Discourses upon Cornelius Tacitus written in Italian by the learned Marquesse Virgilio Malvezzi ; dedicated to the Serenissimo Ferdinand the Second, Great Duke of Thuscany ; and translated into English by Sir Richard Baker, Knight.

Neque Provinciae illum rerum statum abnuebant, suspecto Senatus Populique Imperio ob certamina Potentium, & avaritiam Magistratuum: invalido legum auxilio, quae vi, ambitu, postremo pecunia turbabantur.

That Cities subject to another City, better like the govern∣ment of a King, than of a Commonwealth, and that every City would gladly have their Lord to live amongst them. The seventeenth Discourse.

COrnelius Tacitus in these words makes us know, that the Provinces subject to the people of Rome, liked better the government of a King, than of a Com∣monwealth, as it happens generally to all Cities that are subject to another: So Guicciardine relates of Cre∣mona, that it liked better to be under the King of France, than to be governed by the Common-wealth of Venice. And hereof we have a manifest example in Pisa, which being sold by Gabriel Maria Visconte, to the Common-wealth of Florence, there was scarce one Ci∣tizen that would tarry in it. But more than in any o∣ther, we may see the truth of this, in the Lycians, who having tried what it was to live under a King, and un∣der

a Common-wealth, they called the servitude of that, in comparison of this, liberty. Neque miserabilis legatio Lyctorum, qui crudelitatem Rhodiorum quibus ab Lu∣cio Cornelio attributi erant, quaerebantur fuisse sub ditione 〈◊〉〈◊〉 eam Regiam servitutem, collatam cum praesenti statu pnaeelaram libertatem visam: Non publico tantum se 〈◊〉〈◊〉 imperio, sed singulos injustum pati servitium.

Of these points we will speake, first in particular of Rome, then in generall give the reasons; Lastly, we will shew, that every City would we glad to be under a particular Prince, and one that should dwell amongst them.

Concerning the first; all those changes of State, which come from a worse, must needs be welcome; from whence it is, that after the expulsion of the Tar∣quins, liberty was so pleasing, Et ut laetior esset (saith Livy) proximi Regis superbia fecit. That in our case, the Commonwealth was corrupted even to the worst degree, is sufficiently expressed by Tacitus in the fore∣said words. First, by reason of the discord of the great ones; one of which factions there was a necessity to follow, and that overcome, all then remained at the discretion of the other. Secondly, by occasion of the Magistrates, who sought rather to satisfie their avarice with money, than to take care for the executing of ju∣stice. Thirdly, because the laws had now no more place, as being easily corrupted by force and mony. Just cause therefore had the Provinces, to be glad of the govern∣ment of Augustus.

But because this liking of a subject City, to be ra∣ther under a Prince than under a Commonwealth, (as we have said before) is a common liking of all Provin∣ces and Cities that are under another, It will be neces∣sary to search out the reason, why it is so. And for a first reason, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 certaine politioian brings this, because Commonwealths are more durable than Kingdomes;

and being more durable, there is lesse hope to shake off their servitude, and are therefore the more hated. Secondly, because Common-wealths having no other care, but to make themselves greater, and others lesse; they endeavour only to weaken the subject Cities, and to strengthen their own body; a thing which Princes care not to doe: and for this, he brings the example of the Samnites, who as long as they were of them∣selves, maintained warre with the Romans a hundred yeeres; a manifest signe, they were then a strong peo∣ple; but afterwards falling in subjection to Rome, they became most weake, and of no force.

But because the first of these reasons is false, and the second followes no lesse in Kingdomes than in Common-wealths, (with leave of so great a man) I have conceived perhaps a better reason, and it is, be∣cause the Provinces and Cities having been at warre, and by reason of the warre, grown to hate one ano∣ther, and that hatred in processe of time become na∣turall, as it was between the Romans and the Cartha∣ginians, between the Pisanes and the Florentines, and others; it happens, that being overcome, they are held in subjection by their naturall enemies; which subjection is so much the more distastfull, as being be∣tween persons that are equall: and from hence it is, that so gladly men seek to shake of the yoak. So, many times did Pisa, so Spaine with the Romans, who doub∣ting the like of Greece; as knowing by their continuall rebellions, that they il brooked their subjection to the Commonwealth of Rome, they destroyed many Cities, and at last Corinth.

But if it happen that this Common-wealth fall into the hand of a Prince, there is no doubt but the other Cities and Provinces will be glad: a principall reason is, because where these served, and those ruled before with inequality, now under a Prince, they both serve

equally; and comming to be commanded, by persons much their superiours, the Dominion is so much lesse hated, as the person is greater that commands; and therefore we see, that Pisa which under a Common∣wealth was alwaies in rebellion, now that it is under a Prince, hath lived, and doth live, and is like to live, in most quiet peace; it is true indeed, there concurres the graciousnesse of the Prince that sweetens all things. Another manifest example we have in the Ro∣man Histories; and it is, that Spaine, as long as the City of Rome was a Commonwealth, was continually in rebellion; nor could ever be quieted, till the said City came into the hand of a Prince under Augustus. I omit the example of the Philistines, who never left warring with the Israelites, from the first day (I may say) they entered into the Land of Promise, untill they were setled in a Regall government un∣der David.

To come to the third head: not onely Cities and Provinces cannot abide to be under the rule of a Com∣monwealth; but neither doe they like to be under a Prince that is a stranger, and that dwels not amongst them; which Prince may either be of different cu∣stomes and language, as the King of Spaine to Naples and Milan; or of the same customes and language, but of divers Provinces, as the King of France to Bur∣gundy and Britaine; or else of the same Province, the same tongue, and the same customes, as many Princes of Italy, to many Cities.

In the first case, they are not well brooked, but to∣lerated with an ill will: First, by reason of the diffe∣rence of customes, which is able to make a Prince odious, though he be not a stranger: whereupon Ta∣citus speaking of Ven•…•…ne given to the Parthians to be their King, shewes, that because he was of different customes from the Parthians, though of better than

theirs, he was with ignominy expelled the Kingdome. Accendebat dedignantes & ipse diversus â Majorum insti∣tutis, raro venatu, segni equorum cura, quoties per urbem incederet, lecticae stamine, fastusque erga patrias epulas, ir∣ridebantur & Graeci Comites, ac vilissima utensilium annulo clausa, sed prompti aditus, obvia comitas, ignotae Parthis virtutes, nova vitia, & quia ipse majoribus aliena perinde odium pravis atque honestis. For the very same reason, the Gothes tooke it ill, that Amalasunta caused Atta∣laricus to be brought up in the Roman customes, al∣though they were better than their own. And there∣fore Isabel Queene of Spaine, by her last Will, left Fer∣dinand her Husband to be Governour of Castile, for so long time, untill Philip who was to succeed, being a stranger, might learne the customes of the Spaniards. And for this cause, the Jewes at the comming of the Messias, were troubled together with Herod, and liked better to be in subjection to one of their owne cu∣stomes, though a stranger as Herod was, than to the Messias that was of different, though better customes; although they knew by the words of Moyses, Prophe∣tam suscitabit Dominus de medio fratrum tuorum, that he should be their owne Countreyman, of which S. Chry∣sostome gives the reason, Fuerunt isti turbati, quia injusti non possunt gaudere de adventu justi.

Secondly, because difference of Language is a most odious thing; and this out of his singular providence God foreseeing, and meaning to hinder 〈◊〉〈◊〉 en∣terprise, to make himselfe a Monarch, he confounded the Tongues, and thereby easily gave a stop to their proceeding. On the contrary, when our Lord meant that his Apostles should make some fruit of their la∣bours, he would not have them preach in a strange Tongue, and therefore gave to every one of them, all Tongues, that so more easily they might draw men to receive the Faith. And the Romans knowing, what

advantage there is in this, compelled all their subjects, when they spake in the Senate, to speak in the Roman tongue. And Rabsaces, knowing of how great impor∣tance, the likenesse of Language is, to win the love of the people, to the end the Israelites might the wil∣linger receive the government of Senacherib, though Sohna the Jew, out of a contrary end, prayed him to speak in the Syriack tongue, Loquere lingua Syriaca ad servos tuos; yet he an understanding man (as is written in Esay) Clamavit Lingua Judaica; whereupon Esay, in another place, shewing the hate and feare, which the City of Hierusalem had of the King of the Assyrians; amongst other causes, names their differing in lan∣guage, Populum impudentem non videbis, populum alti ser∣monis, ita ut non possis intelligere disertitudinem linguae ejus.

Thirdly, when to difference of customes and lan∣guage, there is added remotenesse, it will adde no doubt a great degree of distastfulnesse. First, because they will be more obnoxious to the dangers of warre. And therefore the Tribe of Dan, seeing Lais to be farre off from Sydon, which had then the government, attempted to bring it in subjection, and it tooke ef∣fect. And that this was the cause that moved them, may be gathered from words in the Booke of Judges; Euntes igitur quinque viri venerunt Lais, videruntque po∣pulum habitantem in ea absque ullo timore, juxta consuetu∣dinem Sydoniorum securum & quietum, nullo eis penitus re∣sistente, magnarumque opum & procul a Sydone, atque a cunctis hominibus seperatum. And that by this meanes, they easily made themselves Masters of it, is written also a little after, where he saith, Sexcenti autem viri tulerunt sacerdotem, & quae supra diximus, veneruntque ad Lais ad populum quiescentem & securum, & percusse∣runt eos in ore gladii, urbemque incendio tradiderunt; nullo penitus ferente praesidium, Eo quod procul habitarent a Sy∣done. So it happened to the Saguntines, who being

farre remote from the Romans their confederats, were destroyed before they could be ayded. And therefore the Armenians standing in doubt of this, put them∣selves into the hands of Mithridates, and revolted from the Romans. So the people of Syria desired to live under the government of the Parthians, as being neere unto them, and neighbouring upon them. Secondly, because people that are farre off, must of necessity be governed by a Deputy, who by reason of the Princes remotenesse must have great authority given him, and consequently may at his pleasure, contrary to the Princes meaning, play the tyrant over them. For all those things that have motion from another, and a motion of their own besides, how much they are lesse neere to the first mover, so much they are more able to move their owne way. From hence it is, that the Moone, being of all the Planets the farthest off from the Primum mobile, is moved faster in her own motion, and slower in the diurnall motion, than any of the other. The contrary whereof is seen in Saturne, which being neere to the Primum mobile, hath the slowest mo∣tion, and makes the least resistance.

Yet in the second and third case, they will more easily be tolerated; although as well in this as in that, there is a generall rule that seems to crosse it; which is, that every City would gladly have a Prince that should be resident amongst them, and also be a native of their City. That one of the same Nation and City is most acceptable, is plainly seen, because the people for the most part waves justice, and regards not so much the generall good, to choose the worthiest; as their private benefit, to choose the neerest. And therfore the Prophet Esay saith, Apprehendet enim vir fratrem suum Domesticum patris sui, & dicet; vestimentum tibi est, Princeps noster esto. Where S. Thomas observes well, that every one seeks to make him King, that is neerest, and

not him that is best. Indeed this respect of neernesse is of speciall force; as we may see in David, who being chosen King, was followed only by the Tribe of Juda, Sola autem domus Juda sequebatur David. So Abimelech was more willingly received of the Sichemites, then the sonnes of Jerobeam, when he said unto them, Simul considerate quod Os vestrum & Caro vestra sum, They were all presently moved to say to him, Frater noster es. The Milanesi exposed themselves to a thousand dan∣gers, out of a desire they had, to be governed rather by one of the Sforzi, then by the King of Spaine or France. And the Faentines chose rather a bastard of Manfredi, then to be under the Church. So the Arme∣nians (as is said before) subjected themselves to 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and revolted from the Romans. Finally, we have a notable example of this, in the life of Aratus, to whom it was imputed. as a great fault, that he would rather call to his ayd, Philip King of Macedon, then put his Cities into the hands of Cleomenes a Spartan. Quod si omnino (saith Plutarch) Cleomenes injustus fuerit, atque Tyrannicus, tamen Heraclidarum genere, patria 〈◊〉〈◊〉 suisse, & quidem iis qui rationem aliquam Graeciae Nobilita∣tis 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Spartanorum obscurissimum potius, quam pri∣mum inter Macedonas Ducem deligendum fuisse. Where∣upon our Lord God, meaning to give the man Regall power over the woman, to the end it might be tole∣rated with more contentment, made her of a ribbe of Adam. And to conclude, in Deuteronomy, he comman∣ded his people, they should not choose a stranger to be their King.

But because this my opinion is full of difficulty, see∣ing oftentimes a City desires to be governed rather by a stranger then by one of their owne Citizens, it will be necessary to use distinction; either it is the first time a Kingdome is erected, or else they have been used to Regall power before: if it be the first time, they will

then rather choose to serve a stranger, then one of their own Citizens: First, because knowing the Citi∣zens beginning they are apt to scorne him. So it fell out with the Israelites, the first time they had a King, for being most desirous to see who it should be, when they saw it was Saul, they scorned him. Num salvare nos poterit iste? & despexerunt eum. Secondly, it happens often by reason of factions that are in the City; for such desire rather to be governed by a stranger, as a man indifferent, then by a Cittizen that is an enemy. Seeing such a one comming to the government, would certainly sill the City with blood and slaughter. Whereupon Livy saith, Cum pars quae domestico certa∣mine inferior sit, externo potius se applicet quam civi cedat. A third reason is drawne from envy; for an envious man endeavours alwaies to obscure the worthinesse of his Countreymen, as lying more in envies way then a stranger, whereof S. Hierome saith, Propemodum natu∣rale est semper, cives civibus invidere; invidia autem est, tristitia de aliena excellentia, ut est proprii boni diminutiva. Bonum autem absentium non 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nostra, quia non con∣fert eis, Ideo non invidemus, bona autem praesentium confe∣runt bonis nostris, & comparatione excellentiae eorum, osten∣ditur parvum esse bonum nostrum, & hoc est illud Diminui. And of this we have the example of our Lord Christ, who being persecuted by his Countreymen, was invi∣ted by Abagarus a forraine Prince, that would have made him in part King with him in his City. A third reason may be this, that Countreymen know a man from his infancy, when there is yet no vertue in him, and thereupon consider him but as such a one still; where strangers that come not to know a man but in his perfection, cannot, nor know not how to consider him other then as such. So the said S. Hierome saith, Quia cives non considerant, praesentia viri opera, sed fragilis •…•…ecor∣dantur Infantiae. It is therefore no marvell, that the

Florentines chose rather, to be governed by a French man, then by one of their owne Citizens. Our Lord God, knowing how difficult a thing it is, to choose at the first time, ones own Countreyman to be Prince; In the old law, to the end the Israelites having a de∣sire to have a King, and not yeelding one to another, might not subject themselves to a stranger, he made a law, they should choose none to be their King, but only an Israelite, Non poteris alterius generis hominem in Regem facere, quod non sit frater tuus; But because he knew, it would be a hard matter for them to agree upon the choyce at the first time, he therefore made that election himselfe, Eum constitues quem Dominus Deus tuus elegerit de medio fratrum tuorum. And when lastly he came to choose him, to the end he might be lesse envied, he tooke a course, that causeth least envy, and that was by Lot. But if the people have been ac∣customed before to a Regall subjection, in this case they will rather like to be governed by one of their own Countrey then a stranger; and so much the more, if some of his family have beene Governour be∣fore; there being then no place for either envy, feare, or for equality. It is therefore no marvell, that Caesar was but ill beloved, and was slaine, and that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lived quietly, and had the love of all men, seeing Caesar raised his House from equality; and Augustus found it in superiority, in which the Dictatour had left it: whereupon when I consider how it happened, that our Lord God would at the first time make a King by election, and afterward would have it to goe by suc∣cession in David; I cannot conceive a better reason than this, that he knew after the first time, the election of a King would be without difficulty.

In this particular, let every one be of what opinion he please; but for this other point, I doe not thinke it will be denied me, that all Cities and Provinces like

better to be governed by a particular Prince, that dwels amongst them, then by any other how great soever he be. For this cause it was, that the Spaniards were not well pleased when Charles the fifth was made Emperour; and were ready to rise, because they fea∣red he would leave dwelling in Spaine, and make his residence in Germany. This desire was the cause, that the Persians, to have a King in their owne Province, set up Cyrus against Astyages, who resided in Media; and out of this desire the Brittaines covenanted with the King of France, that his eldest sonne comming to the Crown, his second sonne should be Duke of Brittaine; whereof there can be no other reason, but the desire to have a particular Prince, that should dwell amongst them, as being indeed of speciall benefit to the peo∣ple. First, because living amongst them, he spends those Revenues in the Country which he drawes from the Countrey. Secondly, because of the greater care the Prince hath of them; and because of the peoples neernesse to their Lords eare, to whom they can pre∣sent their suites in their own persons; without wasting themselves in journeys, and lying at Innes. Lastly, be∣cause if the Prince being Lord of many Provinces, re∣side in one of them; the other must be faine to be go∣verned by Deputies of that Province. The Emperours of Rome residing in Italy, governed all the Provinces by Italians, a thing most distastfull to all the people; because to one that is not grieved to be subject to a Prince that is a stranger, yet it grieves him to be go∣verned by men of a Province that is a stranger: as many people that are content to be subject to the King of Bohemia, yet refuse to be subject to the King∣dome of Bohemia. And the King of France, after many times losing Genoua by this meanes, at last he resolved to govern it by Genuesi. So in Milan he made Trivultio Governour, wherein though he erred, yet the errour

was in the Individuall, and not in the Species; as put∣ting the government into his hand, that was Head of a Faction. But if the Prince be resident in the Pro∣vince, though he be a stranger, yet with better liking he will be tolerated; because such commonly not only govern the places where they reside, but all other pla∣ces subject to them, by Citizens of that Country where they reside. The King of Spaine, residing in Spaine, governes all his subject Kingdomes by Spaniards, a thing which not onely winnes love to the Prince, but profit also to the Province. To this may be added, that those people shall alwaies receive more favours, who are neere to the Fountaine from whence those favours come, then they shall doe that are further off; seeing, (as S. Thomas learnedly observes) how much a thing is neerer to its beginning, so much it partakes more of the effects of that beginning. And for this cause Dionysius Areopagita saith, that the Angels as be∣ing neerer to God than men are, do therefore partake more of the divine goodnesse then men do.

I cannot omit to advertise, that all the difficulties before spoken of, are easily allayed, after the first heats are once passed, as oft as there is found a pru∣dence and graciousnesse in the Prince, which is indeed of marvellous great moment, as was seen in the Ro∣mans, who though they hated strangers, and were re∣solved to have no stranger be their King; yet when 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (a stranger) was propounded to them; in regard of his eminent vertue, they accepted of him. Where∣of Livy saith, Romani veteres peregrinum Regem asper∣nabantur, and a little after, Audito nomine 〈◊〉〈◊〉, patres Romani, quanquam inclinari opes ad Sabinos, Rege inde sumpto, videbantur, tamen neque se quisquam, nec factionis suae alium, nec denique Patrum aut civium quenquam prae∣ferre, illi vero ausi ad 〈◊〉〈◊〉 omnes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pompilio Regnum deferendum decernunt. Whereupon it is no marvell, if

at this day many Provinces and Cities, whereof some have a Prince that lives farre off; and some, a Prince that is a stranger, of customes and language different; yet they all live in great contentment, only thorough the just government of him that rules them. I desire therfore that this discourse of mine may be received, as of the times past, my purpose being to search out the reasons of things have formerly happened; and not expressely or tacitely to taxe any Prince, Common∣wealth or City, nor so much as any particular per∣son: For above all things, I abhorre slandering, and specially of those to whom as superiours I owe Re∣verence.