Discourses upon Cornelius Tacitus written in Italian by the learned Marquesse Virgilio Malvezzi ; dedicated to the Serenissimo Ferdinand the Second, Great Duke of Thuscany ; and translated into English by Sir Richard Baker, Knight.

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Title
Discourses upon Cornelius Tacitus written in Italian by the learned Marquesse Virgilio Malvezzi ; dedicated to the Serenissimo Ferdinand the Second, Great Duke of Thuscany ; and translated into English by Sir Richard Baker, Knight.
Author
Malvezzi, Virgilio, marchese, 1595-1653.
Publication
London :: Printed by E.G. for R. Whitaker and Tho. Whitaker ...,
1642.
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Subject terms
Tacitus, Cornelius.
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"Discourses upon Cornelius Tacitus written in Italian by the learned Marquesse Virgilio Malvezzi ; dedicated to the Serenissimo Ferdinand the Second, Great Duke of Thuscany ; and translated into English by Sir Richard Baker, Knight." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A51725.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed May 16, 2024.

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Caeterum Augustus subsidia dominationi Claudium Marcellum sororis filium admodum adoles∣centem: Pontificatu & curuli Aedilitate Marcum Agrippam ignobilem loco, bonum Militia, & victoriae socium geminatis consulatibus extulit, mox defuncto Marcello generum sumpsit, Tiberium Neronem & Claudium Drusum privignos Imperatoriis nominibus auxit.

What meanes Princes may use with safety to set them in a way, that are to succeed them in the government. The eighteenth Discourse.

IT is plainly seen, that Augustus to the end the Se∣natours nor any other, should ever hope to reduce Rome to its ancient forme of government, held this for a speciall Maxime of State, to advance his neerest kin∣red; and to set some one of them in the way for man∣aging the Empire, that so making him privy to all affaires, making him known to the fouldiers, making him beloved of the people; and lastly, making him

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favoured of the Senatours: both he after his death might have his way made to come to the Empire; and on the contrary no hope might be left for any to at∣tempt any thing against the life of the Prince, being propped up with so many Pillars. And therefore, Vt 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 insisteret, he raysed Marcellus, he ad∣vanced Marcus Agrippa; and after them, Tiberius Nero, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Drusus, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Lucius sonnes of Agrippa; and lastly, would have Tiberius to adopt Germanicus and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to be his successours. And accordingly, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 advanced to the Consulship, and other honours, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉; and after them Caius Caesar. Whereupon by the example of such great men, this course perhaps may be thought worthy of imitation, as well for securing ones selfe from danger, as also for lessening in part the burthen of those great labours, which so great a dignity brings with it: so much the more as we have in Cornelius Tacitus, a manifest exam∣ple of Sejanus, who by no other meanes was stopped in his course, but onely by the number of successours Tiberius had ordained; and this stopping, as in con∣spiracies it useth, was cause at last, that the Prince dis∣covered all his practices. But because of the other side, the desire of rule blinds the minds of the most inward and domesticke friends; It seemes to be no safe course for a Prince, whilst he lives himselfe, to give any great authority to successours. For Invidia Regni (as Livy saith) etiant inter Domesticos infida omnia atque infesta 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 caused his sonne to be elected King, but this served not his sonnes turne, who thereupon would have killed his father. So Absolon meant to do, and when with safety he might have expected the Kingdome, after the death of his old father David, he would rather with wickednesse prevent it, and run 〈◊〉〈◊〉 allong into 〈◊〉〈◊〉, 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 etiam 〈◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊〉, (saith 〈◊〉〈◊〉 upon another occasion) 〈1 line〉〈1 line〉

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tarda cum securitate praeniatura, vel cum exitio properant. And therefore Selim being assumed into part of the Empire, by his father Bajaset, could not stay to expect it with peace, but sought by the death of his father, to make himselfe sole Lord. And the like intention had Mustapha towards Sultan Solyman, and thereby lost his life. Finally, this advancing of his successours, had but ill lucke with Augustus; for Tiberius (as is com∣monly conceived) caused him to be poysoned: and with Tiberius it proved not much better, who also to∣wards the end of his life, had the kindnesse of Caius Caesar, to helpe him to his death. For resolution, it may be said, that where a State is quiet, accustomed to passe by succession, in children legitimate; there it is in no wise sit, to take them into part of the Empire, there being no cause, with ones owne danger, to take away hopes where there are none, or to seeke for props where no part threatens ruine. But on the other side, when the State is in danger, not accustomed to live under a Prince, and is apt to rebellions; in such case, it may doe well, to call him that is to succeed, to be a cosort in the Empire. To this purpose it seems the example tends, which Tacitus relates of Augustus: he caused Tiberius to be called Filius, to shew he was his successor; Collega Imperii, to enter him in managing affaires; Consors Tribunitiae Potestatis, to make him gra∣cious with the people; Omnique per exercitus ostentatur, to make him beloved, and knowne to the souldiers.

Neverthelesse having considered a little better of this matter, I have altered my opinion, concerning the last; and as to the example of Augustus, though it proved well for his successour; to bring him to the Empire, yet it proved but ill for his owne person: for by this meanes, he became as it were a servant to 〈◊〉〈◊〉, who finally caused him by his owne wife to be poysoned.

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I therefore conceived, the better course would be, to advance the managing of the Empire; not one a∣lone, but many; because, by this meanes, not onely he shall make himselfe secure from those of the City; but from those also of his own Family. This lesson I learn from Aristotle in his Politicks, where he saith, Communis vero custodia omnis Dominationis unius est, neminem unum prae caeteris magnum facere, sed plures, nam se invicem cu∣stodiunt: being an excellent remedy against the insa∣tiablenesse of men, to afford them some one, upon whom they may vent their ambition, without turning it against the Prince. For this cause perhaps, the an∣cients invented the name of fortune; to the end, that men falling into any great disaster, should not turne their anger against God, but lay the fault upon the false Deity of fortune. And in truth there is none hath more need to make use of this invention then Princes; because naturally, men seeking to rise above their degree; when they have another like to them∣selves, they may turne their practises against him, and not attempt any thing against the Prince, as they would doe, if they had not some upon whom to work, and vent their ambition. This good fortune happened to Tiberius, for when Sejanus would rise above his de∣gree, first he had Drusus against whom to turne him; and afterward the sonnes of Germanicus, in oppressing of whom, he lost so much time, that all his practises came to be discovered. To this opinion of mine, the course of Augustus was not contrary, but it seemes he followed it as long as he was able; seeing Tacitus re∣lates, that he advanced not Marcellus alone, but toge∣ther with him Marcus Agrippa; and when Marcellus died, he left not Agrippa alone, but joyned with him Tiberius Nero, and Claudius Drusus; and when Drusus died, he yet left not Tiberius alone, but brought for∣ward Caius and Lucius: and although when both these

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died, he left Tiberius alone; yet it cannot be said, he did well in doing so: and therefore Tacitus maketh an excuse for him, that he did it by reason of age, Nan•…•… senem Augustum adeo devinxerat, ut nepotem unicum Agrip∣pae 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in insulam Planasiam projiceret: in which if he had done well, Tacitus had not needed to make his excuse: and even Augustus himselfe perceived at last his errour, as he that alwaies held it for a maxime of State, not to have onely one, but many upon whom to leane, Vt pluribus munimentis insisteret: whereupon at last, the poore old man opening his eyes, and seek∣ing to provide for it in a time, when he had done bet∣ter to dissemble it, having overslipt his time so long, he made shew to call Agrippa Posthumus home, Et inde spem fore (saith Tacitus) ut penatibus avi redderetur. And the making that shew, was a hastener of his death. Also Philip after he had put Demetrius to death, he percei∣ved his errour to let Perseus stay alone; whereupon he meant to bring in his familiar friend Antigonus, for a counterpoise, giving out, he should succeed him in the Kingdome, but was prevented by death. There∣fore Tiberius also considering this, advanced not Ger∣manicus alone, but Drusus with him, Seque tutiorem re∣batur, utroque filio legiones obtinente: knowing well, it would be impossible they should ever joyne together in any attempt against him. Quia arduum & difficile est, eodem loci concordiam & potentiam esse: whereupon he was secure he should alwaies have them of his side. And when Germanicus died, he left not Drusus alone, but brought in Sejanus, whereof Drusus infinite times com∣plained, Crebro quaerens Incolumi filio adjutore Imperii, alium vocari. And when Drusus was dead, and Sejanus left alone, Tiberius was then in no small danger; which he perceiving, had determined to bring in Nero sonne of Germanicus; but afterward being secured of the fall of Sejanus, he put him to death; and then Caius Caesar

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remained alone. Whereupon Tiberius finding himselfe in the same straight, in which Augustus was when Tibe∣rius was left alone; although he knew the danger, and that it was no safety for him, that all favour should be cast upon one; yet being old, and ill-beloved of all, having thoroughly considered, what course he might best take to secure himselfe from Caius Caesar; he could finde none, as I conceive, but such as would ra∣ther be a course to hasten his death; and therefore in that case he shewed himselfe much wiser then Augu∣stus: and although Cornelius Tacitus attribute it to a∣nother matter, where he saith, Consilium cui impar er at sato permisit: which was to make choice of another successour; yet I, without taxing his opinion, would thinke that he forbore this new election, lest com∣ming to the eares of Caius Caesar, it might put him upon some practise to procure his death, as he himselfe had done before to Augustus; and the rather as knowing himselfe to be exceeding weake, Reputante Tiberio pub∣licum sibi odium, extremam aetatem, magisque fama quam vi stare res suas.

But because Augustus and Tiberius knew well, how much it imported, to have more successours then one: yet each of them was brought at last to have but one, and could not helpe it: it will be fit to thinke upon some way, how a Prince that is brought to such a straight, may both enter such a successour in affaires of State, and yet secure himselfe from domestick dangers. As for the entering him, and setting him in a way; it will be easily done, by putting him into those steps, which himselfe passed to attaine the Empire: and by this way, the House of Austria at this day maintaines it selfe in the Empire. An instruction of Augustus, and afterward followed by Tiberius, who comming to the Empire by meanes of the Tribuneship, they also used to make their successours Tribunes. Id summi fastigii vo∣cabulum

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Augustus reperit, ne Regis aut dictatoris nomen ad∣sumeret, ac tamen appellatione aliqua caetera imperia prae∣mineret: Marcum deinde Agrippam socium ejus potestatis, quo defuncto 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Neronem delegit, ne successor in incerto foret: sic cohiberi pravas aliorum spes rebatur, simul mo∣destiae Neronis & suae magnitudini fiebat, quo tunc exemplo Tiberius Drusum summae rei admovet. The difficulty then consists onely in securing himselfe against his succes∣sour, being too potent; and the best way, that I can learne out of Histories is this; not to suffer him toge∣ther with the dignity, to get the love and affection of the Subjects. This Augustus put in execution, untill he was blinded by his wives intreaties. For when he de∣manded the Tribuneship for Tiberius, under colour of excusing him, he laid open all his ill conditions, there∣by to make him odious. Etenim Augustus paucis ante an∣nis, cum Tiberio Tribunitiam potestatem a Patribus rursus postularet, quanquam honora oratione quaedam de habitu cul∣tuque & institutis ejus jecerat, quae velut excusando expro∣braret. To what end should Augustus demand honours for Tiberius, and himselfe dishonour him? but onely to this, that as by meanes of the dignity which could not be denyed him, he meant to settle in him the suc∣cession, so by meanes of making knowne his vices, he meant to make him odiou•…•… and thereby secure him∣selfe, that he might never be able through the peoples favour, to contrive any plot against him. Tiberius also made use of this course, and therefore caused Dru∣sus to be present alwaies at the sports of the Gladia∣tours; to the end, that by shewing himselfe delighted with the sight of blood, he might be knowne to be of a cruell and bloody disposition, and consequently be of all men hated. Whereupon Tacitus discoursing upon the reasons, why Tiberius himselfe would not be present at them; amongst other, he mentions this, where he saith, Non crediderim ad ostentandam saevitiam

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movendasque offensiones concessam filio materiem, quamquam id quoque dictum est. Another time, when Tiberius saw Germanicus and Drusus contesting with the Senate, he wonderfully joyed at it; as well because their conten∣tion was about disparaging a Law, as because of the hate they incurred by it, Laetabatur Tiberius, cum inter filios ejus & leges Senatus disceptaret.

Having commended the course, for a Prince to de∣signe more then one successour, by whom to be sup∣ported, there must care be taken to hold the ballance even betweene them, otherwise he shall expose him∣selfe to manifest danger; in regard whereof, Augustus never brought Tiberius openly forward untill such time as he was left alone, Drusoque pridem extincto, Nero 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ex privignis erat, illuc cuncta vergere, and that which followeth. So Tiberius as long as Germanicus lived, used them with great equality: but after Germanicus death, he then discovered his love to Drusus. Tiberius Drusum summae rei admovet; incolumi Germanico, integrum inter Duos Iudicium.

But because it is a most difficult thing, to observe this equality, and to carry an even hand, as that which was in Christ accounted a matter of admiration, that he so carried himselfe toward his Apostles, that they could never know which of them he favoured most, every one thinking himselfe to be the man, where∣upon they often contended which of them should be the greatest; it is fit to consider, to which side the Prince ought rather to incline.

For resolution whereof, I conceive, that a Prince (as indeed he can doe no lesse) shall doe well to favour the weaker party, for by meanes of his favour he shall make him stronger then the other; and yet shall not need to doubt him, as being of himselfe the weaker. So did Tiberius, who if ever he shewed any sparke of par∣tiality, it was to Drusus.

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