pub∣lish'd ab 1.47 Specimen of some Errors and Defects in the History of the Reforma∣tion, &c. As if what he there gives were only a Sample of what he had in store for us: when it appears that he has stoop'd to such mean and pitiful Remarks, as sufficiently shew that he had pump'd himself to the bottom, and that his Malice was upon the Lees. 'Tis a great Indignity which some have put upon the Memory of a late most Reverend, Learn'd and Pious, Prelate; in reporting him to have been the Au∣thor of that malicious Libel: For,

whatever other unhappy Mistakes he might be guilty of, he could never fall so low as to write at such an un∣manly and uncharitable Rate. The Historian vouchsaf'd this Book a short Answer, in aa 1.48 Letter to the Bishop of Litchfield; to which the Animadverter made no Reply. To those that are still inclin'd to favour the Specimen, I shall only say that the whole 150 Particulars, therein summ'd up, will fall under these six Heads; as being either, 1. Such aery and super∣ficial Matters as we usually call Imper∣tinencies. 2. Some inconsiderable Mi∣stakes of the Printer's or Copiers. 3. Others that have a little Weight; but might have been corrected without Noise; and do not affect the Reforma∣tion. 4. Some few (a very few) that do touch upon its Justice and Honour: In most of which 'tis easie to discern the Affection which the Animadverter pretends to bear it, if Apologies for the old Monks and N. Sanders be any Argument of such Affection. 5. Others wherein he himself is mistaken. 6. Several Objections are raised purely

for the sake of Calumny and Refle∣ction. These are the Thoughts I had of this Piece, upon my first perusal of it; and I am throughly confirm'd in them from the successful Pains that has been since taken with it by my modest and industrious Friend. Something of a fresh Attaque was afterwards made bya 1.49 one, who had set himself to discredit, whatever had been publish'd by this Historian: And yet all that even such a Writer could find charge∣able on his History of the Reformation, was only, thatb 1.50 In a Matter of no great Consequence there was too little Care had in Copying or Examining a Letter writ in a very bad Hand; and that there was since probability that Dr. Burnet was mistaken in one of his Conjectures. I think I may justly observe thus much of all those that have hitherto endea∣vour'd to lessen the Repute of this Hi∣story; That they have apparently shewn their Inclinations rather to be∣spatter the Author than his Work: And, whatever Success such Persons may meet with in their Attempts, they

have commonly the Misfortune to dis∣cover themselves to be (at least) Men of like Passions with their Adversary.

The Reverend Author of these Vo∣lumes publish'd also ana 1.51 Abridg∣ment of them;* 1.52 wherein the Reader has a full and clear View of the Re∣formation, without any of those Ob∣scurities or Defects that usually attend Works of this kind. Take an Account of it in his own Words: I have wholly wav'd every thing that belong'd to the Re∣cords, and the proof of what I relate; or to the Confutation of the Falshoods that run through the Popish Historians. All that is to be found in the History at large. And therefore in this Abridgment, every thing is to be taken upon Trust; and those that desire a fuller Satisfaction, are to seek it in the Volumes I have already published.

The Memorials of Archbishop Cran∣mer, which were lately publish'd by b 1.53 Mr. Strype,* 1.54 shall conclude this Chapter; tho' (were it not that the Subject rather than the Title of the Book inclines me to bring them in here) they would more properly belong to another Place. The Writer of them

has adhered to Dr. Burnet's Method; giving us his own Historical Account in Three Books (ending with the se∣veral Deaths of Henry the Eighth, Edward the Sixth, and Queen Mary) and in the Conclusion, a good Colle∣ction of Records. Several Things, relating to the State of the Church during that Primacy, are well Illu∣strated by him; and some Authentick Letters, and other Original Papers of Value, are discover'd and made pub∣lick. The only Blemish I know in this Book is (what, it may be, the Author will think its most comely Fea∣ture) the crowding so much of his other Learning into the Body of his History; which, instead of entertain∣ing his Readers answerably to his good Design, is apt to distract and amuse them. Where the Subject is dry and barren, a few choice Flowers out of a right Common-place-book, are very refreshing; provided they are sprink∣led with a sparing Hand, and a steady Judgment. But, where the Matter it self is pleasant and diverting, all those Embellishments are nauseous; and even Tully and Tacitus themselves are troublesome.

Notes

• * 1.1

  J. Fox.
• a 1.2

  Lond. 1583, 1596.
• b 1.3

  Ibid. 1684.
• a 1.4

  Hist. & Antiq. Oxon. lib. 2. p. 195.
• b 1.5

  De tribus Convers. vol. 1.
• c 1.6

  4to. Antverp. 1566.
• a 1.7

  G. Burnet, Praef. ad Hist. Reform. vol. 1.
• b 1.8

  Young Lawyer's Recr. p. 161. and Roll's Re∣ports. p. 87.
• * 1.9

  Popish Histori∣ans.
• a 1.10

  4to. Mogunt. 1550. &. Colon. 1607.
• b 1.11

  8vo. Trev. 1583.
• c 1.12

  4to. Trev. 1594.
• a 1.13

  8vo. Duac. 1612, 1614.
• b 1.14

  J. Pits, p. 810.
• * 1.15

  N. San∣ders.
• c 1.16

  Pag. 775.
• a 1.17

  8vo. Colon. 1610.
• b 1.18

  8vo. Colon. 1585. Rom. 1586. &c.
• c 1.19

  Camd. Annal. R. Eliz. ad An. 1584.
• a 1.20

  8vo. Par. 1673, 1674.
• b 1.21

  L' Hist. Eccles. della Rivoluzion d' Inghil terra. 8vo. Rom. 1594.
• c 1.22

  In fi••e utrius{que} Tomi Hist. Reform.
• * 1.23

  R. Twis∣den.
• a 1.24

  4to. Lond. 1675.
• a 1.25

  In Praefat. ad Tom. 1. p. 2.
• * 1.26

  H. Spel∣man.
• b 1.27

  Vid. Car. Spelm. Praef. ad Tom. 2.
• a 1.28

  Inter MSS. Dugd. in Musaeo Ashmol. lit. Y.
• b 1.29

  Fol Lond. 1655.
• * 1.30

  T. Fuller.
• a 1.31

  8vo. Lond. 1658.
• a 1.32

  Fuller's Worthies, p. 295. in Durham.
• * 1.33

  P. Hey∣lin.
• a 1.34

  Fol. Lond. 1661.
• a 1.35

  Pag. 139.
• b 1.36

  Le Moyne. Dissert. 4. cap. 3.
• a 1.37

  G. Burnet, Praef. ad Hist. Reform. Tom. 1.
• a 1.38

  Cleopatra, E. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6. F. 1, 2. Vid. etiam Hist. & Synops. Bibl. Cott. p. 43.
• b 1.39

  G. Vernon, in vita D. P. H••yli••, 8vo. Lond. 1682.
• c 1.40

  B. Bar. Re. p. 18••.
• a 1.41

  Fol. 2. vol. Lond. 1681.
• * 1.42

  G. Bur∣net.
• a 1.43

  Ant. Harmer, in Praefat.
• b 1.44

  Reflections on Varill. 12^o. Amstel, 1686. Defence of those Re∣flections. Ibid. 1687. Continuation of Reflect. Ib. 1687. Answer to Joach. Le Grand's Defence of San∣ders, &c. 4to. Ibid. 1688.
• a 1.45

  Of the Subject of Church power, 8vo. Lond. 1685.
• a 1.46

  See Dr. Burnet's Letters in Answer to Mr. Lowth, 4to. Lond. 1685.
• b 1.47

  8vo. Lond. 1693.
• a 1.48

  4to. Lond. 1694.
• a 1.49

  Discourses on Dr. Burnet and Dr. Tillotson, &c. 4to. Lond. 1695.
• b 1.50

  See the Bishop of Sarum's Vindication, 8vo. Lond. 1696. p. 83, 87.
• a 1.51

  8vo. Lond. 1682.
• * 1.52

  Burnet's Abridg∣ment.
• b 1.53

  Fol. Lond. 1693.
• * 1.54

  J. Strype.