The commentaries of Messire Blaize de Montluc, mareschal of France wherein are describ'd all the combats, rencounters, skirmishes, battels, sieges, assaults, scalado's, the taking and surprizes of towns and fortresses, as also the defences of the assaulted and besieg'd : with several other signal and remarkable feats of war, wherein this great and renowned warriour was personally engag'd, in the space of fifty or threescore years that he bore arms under several kings of France : together with divers instructions, that such ought not to be ignorant of, as propose to themselves by the practice of arms to arrive at any eminent degree of honor, and prudently to carry on all the exploits of war.

THE COMMENTARIES OF Messire Blaize de Montluc, MARESCHAL of FRANCE. The Seventh Book.

SEeing I have taken in hand to leave to posterity an account of my life, and to give a true relation whether good or bad, of all that ever I have done in so many years that I have born arms for the Kings my Masters; I am unwilling to omit any thing of action how little and inconsiderable soever; and although the last little Victories I gave an account of were neither the Conquests of Naples, nor Mil∣lan; I have not however thought it ••it to leave them wholly out, for (inconsiderable as they are) such may read them, as they may be useful to, and Captains and Soldiers may begin their Prentice∣age with such little feats of arms as those; it being by such that they first take Lesson: and even those who have the Government of Provinces committed to their charge, may by what I have perform'd take exemple of what was well, if there be any such thing, and avoid the evil.

I had so ••lipt the wings of the Hugonots that they were capable of doing no great mat∣ters in Guienne, nor of attempting any other than very slight Enterprizes; neither conse∣quently was I in any capacity of performing any notable exploits; both because there was not much of that nature in the Province left to do, and also by reason I had on the other side, sent away most of the Forces to the Monsieurs Army, and did reserve all the money for his use. I have moreover another reason why I am thus particular in my writing; which is to the end, that if the King shall vouchsafe the pains to read my Book (and I think he reads some worse) his Majesty may then see how much they have spoken against the truth, who have said that I had now no other care, nor meditated on any other thing but how to live quietly and at ease in my own house. God knows these people under∣stood me very ill. Had I had the means I desir'd, and that some might have supply'd me withall, and that I might have had my own swing, without being curb'd by those per••i∣cious Edicts, I should have prevented the Hugonots from reigning in Guienne, and per∣haps have rooted out the whole Race.

But to pursue the thread of my discourse▪ and give a tr••e account of what has been the ruine of this poor Province, I shall proceed to tell you, that some time after the exe∣cution of these Enterprizes, the Monsieur sent me a Letter containing these words.

Monsieur de Montluc, Monsieur the Mareschal d' Anville has been here, and is going into his Government to put some designs he has th••re into execution; if therefore ••e shall stand in need of any thing in your Government, let me entreat you to assist him the best you can. This letter was del••ver'd to me at St. Foy, and with it there came another to Monsieur de Sainct••rens, wherein he was commanded to come and bring his Company along with him to the Army; which was because his Highness had given Monsieur de Fontenilles leave to return home to refresh himself, and to recruit his Company, his said Highness send∣ing

me word not long after, that I should keep Monsieur de Fontenilles with me, without suffering them to stir out of the Country; and that I should have a special regard to Bourde∣aux, assisting Monsieur de Terride with what I could in order to his Conquest of Bearn; and that as to himself he was going down into Poictou. This was heavy news to me, al∣though I was very glad of the coming of the Mareschal d'Anville, and may I perish if I was not really as glad of it, as if almost the Monsieur himself had come, for I fancied that the Hugonots in Langutdoc and Guienne would not be able to stand two moneths before us.

The said Mareschal staid some dayes by the way, and being arriv'd in Avergne, dis∣patcht a Courrier to me to give me notice he was come, and to tell me that he was glad of his Commission to come to make war in those parts, as well for the satisfaction he should have in seeing me, as out of the hopes he had we should do something to the purpose in these Countries of Languedoc and Guienne, and that he was going through Albigeois di∣rectly to Tholouze. I sent him back his Messenger in all haste, desiring him by no means to go that way, but that he would come to Rhodes and into Quercy, and that I would come to meet him at Cahors; for the Court de Montgomery was arriv'd about Castres, where he was drawing a Party together, so that he could not pass that way but he must be in danger of falling into the midst of the Enemy. I had no answer from him till he came to Tholouze, from whence he dispatcht a Courrier to me to advertize me of his arrival, sending me word that he had past in the very beard of the Enemy; but that none of them had presented themselves to oppose his way. I was very glad to hear of his safe arrival, and in his letter he entrea••ed me that we might meet and see one another, to the end that being together we might take a good resolution to do the King some signal piece of service, and that he would do nothing without my advice. I had at that time a d••••luxion fall'n upon one of my paps, so that I was constrain'd to have it launc'd in two places, and to put in two tents, which made my breast so soar that I was hardly able to endure my shirt; but the fury of the dolor being a little asswag'd, and the Fever occasion'd by it a little over, I put my self upon my way, though I was able to ride no more than three leagues a day at the most, and that with intolerable pain.

Such as shall please to read my life may take notice with how many sorts of maladies I have been aflicted, and yet notwithstanding I have never been idle or resty to the com∣mands of my Masters, or negligent in my charge. 'Tis unbecoming a Soldier to lye grunt∣ing a Bed for a little sickness. Now you must know that neither the King nor the Queen had writ to me that I was to obey the Mareschal, neither did he in his own Letter take up∣on him to command me, nevertheless out of respect of the friendship I bore unto him, and the affection that of my own voluntary inclination I had vow'd to him all the dayes of my life, I went of my own accord to offer my obedience to him, and to make him a tender of all the service lay in my power in reference to his own particular person. I found him in a little feverish distemper, and stai'd two dayes with him at Tholouze, and there I was at that time better accompanied than he; for I had no less than threescore or three∣score and ten Gentlemen in my Train. We concluded together that I should return to Agen, there to assemble the Estates of the Province to see how many men the Country was able to furnish out, and maintain for the prosecution of the War. I assur'd him that Guienne would furnish money to pay a thousand or twelve hundred Harquebuzeers; alwayes provided that when he should have won a Town in Languedoc, he would come to attaque annother in Guienne, which I also engaged to them in the Mareschal's behalf that he should do; but I reckon'd without mine Host. I immediatley however set afoot the Companies of a thousand Harquebuzeers, and made choice of the best Captains that were then in the Country to command them. The Estates gave the charge of receiving the money to de Naux, one of the House of Nort of Agen, and we concluded to be ready the first of August to take the field.

Two or three moneths were passed over in these transactions, during which Monsieur de Terride was still at the Leaguer he had laid before Navarreins, and for my part I gave the Town for taken; for we had still news that no more provision was enter'd into it, and that they began to suffer. On the other side I consider'd, that all the Forces the Count de Mont-gommery had brought with him were but threescore and ten Horse, and that he had no other Forces but only those of the Vicomptes, which I did not much ap∣prehend, forasmuch as with a very few men I had kept them in such aw, that they had not dar'd to stir. In Quercy Monsieur de la Chappelle Lozieres made head against them, in Rovergue Monsieur de Cornusson and his Sons, and Monsieur de St. Vensa did the same, as also Monsieur de Bellegarde on that side towards Tholouze; in brief they were held so short as nothing more. I then consider'd that we had several Companies of Gens-d'arms in the Country; so that I never imagin'd Montgommery could gather toge∣ther

a power sufficient to ••elieve Navarreins; for he must of necessity cross the River at Verdun, where in two dayes I should be upon the Pass to oppose him: and I had so good Spies, that I was very sure to be immediately advertis'd should he come to Montauban, or offer to pass where he did, which was at St. Gaudens. I again consider'd that in that Quarter there were seven or eight Companies of Gens-d'arms, which were those of the two Bellegardes, d' Arne, de Gramont, de Sarlebous, that of the Count de Candalle, and of Monsieur de Lauzun, and the ten Companies of Monsieur de Savignac; so that all the Earth could never have made it sink into my head that the Count de Montgommery should come to relieve Bearn. Thus do men sometimes deceive themselves with reasons; for I made account his coming into those parts had been only to defend those places they pos∣sessed in the Provinces of Languedoc and Guienne; and also I heard the Vicompts refus'd to obey one another, which made me rather think he came to moderate that affair, than for any thing of Bearn, and in truth there was greater likelihood in it; but the Hugo∣nots have ever had that quality to conceal their designs better than we. They are a people that very rarely discover their counsels, and that's the reason why their Enterprizes sel∣dom fail of taking effect. The Count de Montgommery also herein manifested himself to be a circumspect and prudent Captain. It was he who was the occasion of the great∣est mishap that these five hundred years has befall'n this poor Kingdom, for he kill'd King Henry my good Master in the flower of his age, running against him in Lists; and this man was the ruine of Guienne, by setting the Hugonots again on foot, as shall be declar'd in its due place.

You who are the Kings Lieutenants upon whose care the whole Province does rely, consider the oversight that I have committed, and not I alone, but some far better than I, upon this coming of the Count de Montgommery: look better about you when you shall happen to be in the like occasion, and ever suspect the worst, that you may provide better a∣gainst such inconveniencies than we did. The Mareschal d'Anville very well knows, that when we were together at Tholouze, we were generally of opinion that the Count was not come for the end that he afterwards discovered. We had very good arguments to ex∣cuse this error, especially I, as the following discourse will make appear to such as have a mind to be further satisfied in that particular: but this man, although a stranger, and in a Country where he had never been before, made it seen that he had very good friends there, and perhaps amongst us our selves; the Hugonots have ever been more cautelous and subtile than we; I must confess that of all the oversights have ever been committed in all our wars, this was the greatest; I know it has been variously desca••ted upon, and that the Queen of Navarre set people on to raise strange reports: but I know also that I was not in fault; and I am sure Monsieur d' Anville is so good a servant to the Crown, that he can say as much for himself as I.

At my departure from Tholouze I had some private conference with two of the principal Capitouls of the City, where I gave them many things in charge to deliver to the body of their Corporation concerning the carrying on of the War. These men were very well dispos'd, but that is not all; and I must here by the way insert a thing that I have ever said, and shall do so long as I live, that the Gentry are very much to blame so much to disdain City Employments, principally of Capital Cities, such as Tholouze and Bourde∣aux. I am sure when I was a boy I have heard that both Gentlemen and Lords of very great birth and quality accepted of the charge of Capitouls at Tholouze, and of Jurats at Bourdeaux; but especially at Tholouze; whereas now refusing these offices, or suffering them to be conferr'd upon others, the Citizens have got the power into their hands, so that when we come we must cap and cringe to them. It was ill advised of those who first were the cause. Would to God that (as they do in Spain) we had made our con∣stant abode in the good Towns, we had then both had more riches and more authority. We have the keys of the Field, and they of the Towns, and in the mean time we must pass thorough their hands, and for the least affair trot up and down with great trouble from City to City to beg their favour and esteem. But to return to my two Ca∣pitouls, had they been men who had rightly understood the instructions I gave them, they might have given me seasonable notice. Neither is it in this thing only that I have observ'd this fault, but in several other things also, and if the Catholick Gentlemen would introduce this custom of taking City Employments upon them, they would find advantage by it, and would in a short time see all things in a much better posture. But let us make an end of the business in hand.

I had intelligence from that side towards Tholouze, that the said Count reinforc'd himself both with Horse and Foot and that he made his Levies about Castress, and at Gaillac, but that did nothing a••ter my former opinion of his design (I confess that God

depriv'd us of our understanding) ••ill that within eight or ten dayes before he took the Field. Monsieur de St. Germain coming to give me a visit at Agen about some private bu∣siness betwixt us, told and assur'd me, that the preparation Montgommery was making was to go over into Bearn. I disputed the contrary with him, telling him that the said Mont∣gommery ve••y well knew, that the Mareschal d'anvilles Forces were almost ready, and that in eight or t••n dayes time I should also be ready to march, hoping in twelve dayes to be with him. To which the said Sieur de St. Germain made answer, that let me never more repu••e him a good Servant of the Kings, if the Count de Montgommery did not go over into Bearn; and that he would cross the River at Verdun, or else higher towards the Sourse. The confident assurance he gave me made me think to advertize Monsieur de Terride, which by an ••xpress Courrier I did, and having well weigh'd and consider'd all things with my self, began to apprehend there might be some apparence in the thing. In the mean time I entreated the said Sieur de St. Germain to go to Tholouze to acqu••int the Mareschal with it; to which he return'd me answer, that he could not imagine but that the Mareschal must needs know of it, considering that Montgommeries Levies were making within seven or eight leagues of Tholouze: but I was so importunate with him to go, that in the end he consented, though he was at that time very much troubled with the stone, which yet continues with him; which made me write to the Mareschal (not naming the said Sieur de St. Germain otherwise than that a Gentleman and a Knight of the Order, whom he very well knew, and who was a very loyal Subject of the Kings) was coming towards him, to acquaint him with something that concern'd his Majesties ser∣vice, beseeching him that he would please to give credit to what he had to deliver to him. The said Sieur de St. Germain was not come to Tholouze when my Messenger came away, for the Mareschal writ me word back that the Knight of the Order who I said was coming to speak with him, was not yet arriv'd, but that if he came he would give ear to what he had to say, and would signifie his opinion to me concerning what he should deliver to him. Four or five dayes after Monsieur de St. Germain writ me word, that he had been with the Ma••eschal, who it seem'd had intelligence from other hands then his, to which he conceiv'd he gave greater credit then to him: but that I should remember what he told me, and should in a short time see it come to pass. I gave continual notice of all to Monsieur de St. Girou•• who was at Mas de Verdun, and Governor of the place, brother to the Sieur de la Garde, and who at this time is a Knight of the Order, and one of his Majesties House∣hold, that he should look well about him, and that in case the Enemy should offer to pass the River, he should send me present word, and in a day and a half I would not fail to be with him. To which he return'd me answer, that he would give me three daies warn∣ing, and that those of Grenade, and du Mas de Verdun had command to assist one another to gua••d the Foards and Ferries, which command had been given them at the said Mas de Verdun at the time when the said Mareschal was there. Now I had deliver'd the charge of the Country of Comenge, as far as the Pyrrhenean Mountains to Monsieur de Bellegarde, to whom I had given as ample Commission to Command in those parts as if I my self was there, he having ever behav'd himself gallantly and well, upon all occasions beaten and repell'd the Enemy, with Monsieur de Sav••gnac's People, his own Company, and the Gentlemen of Comenge, amongst whom he had a very great reputation, and was well serv'd by the Gentry, they knowing him to be a very brave Gentleman and an old Captain.

I receiv'd an answer from Monsieur de Terride, wherein he sent me word that he had no great apprehension of the Count de Montgommery or of his Forces, and that he was able to fight him. The Messenger that I had sent to him was a Soldier, who told me by the by, that Monsieur de Terride had not so many men as he thought he should have had, and moreover he heard the Captains and Soldiers say that the Enemy scarce ever made a sally but that our people were beaten. And i•• was not above three dayes at the most be∣fore I receiv'd a Letter from Monsieur de Fonte••illes containing these words.

I send you enclosed a Letter I receiv'd from my Lievtenant Monsieur de Noe, by which you will see that the Count de Montgommery is already upon the Save, and that he takes the way toward St. Gaudens, where he makes account with his Army to pass the Garonne.

The said Sieur de Noe's Letter was this:

Monsieur,

I Give you nitice that the Count de Montgommery has past the Save, and the Ri••ge, and dines to day at the house of the Vicount de Caumont my Brother-in-Law. In all these parts not a man presents himself to dispute with him his passage over the Garonne. I pray give Monsieur de Montluc speedy notice of it.

I was never in my life so surpriz'd at any thing as at this unexpected news, and began to think with my self, that this was some misadventure that was destin'd against us, knowing, as I did, the Mareschal d' Anville, Messieurs de Ioy••use and de Bellegarde, who were hard by him, and several other Captains who wanted neither courage, experience, nor affection; wherefore we were to conclude that God would lay a misfortune upon Monsieur de Terride. I had the Company of Monsieur de Gondrin at Montsegur en Bezadois, the one half of my own at Nera••, and the other at Mons••anquin, and that of Monsieur de Fontenilles at Moissac; which de Fontenilles ran in all haste to the said Moiss••c, being very certain that I would speedily send for him. I immediately then writ four dispa••ches, one to Monsieur de Terride, wherein I entreated him to rise from before Navarreins, and to retire towards Orthez and St. Sever, for that the Enemy was upon him, entreating him in so doing to call to mind the diligence we had several times used when we were together in Piedmont; that I feared the Mareschal's Forces were not yet ready suddenly to rel••eve him, and did also fear that the ••nemy would be upon him before my Letter could come to his hands; that therefore he ought not to engage himself to a precipi••ous Re••reat, and much less in a Battel, considering that his men were harass'd out with labour and watch∣ing, and th••t the Enemy came fre••h and in good plight to attaque him. I sent another to Monsieur de Fonten••lles to bid him march, another to the Baron de Gondrin at Montsegar, and another to my Lieutenant Monsieur de Madaillan, that I was going before towards l' ••ss•• en Iordan, if the Eenemy had not yet passed the River; but in case they should already be passed over, I would then take the way of Aire, and that he should follow af••er me day and night. It was almost night when I received the news, and in the morning by break of day, so soon as I had sent away my Messengers I departed and went to Lectoure; from whence I sent another dispatch to Monsieur le Mareschal to give him notice that I was coming directly to him with five Ensigns of Foot: but that notwithstanding should the Enemy already have passed the River, I was of opinion we were to follow after them, and that then if I should find they were marcht toward Bearn, I for my part would take my was directly to Aire, beseeching him not to stay for any one, for that so soon as ever he should be out of the Gates of Tholouze every one would follow after him, so well was I acquainted with the nature of the Gentlemen of that Country. I had tried them of•• enough, and am very confident it would have fall'n out so: for many a time have I set out with thirty men only, and the next day have had all the Gentlemen of the Country about me. I stay'd but that day at Lectoure, and as God shall help me, when I departed from Agen, I had but one old Gentlmen with me call'd Monsieur de Lizac, and my own Servants; but the next morning I had above thirty came in to me, with whom I marcht that night to Cauze, and the next day went no further than to Nogarol to stay for the Companies of Gens-d'arms and five Ensigns of Foot I had near unto me, and they were commanded by Captain Castella, by reason that I had sent my Nephew de Leberon to Li∣bourne; the King having writ to me to put my self into it, his Majesty having had intel∣ligence that the Enemy had a design upon that place. Which Command I receiv'd at the time when I sent the advertizement to Monsieur de Terride, and would not my self go to the said Libourne, that I might be near the Mareschal to go relieve the said Sieur de Ter∣ride; or fight Montgommery by the way. Being come to Aire we found that we were above sixscore Gentlemen, and the five Foot Companies came thither as soon as we. In the morning my whole Company came in on the one side, and by the way of the Landes at the same time came the Baron de Gondrin, who the day before had marched nine leagues, and my Company seven, and at night came Monsieur de Fontenilles. As I was mounting to horse to depart from Nogarol, the Messenger I had sent to the Mareschal from Lectoure return'd and brought me his answer, which was, that since Montgommery was already passed the Garonne, he conceiv'd it would be to no purpose to follow him, and that he had given Monsieur de Terride notice from the time that the Count had first made towards the Rivers, to look to himself, for that the said Montgommery was coming to attaque him; who had re••urn'd him answer, that he was strong enough to fight Montgommery, and that he would not leave the Siege, which was the same answer the said Sieur de Terride had sent to me. The said Mareschal sent me further word that he was going to batter a Castle near unto Lavaur called Frigeac, till the Foot who were coming out of Languedoc com∣manded by the Sieur de St. Geran de la Guiche should come up to him.

So soon as ever I alighted at Aire I dispatcht away Captain Mausan (who had been Quarter-master to Monsieur Gramont's Company, and was lately come into mine) to the said Mareschal by whom I begg'd of him, that setting all other Enterprizes apart, he would please to apply himself to the grand Concern; for having once fought Montgommery he would have no more to do either in Languedoc or Guienne, being that all the Forces of two

Provinces were united with the said Count, which being once defeated there would not be any one left to make head against us. I had at my coming to Nogarol sent away a dis∣patch to Monsieur de Terride, entreating him, that if he was not already retir'd he would speedily retire, and disincumber himself of his Artillery; and if he saw himself hard laid to, rather to throw them into the Gave, than engage in a Battel; for that I had sent to the Mareschal from Lectoure, hoping he would suddenly come away; and that though he should lose his Canon, so soon as we should be drawn together we should pre∣s••n••ly recover it. In the mean time it ran in my head, that although Montgommery had a very considerable and sprightly Army, he would hardly notwithstanding adventure to attaque Monsieur de Terride, seeing we were coming up towards him: but I think he had intelligence that neither the Mareschal nor I would enter the Country, and that we were not ready to joyn, which made him pursue his determination. The same night that I came to Aire after I had sent away Captain Mausan came Captain Montaut from Mon∣sieur de Terride, by whom he sent me word that he was retir'd to Orthez, entreating me with all speed to come up to him; whereupon I immediately sent back the said Captain Montaut to tell him, that I would not stir from Aire, or at least would advance no fur∣ther than St. Sever, untill the Mareschal should first come, for I had but three Compa∣nies of Gens-d'arms, and five Ensigns of Foot; and that Captain Montaut had told me, that in eighteen Ensigns of Foot which he had with him there was not eighteen hun∣dred men; and on the other side, should I come to Orthez, and that we should be forc'd to fight, and should lose the Battel, the King might justly cut off my head for not staying for the Mareschal, and the said Mareschal himself might justly say, that I had pr••∣cipitated the Battel that he might not be there, to engross to my self the reputation of a Victory; that therefore I would be cautious of entring into such a dispute either with his Maj••sty, or the Mareschal: but that I entreated him to retire to St. Sever, leaving a suf∣ficient Garrison in Orthez, and till the Mareschal should come I would be drawing to∣wards him. That heretofore I had given him timely advertizement of the Count's com∣ing, which he had dispis'd, and that now he would have me repair that so great an over∣sight at the hazard of my own honor, which I could by no means do. The said Captain Monta••t rid all night directly to Orthez, telling him all that I had given him in charge, to which he return'd me answer, that he could not stir from Orthez, and that should he go out of the Country of Bearn the Bearno••s would take heart at it; entreating me there∣fore to come up to him, with which message he would again have return'd the said Cap∣tain Montaut, who would by no means accept of the Commission, but frankly told him, that he was confident I would not enter into Bearn; and had given him so many reasons for that resolution, that not a man about me would offer to advise me to it, and accord∣ingly I sent him word by his Messenger that I would do no other but what I had told him by Captain Montaut.

I communicated all the Letters I writ whether to the Mareschal or Monsieur de Terride, to Monsieur d' Aire Brother to Monsieur de Candalle, and to all the Knights of the Order, and evermore consulted their advice; for the occasion requir'd it. The Lieutenant of Castel-Sarrazin, who was with Monsieur de Terride, has since told me, that he kept all the Letters I had writ to the said Sieur de Terride, and that would he have been perswaded by any of his Captains, he had retir'd to St. Sever according to my advice: but he chose rather to be govern'd by three or four Gentlemen of Bear•• he had about him, than any of his own Officers and Servants, Monsieur de Bellegarde was within six leagues of Aire to∣wards Bigorre, to whom I dispatcht away a Messenger, entreating him to come the next day to Proian, a House belonging to the Baron de Campagne, and to bring Captain Arne, and the Baron de Arbous, Lieutenant to Monsieur de Gramont, along with him, I having earnest business to communicate unto him, which accordingly they all three did. He had with him four Companies of Gens-d'arms, namely his own, and those of Messieurs de Gra∣mont, d' Arne, and de Sarlebous; and there I laid down before them all that I writ to Monsieur de Terride, with the answers he had return'd me back, and that he tempted me to come to Orthez, telling them withal the foregoing reasons why I conceiv'd I ought not to do it; which they all approv'd of, saying, that the Mareschal would have just cause to take it exceedingly ill if I should not stay for him; although they well enough under∣stood by several Letters he had writ to them, that he had a mind to make war in Langue∣doc, and not in Guienne; for all those of his Council, and even they of Tholouze, (as they had been enform'd) advis'd him so to do, and that upon that condition they would sup∣ply him with money for the expence of the war, perswading him to expend it in Langue∣doc, and not in Guienne; which was a thing easie enough to be believ'd, for every one strives to draw the water to his own Mill. Monsieur de Bellegarde then told us, that he

would write to the Mareschal, and tell him that he ought to march towards us, and after the Enemy: but that nevertheless he believ'd he would not do it, for the forenam••d rea∣sons, and also because those who were for his transferring the Scene of the war into Lan∣guedoc, would be sure to possess him, that the reason why we invited him to come to us, was for the fear we were in of losing our own Houses. We conclud••d however that he should send a Gentleman to him to beseech him to come, and I promis'd Monsieur de Bel∣legarde to acquaint him with what answer Captain Mausan should bring me back; who was but three dayes in going and coming, and afterwards went to Monsieur de Bell••g••••rde, carrying him the Mareschal's answer to my Letter; which was to this effect.

Monsieur de Montluc,

I Have receiv'd yours, by which I perceive that Monsieur de Terride is retir'd to Orth••z, who being now out of danger I sh••u••d do no great feats in Bearn, and am very unwilling to squander away my time: for in these parts I am confi••ent I shall soon recover what is lost of my Government; at your instance nevertheless I am content to come with my Army as far as I'Isle de Jordan, there to stay some few dayes to see if any occasion shall offer it s••••f of fight∣ing Montgommery in the Field; which in case I fail of, I am resolv'd to pu••su•• my begin∣ning, which is hopeful; for I have taken Figeac where Captain Mausan h••s found m••, and to morrow morning I will march directly to the Isle, where in two dayes I hope to arrive.

These were the contents of the Letter which pleas'd us all exceedingly well, and immedi∣ately upon the receipt thereof I went to St. Sever with all the horse and foot I had; and from thence so soon as ever I came thither dispatcht away Captain Montaut, who from Or∣thez was but newly alighted there (for from St. Sevir to the said Orthez is no m••re than four leagues and a half only) back to Monsieur de Terride, entreating him

that he would come in the morning to Aget••au, that we might conferre together an hour to re∣solve upon what we had to do. I made no manner of question but he would come, which made me send to Monsieur de Gramont's people to provide us something for dinner, for Agetmau is his in right of his Daughter-in-Law d' Andois Countess of Guichen, and gave the Letter the Mareschal had sent me by Captain Mausan to the said Captain Montaut, to shew him. I made this assignation purposely to remonstrate to him, that the Mareschal would hardly be drawn so far as into Bearn, by reason he was im∣portun'd by all the Estates of Languedoc, and all the Lords of that Countrey to make war in Languedoc, and not in Gulenne, which he must in the end be necessitated to do, or they would give him no money; that therefore he ought to retire to St. Sever, leaving a few men in the Castle of Orthez, and that when we should be all together we should make up the body of an Army, entreating the Mareschal to leave us Monsieur de Belle∣garde with the four Companies of Gens-d'arms, which I hoped he would easily grant us, he having enow besides to be Master of the Field, and that in five or six dayes I doubted not but we should have a thousand Foot, or more to those we already had: for Monsieur de Bellegarde had two Companies with him, and that Captain M••usan should go into Bigorre, from whence he hand his Brother would bring a considerable number of men, and that the Count de Labatut would do the same.

This was what I had premeditated to say to him, not doubting but by those arguments to overcome his Council that hindred him from retiring; and besides I believ'd the Mareschal would be very glad of this resolution, by which means he would be at full liberty to pursue his own designs. Yet did I not do this of my own head only, but communicated all to the Knights of the Order, and the Captains who were with me. Now when I in the morning expe∣cted he should come to Agetmau (it being but two leagues only from Orthez) to conclude of such things as should be most proper for his safety and honor, he sent me word that he could not come to Agetmau, his Council not conceiving it fit for him to go out of his Government, because Agetmau was not in Bearn, but that I should come to him. See here the vanity of this world! a man weak, beaten, and upon the matter defeated, stands upon his punctillio's, and moreover with a man who came only to save his life, and who in re∣gard to his own quality might challenge some respect.

For God's sake (fellow Captains) leave this pride behind your Beds-head, when necessi∣ty shall press upon you; for it is to be devoyd of all sense and understanding, seeing that a man does miserably and ridiculously lose himself. Had he been of greater quality than I, he ought notwithstanding to have accepted my invitation, and to have come so far to confer and consult with me about an affair whereupon his own safety and that of his Army wholly depended. His evil Angel govern'd him. He neither knew before nor after which way to

go about either to escape, or defend himself. Yet was it not thorough any default of cou∣rage, for he had ever manifested himself to be b••ave enough; but God deprives us of our judgments when he is dispos'd to chastize us.

To return to our Embassies. I sent him word roundly,

That I would not budg a foo••, and that I would not engage my self in a place where I should be enfor••'d to fight till I should first see his Forces and mine together, to know if they were sufficient to match the Enemy: that I had seen too many caught in the Trap for that; that I would not buy a Pig in a Poak, but would see both without and within, that I was come thither to relieve him with••u•• any command from any person living; that it seem'd he stood upon his punctillio's of honor, but that it was not time to insist upon such niceties; and that he appear'd to me like a man who is in necessity, and yet thinks he does the person too much honor to borrow money of him of whom he desires it.

All this I writ to him in my anger, when I saw I could not make him come to a place where I had a mind to tell him by word of mouth what had been concluded, as well by Monsieur de Bellegarde and the Captains n••ar unto him, as by those that I had with me: and when they saw that I was resolv'd not to go, they sent to me Messieurs d' Audaux, and de Damasan to perswade me to it.

The question was not whether I ought to carry the five Ensigns of Foot, and my three Companies of Gens-d'arms into Orthez, for they not had 3 daies provision for themselves: but I must go as one neighbour goes to another's house when he makes a visit. I do not use to go after that manner in a time of War, especially when the Enemy is so near. The said Sieurs d' Audaux and de Damasan spar'd for no arguments to induce me to it, and I was not to seek for reasons (and such as were much more evident than theirs, as any child m••ght discern) to excuse my self. In the end, seeing I would not go, they told me, either that Monsieur de Gramont had a picque to some of their Council, or else that they had a quar∣r••l to him (I know not which it was, for I did not commit it to memory, forasmuch as it was not their an mositi••s that had brought me thither) and that therefore Agetmau was by no means a proper place for our meeting. Whereupon we concluded that the next day about Noon we should meet at a Gentlemans House, which was not in Monsieur de Gra∣mont's Te••ritories, though I told them withal, That all animositi••s ought to cease where a Li••utenant of the Kings is in place.

In the close of the Evening then they all mounted to horse to return to Orthez, when at their going away Monsieur de Madaillan entreated leave of me to go along with him; and to stay two dayes there to try if he could not in that time find an opportunity to do something with fourty Cuirassiers of my Company, whom I accordingly permitted to go, and so they departed altogether. About eleven of the clock at night as they were go•• a little beyond Agetm••u▪ they met with a Merchant of Orthez of their acquaintance who was running away, and told them that they were all defeated, and that Monsieur de Ter∣ride and some Captains with him were escap'd into the Castle; which nevertheless they d••d not believe; for our people were eighteen Ensigns of Foot, and the Enemy were no more than two and twenty; which made it seem impossible, considering that ours had the advantage of the Town. For this therefore they did not forbear to go forward, and a quarter of a league further met with Captain Fleurdelis, who had also escap'd away, and told them the same thing that the Merchant had done before. Whereupon they made a halt to rally such as should be flying away from the defeat. The Merchant held on his way, and coming to St. Sever, found me in bed. His news was so unexpected, and so str••nge, that I could by no means give any credit to it, not being able to imagine that two and twenty Ensigns could take eighteen in a Town that was none of the weakest; but Captain Fleurdelis coming within a quarter of an hour after, and confirming the same, I was constrain'd to believe it, not without making above three times the sign of the Cross.

I have thought fit to give an account at large of the truth how all things passed in this business, by reason that all the Kingdom cried out, that if Monsieur le Mareschal d' Anville and Montluc had perform'd their duties Montgommery had been defeated, and the Princes after the rout at Moncontour would not have known which way to turn them, having no other refuge but to throw themselves into the arms of the Count de Montgommery, who was fresh, victorious and full of Crowns (all which was laid in our dish) and Guienne had not then been in mourning as it now is. And yet I think the Hugonots had not passed thorough Limosin and Perigort: for we should have gone out to meet them to bid them good-morrow: but the account that I have truely set down will discover who was in fault. In the mean time they who shall follow after us may learn that an oversight in War is irreparable. There are several persons of honor yet living, who will testifie the truth of what I write, for I did not make any Dispatches in secret, but in the presence of all the

Captains and Knights of the Order who were with me. I do not write to accuse either the Mareschal or Monsieur de Terride, I say nothing but the truth, to manifest my dili∣gence to such as have said, that if I would I might have reliev'd Monsieur de Terride. The few men I had, the daily advertisements I gave him, and the resolution taken amongst us, are all evidences whether I was in fault or no. I must needs say that had he retir'd, that had he sooner believ'd my intelligence, and would have hearkned to my advice, and not have been so overrul'd by his own Council, that then in eight dayes time we should have been strong enough to have fought Montgommery, and either to have driven him out of Bearn, or have shut him up in Navarreins, where they would not have receiv'd him neither, forasmuch as there had not been provision to have nourisht his Army four days; by which means he must have been necessitated either to fight, or to turn back to the place from whence he came, which he would have found a matter of great difficulty for him to do; for the very Peasants would have defeated him, knowing us to be in his Rear. Monsieur de Terride had yet all the other Towns, and had this En••erprize of his succeeded the Ma∣reschal had not needed to have been troubled with our war, but had been left at liberty to pursue his own designs, provided he would have left us Monsieur de Bellegarde, and the four Companies of Gens-d'armes, which I believe he would have done having himself no need of them. It is then Monsieur de Terride's Council that is to be blam'd, and not I; and that all the world may see how unlikely Montgommery's design was to take effect▪ it is most certain, that he never had at the most above five and twenty hundred Foot, and betwixt five and six hundred Horse, good and bad together; and when he went to meet the Princes, he had not above a hundred Horse, and but very few Foot, by the testimony of Monsieur de Terride's Ensigne and Guidon, and of Monsieur de St. Felix, Lieutenant to Monsieur de Negrepelisse, and Captain St. Projets Ensigne, who were prisoners, and went every day at liberty upon their parole up and down their Camp; and since the Peace I have ••alkt with above fifty of the Enemy who have all confirm'd the same; by which any one may judge if there was any reason to apprehend the said Count, or suspect the said Monsi••ur de Terride (considering the Forces he had with him) should suffer him∣self to be surpriz'd, especially he being himself a good Soldier, and having good Officers about him: but they lost their understanding in a time of the greatest need.

This is the truth of the beginning and source of all the miseries of Guienne. Had not Monsieur le M••reschal d' Anville come into this Country, I am assur'd that most of the Lords and Gentlemen who went in to him would have done me the honor to have come to me, and I think we should have play'd our Game a little better. It was but reason they should pay that great respect to him, he being a great Lord, Son to a Connestable and Ma∣reschal of France, and moreover a brave Cavalier in his own person, rather than to me, who am a poor Gentleman, old, a Cripple, and out of favour: but notwithstanding be∣lov'd both by the Gentry and the People.

You Lieutenants of Provinces who shall come after me, if peradventure my Memoires shall fall into your hands, make your advantage of this oversight of Monsieur de Terride, to the end that you may not occasion the ruin of your Masters affairs. I will not blame nor accuse him either of cowardise or treachery, for he was an admirable good Field-Officer: but other qualities are requir'd in a Lieutenant of a Province; upon your head∣piece, your prodence and circumspection all the rest depend. Had he credited the adver∣tisements we gave him of the Count de Montgommery's coming to raise the Siege, he had made an honorable Retreat, and had sav'd his Canon, which had he not had leisure to draw off, he might have thrown them into the Gave, which is a River full of great pre∣cipices, so that it would not have been in the power of Montgommery to retrieve them; and we should have been with them in the time that such a work would have requir'd. But setting this aside, having been routed in his Siege, and after that being retir'd into a Town sufficiently strong, he ought to have considered of the means, either of retreating further, or of fortifying himself there; and yet the last fault was worse than the first, which was, that their fear depriv'd them of their judgment; for he escap'd with a good number of Gentlemen into the Castle, which is a very strong one, without having ever thought of putting provisions into it wherewith to sustain him; and in all these disgraces to stand upon his punctillio's of honour, without deining to condescend so far as to come three steps out of his Government to confer with a friend who came meerly to do him service, and to preserve him, was a most inexcuseable folly. Leave, leave these punctillio's in a time of necessity, I have never done so, but oftentimes with ten Horse only have put my self into the Field. I am confident that had he come to speak with me he had not fall'n into the misfortune, which cost him both his honor▪ and his life. For my part so oft as I have call'd this action to remembrance, I have ever lookt upon it as a meer Judgment of

God. For to raise a Siege against equal Forces, to conquer, and force a Town, and to take the Kings Lieutenant in a sufficient place in three dayes time, as it were in the sight of a Mareschal of France, and a Lieutenant of the Kings, as I was, and in short, in three dayes to conquer a whole Province seems to be a Dream. It must needs be confest that in all our Warrs there was never perform'd a more notable exploit. But who (Fellow Captains) ob∣••ein'd this glory for the Count de Montgommery? truly no other but his own diligence, which was such as scarce gave leisure to Monsieur de Terride to look before him, and con∣sider what he had to do. It is one of the best pieces in a Soldiers Harness. And what lost Monsieur de Terride? the little diligence he employ'd in his most pressing concern. For my part I did what lay in me to do; for to enter further into a Count••y, without first knowing from him in what posture it stood, and to fight a victorious Enemy without sufficient Forces, and with a ba••••ed Army; I was not so ill advis'd as to shuffle all things into confusion only to bear him company in his ruine. I had been too long possessed of the honor of having never been defeated, to hazard my reputation for the relief of a man who would throw himself away in despite of all the world.

Let no one wonder that I insist so long upon this subject: for I believe that from this one fa••l•• (which many ill enform'd have indiscreetly and unjustly laid to my charge) the ruine not only of Guienne, but moreover of the whole Kingdom since has been deriv'd. I am assur'd that the affairs of the Hugonots had otherwise been reduc'd to such an extre∣mity, that it had been impossible ever to have repair'd them again. For in the first place, had the Mareschal and I follow'd him, there is no doubt but Montgommery had been de∣feated, and consequently all Bearn reduc'd, which had been no contemptible thing, and I think the King would then have been bet••er advis'd, than to have surrendred it upon the accommodation, having ••nough besides wherewith to recompence the Queen of Navarre within the Kingdom, to keep her more in his obedience. For a King ought alwayes to covet that those who a••e his Subjects, if they be great and powerful, should be in the heart, and not in the extremities of his Kingdom; for then they dare not shew their horns: And besides the King wanted no good title to Bearn, for it is said that the Sove∣raignty of right belongs to him. I once heard Monsieur de Lagebaston the first President of Bourdeaux lay open that ti••le, who said he had seen the Evidences thereof in the Consta∣blery of Bourdeaux; but I have nothing to do to revive that antiquated quarrel. He told us also that at the time when they began to fortifie Navarreins, the Court of Parlia∣ment sent to King Francis to remonstrate to him, how much it imported his Crown to hinder that Fortification: but the King sent them word, that he was not offended at it; which was ill advis'd of the King; for a Prince ought as much as in him lies to hinder neighbouring For••resses; and had it not been for this all the whole Province had been his. But 'tis done and past, and there is now no remedy; For to a done thing the Council is already taken. Besides all this had Montgommery been defeated, the Admiral who in the interim lost the Battel of Moncontour would have been at his wi••s end, and not have known to what Saint to devote himself. I think he would have been wiser than to have engag'd himself in G••ienne, where he would easily have been defeated, the relicks of his Army being in a very poor and forlorn condition, w••thout B••ggage, their horses unshod, and without a penny of money. And it was well for him that he came to throw him∣self into the armes of the Count de Montgommery, who set him up again, supplying him with money that he had gain'd at the Sack of divers Cities, insomuch that the said Ad∣miral had the commodity of ••raversing the whole Kingdom, whilest the King amuz'd him∣self at the Siege of St. Iean in the heart of Winter, which was very unadvisedly done: but God opens and sh••ts our eyes when it pleases him. Let us now return to our Subject. Peradventure there may be some who would have been glad I should have writ more at large after what manner Monsieur de Terride was defeated; which I would not do; for I have heard that Of ill flesh a man can never make good Pottage. I leave that to those who were present at the business, and who gave me relation of it, and to the Historians who talk of all the world, and very often unseasonably, and from the purpose, like ignorant fellows in fea••s of Arms as they are.

These postings to and fro betwixt Monsieur de Terride and me continued three whole dayes, after which Montgommery came to attaque him. After his defeat I remain'd a•• St. Sever, until such time as he was taken in the Castle of Orthez, and afterwards re∣tir'd to Aire, where I staid nine dayes after the taking of the said Sieur de Terride, send∣ing the Mareschal an account of all that had passed, and again solliciting him withal to come up to us. To which by way of answer he demanded of me to what end he should come, or what his coming would signifie, Monsieur de Terride being defeated and taken. Which made me dispa••ch away Monsieur de Leberon to remonstrate to him, that in case he should

pass the River towards Languedoc, Montgommery would infallibly fall into the Kings Country, seeing there was no body to make head against him; but that if he would please yet for a few dayes ••o deferre his expedition, one might then see what Montgommery would do; for being puft up with so glorious a Victory, he would not there st••p the progress of his Arms. The Mareschal was contented so to do, but sent me word withal, that he would lose no more time than a months pay only, which the City of Tholouze had given his Army, but would employ the remainder in reducing the places in his Go∣vernment. Now to say the truth from the time of Monsieur de Terride's defeat, affairs were in so strange a confusion, that a man had much ado to divine what course was best to take, unless the Province of Languedoc would have been contented to have paid the Mareschal's Army for the service of Guienne, which however perhaps he would not have done, neither indeed had he any reason to do it. During the nine dayes that I stayd at Aire, we made a new appointment to meet at a Village, the name whereof I have forgot, and there all those who were at Proian accordingly met, where we fell to debating of what remedies might be found out (which was a matter of great difficulty for the aforegoing reasons) for the present evil, and in the end concluded together, that I should write un∣to the Mareschal to tell him, that if he would be pleas'd to come so far as Viques, I would there wait upon him, to resolve upon what he should think we were best to do for the de∣fence of Guienne. I accordingly writ, and in answer thereunto had word from him back again, that upon a certain day, which he nam'd, he would not fail to be there, which was two or three dayes after. I will here in the mean time give an account of what I did at Aire within five leagues of the Enemy, and in an open Town, having no more but the five Companies commanded by Captain Castella, and one of Vicount de Labatut, who was also come thither; which because it may be of use to some one in time to come I will here set down, and peradven••ure some Apprentice in our Trade may learn something out of it, that hereafter may be of some advantage to him.

The three Companies of Gens-d'arms were in a Village on this side the Dou towards Gas••ony. I discover'd my design to Messieurs de Gondrin, de Fontenilles, and de Madaillan, telling them that I would try my fortune, and see i•• I could order it so as to fight Mont∣gommery at my own advantage with those few that we were; that to this end I would send away all the Gentlemens Baggage that we had with us to Nog••arol, so that nothing should be left behind but our Horses and Arms; I would then that every night they should come an hour after midnight with the three Companies before Aire, on that side the River towards Gascony. I had, besides those, four Companies of Argoulets, which in all might be about three hundred Harquebuzeers, who in like manner were to come at the same time to Millas a Village on the brink of the River. Our six Ensigns of Foot were quarter'd at Mas•• d' Aire, which lies above Aire on that side towards the Enemy, who were every night at the same hour to present themselves in Battalia upon the Banks of the River without the Village, and in case of an Alarm without Drum or Trumpe••, were to retire by Aire, and pass over the Bridg, at which time we who were quarter'd at the said Aire were to foard it over (for the River was foardable) and that in the mean time twenty Horse should every night go the Patrouille upon the three Highwayes by which the Enemy could only come to us, which Horse should have intelligence one with another, to give one another notice if they came, that so they might all at once retire to Aire, without giving any Alarm, and might come and tell our Foot, and consecutively us; and that the said twenty Horse should advance a long league, or a league and a half upon those Highwayes, to the end, that we might not be constrain'd to draw off our men in disorder, but might have time to have made half a league towards our place or retreat, which was to Noguarol, before the Enemy could be arriv'd at Aire. I then calculated the length of the night, for I fear'd not their coming by day, by reason that I kept a Gentleman call'd Captain Bahu•• in an enclosed Village, a league and a half distant from Aire towards Morlas, who kept Scouts all the day upon all the wayes by which the Enemy could come to us, and had three or fourscore Soldiers with him, with twenty or five and twenty Argoulets. I also repre∣sented to them, that when the Enemy should have marcht five long leagues of that Coun∣try, chiefly the Foot, and especially in the night, the Foot must of necessity stay to eat and drink at Aire; to which place also they could not come till almost day, when men are the most enclin'd to sleep, especially Foot who have marcht all night, so that they would ne∣ver be able to get one Foot Soldier out of Town, and that the most of the Harquebuzeers on horseback would stay with them, and that then by the Rule of War the Horse would pass on forwards after us, supposing that we retreated for fear, and that I design'd our En∣counter to be half a league from Aire, which as I had computed the time, would happen to be betwixt break of day and sunrise: that so soon as we should see them approach us,

we should cover all our Foot with our Cavalry, and give them a swinging Charge, and that in so doing I made no doubt but we should defeat them. They all approv'd of my d••sign, concluding with me that we should defeat and break them, for our horses would be ••resh, and their weary, and our Foot coming up a good round ••rot after us, seeing the victory ours, and that their Foot were yet in Aire sleeping or eating, would also fall in upon them, who seeing their Cavalry defeated, and put to rout, there was no question to be made, but that every one would shift for himself the best he could, and endeavour to escape without offering to fight. Thus are we to represent things to our selves when we are to undertake an Enterprize, and to hear one anothers reasons and opinions upon the same.

We lay nine dayes at Aire in reference to this Stratagem, during which time we were every••night in Battalia after this manner, expecting when the Enemy should fall into our Quarters thinking to susprize us, but I think had we stayd till they had come we had been there till now. The tenth day having receiv'd an answer from the Mareschal, that he would in three dayes be at Auch, we reti••'d towards Marsiac, to rally with Monsieur de Bellegarde, to whom I gave all the men I had, and with twenty horse only went away to Auch, marching nine long leagues that day (which are as much as twenty French leag••es) the next morning being the time appointed by the Mareschal for our meeting. In my life I was never so weary, for it was excessively hot, and I there found Monsieur de Negrepe∣lisse, who was come thither the day before, having heard that the Mareschal would be there, as also to rally what was left of his Company, which had been with Monsieur de Terride. The next morning instead of coming himself the Mareschal sent thither Monsieur de Ioyeuse, and we held the Consultation at Monsieur de Negrepelice his house, he being ill of the Gout. There Monsieur de Ioyeuse acquainted us with the Mareschal's intention, which was, that he was going to repass the Garonne, and to employ his time in his own Government, considering the charge the Country was at of defraying the expence of the War. We controverted this determination of his, arguing that the Enemy were in Gui∣enne, and that he having the charge of Dauphiné, Provence, Languedoc, and Guienne, was equally obliged to preserve the one as well as the other; that we were all the Kings Sub∣jects and Servants, and that the Country was the Kings, and that therefore he ought to go there where the Enemy was, and to endeavour to repair the great oversight we had com∣mitted. In answer whereunto Monsieur de Ioyeuse laid before us, that the Country of Languedoc would not pay the Mareschal's Army, unless they should see that he employ'd their money in recovering the places of their own Province, and as I have already said, he had reason. But in the mean time we who were of Guienne expected no other but the total ruine of it, and consequently of all our houses; for which considerations we should have been very glad that the Mareschal would have resolv'd upon the defence of Guienne, and not to have return'd into Languedoc. In conclusion he told us that he must be gone, for he was to be that night with the Mareschal at the Isle, and that the next morning the said Sieur would cross the Garonne towards Languedoc; at which we were very much confounded, as knowing very well that Montgommery could not long subsist in Bearn, and would therefore fall into the Kings Country; whereupon I told Monsieur de Ioyeuse, that seeing I had no Forces left for the defence of Guienne, I had nothing left to do but to retire to Libourne, where the King had commanded me to be, and so return'd to find out Monsieur de Bellegarde at Marsiac, who was as much confounded as I, he being in no less fear of the ruine of his houses than I, and the rest of us whose Estates lay in those parts. I left the Vicount de Labatut with his two Companies in Marsiac, leaving it to his own discretion to do as he saw cause, for Forces I had none to relieve him. Monsieur de Bellegarde also retir'd a little further towards Coma••ge, expecting Or∣ders from the Mareschal what he was to do, and the Baron de Gondrin went towards Euse, there with his Company to do the best service he could. We were all like strayed sheep. I with my Foot Companies went to pass the River Garonne, placing them at Port St. Mary and at Aguillon, to see if I could yet raise any more men, and issued out three or foar Commissions to that effect. There only remain'd with me ••ive and thirty Horse of Mon∣sieur de Fontenilles his Company, and fourscore of my own, for Monsieur de Madaillan, who was gone to bury his Wife, had taken one part along with him: Of those who were his Neighbours, his Brother who carried my Ensign was also gone sick to his own house, and had in like manner taken along with him some others that liv'd there abouts, and my Guidon was gone to Tholouze to a Tryal he had depending in that Court, which was the reason that I was thus left alone. It is true that I was assur'd they would be back with me again in eight dayes. As for the Gentlemen of Armagnac they w•••••• all retir'd to their own houses, to take order about the removing of their Goods into 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thinking no

less but that the same scourge of God was amongst us; for every one thought of saving his Goods, and not of defending himself, nor of making head against the Enemy, by which you may see the fruits of our evil intelligence amongst our selves.

I had not been four dayes at Agen before I was advertiz'd that Monsieur de Marcha∣stel (••he same who at this present is the Lord de Peyre) was come to Thoneins with three hundred Horse, amongst which there might be threescore that were very good, the rest were Harquebuzeers on horseback ill mounted; with vvhich he vvas going over in∣to Bearn, to joyn vvith the Count de Montgommery; vvhereupon I departed and vvent to Aguillon. Of my five Foot Comapnies I had sent tvvo to quarter at Ville-neufue to ease the Country; and in the other three that remain'd, and that lay at Port St. Mary and Aguillon, if there vvere a hundred men in a Company that vvas all; for every one vvas gone to his ovvn house, as vvell as the Horse, and even the Captains themselves. I had given two Commissions to Captain Plex, and Captain Pommies, two Gentlemen of Cond••mm••i••, to raise each of them a Foot Company, to whom I sent that they should ad∣vance towards Buzet, for that I would try to pass the River Garonne, and in case they should hear that the Enemy offer'd to hinder my passage, they should then give them Ala••ms b••••ind. The s••id Si••ur de Peyre made no stay at Thonens, but crost the River ad∣vancing towards Monhurt, Montluc, and D••masan. The same night that I arriv'd at Agu••llon, I made shew as if I would pass the River, whereupon they presented them∣selves to oppose me; but there was nothing done but some few Harqu••buz shot fir'd a∣••hwart the River. The next morning I caus'd two Boats to fall down towards Port St. Mary, in the one whereof three horses might pass at once, and in the other two, and pre∣sented my self at the passage of Port de Pascau, sending over five and twenty Harquebu∣zeers in the two Boats▪ and when I expected they should come to defend the Pass, they did quite contrary, for they quitted Damas••n, Montluc, and Monhurt, and retreated towards la Gruere, and le Mas-d' Agenois, leaving me the passage free; so that I went to quarter at Damasan, where I found the Captains du Plex and Pommies newly arriv'd, having but fourscore Foot only betwixt them; for they had not had time to fill their Com∣panies, and about fourscore Harquebuzeers on horseback came with them also. Captain Lauba a Kinsman of mine, who might have about threescore Harquebuzeers on horseback, came th••ther likewise about four a clock in the afternoon, by which time we were all got over the River.

At my coming to Damasan there met me two men from Castel-geloux, whom the Con∣suls and Inhabi••ants of the Cities had sent to me to demand relief; for that Calonges had been before the Town to summon it, to whom they had return'd answer, that in case they heard no news of me by the next morning they would deliver up the Town. It was a strange thing that Cities, which were in no manner of danger of being forc'd, should so tremble for fear. They had condition'd that none but the Captains should enter, in consideration of a certain sum of money they were to give them; but that was but a juggle, for they were resolv'd to make themselves Masters of the Town, and to leave a Garrison there, the Captains being very well assur'd, that being once within, they, with the Hugo∣nots of the place should be able to master the Catholicks. I immediately hereupon order'd Captain Ne••, and Captain Bengue the Lieutenant and Guidon of Monsieur de Fontenilles his Company, that they should bait their horses, and Captain Plex and Pommies to bait their Harquebuzeers on horseback; and that in the close of the Evening Monsieur de No•• should depart with five Gens-d'arms, and the said du Plex and Pommies with their Har∣quebuzeers on horseback with him, taking one of the Messengers in their Party, and the rest of the Light-horse, which might be about ten; and the fourteen of my Company should go with the said Captain Bengue and Captain Lauba with him, and should stay at a place appointed within a quarter of a league of the Town: where if Monsieur de Noé could enter in, he should give notice to Captain Bengue, if not he should retreat to him; and I with fourteen or fifteen Gentlemen who were with me, and some fourscore Har∣quebuzeers on foot, would hal•• about half a quarter of a league short of the said Captain Bengue, at a Gentlemans house call'd Monsieur de Ganet, where they were to send me in∣telligence of all that passed. I order'd it thus, to the end that in case the Enemy should come to hinder Captain Noé from entring the Town, Captain Bengue and he might rally together, and I also would shew my self in the field to amuze the Enemy, and to make them think that we were three Parties in the field. I knew very well that they would soon have intelligence from those who playd the good Subjects, by staying at home in their own houses, under the protection of the Kings Edict: and therefore caus'd all the three Par∣ties to go away by night, to defeat those Intelligencers of the knowledge of how few men we were. Monsieur de Noé came an hour after midnight to the Gates of Castel-geloux,

where there arose a great dispute amongst those of the Town, whe••her or no they should let him in; some said I, and some said no, insomuch that they made him wait two long hours before they could conclude, but in the end the Catholicks ran to the Gate of the Town, and made themselves Masters of it, and offer'd it to him; who so soon as he was got in, advertiz'd Captain Bengue thereof, sending him word to retreat to me, as it had been order'd he should, which he accordingly did, and by this time it was sun-rise. About break of day two Hugonots, Towns-born Brats, came before Castel-geloux, to en∣quire if their relief was at hand, and whether they were determin'd to let the Captains enter according to their Capitulation, telling them that the said Sieur de Peyre was with his forc••s within a quarter of a league of the Town, where he had made a hal••, and wait∣ed in expecta••ion of their return. When as some of those within held them in discourse, some Horse sallied out and took one of them, but the other made his escape, and carried news to Monsieur de Peyre, that his Companion was taken, and that they that took him were Gens-d'arms in yellow Cassocks. Monsieur de Peyre then perceiv'd that I was got up before him, and retreated to Mas. Monsieur de Fontenilles was come in the night at the p••ecise time appointed to Buset, a quarter of a league from Damasan, to which place I was retir'd after I had given order for them to march away by night, telling me by the way as we went, that the Mareschal was not pass'd over the River Garonne, to go over into Languedoc, as Monsi••ur de Ioyeuse had assur'd us he would, but was marching towards Muret to ease the Country; so that I receiv'd that night two great satisfactions, the first and the chiefest, that the Mareschal had thought better with himself, and was not cross'd the River, by which means I hop'd we should be able to do some good for the Kings ser∣vice, and for the defence of the Country; and the other, that I had reliev'd Castel-gelo••x, which was of singular advantage to us, as well in Bourdelois as in Bazadois. Which I thought fit to commit to writing, to shew that with the little power I had, I did all I was able to do, without lying idle at home, and suffering all things to go at ran∣dom.

Captains, although these be no great Conquests, nor famous Battels, you may yet by them, as well as in other places of my Book learn what a great diligence can effect, (I am alwayes touching upon this string, and I cannot too often repeat it) and that it is good to run a hazard sometimes in a case of necessity. When I crost the River twenty men might have hindred my passage, had they stayd in the Houses of the Port de Pascau; for I must of necessity land betwixt the two great Houses: and if I would have stood to consult a∣bout the reason of my passage, not a man with me would have been of opinion, that I ought to adventure to pass. By which you may note that the necessity of war will have it so, tha•• a man must sometimes venture when the affair is of great importance, and not alwayes go by the reason of war: but I must also tell you, that if you are long in design∣ing, and tedious in making preparation for the execution of your design, you may then lose more in venturing, than you are likely to win: for a man that is resolv'd to hazard must keep his design very close, and his execution must be sudden, that the Enemy may have no inkling of what you intend to do, till you come just to the push; for if you give him time to discover your intention, or to prevent your design, you must imagine he has understanding and judgment as you have, and will so well provide for you, that instead of surprizing him, you your selves will be surpriz'd, and defeated. Do not alwayes choose the easiest way, but deceive your Enemy, making a shew to put your selves into one place, to get convenience of going into another. As to what concerns diligence, Monsieur de Noé stay'd not two hours to bait at Damasan, but the night was upon him; nevertheless he departed at the first word without making any dispute of the business. How many Captains are there who would have given their Horse time to bai••, and rest that night, at least till within an hour or two of day, considering that they had been all day on horse∣back at the passage of the River in excessive heat? Which had I order'd it so here, Monsieur de Noé would then have found the Enemy in the Town, as they did him, wherefore I would alwayes advise you to remember the Motto of Alexander the Great. Leave not that till to-morrow, which you may do to day. After a long march you shall repose at your ••ase and acquire honor. You must oft-times make your horses quail under their bur∣then; you will get more horses enow, but your honor once lost is never to be regain'd. 'Tis a thing that is not to be found by the high-way, but to be acquir'd by valour, and for which you wear your swords by your sides.

So soon as I return'd back to Damasan I presently retir'd to Buset, a house belonging to the Signieur de Caumont my Kinsman, and thence immediately mounted to horse, and with about thirty Gens-d'arms I had, and Captain Lauba's Argoule••s, went directly to Pe••ch, belonging in part to the Queen of Navarre, and wherein I had also a propriety.

The S••eur de Peyre was wi••h all his people retir'd into Mas, which is a good league from Peuch, and when I came thither it was three a clock in the af••ernoon. The news was car∣ried to him that I was marching directly to Mas, which was the reason that he immedi∣ately departed thence, and ma••cht all night. Lau••a put himself in pursuit of him, and had he overtaken him would have brought away either Fowl or Feathers, for he is ••n ad∣venturous Gentleman, and so were the two Captains who were with him; but he kn••w nothing of de Peyre's retreat till the next morning at sun-rise, and would then have follow'd the track, but that the people told him he was already as far as Mont de Marsan. The next morning I drew off the Sieur de Noé and his Cavalry from the said Castel-geloux, and left the Captains du Plex and Pommies in his room, who there perfected their Com∣panies, which were alwayes good, they having ordinarily fourscore Harquebuzeers on horse∣back at least, keeping almost continually together, and oft-times going out as far as Mont de Marsan, where they had frequent skirmishes.

I then return'd back to Agen, where the same day that I arriv'd a Courrier came to me with le••••ers from Monsieur le Mareschal, wherein he writ me word, that he had heard both by Monsieur de Ioy••use and others, that I was resolv'd to go and put my self into Li••ourne, in order to a Command the King had sent me to that effect: but that at the time when the King writ to me to go thi••her, his Majesty did not understand that the af∣fa••s o•• Gui••nne were in so ill a condition; that therefore he entreated me to consider well of it; for if I should abandon the open Co••ntry in so critical a time, neither the King nor the Monsieur would be satisfied with my doing••. To which I writ him answer back, that wha••ever I might have said, it had never been my intention to shut my self up in Li∣bourne, and that he might assure himself I was not a Champman to be taken at the fi••st word: but that I was exceeding glad that he would yet continue some longer time in Gui∣enne, to see what resolution the Enemy would take, (for so he had writ me word in his letter) and that if it pleased him, whilst his Army had nothing else to do, to march to∣wards N••guarol, and le Mont de Marsan, to try if the Enemy would take courage to come out of Bearn to fight us; we might peradventure do some thing, and that it was my opinion it would be of advantage to us, to the end that if Montgommery should dare to enter the King's Territories, he might see that we were ready to fight him. He writ word back again that he was content, and that in five dayes he should be at Auch, where he desi••'d me to meet him. I would not suffer the five Ensigns commanded by my Ne∣phew Leberon to stir from Libourne and St. Foy, though the two Companies that quarter'd at St. Foy were placed there upon no other account but only to save the Provisions of Li∣bourne: but in case of a Siege they had Orders, that immediately upon Monsieur de Le∣b••rons sending for them they should retire to Libourne, where the Cheva••er Horloge com∣manded, who was casting up Trenches within, as if he daily expected a Siege. I took the five Ensigns that Captain Castella commanded in the absence of the Chev••lier and of my Nephew, my own Company, those of Messieurs de Gondrin, and de Fontenilles, and sent Post to Monsieur de la Ch••ppelle Lawz••eres, (who lay at Cahors, and was evermore in readiness to bring in the Gentlemen of Quercy) that he should march away in all dili∣gence, and that the Mareschal was upon his march to go directly into Chalosse; which he suddenly did, and brought threescore and ten Gentlemen under his Cornet. All those of Agen••is went along with me, not a man being left at home, excepting Captain Pauli••c the ••lder, wh••m I made pe••force to return back to Ville••neufue, of which he was Gover∣nor, as well to preserve the said Ville-neufue, as to assist Libourne with what he could, in case the Enemy should come and sit down before it. Monsieur de Cassaneuil was Mares∣chal de Camp to this party of ours, and lodg'd, according to his own Muster-Roll, an hundred thirty five Gentlemen under my Cornet, and threescore under that of Monsieur de la Chappelle Lauzieres the forenamed Companies of Gens-d'arms, and six Corners of Har∣quebuzeers on horse back; this was the Party that I had. Under the Mareschal's own Cornet were near upon three hundred Gentlemen (as the Mareschal himself told me at Grenade in the presence of his Mareschal de Camp Monsieur de la Croissette) what of Co∣menge and Languedoc. He had two and twenty Ensignes of Foot commanded by Monsieur de St. Giron de la Guiche, and ten of Monsieur de Savignac. His Companies of Gens-d'armes, and those of Messieurs le Compte d' Esterac, de Lauzun, de Terride, de Negre∣pelice, those of the two Bellegardes, the Father and Son, de Gramont, those of the M••res∣chal de la Foy, de Ioyeuse, d' Aubigeon, d' Arn••, de Sarlabo••••, which, with the three that I had, made up the number of fifteen Cornets of Gens-d'armes, and his own which we rec∣kon'd for two, which in all made seventeen. We joyn'd with him at Auch, and marcht thence to Noguarol, where the said Monsieur le Mareschal stay'd two dayes. The Enemy had already passed the Dou, and quarter'd at Mont de Marsan, Granade, and Cazeres. I commanded the vaunt-Guard.

The next day after the Camp came to Noguarol the Mareschal call'd a Council, where I mov'd that we should march away the same day, hoping that we might surprize those of Caz••res and Grenade, but the Mareschal was by no means willing to it, it being objected by some, that so soon as the Enemy should he••r of our coming, they would immediate∣ly passover the R••ver Do•• into Bearn, being at that time very low and foardable in many places. The Ma••eschal then propounded in this Council, that seeing he had no great Ar∣t••ll••ry wherewith to batter Towns (having four Field-pieces onely) he conceiv'd it was to no purpose to go any further, but to return into his own Government, there to fall in hand with the work he had to do, and to recover the places the Enemy had there in their pos∣s••ssion: with several other Arguments he made use of to fortifie this determination. This ••••urvey tune was alwayes ringing in our ears: and although the reasons were good enough, I could notwithstanding by no means rellish them, forasmuch as I evidently foresaw that would happen in Guienne, which af••erwards f••ll out, as also did all the rest who were inter••sted in the welfare of that Province, as I my self was; which made us grow so hot in dispute, that at last I could not forbear to tell the Mareschal, That he was responsible to the King for Guienne as well as for Languedoc, and that if he pleased to consult his P••tent, he would find that he had taken upon him the Command of the four Provinces, which were Daup•••• é Provence, and Guienne, as well as Languedoc alone, though that was his parti∣cular Government, and that I entreated him to consider of it. To which he return'd me answer, That all the three Provinces had respective Governors of their own, and ther••f••re let every one look to his own business, as he would do to his. I very well knew by this br••••k re∣ply, that he was nettled at what I had said to him; for these people expect their W••ll should be a Law, and are impatient of being contradicted; and yet what I told him was true, for he had undertaken all that; however seeing the Mareschal angry, and the Coun∣cil irresolute, I withdrew, having first entreated Messieurs de Ioyeuse and de Bellegarde to lay things home to him, for I saw very well that I had displeas'd him, and therefore would give him no more trouble. Which they having promised me to do, I left a Gentleman with them to bring me an account of his determination. Presently after the said Sie••••s sent me word that he was resolv'd to go to Granade, of which I was infinitely glad, and so were all the rest, and I thereupon immediately went to him, to know if I should go away in the night before, to try to shut up those who were in Granade, and trap them; to which he return'd me answer, That he should be well pleased with it, and that he had already sent away l' Estang de Cornusson with his four Cornets of Cavalry, to put himself into Cazieres, which four were, that of the said l' Estang, and those of St. Pourget, du Sendat, and Cle∣rac. I parted then in the beginning of the night with the Gentlemen, and my own Com∣pany of Gens-d'arms, and had it not been for the rain that fell upon us in the night (the g••eatest that I think I ever saw) I had snapt fourscore or an hundred Horse at Granade that were there, and who were my Neighbours at Thonens and Cleyrac, which I had ra∣ther have met withal than three hundred others, and I think I should have handled them so, that there would hardly have been any more fear of them; for that is the very Den of Rogues. But one mischief seldome comes alone, for the rain beat me into Gaube, belong∣ing to my Brother Monsieur de Valence, which continu'd above three long hours, and yet had they not escap'd me, had it not been that so soon as ever Monsieur de l' Estang came to Cazieres, he sent away Captain Porget's Ensign in the beginning of the night with twelve Gens-d'arms to scoure the Road as far as beyond Granade towards Mont de Marsan, who passing close by Granade did not enter into it, neither did he think that any of the Enemy were there, and therefore would not discover himself, but went on above a league further towards Mont de Marsan, and seeing no sign of an Enemy, return'd back the same way he came, when being before the Gates of Granade, he sent in his Guide to discover if there was any Body in the Town, who coming to the Gate saw Horse going towards the Market-place, and up and down the streets, and thereupon return'd to the Ensign, telling him what he had seen; and that though the night was very dark, he thought they had white Cassocks. The Ensign then alighted and went all alone to the Gate, and enter'd into it although he very well saw the Horse; but he had an opinion it was I, because he had heard that I was to be there by break of day, as I had been and two hours before, if the rain had not hindred me. He could not very well discover if they had white Cassocks or no, and therefore stept four or five paces into the Town, which as he was doing, those who quarter'd near unto the Gate came out to mount to horse; the Ensign who saw them was so near, that he perceiv'd they had white Cassocks, and had then thought to have recover'd the Gate, but he was enclosed behind, and taken, where they made him tell them all he knew, and mounting him behind one of their Troopers, carried him away a good round gallop. The Count de Montgommery who lay about Montaut and Nugron was soon

advertiz'd of what the Ensign had told his people; at which he took such an Alarm, that he immediately mounted to horse, and never aligted till he came to Orthez, leaving his Artillery by the way, abandoned by all, saving some thirty who were bolder than the rest, by the report of the honest people of the Country, and also by the confession of those who were taken prisoners. A little after sunrise the Mareschal came to Granade; my Quarter with the Vaunt-guard was at St. Maurice, which appertains to Monsieur de Bar∣sac of Quercy, and the Mareschal would that Monsieur de Savignac should also be of the Vaunt guard, with the Companies of Messieurs de Gramont, d' Arne, and Monsieur de la Chappelle Lauzi••res, together with my three Companies of Gens-d'arms, and thus we came all to Granade within three leagues of Mont de Marsan. Two dayes after our arrival the Mareschal was again talking of returning back, for that was evermore the burthen of his song, asking me what I would that he should do in Bearn, seeing that all the Garri∣sons were surrendred, and that the King had neither Towns nor Castles there; that he should only lose so much time; that on the other side provisions would fail him, and that already the Soldiers cried out of hunger, and besides he had no Artillery to batter the Towns. He had in truth reason on his side for what concern'd Provisions, by reason that our Carriages were not yet come up: and yet I had taken such care, that so soon as ever he had sent me word he would march, I immediately sent to tax Condommois, Ar∣magnac, Esterac, Commenge, and Big••rre, so that in two dayes we had as much victuals as we could wish. In the end I perceiv'd very well that his inclination would not be apt to continue him long in this service, neither were those of his Council any better enclin'd than he; for my part I never was present at any consultation▪ but only that at Noguarol, for I was never call'd, and I never offe••'d my self, because I knew they had a prejudice against me, for saying we ought to make war in Guienne the Enemy being there; and I knew also that all the consultations that should be call'd without me would never do Guienne any go••d; so that we who were Gascons kept together by our selves.

Seeing this humour of returning to continue, I entreated the Mareschal to give me leave to go attaque M••nt de Marsan, hoping I should carry the place; who thereupon demand∣ed of me how I could think to take a walled Town, a good one, and not only one, but three, all enclosed with exceeding good walls, which was very true: to which nevertheless I made answer, that I had taken others that had been stronger, and mann'd with much better Soldiers than that was, by surprize (for I remembred P••ance, which was another kind of place than Mont de Marsan, though that was strong enough) I told him more∣over that Monsieur de Terride had been snap't after the same manner at Orthez; and that therefore seeing our En••mies had done it, I doubted not but to do the same, and perad∣venture pay them in their own kind. At last after much importunity he told me he was content I should try my fortune; whereupon I entreated him to let me have Monsieur de Savignac with his ten Ensigns along with me, which he also granted. I could not go the next day, which was the 13th, for it rain'd all day long, and yet I would notwithstand∣ing go with forty or fifty Horse to view the Town, but could go but half a league, where in three or four houses I found Captain Arne, and Monsieur de l'Arbo••s, L••eutenant to Monsieur de Gramont, who told me they had been there all night, (as also Mon••••eur de la Chappelle Lauzieres) where we discoursed a great while of the resolution the Mareschal had taken to return, and how all those who adher'd to his opinion of returning to make war in Languedoc, and to abandon Guie••ne to the inroads of the Enemy, thought they were likely to meet with no great resistance in executing their designs in Languedoc, consi∣dering that the Enemies Forces were in Bearn, from whence I believe they conceiv'd they would hardly stir. But we of Guienne knew very well that Montgommery could not long subsist in Bearn, and that of necessity, although he should have no mind to do it, he must fall into the Kings Country, and upon our Houses. I moreover very well knew, that those who followed the Mareschal's opinion, thought that in retaking the Towns of Langue∣doc, they should do the King so considerable a service as would obtein grea•• honor to them∣selves, and moreover put their own houses in safety. I was not angry that those of L••n∣guedoc should be of this opinion, and should endeavour to draw the Mareschal into L••n∣guedoc for these considerations, for I have ever heard that The Shirt is nearer than the Robe, and that Charity begins at home, which is sufficient for their excuse, seeing there was no dishonour in the case, as there was not: but I was angry at those others who main∣tained the same opinion, and yet were of Guienne, because they only did it to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fa∣vour with the Mareschal, and heartily wisht the Enemy might burn their Houses, because they stood so st••ffely for the relief of Languedoc where they had nothing to lose, and seem'd to endeavour the ruine of their own Houses and Families. On the other side I know ve∣ry well that I was told some of those of Guienne should possess the Mareschal; that all

the importunity, and all the arguments I used to perswade him to make war in Guienne, was for no other end, but that in case the said Mareschal should perform any brave action, the glory thereof might redound to me, and the success be wholly attributed to my va∣lour and conduct, as in the time of the first troubles, when Monsieur de Burie and I were together; but if I ever entertained any such thought, may God never have mercy on my soul, or other design or desire, but that he might do some great thing, and that I might be with him to lay to my helping hand in some brave Enterprize for his Majesties service, that the King might esteem and love him for ever, and that the Mareschal might be so sensible of the service I had done him, as to take my Children into his protection, and to assist them in the obteining some advantages from the King; for as for my own part I was resolv'd, if I should live to see an end of the War to retire to my own house, feeling my self old and decay'd both in body and mind; and besides I bless God I had acquir'd honour enough, without needing to deprive another: but it is impossible to eradicate ma∣lice out of the mindes of men, when it has once taken root. They make us think what we never thought, and say what we never said: but I shall wave this discourse to return to my Enterprize upon Mont de Marsan.

The same night being returned to St. Maurice, the Mareschal sent to remonstrate to me, that I ought by no means to go to Mont de Marsan; for should I be baffled in the Enterprize, it would be a great dis••epute to his Army, that I could expect to reap no o∣ther fruit but disgrace from the attempt, and that also he was resolv'd within two dayes to return. I was ready to burst my hoops for spite when I heard this language. I then sent to him Messie••rs le Vicompte de Labatut, the Chevalier de Romegas, Monsieur de Sa∣vignac, who was one of his own Officers, d' Arblade, and la Mothe Gondrin to remonstrate to, and in my behalf to entreat him not to be angry, and to have patience yet a few days; for as for provisions he saw he had more than they knew what to do withal, and besides he needed but to pass over the Dou to five Hugonots houses that were within the Kings Pale, where we should find victuals sufficient to nourish his Camp a month abou••, both the Hugonots and all the Catholicks of those parts having carried all their provisions in thi∣ther; that therefore he would onely be pleased to permit me to go to Mont de M••rsan, and that in order to that Enterprize I would ask no more but two of his Field-pieces only, wherewith to batter the Centry-houses, and little Defences that serv'd the Enemy for Flanckers. They return'd back, and told me, that notwithstanding any thing they could say to him he was resolute to return, but that he was content to lend me the two pieces. In the morning then so soon as every one had got something into his belly, we began to march, Monsieur de Montastrue being come with the two Guns, who had in Commission from the Mareschal to tell me, that he should be very glad I would alter my design, and return back to the Army. I think he did it that in case I should miscarry in the business, he might have that advantage of me, as to say, I told him as much. Nevertheless we set forward, I marching with the Cavalry, and a hundred or sixscore Argoule••s before, and the five Ensigns after me, and after all Monsieur de Savignac with the two Field-pieces. I met two Letters by the way, writ to me by a Gentlewoman of the Town, in the first whereof she desir'd me by no means to come, for that the Enemy had intelligence of my de∣sign, and that Captain Favas (who is of St. Maurice) was come thither with a hundred or sixscore Horse, and another Captain with some Foot. The second letter met me within half a quarter of a League of the Town, wherein she sent me word, That the Enemy had made a review, and found themselves to be five hundred fighting men compleat, the Inhabitants of the Town compriz'd, so that if I went I should reap nothing but certain disgrace. All which notwithstanding, and that the Gentlewoman and her Husband were Catholicks, and my very good friends; yet being they were not themselves in the City, I could not give credit to what they writ, but march'd on into the sight of the Town which is seated in a Bottom. Being there I caus'd a hundred or sixscore Argoulets to alight to go, and gain the houses that were near unto the Gate, bidding them withal to run on as fast as they could, that they might prevent the Enemy from setting them on fire, which otherwise they had done, some of them being already sallyed out to that intent, and having already apply'd the fire, but being by our Argoulets constrain'd to retire into the Town, they began to play upon them from the Walls. In the mean time whilst we stayed for the coming up of our Foot and the Artillery, I went to pass the River with a Troop of Horse below Mont de Marsan, on that side towards Dacqs, and within Harquebuz shot of the Wall, to go dis∣cover the other side of the Town, and to view the Ditch to see if there were any water in it, that I might pass over the Sieur de Savignac's Ensigns, and give a Scalado on both sides at once.

The River was deep almost to the Sadle-skirts, and we passed over, when being on the further side, we perceiv'd four or five Horse, who were coming to put themselves into the place; but they turn'd short, without it being in our power to take them. I thereupon drew up all my Horse into Battalia, which being done I alighted; and causing Captain Fieux who was of Miradeux only to alight with me, went directly up to the Ditch of the Town. The heat was excessive, and my arms were exceeding heavy, so that I was con∣strain'd to put my self into a little Ditch being able to go no further by reason of the weight of my Arms, and that I was to climb the Ditch, and therefore made Monsieur de Fieux to go on alone, who accordingly went all along by the Graffe of the Town, and in going found a woman squat down behind a little hedge close by the Graffe, whom he made to rise, still going on, for they shot furiously at him, as they did also at me; for from the place where I was it was not above ten paces to the Graffe. At last Captain Fieux r••turn'd to me, bringing the Woman along with him, who told us that there was water in the Graffe a Pike deep, as Captain Fieux also assu••'d me according to his judgment, by what he had been able to discover, and the Woman told u•• moreover that it was very deep of mud. I then lost all hope of doing any thing on that side, and knew that we were to fall on all at one place, and leaving Messieurs de Fontenilles and de Madaillan there, re∣turn'd with the Gentleman to repass the River; which as I was foarding over I thought I saw some Ensigns in the Town, and very near the Bridg, which on a sudden I lost sight of, and thought they were the Enemy. I had at my setting out from St. Maurice en∣treated Monsieur de Till••des that he would go speak to the Mareschal about what Mon∣sieur de Montastruc had told me from him, and to assure him that we had good hopes of carrying the Town; and withal to try if he could perswade him to consent that we should cross the River, and to make him al••••r his resolution of returning. The said Sieur de Tilladet accordingly went, and imm••diately return'd to his own misfortune; for at his return he found me already gone to pass the River, and saw me upon the passage, and on the other side saw our Argoulers who were alighted, ducking and playing at Bo-peep behind the Houses, which made him come down full speed to draw them from behind the Houses, which he did, bringing them out into open view, and making them shoot at the Battle∣ments, which as he was doing, and gallopping along the side of the Ditch to encourage them to shoot: as he was returning back by the same way he had gone by the edge of the Graffe, the Enemy pour'd so violent a storm of shot upon him, that in the end one of them took him in the belly, so that his horse falling at the same time he got away on foot, and wounded as he was, above a hundred paces out of the reach of the Harquebuz shot. He did not at first feel himself wounded, but was afterwards carried into a House without the Town, where two dayes after he died of his wound. I had seen nothing of all this, for I was at that time viewing the other side of the Town; in the mean time the Cap∣tains, Arne, the Baron d' Arbous, l' Estang, with the four Companies of Light-horse, and Monsieur de la Chappelle Lauzieres were on the right hand up the River, within a Harque∣buz shot of the Town.

I must now give an account how the Town was taken. Captain Castella with the five Companies who marcht after me, so soon as he came within sight of the Town, which is within Harquebuz shot, seeing that our Argoulets did not behave themselves very well, (for they were evermore creeping behind the houses) he made five or six Ladders which I had caused to be brought in a Cart, to be taken off the Carriage, and to be carried by the Soldiers, when without staying for me, Monsieur de Savignac, the Artillery, or any o∣ther Command, he ran full drive directly up to the Wall; where though the Enemy plyed them very well with shot, they notwithstanding never stopt nor stayd till they came up to the very foot of it, where being come they immediately clapt to three Lad∣ders which were long enough to reach up to the top of the Wall, all the rest being too short, upon which the Captains without more ceremony, having Targets upon their arms, presently began to mount, and what rattle of shot soever the Enemy pour'd upon then never desisted moun••ing till they were got upon the said Wall, and then the Enemy fled. Our people pursued them by the same way they endeavoured to retire, and ran down af∣ter them, when as they thought to have recover'd the Gate of the other Town to shut it after them, ours were in with them, and fell in pel-mel amongst them. The Enemy then made directly towards the Bridg, all along a great street where they had made a Barricado, which all of th••m could not recover, for a great many were cut off by the way. Now as they were making head at the Barricado, Monsieur de Savignac and his people arriv'd, vvho at the same instant that the last of ours vvere got up by the Ladders, ran up thither mounting by the same Ladders first come first serv'd, and so soon as they vvere got in, all ran directly tovvards the Bridg, vvhere upon his arrival one of his Captains

ca••l'd Esca••ours vvas slain, vvho vvas one of the bravest men I ever knevv; for I had long been acquainted vvith him. In the end the Enemy abandoned the Barricado, and put themselves into the other Tovvn by the Wicket, my five Ensigns follovved them, and fail'd but very little of entring pel-mel amongst them: but the Enemy made shift to clap to the Wicket, by vvhich means our five Ensigns vvere constrain'd to put them∣selves into a little house close adjoyning to the Gate of the City, vvhere one of the five Captains call'd Mossaron vvas slain. The Enemy shot very fast from the Tovver of the Portal, and ours also from the little house threvv Fagots and Plancks before the Gate, and there it vvas that Captain Mosseron vvas slain, vvhere for all the infinite number of st••nes, as well as Harqu••buz shot that the Enemy shoured upon them, they forbare not to set fire to the Gate of the said Tovvn. I had (as I have said) seen these Ensigns as I vvas re∣passing the River; but I thought they had been the Enemy, vvhen vve vvere no sooner got over, but an Harquebuzeer on horseback came full speed to tell me, that our five Ensigns vvere in the Tovvn, vvhereupon vvithout staying to see vvhat Monsieur de Savignac vvould do, we set spurs to our horses, and gallopt immediately up to the Gate: (for it was not above four hundred paces.) I there found Monsieur de Savignac's people, some vvith∣in, and some vvithout the Gate, vvho had already made a hole vvide enough to pass one by one underneath. We then all alighted and passed thorough this hole; I had brought with me some Peasants of St. Maurice, who came along with the Artillery, and falling to work upon the Gate, immediately forced it open, but we were all got in before. Our Camp-master Monsieur de Castaneu••l did not enter with me, for I found him at the end of the Bridg, in a street on the right hand, where he told me that he had been to dis∣cover a house or two that looked into the other Town. There was not a man that durst abide in the great street, for the Tower of the Gate commanded it, he carried me to the two Houses which were close by the water side, and where in one of them I mounted a pair of stairs into a Chamber that looked upon the River, and there caused seven or eight holes to be suddenly made thorough the Wall, on the other side of the Room that looked towards the Town, from whence the Enemy shot so fast; which being done I descended again into the Street, and went into the other House adjoyning to it, and of that into a low Parlour, which had a door out of it, thorough which by five or six steps there was a passage down to the River. The Enemy shot at this door with great fury, and thorough the corner of a little Window I perceiv'd that they were filling some Barrels they had placed upon a Breach of the Wall. Monsieur de Savignac, Monsieur d' Andosielle his Camp∣master, Captain St. Aubin, and another Captain of his (whose name I have forgot) were in the Parlour with me. Monsieur de Cassaneuil was entred into another House, where he found a Tanner a very tall man, and brought him to me, who assur'd me that the water was not above middle deep. I then offer'd this fellow ten Crowns, if he would lead the Soldiers the way over the River, telling him moreover that I would give him a Target of proof for his defence, which he undertook to do. I therefore deliver'd him a Target, but the Rascal presently threw it down, telling me that it was too heavy, and that though he was big and strong, he found himself encumbred with it, and therefore would venture to pass over without. Monsieur de Montastruc who was Master of the Ordnance was also present with me. I saw we must make haste to pass over; for should the Ene∣my once have filled their Barrels, it would be a matter of great difficulty to enter by this Breach; which made me speak to Monsieur de Savignac to call in three or four of his Ensignes; whereupon Monsieur d' Andosielle, St. Aubin, and the other Captain ran into the Street, and fetcht in their Ensigns, for my five were in the little House by the Gate, and so soon as the three Ensigns were come into the Parlour, and a great many of their Soldiers who crowded in after them, I commanded the Ensigns boldly to follow this man, who would lead them the way, telling them that they were by no means to stop till they came to the other side of the River close up to the breach, sending at the same time to the Ha••quebuzeers who were in the Chamber, that they should ply their shot, to favour the passage of our men; which being done, I suddenly threw open the door, and put out this Tanner, together with a good Soldier, who offered himself to go hand in hand with him, and after these two the three Ensigns, and the three Captains followed after. I put out five or six Harquebuzeers after these, and my self also, with all the Gentlemen who were with me went out after them. We were to go down the formention'd five or six steps, and the Enemy shot with great fury on that side, but my Harquebuzeers in the Chamber held them so short, that they durst not shew their heads. Still more Soldiers ran after down the stairs, and I stood upon the brink of the River, making them believe I would pass over with them, when Monsieur de Montastruc seeing me in that posture, ran into the Street, crying out, O Soldiers, Monsieur de Montluc himself is passing the River; at

which cry the Soldiers who were busie about their plunder, and those who were in the Street left all, and entred in a crowd into the Parlour, where such as could not come to the stairs leapt down by the sides, and without any manner of regard plung'd into the River, like as one forces in a flock of sheep, insomuch that the River was so cover'd over with men from the one side to the other, that there was no water to be seen. I still stept in to the mid leg into the River, making a shew as if I meant to pass it, as also did Messieurs de Brassac, the Chevalier de Romegas, and the rest of the Gentlemen who were with me. Monsieur de Savignac was there also, and it was no good wading for him, for the tallest Soldier was up to the armpits, and I believe had he gone in it would have taken him up to the chin: for every one knows that he was not of the stature of a Giant: and we were in danger to have lost a great many Soldiers who were little men: but I still call'd out to them to help one another, which they did; and I do verily believe, and have rea∣son to believe so, that had I not unbethought me to make those loop-holes in the Cham∣ber, and to have placed a good many Harquebuzeers there, as I had done, so that their shot continually rattled without intermission, and that they had moreover open'd a win∣dow, through which two or three might fire at once, we had lost above a hundred men: for from the Walls, and from the Barrels, from whence they fir'd at us, it was not a∣bove six paces to the Bank of the River, vvhere our people landed. The Ensigns and Cap∣tains entred the Barrels, which so soon as I per••eiv'd, I immediately sent to those in the Chamber to give over shooting, by reason they might as well kill our own people as the Enemy. To supply which our Harquebuzeers who follovved the Ensigns shot at those vvithin, as vvell as they at them, and being c••me up to the Barrels, our Captains laid hold on the brims of them, vvhich vvere not half full of earth, the Enemy not having had time to fill them, and presently I savv them all tumbled dovvn on our side, and the En∣signs and Captains leapt into the Tovvn, vvhereupon the Enemy vvere suddenly put to rout, and fled directly to the Castle. Our people pursued and kill'd a great number of them by the vvay, vvhen so soon as I savv them enter'd I return'd into the Street, so vveary as in my life I never felt my self in such a condition, by vvhich I very vvell savv that I vvas no more to think of bearing arms, for I thought above ten times that I should have fainted, and falln dovvn in the street. There is no remedy, vve cannot be tvvice. The Chevalier de Romegas and Captain Fabian my Son supported me by the arms to Ion∣ca's House, where I found his Wife, who presently made me a Bed ready and put me in∣to it. I found that I had sweat through my Buffe Collar, insomuch that my very arms were wet with it; we had brought no Baggage with us, but had left it at St. Maurice, forasmuch as I my self had no very great hopes of bringing about my design, neither had I any great reason to hope it; wherefore my servants were fain to dry my Shirt that I had on, and all my other cloaths, which were almost in as bad a pickle, and so soon as the Che∣valier Romegas, my Son, and the other Gentleman had left me in the hands of my Ser∣vants, they departed to go fall upon the Castle; when at their going away I said to this brave Chevalier, I have seen the time when for such a dayes work as this I should not have quitted either Cask or Corslet, and had there been any appearance of danger, I might perhaps have passed over the night in this Estate; but there is no remedy, you young men must do what we old men cannot. Having been in bed about half an hour, and all my cloaths being dry, I got up again, and fell to dressing my self, which as I was doing there came in Monsieur de Savignac, Captain Fabian, and some other Gentlemen with them, to tell me that those of the Castle would surrender, and to know if I would consent, that they should upon the Capitulation receive them to Quarter. Perceiving therefore that Monsieur de Sa∣vignac and Captain Fabian had a great desire to save Favas, and to give him fair quarter, because he had the reputation of a good Soldier, and a gallant man; I told them they might grant them what conditions they should think fi••, and that I would sign the Ca∣pitulation; though inwardly I had a mind to make a dispatch: which was the reason, that so soon as they were gone from me, I sent a Gentleman after to speak secretly to the Soldiers, and some of the Captains, that during the Parly they should take their opportu∣nity to enter in on one side or another, and to kill them all: for that we must revenge the death of the Gentlemen who had been so barbarously massacred at Navarreins, being that contrary to Article, and the publick faith they had stab'd the Sieur de St. Colombe, and seven or eight others, who had surrendred upon conditions of Quarter at Orthez at the time when Monsieur de Terride was taken. The Enemy did this execution under pre∣text, that they were the Queen of Navarre's Subjects; but if the King offer to touch any one of her Subjects, they presently say he cannot do it; all things must be allowed to these people, and nothing to us; but I hope the time will come when the Dice shall turn, that we may pay them in their own Coin.

I could not have committed this execution to a better hand than to this Gen••leman, he being Cousin-German to the Baron de Pordeac, who was one of those that were massacred; and he had no sooner spoken to two or three of the Captains, and to the Soldiers, but that they presently ran to seek out for Ladders, which clapping to a Canton of the Base-Court on the left hand by the Galleries, whilst the others were capitulating at the Gate, they there entred and kill'd all they found within, Captain Favas who was making con∣ditions for them only excepted, whom Monsieur de Savignac and my Son Fabian, so soon as they saw the disorder pulled to them, which was well for him, who had otherwise in∣fallibly gon to pot with the rest. Our Horse likewise who were on the right hand per∣ceiving that our people were within the Town, gallopped a little up the River, where they found a Foard, which though it was very deep they notwithstanding passed over, and ran directly to the Castle, on that side by the Religieux, where coming up just at the time when five and twenty or thirty threw themselves out at the Windows, they sav'd those also, otherwise there had hardly been any one left to carry the news, but Captain Favas only. And thus the Town was taken; of which I immediately sent an account to the Mareschal, and in the morning went my self to vvait upon him, vvhere he promised me to come up the next day vvith all the Army, and I presently return'd back to Mont de Marsan.

Accordingly in the morning the Mareschal came at the time when I was taking the best order I could to preserve the Town from being further sackt, but I could do little good in it; and as I was going out at one Gate to meet him, he enterd by the other; for I had much ado to get out, by reason all his Army were got into the Streets, especially the Horse, by whom I was told that he was gone directly to the place where our people had entred, where having seen all, and heard how all things had passed, he said, Here was more of fortune than reason. Many there were also who made a shew of rejoycing at our success, that in their hearts would have been glad I had receiv'd a baffle. At last with much a∣do I was no sooner got out, but that I was told he was already entred in: which made me return, where I was again above half an hour so enclosed amongst the Carriages, that I could not possibly get out, but in the end I made shift to get to his lodging. His Mares∣chal de Camp quarter'd all the Cavalry in the Villages without the Town beyond the River, the Infantry in the Suburbs, and the Gentlemen in the Town. I thought this success would perswade both him, and his Council also, to pass the River, and enter into Bearn, which we had infallibly carried, and compell'd the Count either to fight, or to shut himself up in Navarreins; but he positively told me,

That he would return to look after his own business, in his own Government, and that he would not go to engage himself before Towns in Bearn, having no Artillery to ba••ter withal; and that he would not that either the King or any other should reproach him, that he had spent his time in other Enterprizes than his own: that he had told the King at his departure what he intended to do, which he would also put in execution, considering that here he was only to fight with the Walls of the Towns of Bearn.

I then remonstrated to him, that the Count would infallibly take one of these wayes, either to hazard a Battel, which I thought he would never dare to do, or to leave the Country so soon as he should hear of our coming, or else would shut up himself in his Fortress; the last of which courses I conceiv'd he would not willingly take, but would rather choose to retire: and that also we might easily have Canon from Dacqs and Tholouze, and that this being done, the Province of Guienne would be at peace, that of Bearn reduc'd, and all those in Languedoc would tremble at the report of our arms: that if on the other side, should we follow in the said Montgommery's Rear, we should certainly trap him in one place or another, in case we should determine to pursue him where ever he should go to that effect. All this I represented to the said Mareschal: but he, half angry, and im∣portun'd by those Gentlemen about him, objected difficulty upon difficulty, and would by no means give ear to my advice. Now he had sent the Baron de l' Arbous towards A∣getmau to enquire news of the Enemy, which Baron sent him word by a Gentleman call'd Repeyre of Monsieur de Gramont's Company, of the disorder in which the Count de Mont∣gommery had retreated into Bearn, and how his Artillery had for almost two dayes toge∣gether been abandoned upon the road to Orthez; and the Mareschal himself was the first from whom I heard it, and afterwards from others, as I said before.

The day before he intended to depart in order to his return, I had notice given me that he had dispatched away the Sieur de Lussan towards the King, without saying a word to me; which Lussan was my Enemy, because I would not suffer him to be Governour of Lectoure. I thought it very strange that he would say nothing to me of it, and pre∣sently apprehended that he had not made choice of this person to report any good of me;

for I knew he was not very well satisfied with me, forasmuch as he alwayes held his Consultations apart, calling no one to his Counsels but Mo••sieur de Ioyeuse, Messieurs de Bellegarde, the Father and the Son, and Monsieur de la Croissette his Mareschal de Camp.

It is not therefore to be wondred at if I took it very ill that I was not admitted to the Council, and that nothing was communicated to me, considering that I commanded the Vaunt-guard, and was the second person in the Army. But it was so carried, and I had reason to be highly offended at it, very well discerning that these Consultations were held at our expence.

When I saw then that the resolution was taken to return, I went in the Evening to the Mareschal's Lodging, where I gave him to understand in the gentlest terms I could, (for after that manner I was to proceed)

That I would send my Son to surrender up the Government to the King; for that seeing he went away I very well saw, that all the fu∣ry of the War would fall upon me, and that I had not forces to resist and hinder the Enemy from doing what he pleased in the King's Territories, by which means all the honor and reputation I had acqui••'d in the precedent troubles, in preserving the Pro∣vince of Guienne, would be lost and forfeited in this; that therefore I had much ra∣ther another should bear the blame than I, who never had other design than to end my dayes with honour, and nothing more.

To which he return'd me answer,

That I ought not to do it, neither ought I either to stomack any thing from the King, or to be angry with my self; and that I knew very well, that although the King had con∣ferr'd upon him the Command of Guienne, as well as the other Provinces, he did not nevertheless meddle with it at all, but permitted me to govern as before, and should be very unwilling to usurp upon my Authority. I made answer, That this was an effect of his own generosity, and good nature, but that his Parent was so large, as did mani∣festly derrogate from mine, and that whenever he would he might command as pleased him, without leaving me the least power at all, no more than the poorest Cadet in Gas∣cony. To which he replyed, That it was true, but that my valour and experience were so considerable, as would ever make me sought after and courted.

From this light foun∣dation it arose, that I quitted my Government because I would not obey him; and after this manner it was reported to the King by the fore-named Captain Lussan, or another that was sent to Court presently after him: and this was it that made the King so angry with me for quitting my Government, they having possest him, that it was only upon this account, which I no more thought of than of cutting my own throat: but I was born under a Planet to be evermore subject to calumny. I gave the Mareschal an account to the contrary, when, as sick as I was, I went to him to Tholouze, so soon as I heard he was come thither, to make him a voluntary and free tender of all obedience, and that with∣out any letter or command from the King, the Queen, or the Monsieur.

By this it is easie to judg whether the difference that grew betwixt us arose from thence. So it was that I suspected some foul play, forasmuch as a certain person had sent to Mon∣sieur de Noé Lieutenant to Monsieur de Fontenilles, to come and speak with him about an affair that concern'd my life. Whereupon the said Sieur de Noé departed from Panjas, or else from Noguarol, posting away in all hast, without telling any one but Monsieur de Fontenilles onely; and at his return finding us in Mont de Marsan, told Monsieur de Fon∣tenilles and me, that a man who never stir'd out of the Mareschal's Chamber, and might hear all that was spoken, had said to a friend of his these words; Montluc does nothing but eternally vex and importune the Mareschal, but he will one day be laid dead upon the floor with a stab. Immediately hereupon this person came to the House of him who sent for Monsieur de Noé, and told it him, that he might acquaint me vvith it, vvhich vvas the occasion that Monsieur de Noé had been sent unto to go vvhere he did. Monsieur de Va∣lence my Brother was at this time at Gaure, a place of his own within three leagues of Mont de Marsan, to whom I sent twice to beg of him with joyned hands that he would come to me; but he would by no means be entreated to it, what excuses he made I have now forgot. My design was to have had him discourse this affair with the Mareschal in private betwixt them two only, where I intended to have dealt so candidly with him, as to have nam'd the man who had spoke it; and that was one of his own people: but it rested there, for I would not intrust the secret to any other: and although I took no notice of it, yet it stuck damnably in my stomack, and I have since wondred how I could command my self, by which I learn to know, that Age deprives a man of his heat: for in my younger dayes the greatest Prince upon earth could not have made me swallow such a pill. The older we grow, the more our blood steals from our heart, and it appears that the nearer we ap∣proach to death, the more we fear it. It may be notwithstanding that this person might make this story of his own head, and that the Mareschal never thought of any such thing.

The next morning I attended him at his rising. I had before day heard the Drums beat in the fields, by break of day they began to march, and so soon as the sun was up I went and knokt at his Chamber door, where a Valet de Chambre came out and told me he was not yet awake, though I had been told below, that Messieurs de Ioycuse, the youn∣ger Bellegarde, and la Croisette were all gone in before. Nevertheless I wai••ed half an hour or more at the door, and in that time knockt three or four times, but no body would speak, though the Valet de Chambre, who came out to me, was gone in again, and that I had intreated him if the Mareschal was awake to tell him that I was there. At last being ashamed to wait so long at his door, which never a Prince in Christendom would have suffered me to do, I was constrain'd to go walk in a little Garden of the House, not so slende••ly attended however, but that I had with me two hundred Gentlemen or more of the best Families of the Country, who were as sensible of the affront, or more than I, and said a great many passionate things to me; which though I knew very well to be spoken out of the affection and respect they bore to me, yet as I was the oldest, I conceiv'd I ought to be the most discreet, and to consider that I should put many things in hazard, should I come to an absolute rupture with him. I waited above a long hour, what at his Chamber door, and in the Garden, and in the end came Monsieur de Bellegarde, who seeing the Gentlemen asked them where I was: They told him I was in the Garden thorough which he was to go to enter into the Hall; he then came to me, and asked me why I did not go into the Mareschal's Chamber, to which I made answer, That I had been there, and had knocked several times, but that no body would speak. He then told me, that Monsieur de Ioycuse, his Son, and Captain Croisette had been there above an hour; whereupon I told him, That I did not understand why the Mareschal should make me dance attendance at his Chamber door, that I had never given him occasion to use me after that manner, and that I had the honor from the King, the Queen, and the Monsieur all the while they stayed in Guienne, that their Cham••er doors were never refused me, that I was not of a condition to be so treated, but that since their Majesties service was interested in it I would make no breach. He was very much troubled at it, for he and I had been good companions and friends, and there had never been the least division betwixt us till death made the separa∣tion. He then went and knocked at the Chamber door, which was immediately open'd to him, and as suddenly clapt to again upon me, at which all the Gentlemen advised me to return to my Lodging, and to come up no more; but I was resolved to have pati∣ence, for which I have since a hundred times wondred at my self. The said Mareschal stayed yet above a quarter of an hour before he came out, after Monsieur de Bellegarde went in, and at last he came, where I forced my self to give him the good-morrow, and attend∣ed him to Mass, where by the way I intreated him to leave me one of the Companies of Monsieur de Savignac's Regiment, or two hundred Harquebuzeers, till such time as I had remov'd the grain that was in the Town, that the Enemy might not make their ad∣vantage of it, therewith to victual Navarreins, there being by computation of Monsieur de Cumies, and of those he had employed to examine it, twelve hundred Wagon loads of all sorts of grain in the Town, as also by the account of the Providores, who had been joyn'd with his Officers to look into that affair. For this City serves as a Granary to all the Landes, and the Basques Country, from whence, to the detriment of France, they trans∣port their grain into Spain, and it is said to be one of the best Corn-Markets in the King∣dom. He then mounted to horse, and I went to wait upon him out of Town, and in so doing found my self alone, not one of the Gentlemen that were with me once offering to mount, to pass that Complement upon him; but whether they did it because their Horses were not ready, or that they had no great mind to go, I know not, and so he departed. Immediately after his departure I dispatcht away Captain Fabian my Son with letters to the King, to surrender the Government into his Majesties hands, but when he came to Bourg de Dieu, he was taken by the Enemy, and there lost his Leters, which was the cause that he could not deliver his Majesty the reasons that mov'd me to quit my Govern∣ment, which made his Majesty exceedingly offended with me, thinking it was because I would not obey the Mareschal d' Anville, as Captain Lussan had given him to understand. A thing that never entred into my thought; but I foresaw the Tempest, and would therefore retire to give others leave to do better.

The thing was evident enough by the report of several as well of the one as the other Religion, that had the Mareschal passed the River the Count de Montgommery had infal∣libly return'd from whence he came; for to have put his Army into N••varreins he could not do it, by reason there was no provision, and in the other places of Bearn yet much less. For which reason it would necessarily have followed, that necessity and famine would have compell'd him to return headlong to the place from whence he came, and to aban∣don

the Country to us; when it would have been a thing of no manner of difficulty for us to have defeated him either in front or rear, nay the very Peasants would have disor∣der'd him, who would have taken heart seeing us so near, and never have suffer'd him to pass the River. And if he himself will confess the truth, as others who were with him have done, he ever gave himself for lost, till he heard that the Mareschal retir'd: and to think of fighting a Battel he could never do it, considering the odds of Forces we had against him. He alwayes said, that he had two great Mastifs at his breech, and that there∣fore it would be strange he should escape, but that he would sell his skin as dear as he could. On the other side, that I should imagine the Mareschal retreated out of cowardize, no man living can say that; for to this hour that was never reported of him; he is of two brave a Race, and has ever given proof to the contrary, and I esteem him a great Captain, who is able to do a great deal of good, and a great deal of harm whenever he pleases, and although some have censur'd and aspe••st him, because he was so near the Admiral, I, for my part, had never any such opinion of him. I know not what he may do hereafter, I never knew him other than a faithful servant of the Kings: but he ought not to have u∣sed me after this manner. I had seen too much boyl'd and rost in my time. It was not then fear that made him to retire, for his Forces were so much greater than those of the Enemy, that we had defeated the Count de Montgommery with our Cavalry alone, and our Argoulets, which we would have dismounted, without ever engaging our Foot in the business. For at the Battel of Ver Monsieur de Duras had thrice as many Foot as the Count de Montgommery, and a great many more Horse, better men, and better Officers, and we were not so many Horse by two thirds as we were here, and yet we defeated them and won the Battel. It cannot therefore be said that he did it out of fear of being beaten, considering he had so little reason: but it was our misfortune that it was fixt in the Ma∣reschal's fancy, and more in that of his Council, that he should ruine himself before the Towns of Bearn, and do no good, not knowing the sterility of the Country, as we did, and that Monsieur de Terride had so devour'd all the provisions of those parts, that there could be none left for the Count de Montgommery had he stayed there. Had it pleased God that the Mareschal had not been so bent upon returning into Languedoc, to pursue his own designs in those parts, or that his Council had been of an opinion contrary to him, and that he had resolv'd to pass the River, it had been a happy thing, and of infinite ad∣vantage to us: and on the contrary turn'd very much to our prejudice; for he went and engag'd himself before Mazeres, where he lost a great number of the best Soldiers he had, and almost ruin'd his Army, without being able to make any other attempt. By which means there was nothing done of any moment either in Languedoc or Guienne, but utterly undoing the people, our own Forces having in all parts done as much mischief, as the Ene∣my themselves. Neither was it possible to be avoided, by reason of the great number of Gens d'arms, Light-horse, Argoulets, and Foot that we had, who must all of necessity live upon free quarter. Thus did all the Mareschal's Forces, which were sufficient both to defeat Montgommery, and afterwards to make head against the Admiral, moulder away and vanish without performing any thing worthy to be repeated.

I have ever observ'd, that when Almighty God is not pleased that matters shall succeed as men desire, he infatuates their Councels, and turns the will of the Chief, and of his Counsellors quite contrary to what they ought to do. His name be praised for all, since it was his Divine pleasure to have things go as they did. There is no one, after the people, that smarts for it but I, because I incu••r'd the Mareschal's disfavour by speaking the truth. He ought in reason to have lov'd me more than those that counsell'd him to do contrary to what I advis'd him; but 'tis the Law of Bearn, The beaten must bear the blame; for the King has approv'd, and ratified all that the Mareschal did, and disallowed and con∣demned all my doings, and indeed I declin'd towards my setting, and was no more a∣dor'd like a rising Sun, and yet I am as innocent and unblameable of that fault (if fault there was) as I had never been born into the world, of which I desire no other testimo∣ny than the three Estates of Guienne, and Languedoc which is neighbour to it, who know how all things passed, and have smarted for the miseries of Guienne, and dare moreover stand to the depositions of all the Captains, three or four excepted, who were of the Council, for those were the cause of the evil. I am not the first who for well doing have been paid with this Coin, of which I have given Exemples enow in this Book, and find it a good matter to be a great Lord; for a little Companion as I am must alvvayes bear the burthen, and is evermore subject to the forementioned Lavv of Bearn. The said Mares∣chal had reason, I confess, to have a mind to employ his men and his money in Langue∣doc, and I had also reason to desire him in Guienne. If he vvas not able to undertake for them both, vvhy did he cause Guienne to be inserted in his Patent? That vvhich vve

might have done in fifteen dayes, to wit, the defeating or driving away Montgommery would have been of greater advantage, than the taking of three or four paltry Towns in L••nguedoc. But I have said enough of this dispute, which r••in'd the Kings affairs in those parts; I shall therefore pursue my discourse to tell you what hapned after.

The departure of the said Mareschal pu•• our affairs into very great disorder, and very much encourag'd our Enemies. As for my own part, in five Companies that I had there was not left two hundred men, by reason they were stoln away, with what booty they had got, every man to his own house. This is the inconvenience of making war with the people of the Country. They must go see Wife, they must go carry home their Baggage, and be∣sides every one has a Cousin, a Brother, or a Friend with the Enemy, to whom he has a regard, and of whom he has care. And as to the Cava••ry we had, they could not sub∣sist in l••ss than five or six leagues of the Town, by reason the Enemy had devour'd one par•• of the provisions of the Country, and our own people the other, and the Country of it self was barren. However I stayed four or five dayes after the Mareschals departure, causing three or four hundred Waggon loads of grain to be remov'd from thence, which I carried to Euse, and other adjacent places, that the Enemy might not therewith vi∣ctual their Towns in Bearn: but I must have carried away fifteen hundred load or more to have remov'd it all; and had my five Ensigns been compleat, as at my coming thither, I would have engag'd my self in it, though I was certain not to be reliev'd, for I have committed as great follies in my life as that, and hitherto (blessed be God) never met with any misadventure; nor did his Majesties affairs ever suffer by those hazards. I then ret••••••'d towards Agenois, leaving the S••eur de Montesp••n, Son to the Baron de Gondrin, with his Father's Company of Gens-d'arms in Euse, together with another new Com∣pany of Foot, that was then raising in those parts, not to endure a Siege, for the Town was naught; but only a li••tle to favour the Country, and that we might not seem total∣ly to abandon it, though we knew very well that his staying there would signifie little or nothing. I sent Monsieur de Fontenilles also into the Country of Bigorre, to see if he could do any thing on that side to amuze the Enemy, but all this was no remedy for so great a discase. I shall not here take upon me to give a particular account of the defeat of Captain Arne, and the Baron de l' Arbous, for as much as I did not place them there, where they were defeated; but so it was, that I sent however to Captain Arne to tell him, That he was a Soldier, and must needs know that in the place where he was he could expect nothing but disaster, and that therefore I conceiv'd he would do well to retire to Auch, which was an enclosed Town; but he sent me word, that he was placed there, and was there∣fore resolved rather to dye than to stir a foot from thence. It was not above four dayes af∣ter I had given him this advice that news was brought me of his defeat, and two dayes after that of his death, which was a great damage to the Kings service, and a great loss to his Country; for he was a fine Gentleman, and a valiant man, and one of whom we had as great an esteem, as of any Captain whatever of Guienne.

Now soon after the Mareschal being about Mazers, and I in Agenois, the Count de Montgommery did like the Wolves whom hunger forces out of the Woods, and came into Armagnac, by little and little moving towards Condommois. He had caused three pieces of Canon to be brought, and two Culverines to batter Euse, knowing very well that there was no body in it but Monsieur de Montespan with his Father's Company of Gens-d' arms, and the new-rais'd Company of Foot that I had sent him. So soon therefore as the Ar∣tillery was come to Noguarol, that he had sent to discover the Enemy, and that the Hu∣gonot Kindred and Friends he had, had given him notice of the preparation against him, he sent me word of it. I had no body to send to reinforce him, and less power of my self to relieve him, neither was there any relief to be expected; for the Mareschal was either lying before Mazeres, or else retir'd to Tholouze. I therefore sent him word, That I would not he should follow the exemple of Captain Arne, and that it was enough we had lost one brave and valiant Captain, and one Company of Gens-d'arms, without losing two; that therefore he should retire and take along with him all the Priests and Religious people of the Town, together with all the rich Catholick Merchants, and escape to Lectoure. which he accordingly did; for although I had sent to surrender my Goverment, I did not for all that forbear to do all that lay in my power for the service of my King and Country, but raised five or six Companies about Ville-neufue and Florence, leaving one old and two new Companies at the said Florence, and four (with that of the Governnor Monsieur de Panjas) at Lectoure, which were enow, by reason that all the Gentry of Armagnac with their Families were retir'd into that place, which made the Town so full that no more could lodg there: and these things being done I came to Agen, where I heartned the Inhabitants the best I could, and stayed there for some dayes. The Count de Montgommery

then came to Euse, where so soon as he was arriv'd the Hugonots of Candom (who had liv'd at home under protection of the Kings Edict, having evermore hypocritically profest not to take arms, relying upon his Majesties Royal word, and had been used with greater humanity than the Catholicks themselves) betook themselves to arms, and went to seek out the Count de Montg••mmery at Euse, who durst advance no further, nor had not done, had I had but four Companies onely to put into Condom. But they all assur'd him that I had no men, nor means to raise any to make head against him, and that therefore he might securely come, and so they allur'd him to Condom. These were the fine fruits of the fine Edict they perswaded the King to make, that provided the Hugonots stirr'd not from their Houses, no one should demand any thing of them. I have spoken of this suffici∣ently elsewhere; though, if I would, I have a great deal more to say, and of greater im∣portance, but it would do no good, for the King would take no order in it, since those a∣bout him will have it as it is.

A few dayes after we heard news of the Victory God had given the King, thorough the valour and conduct of the Monsieur, Brother to the King, and the Captains he had a∣bout him, and that the Princes and the Admiral, with the remains of the Battail of Mon∣contour were moving towards Limosi••; every one that came, telling us that they marcht directly to la Charité, which was the reason that I sent for Monsieur de Leberon at Li∣bourne, to come with four Companies he had there and at St. Foy, to port St. Maries and Aguillon. He had before sent me one, which I had left at St. Sever, before it was lost under Captain Espiemont d' Avila, and I had also sent another to Dacqs under Cap∣tain Teyssander de Florance, and the said Espiemont was constrain'd to retire to Dacq•• after the fine piece of work the Captain of the Castle had made, who would have dis∣charg'd himself upon Captain Montaut, and was upheld by some about the Mareschal, who were related to him. But I referre it to the truth, which those of the Town did no wayes conceal, and never after receive him. The City of Agen and the Clergy there, had set a foot a Company of two hundred Strangers at their own charge, commanded by one Captain Raphaël an Italian, who was married in the Town.

The said Count de Montgommery remained six or seven weeks at Condom, wherein he committed an error; for had he followed his blow he had put a great many to their trumps: but who is it that is never mistaken? The Mareschal's Camp was at Tholouze, Granade, and thereabouts; they had no great fancy to bite one another, for they never so much as gave one another an Alarm. The Mareschal had put out Monsieur de Fonte∣nilles from the place to which I had sent him, and taken from him the Command I had given him in those parts, and order'd me to be about Beaumont de Lomagne, openly u∣surping upon my Government, according to his Patent. He sent likewise to the Bar••n de Gondrin, Signicur de Montespan (whose Father lay sick at Lectoure) to come to him, giving orders every where that none should obey me in the least; for that I was no more the Kings Lieutenant, but that he was the man. He writ twice also to Monsieur de Ma∣daillan, that he should not fail to bring his Company to him, who both times returned him answer, That the Company was mine, and none of his, and that it was not in his power to bring it to him; and all the affronts he could put upon me, he did. This nothing con∣cern'd me in my own particular, for what I did was in order to his Majesties service, and for the conservation of the Country. Behold how particular animosities occasion a gene∣ral ruine! notwithstanding I did not for all this forbear to act, as if I had still been the King's Lieutenant; and it was requisite for the poor Country's interest, that I should not regard the injuries he put upon me; for my despite might have done a great deal of mischief. Being the Son of a Constable of France, and himself a Mareschal, I did by no means disdain to be commanded by him, had he been pleased to command me, and that he would have done his duty. But so it was, that he as much as in him lay traverst all my designs for the conservation of Guienne, which stood in much greater need than Lan∣guedoc. In the mean time news was brought us, that the Princes and the Admiral were in Perigord, and took the way of Quercy to retire to Montauban, by which I very well understood, that they came to take Montgommery along with them, to reinforce them∣selves with his power, without which it would be a matter of very great difficulty for them to march thorough so many leagues of the Country. I have since a hundred and a hun∣dred times wondred, that so many great and prudent Leaders, as were in the Monsieurs Army, should pitch upon so ill a resolution, as to fall to the besieging of places, in stead of pursuing the Princes, who were routed, and reduc'd to that ex••remity, that they had no possible means to set themselves up again, insomuch that had the people had Forces to pur∣sue them, they had with great facility been all cut to pieces. 'Tis said that we our selves who bear arms, spin out wars in length, and stretch the thong to the utmost, as men of

the lon•• Robe do Suits in Law at the Palace. Let the Devil take all such. I for my part had never any such in••ention, and can say with truth, that never a Kings Lieutenant in France has made more Hugono's pass the Knife and the Halter than I have done: which was not the way to prolong the war.

But to re••urn to my subject, having heard which way the Princes took, without de∣claring my intention to any one, being in Monsieur de Gondrin's Lodging at L••ctoure, I sent for M••nsieur de Panjas, the Chevalier de Romegas, and the Chevalier my Son, Mon∣sieur de Gondrin was sick, and there told them That I was old, and not able to undergo the labour, in case we should be besi••g'd; that therefore to ease my self, I would remit the care to govern the Town, as to the Civil R••giment thereof, to Monsieur de Panjas, and as to what conc••rn'd the defence of it, and what should be necessary thereunto, I would transfer the Charge thereof to the said Chevalier de Romega••, and the Chevalier my Son, who had both ••een engag'd in the Si••ge of Mal••a, the m••st furi••us Siege that ever was since Artillery was ••i••st•• known in the world; by which they must needs better know what belong'd to defence, and what was fit to be done, than I my self; and being Companions and Brothers of the Order of St. J••hn's of Hierusalem, would also agree so much the better together. That herein the Che∣valier my Son should obey that of Romegas, both in regard he was the elder, and also by reason he had commanded at sea, in three or four Naval Engagements, where my Son had been with him (in truth he was a man of as much c••urage and bravery as any I ever knew) and that in the mean time I would go to Agen, to take the best Order I could for the defence of that City. They all approv'd of my determination, and the two Chevaliers would not make the Quarters but hand in hand together, beginning from the very instant to redouble the work of the Fortification, and M••nsieur de Panjas as Governor provided them all things they requi••'d. The next morning I went to Agen, Monsieur de Valence my Brother being retir'd into L••ctoure. I had a day or two before sent my Wife and my two Daughters to Bordeaux, and when I came to Agen Monsieur de Cassaneuil to whom I had committed the Charge of Ville-neufue and the adjacent Country, (although I had conferr'd the Go∣vernment of it upon Captain Paulhac the elder, yet they agreed very well together) sent me word joyntly with Captain Paulhac, that the Princes were come to Montauban, and were resolv'd immediately to fall upon Ville-neufue. Whereupon I immediately sent les Peroux his Company and another, to two new Companies they had already within the place, with about a hundred Haquebuzeers belonging to the said Captain Paulhac the Governor, and some thirty or fourty Gentlemen of those parts, who were retir'd with them into the Town. I then return'd to Lectoure, where I did not stay above three or four dayes; for neither my age, nor my indisposition would permit me to stay long in a place; where news was brought me, that the City of Agen was entred into a sudden fear, and that every one began to truss up their Baggage to be g••ne, so that the Town was in danger to be wholly abandoned. This news was brought me overnight, which I commu∣nicated to all the Gentlemen in the Town, telling them that I would go in the morning, which they were all contented I should, provided I would return back to the said Le∣ctoure; for to engage my self in Agen would, they said, be the greatest folly that was ever committed by man, it being plainly to be discern'd by every one, that the two Armies of the Enemy would infallibly attaque that place. I then assur'd them, that I would not engage my self there: whereupon they asked me, if I thought it convenient that they should write a Letter to the Mareschal in the behalf of all the Gentry of Armagnac, to en∣treat him to come with his whole Army to fight Montgommery at Condom, before the Ar∣mies should joyn, assuring him that the said Montgommery would never engage himself in the Town, which was not tenable, and to be entred in several places at pleasure, and to make him an offer every man to die with him for his Majesties service, and the resettlement of every one in his own house. To which I return'd them answer, that I did highly approve of it, and that they could do no less, than to send a Gentleman to him to implore his assistance; who therefore made choice of Monsieur de la Mothe Gondrin for their Envoy. I would bait in the morning before I went, because it was five long leagues from thence to Agen, and the worst way in Winter in the world. Being we were at this time in fear, I had writ to Monsieur de Montferran of Agen, who liv'd out of Town, that he must needs make all the means he possibly could, to bring us four or five hundred Harquebuzeers; to which he return'd me answer that in eight dayes he would bring a thousand before Agen; which made me, though I knew very well, that the Mares∣chal took no delight in my Letters, however to write to him (for a man must wave a par∣ticular in a great concern) sending Monsieur de Montferran's Letter enclosed within mine, and assuring him upon my honor to bring another thousand to brush Montgommery, for I had a very good mind to be at him.

During these postings to and fro, the Princes sojourn'd at Montauban and the adjoyn∣ing Country, as they had good need to do; for they had not a horse that was able to set one foot before another, as several who were with them have confessed to me since, having been constrain'd to leave above four hundred by the wayes as they came, by reason they had no means to get them shod. And just as I had din'd there came another Messenger to me from Agen, who had set out from thence at midnight, to give me notice that the Merchants began to talk of getting their wares out of Town, but that the Sieur de Lande and the Consuls would keep them from doing it, till such time as they should receive an answer to the Letter they had sent me, and as I was taking horse, some body, I cannot tell who, came and read me the Letter the Gentlemen had writ to the Mareschal, which I did not much mind, my thoughts being wholly taken up with the concern of Agen: but I told them, That I thought it was well, but that nevertheless they should shew it to Monsieur de Valence, to see if there was nothing in it that might give the Mareschal offence; and so got on horseback, making all the haste I could to Agen. Being come thither I found every one in the greatest fear imaginable; the Church men, the Counsellors, all the Pre∣sidial Court, and the Merchan••s busie, packing up to be gone. I was no sooner alighted but that immediately the Sieurs de la Lande, de Nort, their Sons, and several others came and told me that all the whole City were at their wits end. I thereupon bad them forth∣with to repair to the Town Hall, and to call thither all the Chief men of the City, the Clergy, and Magistracy, and to give me notice so soon as ever they were met together, for I would go speak with them. They accordingly did so, neither did they need to use many entreaties, for rich and poor, every one ran to see me, and to hear what I would ad∣vise them to do. When so soon as I came into the Hall (which was so full that five or six Gentlemen I had brought along with me had much ado to crowd in) I plac'd my self in the middest of them, to the end that every one might hear me, and spake to them to this effect.

Gentlemen,

YOu have twice in one day advertiz'd me, that the greatest part of the Inhabitants of this City are upon the point to forsake it, and to retire themselves to Bordeaux, Tholouze, and other places of safety; and in short, that your whole City was in fear. I see very well that this apprehension has seiz'd you upon a conceit you have taken that I would abandon you in such a necessity, and that I had retir'd my self to Lectoure, because it is a good place: which I have reason to take very unkindly at your hands, forasmuch as you have never heard that either in Italy, or in any other place I have ever done act which ought to render me suspected, that fear ever made me betake my self to strong places; but, on the contrary, have ever engag'd my person in the weakest and least tenable to make head against the Enemy. My renown is not so little in the World, nor confin'd to Guienne alone: I am reputed for such throughout all Italy, and through all France. And now that I am going down into the Grave, can you imagine my good friends) that I would at one clap lose what I have with so much sweat and blood been one and fifty years, that I have born arm••, in gaining? You must re∣resolve upon three things; First, to throw away all apprehension that may have surpriz'd you, and tread it under foot, that it may never rise again: Secondly, to agree amongst your selves to be all of one mind and will, and not to spare your Estates in what I shall direct you, speedily and diligently to provide all that shall be necessary for the defence of your City: and thirdly, to pay an absolute obedience to six or eight of your Corpo∣ration whom I shall choose for you, or that you shall make choice of your selves, to take care as well for the fortifying, as furnishing provisions, and all things necessary for your defence. Which three things, if you shall think fit to grant me, I do swear to you by Almighty God, holding up my hand, That I will live and die with you; and moreover do engage (such is the hope and confidence I have in his Divine aid) that I will secure your Town from the Two Armies of the Enemy: for in my life, thorough Gods assi∣stance, I have done greater miracles than this. As therefore you see my Countenance full of resolution to defend you; I desire also to see the same in yours, that I may know you will accomplish these three things I request at you hands. I know there will be some who will grumble at the charge and expence they must necessarily be at; but let such consider what will become of them if the Enemy make themselves masters of the Town, as doub••less they will if you put-not-to you utmost force and endeavour to pre∣vent them. What will then bec••me of your Goods, your Estates, your Houses, and your Wives and Children, if they f••ll once into their hands, who ruine all that they subdue? All things will be turn'd topsi••-••urvy; 'tis for this you fight, and also and principally

for the honour of G••d, and the conservation of your Churches, which in the fi••st T••ou••les were s••ratcht only by these people your Enemies; but if they enter now, will be raz'd and levell'd with the foundations, as you see they have done at Condom. Since I am with you, believe me Gentlemen, they will think on'•• thrice before they will come to attaque us; and if they come, though this City be none of the strongest, I will make them know, that I know both how to assault, and to defend. Grant me then this that I request of you, which is in your power to do, and believe that I will lay down my life for your preservation. If you are not resolv'd to employ the wet and the dry, that is to say, to do what good Citizens ought to do, never engage your selves and me too, but rather let such as a••e afraid retire in good time, and let me deal it with the rest who 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ready and willing to die for their Country.

The Sieu••s de Blazimond, then, and de la Lande speaking for all the Clergy, told me in few words, That all the Clergy will lay down their lives and fortunes in the common defence, would s••••ve me in what ever I would demand of them, and every one take arms and be as ready 〈…〉〈…〉 as the Soldiers themselves. The Lawyers promis'd the same; after whom the good old man de Nort spake in the behalf of the whole City, that they would do the same that the Clergy, and those of the Long Robe had engag'd to do; nay more (for it was not fit for them to be at continual labour) but that all those of the City, both Rich and Poor, Women and Children, without exempting any one, should put their hands to the work. Now before I would suffer Messieurs de Blazimond, and de la Lande to speak, I entreated them, that all those who should answer, would speak so loud that every one might hear them; which they also did, and when all the three Orders had made an end of speaking, I strain'd my voice, and said, Have you all heard what these Gentlemen have propos'd who have spoken in the behalf of the whole City? to which they cried out that they had; whereupon as I had held up my hand, I made them hold up theirs, and take the same Oath I had taken; which being done, I desir'd them every one to withdraw to provide all sorts of Instruments, and that I would retire to my Lodging with the principal men of the City, to make election of the eight who were to govern over them: but being it was already almost night they entreated me, that seeing they were all together, I would give them leave to make election of the eight, that I would please in the mean time, to retire to warm my self, and to get my Boots off, and that the next morning they would bring me a List of their Burgers names, of them to make election which eight I should think fit. And so I withdrew to my Lodging, where after supper there came to me M••ssieurs de Blazimond and de la Lande, the good man de Nort and his Sons, with so great joy, as more could not be exprest; telling me that the Merchants who had pack'd up their Mer∣chandize, and a good many of them already loaded them in Waggons had unloaded all, and that they thought never City was overjoy'd as theirs was, and that so much as to the very Women and Children there was no other talk but of fighting, knowing the resolu∣tion that I had taken to tarry amongst them.

Companions, you who shall take the pains to read my life, you may take fair exem∣ples by me. This people, who were all their wits end, and ready to over-run the City, immediately at my word only reassum'd such courage, that I will be bold to say with truth, no man ever after discover'd the least apprehension in them; though to say the truth they had no great reason to be so secure, the Town being of two great a circuit well to be defended, commanded moreover by a Mountain, and too Armies ready to fall upon us at once. Believe me, Companions, when I tell you, that upon your resolution depends that of all the people, who take courage, as they see you do. And how great a good shall you do, besides the honour you acquire to your selves, to save a poor City from the Sack? so many Families stand eternally oblig'd to you, and not only the City it self, but the whole Country also: for the taking of the Capital City of a Province ordinarily draws after it the loss of a whole Seneschalsie. I, but you will say, a man must then shut himself up in a place where he can acquire honour: and where will you have that to be, in a Castle of Millan? it cannot be there; for there it is the strength of the walls that defends you; but it must be in a place that you see to be of publick concern, let it be never so weak. A good heart is a good Fortress. I could have stayd at Lectoure, and have hearkned how the squares went. I had nothing to lose at Agen, and could justly have laid all the blame upon the Mareschal, who had shoulders broad enough to bear it, but this good City being taken, I saw all the Country was lost. In a time of need and dan∣ger therefore shew that you have a heart to drive fear out of others; and in so doing you will alwayes appear to be what you are; and assure your selves that the Enemy seeing such a man engag'd in a place, will think on't thrice before he will once come to

attaque you. I have (as you may have observ'd before) ever had that good fortune, the Spaniards, Italians, Germans, and French Hugonots have been afraid either to abide, or to attaque me. Get then this priviledge over you Enemy, as you will do in doing well, and giving testimony of a good heart, and an undaunted courage.

Three or four dayes after I writ to the Gentlemen who had the charge of Lectoure, and principally to the Chevalier de Romegas, and the Chevalier my Son, exhorting them to employ all they had learnt at the Siege of Malta, and to do as well as they had done there; for that their honour would be without comparison much greater in serving their own Prince and Country, than in a forreign Soyl. I also conju••'d every one to obey them, con∣sidering that there was not a man in the Town that had ever been in a Siege but they two: for as for my part I was resolv'd not to stir from Agen, but would die in the defence thereof. They were very much astonisht when they read my I 〈◊〉〈◊〉, which they communicated to one another, and immediately return'd me another back, subscrib'd by the Sieurs de Gondrin, de Pangas, de la Mothe Gondrin, de Romegas, de Maig••as, and the Chevalier my Son, where∣in they writ me word,

That they did all very much wonder that I would so far forget my self, as to engage my person in so weak a Town as Agen, and so commanded by Moun∣tains as it was. That for certain the Artillery was set out from Navarreins, and that the five pieces which were at Noguarol had not stir••'d from thence, but had stayd for the coming of the rest; that therefore they did beg of me to come to Lectoure, and that the Che∣valier de Rom••gas and my Son would go put themselves into Agen, who being young and resolute, if they should miscarry, the loss would not be so great; and that on the other side, should I abandon the field, all the rest of the Country would be ruin'd and lost. I return'd them answer, That I gave them many thanks for the admonitions they had given me, which though I did acknowledge to be rational and true; yet I knew ve∣ry well also that they gave them out of compassion and fear I should lose my self; but that I did assure them, before they should hear I was lost, the Enemy should have payd very dear for the taking of Agen. That if the Mareschal would come to fight them, he would have a good match of it; that I was determin'd not to budg from thence, but let them do their duty in case the Enemy should sit down before them, for as for my part I was resolute to do mine, and never to let the Enemy enter but over my belly.

At the same time there arrived Monsieur de la Bruille, Steward of the Mareschal d' An∣ville's Household, whom the said Mareschal sent to me to know if Monsieur de Montfer∣ran was come with the thousand Harquebuzeers, as I had sent him word, and also with what Forces I on my part could assist him. I then reckon'd to him, that what from Ville∣nufue, Lectoure, Agen, and Florence, I could make a thousand Harquebuzeers, and the thousand of Monsieur de Montferran, shewing him the Letters that the said Sieur de Mont∣ferran had sent me from St. Macaire. He could not find in his heart to lose so much time as to bait his horses, before he return'd to carry back this news to the Mareschal, when being just about to take horse to return, there came a letter from Monsieur de Montferran, dated from Marmande, conteining these words.

Monsieur, At this instant I am set∣ting out with my Troops, which are a thousand Harquebuzeers, and threescore Light-horse, and shall this day pass part of my men over the River at Aguillon, the rest must stay till to morrow morning, but to morrow night they shall all be at Port St. Marie.

The said de la Bruille took a Copy of the Letter, saying to me these words, I am going to carry the Mar••schal the best news can possibly be brought him, and assure your self upon my life and honor, that so soon as ever I shall be return'd he will begin to march; and so ran to his horse. At the end of three dayes, the Troops being at Port St. Marie and Aguillon, I had word sent me from Lectoure, that the Mareschal was return'd from Grenade to Tho∣louze, out of despite at the Letter the Gentlemen of Armagnac had written to him, which I have made mention of before, and that for one clause that was in it, which ran thus; That in case he should not please to march to come to help to re-establish th••m in their houses, they should be constrain'd to go apply themselves to the King in their own persons, humbly to beg assistance from him. This was the ground of all his discontent, and he discharg'd his anger upon me, accusing me that I had caused the said Letter to be writ: I will not deny but that the first draught was read to me as I was mounting to horse; but, so God help me, I could not have repeated six words of it, for my affection hurried me away to Agen, to take care that the Town should not be forsaken, and took horse that very minute it was read to me, as I have said before. However I leave it to any man of understanding to judg if these words were of such importance, that the said Mareschal ought reasonably to have taken such offence at them. It was at the King that he took offence, and not at us. He is the Kings Subject as well as we. O! would I have taken pet after this manner, how ma∣ny times have I had occasion given me to quit all! I have perhaps been but too passi••nate,

not as to what concern'd my self, but for the Country and the People, who have missed me since I quitted my Government. Now when Monsieur de Montferran, who staid with me thre•• dayes at Agen, his men in the mean time lying at Port St. Mar••e, heard that the Mareschal was return'd in discontent to Tholouze, and that he would hardly be pre∣vail'd upon to come, he told me that he would return to Bourdeaux, forasmuch as he did not know but that the Princes might turn their designs that way, hearing there was no body in it. Which he accordingly did, as there was good reason, by which means I was left naked, without hope of being reliev'd by any person whatsoever. Thus for t••e mis∣construction of a word, for one insignificant picque, the whole Country ran a dangerous fortune.

You Princes, Mareschals, and Lieutenants of Provinces, who command Armies, never sacrifice the publick interest to a private distaste. The Mareschal ought to have consider'd, that these were Gascons exil'd from their own houses, who writ in passion: he ought nei∣ther to have been offended at me, nor them; but to have excus'd their sensibility, and not for such a trifle to have abandoned the Country. Our Proverb says, Qui perd le sien, perd le s••ns. I have often askt advice of, and been my self assisting to those that I knew had no great kindness for me. Never suffer your private picques, and particular animosi∣ties to endanger the publick concern. I have often observ'd some, and those no little ones, who could have eaten one another, agree ••e••y well for their Master's service, talk and confer together like Brothers, and after some handsome service, or good success, open their hearts to one another, and become good friends. I have since been told by some who had the good fortune to be there, that most of the Chiefs who were at the great Battel that was obtain'd over the Turk, were mortal enemies, but that they agreed out of respect to the common interest, and after the Battel became perfect friends. Would to God the Mareschal would have left the animosity he had against me at Tholouze to have come and claw'd away M••ntgommery, he had acquir'd honour, and the Country a singular advan∣tage by it, whereas his peevishness ruin'd all. I thought I had been the most cholerick fellow in the world, but he has made it appear that he is more passionate than I. Never∣theless had he been pleased to come, I would have serv'd him as freely as the meanest Gentleman in the Army.

Having understood his resolution I sent twice to Monsieur de Fontenilles to bring his C••mpany, and come put himself into the Town with me; but he could very hardly ob∣tein leave to come, though he came at last. I had the four Companies my Nephew de Leberon had brought me from Libourn, three at Port St. Marie, and another at Aguillon, which immediately upon the departure of Monsieur de Montferran by my order came in thither: and before Monsieur de Fontenilles arriv'd at Agen, a Gentleman called Monsieur de Montazet, came to entreat me to call away the Company that was at Aguillon, and that he would undertake to defend the Town with the Inhabitants only. A promise that although I knew he was not able to make good, and that he only did it to spare the pro∣visions of the Town. I nevertheless granted his request, fearing he would write to Mon∣••ieur le Marquis de Villars, that I had made him to consume the fruits of his Estate, and sent the Company to Ville-neufue. Wherein I committed a very great error, for this place had kept the Rivers of Lot and Garonne: but these bawling fellows, who will spare their Masters Houses and Estates, to appear good Stewards, oftentimes lose very considerable places. Therefore you, who have the honour to command, stop your ears against all complaints in such cases, and so pressing necessities. I had done a great deal better, if upon this occasion I had practis'd the Lesson that I now teach you.

Now you must know I drave on an Enterprize with Monsieur de Leberon, to go give a Scalado to the Captains Manciet and Cha••••audy, two errant Rogues who lay at Monheurt. The said Sieur de Leberon was with eight or ten Harquebuzeers only at Aguillon, that he might the better conceal his design. Viard, Muster-Master to the Mareschals Camp, came at this time to Agen, who was going to Court from the Mareschal, and though I knew very well that the said Mareschal was very much out with me, yet did I not forbear to fa∣vour and pay all respect to all that came from him, being it was for his Majesties service. I therefore writ to Monsieur de Leberon, that he should send a Convoy with him till he was past Toneins, whom he found at Aguillon, in order to the Enterprize they were the next day at night to put into execution; for I was sending him five or six Boats full of Soldiers from Agen, and the three Companies that were at the Port were also to joyn in the business. But, as the fortune of war is sometimes very odd and extravagant, she well appear'd to be so the day that the Muster-Master Viard passed that way; for the said Sieur de Leberon giving him a certain number of Harquebuzeers for his Convoy, and making account that in three hours time they would be back again; whilst he waited in expecta∣tion

of their return there arrived Messieurs de la Caze, de la Loüe, de Guytinieres, de Mo∣neins, and other Captains, with 7 or 8 Cornets of Horse, who were come from Lauserthe, which is nine long leagues, and had not baited above an hour at Haute-faye; to be short they had made a Cavaleade with the diligence of old Soldiers, and environ'd Aguillon. Monsieur de Leberon seeing himself thus trapt alone with but very few Soldiers, and the In∣habitants of the Town, was in a little perplexity what to do in his defence, when Monsieur de Montazet presently came and told him, that he was not able to defend the Town, and that he would not put it to the hazard of being ruin'd and sackt; and accordingly with∣out any more ado made some conditions, which was well for the said Le••eron, for he fell into the hands of these four, who were all of them my very good friends, by reason that in former times I had done something for them. I was the first Captain that ever shewed Captain Moneins any service, and made him a Soldier; and the rest were every one wil∣ling to acknowledge the several obligations they had to me; and so let him go. These are Civilities amongst Soldiers: but my said Nephew play'd there the part of a Novice, not to reserve to himself men enow for a time of need: he thought the Enemy was too far off to trouble him. Captains, my Companions, this was a ridiculous security of his, he ought to have consider'd the importance of the place, situated upon two Rivers, and that the Enemy could not but covet so sweet a mors••l, the vicinity of Cleirac and Toneins consider'd. But I play'd the fool as well as he, in drawing out the Garrison, for fear of offending the Marquis.

So soon as ever I heard of his being taken, I drew my three Companies that were at the Port into Agen. Two dayes after the Princes Army came and encampt themselves, their quarters extending from Aguillon, as far as within half a league of Ville-neufue, and up to the great Road, which leads to the said Ville-neufue, all along the valleys which are in that place, where there are very good Villages. Now, as I have already said, I had divided the City into eight parts, and over every division had set two good Chiefs of the Town. It was a delightful thing to see the men and women all work, who came to it constantly by break of day, and never gave over till the night took them off: they were never longer than an hour at dinner, and all the head Burgers of the City were eternally solliciting them to ply their labour, from which no one was exempt, not even the Religious women. One night a man came to tell me, that a Troop of Reiters were come up within a quarter of a League of us, to a Village close by Moubran, which is a Castle belonging to the Bishop of Agen. In the morning therefore I mounted to horse with my Company, and went close up to the Village, where, because two Country fellows told me, that three other Cornets of Reiters were quarter'd very near unto the first, I made the Argoulets that came out with me stay behind, assuring my self that the Reiters would relieve their fellows, being so near, and that consequently we should be put to retreat in haste, where I should be in danger of losing the said Argoulets, by reason they were not very well mounted, and be∣side there was dirt up to the Horse Cambrils. Nevertheles some of the best mounted of them went along with Monsieur de Madaillan, whom I commanded to charge des∣perately quite through the Bourg. He did so, and some few were kill'd in the Streets as they passed, whereupon the Reiters put themselves into two or three houses where their Officers were quarter'd. The other three Cornets who were quarter'd close by, upon the Alarm were immediately on horse back, so that all we could do was to carry away six and thirty of their horses, and I believe had I suffer'd all the Argoulets to go they had not left them one: but Monsieur de Madaillan, seeing the three Cornets coming upon the Gallop to relieve their Companions, retreated to me; but they did not much pursue him, and so we retir'd into the Town.

Now Viard was soon back from Court, for he had both the Kings Pass and the Princes; and went to find out the Mareschal. The next morning after we had taken the Horses Monsieur de Fontenilles arriv'd, by which means I had two Companies of Gens d'armes in the City, and three of Foot. I had from my first coming placed Monsieur de Laugnac at Peymirol with two Foot Companies, which were those of the Garrison of Port. St. Ma∣rie and Ma••ves, who made very brave skirmishes, and though Monsieur de Laugnac was then sick of the disease that so long has held him, he nevertheless kept the Soldiers night and day abroad, and was evermore making some attempt upon the Enemy. Our Horse went out very often, but they still found the Reiters so barricado'd and bolted up in the Villages, that nothing was to be got of them but blows, and they were alwayes mounted in a trice. In truth those people encamp themselves like true men of war, it is very hard to surprize them: they are more careful than we, especially of their horses and arms, and are besides more terrible in war, for a man can see nothing but fire and steel; and not a G••oom in their Troops but accouters and trains himself up to the fight, and so in time

become good S••ldiers. I could not relieve our Cavalry with foot, by reason of the in∣tolerable foulness of the wayes, and also fearing a mischance, having so few men as I had in the City; which should any sinister accident have fall'n out, might have struck such a terror into the Town, as might have drawn after it the loss of the place. I was only on the defensive part, and ••et I kept them in awe, giving them to understand that I did not much fear them. The Princes and the Admiral lay five weeks or more where I have said, and Monsieur de Montgommery three or above at Condom, his quarters extending as far as la Plume des Bruilles. We did nothing on either side, forasmuch as I had no men to at∣tempt any thing withall, and they lay quiet, eating and drinking their fill, and making good cheer; for they had so suffer'd ever since the defeat of Moncontour, as nothing could possibly be more; so that I think they had more mind to rest than to meddle with me. As for my part I night and day intended my Fortification. Being upon these terms, and in this posture on both sides, one night arriv'd Monsieur de la Valette, who came from the Monsieurs Camp, and by fortune happen'd to be at Ville-neufue, at the time when the Princes sent a Trumpet to Monsieur de Cassaneuil to summon the Town. The said Sieur de la Valette himself order'd the answer, which was, That the Town was the King's, and none of theirs; that therefore if either Trumpet or Drum should again come on such an errand they would kill him, and that there were too many men of honour in the Town to deliver it up. The said Sieur de la Valette hazarded himself in the night to pass the Enemies Camp in exceeding great danger, and came to me about nine of the clock. He found me in bed; for I was very much reliev'd by Messieurs de Fontenilles, de Madaillan, de Leberon, and the other Captains, by which means I slept at my ease; all things in the mean time going on in marvailous good order, as well by night as by day. Old age must be excus'd. The said Sieur de la Valette told me that I must presently send away a Chief to command over all those who were in Ville-neufue, or that otherwise the Town was about to be lost; yet would by no means tell me the reason, but only that I must make haste immediately to send away a Chief, alwayes telling me, that if I was not sudden I should be the first would repent it, for that it was a place of importance, and a neat Town of War. But he said enough to make me get out of bed, for I would not slight the advice of so good a head∣piece as his; and therefore instantly dispatch't away two men to the Chevalier my Son at Lectoure, that immediately upon the reading my letter he should mount to horse, and come a∣way to me to Agen; thence to put himself into Ville-neufue, and that by the haste he should make I should know if he were my Son. I writ also to the Chevalier de Romegas, entreating him to perform alone what they two had joyntly undertaken before. It was day before the two Messengers got to Lectoure, whereupon the Chevalier my Son immediately took leave of all the Gentlemen that were there, and about three in the afternoon come to Agen. Four or five dayes before this Monsieur de Montgommery with all his Camp, both Horse and Foot came to give a Camisado to Captain Codreils, Lieutenant to my Son Captain Fabian's Troop of Light-horse, which I had put into Moyrax, with five and twenty Laun∣ces, and five and twenty Harquebuzeers. Now Moyrax is a little Village enclosed with walls, the highest part whereof might be mounted with a Ladder of twelve staves, and without Flankers, where he arriv'd an hour before day. Of this design news was brought me to Agen, at a time when I had newly taken a Glister, which I had yet in my belly; whereupon without any more ado I put on my arms, mounted to horse, and went to pass the River. The Gentlemen of my two Companies past after one another as fast as they could. Monsieur de Fontenilles came not till the next day, and those that came in the night follow'd after such a manner, that I found my self with no more but four horse only on the other side of the River towards Ga••cony, where Moyrax is situated, and near unto E∣stillac, which is mine. With these four horses I galloped full-drive directly to Moyrax, it being a League betwixt that and the River: so that in truth had Monsieur de Montgom∣mery sent out ten or twelve horse only upon the Road from Agen, to Moyrax, I had cer∣tainly been kill'd or taken: but a man must sometimes play the Soldier, and tempt for∣tune. Your Enemy knows not what you do. And thus I arriv'd at Moyrax, where I found that the said Montgommery was departed about half an hour before, and had left his lad∣ders at the foot of the wall; where, though they had stayd two long hours, they never had the courage to set them up, which made me, though I had before no great opinion of their Foot, to think much worse of them now; and so I return'd back to Agen; where at my return the Physicians were fain to give me another Glister to bring away the first, which by the pains I had taken was hindred from working, and made me so ill, that I two dayes kept my bed. So soon as the Chevalier my Son was come, I presently sent for Captain Cadreils, sending five and twenty Harquebuzeers in his room, to the end that he might go with my said Son to Ville-neufue. At this time Monsieur de St. Giron, brother

to Monsieur de la Guiche, Colonel of two and twenty Ensigns under the Mareschal d'An∣gu••en, had caused himself to be brought sick to Agen, having been wounded at the Assault of Mazeres, either in a leg or in a thigh; and would retire himself to his own house for his cure. At one of the clock in the night I put out my Son, his Camrades, and two Guides, bidding them be sure to be the next morning by break of day at Ville-neufue. Every one was exceeding glad of his coming, and I believe their dispute was that they would not obey one another. I would have sent my young Son Captain Fabian thither, but that we gave him over for a dead man, after his return from the Camp; and at this time had no manner of hope of his recovery.

Now I had hourly intelligence, that the Admiral was making a Bridg of Boats at Port St. Marie, and to that end had gather'd together all the Boats upon the Lot, and the Garonne, as far as Marmanda. I had also hourly intelligence that the Enemy had sent for great Ar••illery into Bearn. All which made me hasten the Trenches and Fortifications I was making at Agen, believing, as there was very good reason, that all this preparation was intended against me; for Agen was no small prize, as well for the Riches, as in re∣spect to the defeating of so many men of condition, who had shut themselves up in it for my sake. I then call'd a Council in my Lodging, and in a little Cabinet there, where we were no more but eight or nine persons to consult, and contrive which way we might break this Bridg. Now there was a Free Mason of Tholouze in the Town, who had made the Marquis de Villars some Mills at Aguillon, and this fellow upon some discourse with some one or another had said, that if we turn'd one of those Water-mills, which lay an∣chored before the Town afloat, it would break the Bridg: for the River of Garonne was great, and very much out, and every day still rising, because it almost continually rain'd. There was not any one man of his opinion, that a Mill could break the Bridg, foras∣much as we had been assur'd, that the Admiral had caused Cables as thick as a mans leg to be made at Thoneins, and others of the like size to be brought from Montauban also, to∣gether with very great Chains; which was very true, for besides the great Cables, the Bridg was lock't fast together with great and ponderous Chains. To make short of my story, not one of us was of the Masons opinion but Captain Thodeas our Engineer only, who said, that in case the Mill was loaded with great stones he thought it might do the busi∣ness; but not without being loaden; and so we concluded nothing. Two dayes after I had word sent me from Tholouze, that the Mareschal d'Anville was equipping three Boats, which were to be conducted by Captain St. Projet, mann'd with threescore men, which in eight dayes would be ready, and that the said St. Projet within that time was to bring them down by night to break the Bridg. Concerning our design we had debated, that we could not load this Mill, but that the Admiral would have intelligence of it by those of the Religion who liv'd in Agen under the protection of that accursed Edict, (for so I may, and ever shall term it) so that (I know not how) we remain'd distracted in our design, without hope of any other remedy, but only in bravely defending our selves.

In the mean time Muster-Master Viard came again to Agen, being sent a second time from the Mareschal to the King, and bringing along with him a Trumpet of the said Ma∣rescal's, arriv'd on Wednesday betwixt nine and ten a clock in the morning: where he ac∣quainted me in private with the Mareschal's Enterprize to break the Bridg: but that he was afraid the Admiral had intelligence of his design: for which reason he had brought one of the Mareschals Trumpets to go with him as far as Port St. Marie, where if he should, when he came thither, find that the Enemy had any inkling of it, he would send back the Trumpet to let me know so much, that I might stop the said St. Projet from going any further; to which end, and that he might not slip by, I was to keep continual watch upon the River day and night. And so he took his leave of me, and arriv'd a∣bout two in the afternoon at Port St. Marie, where he saw three Cornets of Reiters pass over the Bridg, to come quarter on that side of the River towards Gascony. The Trum∣pet had very good leisure to view the Bridg, and to observe how strongly it was fastned; to be sure those of Clairac and Thoneins had spar'd for no cost nor labour, those good peo∣ple thinking nothing too dear that was laid out to annoy and mischief their Neighbours, and against the King. About nine at night the Trumpet return'd, by whom Viard sent me word, that I should have a care St. Projet proceeded no further to execute his design; for the Enemy had notice of it, aud had planted seven or eight small pieces of Artillery at that end of the Bridg towards Gascony, and that the other end was guarded by a thousand or twelve hundred Harquebuzeers: In short, that I must by no means suffer him to go, for not a man of those that went could possibly escape. So soon as the Trumpet had deliver'd his Message he retir'd to his Lodging, and I, without making any more noise, sent pri∣vately for three persons of the Town to whom I had already discover'd my intention,

which was to set adrift the Mill belonging to President Sevin, by reason the said President had abandoned the Town. I will not here name the three men, because the President would sue them, and the Commissioners, who are now in those parts, would easily give him what damages he would desire, as they do others against the Catholicks. After, ha∣ving a while conferred together, we concluded that they should send out six Soldiers who were Mariners, who should go, and under colour of watching upon the Bank of the Ri∣ver, that Captain St. Projet did not pass by, unloose the Mill. Thus then they all three departed from me, and were not slow in sending out the Soldiers, neither were they idle to unloose the Mill; one whereof was drown'd in loosing the Chain, falling from the little Boat, as the stake broke to which the Chain was fastned. This might be about eleaven of the clock at night, and I have been told since by some of the Enemy, the Mill came to the Bridge about one. Now the Enemy had placed Centinels more than half a league up the River, that they might give them the Alarm when Captain St. Projet should pass by, who no sooner heard the noise of the Mill, but that they immediately gave the Al∣arm, and the Mill immediately after arriv'd at the Port. Every one upon the Alarm ran to the two ends of the Bridge, and began to let fly great volleys of Harpuebuze shot at the poor Mill, that said not a word, but gave such a shock that it carried away all the Bridg, Cables, Chains, and Boats, in such sort, that there was onely one remaining that was chain'd to the Wall of the Prince of Navarre's Lodgings. Two of the Boats went down as far as St. M••caire, and I have been told, that there were some carried down as far as Bourdeaux. This brave Mill of the Presidents stopt not here, but went still on to break another Hugonot Mill below Thoneins, and at the last stay'd at the Isles about Marmanda. The first who brought us any news of the Bridg being broken, were certain poor people who had been to buy salt at the end of the said Bridg of the Hugonot Soldiers, who had taken seven or eight Boats laden with it; and the Enemy had kill'd several of those poor people, accusing them for the cause that the Bridg▪ was broken. Some of their Soldiers who had leapt upon the Bridg upon the Alarm were carried away by the Current; but it was not till betwixt spring of day, and sun-rise, that the Guards sent me word there were seven or eight of the people arriv'd, who were wont to carry Salt, and said that the Bridg was broken. I then presently went out to talk with those people who had been at the Bridg with those the Enemy had kill'd, and escap't thorough the fields under fa∣vour of the night, who told me the whole story, as also did others who came fromwards the Port, and still one or other was coming in who confirmed the news. I then sent out ten or a dozen Light-horse on that side towards Gascony, who went as far as under Sa∣v••gnac, where they took two prisoners, who gave me yet a more perfect account than those poor people had done. In the mean time I presently caused a little Boat with eight Oars to be made ready, and gave the Master of her 25 Crowns to go carry the news to Bor∣deaux: by whom I writ a Letter to Messieurs de Lansac, the Baron de la Garde, and the Bishop of Valence my Brother, wherein I gave them a Narrative how all things had passed, entreating them to communicate it to the Court of Parliament, and the Jurats, that they might all share in the good news. And good news it was; for this very much brake the Ene∣mies designs, whom we might shrewdly have incommodated, taking them thus separated as they were by the breaking of this Bridg, would the Mareschal have been pleased to have laid his anger aside. The said Mareschal's Trumpet before he went away was witness to the joy the whole Town was in for this success, and so departed in all diligence to carry the news to his Master. This was executed upon Wednesday about midnight, and upon Thursday in the beginning of the night the Mariners set out from Agen, who when they come to Port St. Marie, near unto the place where the Bridg had been, they let the Boat glide down at the discretion of the Current, themselves being all squat down in the Boat. The Enemy began to call out, but no body answered, which made them think it was some Boat that had accidentally broken loose, and was adrift; but they were no sooner got past them a Crosbow shot, when they all start up and fell a rowing, and then began to rate and call them after their eloquent manner, plying their Oars so well, that they were the next morning, which was Friday, by sun-rise at Bordeaux, where the joy was was such, that I think never Mariners that came from new-••ound-lands brought news that invited so great a Crowd. And yet it seem'd so incredible a thing, that almost all the Gentlemen doubted the intelligence, and every one ran to Monsieur de Lansac's Lodg∣ings, and to those of the Baron de la Garde, and Monsieur de Valence, to be satisfied of the truth, Monsieur de Valence immediately dispatched away his Secretary called Chauny to their Majesties to carry the news, which was quite contrary to what Commissary Viard had brought them. The said Viard, as I was told, arriv'd in the morning, and very much troubled their Majesties, and the Monsieur, at the account of the Bridges being brought

to perfection, with the description of its st••ucture and strength, being such as great Artil∣lery might pass over at pleasure, and the Horse three a-breast, as it was true, and the man did not lye to them in a ••ittle; and his Majesty had good reason to be concern'd, for the commodity of this Bridg would have given the Enemy leisure to have taken all before them, and to have passed over their Canon at pl••asure. At night Chauney arriv'd, who brought news that the Bridg was broken; so that if the one brought vexation, the other brought joy, and for a few dayes I was the best man in the world, and a great Soldier: but that good opinion lasted not long, for the Enemies I had at Court disguised all things to the King, who was at that time at St. Iean; so that in the end, let my deserts be what they would, I neither did, nor had ever done any thing worth taking notice of, and the King believ'd it, or I think seem'd to believe so rather, to satisfie their humour. This is the story of the breaking of the Bridg, and the whole and exact truth of it.

I am now to tell you of what advantage the breaking of this Bridg was to us, and what the Admiral had determin'd in case the Bridg had stood. It was resolv'd and concluded upon in their Council, that they would pass over that part of Winter till harvest in the Quarters where their Camp then lay, and would cause great Artillery to be brought from Navarreins, wherewith to take all the Towns upon the River G••ronne, to the very Gates of Bordeaux, that they would attaque Agen, but that they would leave that work for the last, because they would f••••st take Castle-geloux, Bazas, and all the other places on this side the Garonne, as far as Bordeaux, by which means, and by the communication of this Bridg, both the one Country and the other, which are of the richest of France, would be wholly at their convenience and command. And all this they made account to have taken in less than fifteen dayes, as they would really have done, for they were absolute Masters of the field. They intended also to attaque Libourne, assuring themselves that in all the Cities they should find great store of provisions, by which means nothing could be convey'd in∣to Bourdeaux, neither by the Garonne, nor much less from the Landes, making account that so the City of Bordeaux would in three moneths be reduc't to the last extremes. And for my part I do not think it would have held out so long; for already Corn was there at ten Livers the Sack, and by sea nothing could get in by reason of Blaye. The City is good, and rich, and a strong Town of War, but situate in a barren Country; so that who∣ever should deprive it of the Garonne, and the Dordogne, it would presently be reduced to famine, the Inhabitants con••inually living from hand to mouth.

They had moreover determin'd to bring their Ships up the River to Blaye, which they had in their hands, to keep the Gallies either from coming out, or going in. The Vicomtes also had promised the Admiral to cause threescore thousand Sacks of Corn to be brought him upon the River Garonne, which they meant to take out of Comenge and Loumaigne, the most fertile Countries of all Guienne; and where the greatest store of grain is, there being no less than five hundred Merchants, and as many Gentlemen, who keep three or four years store alwayes by them in expectation of a dear year, when their Corn may go off at greater rates; so that they might with great ease have kept their word with the Ad∣miral; and by that means were certain to bring the King to their own bow, and to make such conditions as themselves should think fit: and had they once got Bourdeaux into their clutches, I know not but that they might have kept it as well as Rochelle; at least having Rochelle and Bordeaux both in their possession, they might have boasted that they had the best and strongest Angle of the Kingdom, both by Land and Sea, commanding five navigable Rivers, comprizing the Charante. And they had once settled betwixt th•• Rivers of Ile, Dordogne, Lot, and Garonne, the King must have had four Armies at least to have compell'd them to fight; and I will be bold to say, they had the best Country, and two of the best and most capacious Havens of the Kingdom, which are those of Broü∣age and Bordeaux.

I wonder any one should be so indiscreet, as to advise the King, that it would be his best way to coop up the Hugonots in Guienne. 'Tis a dangerous piece to be depriv'd of, and should the King once lose it, it would be a great while in recovering. But these good Counsellors do it for their own ends, and to remove the War far enough from their own doors; and yet we shall sell it them very dear before they have it. In truth the King ought to make more reckoning of this Province, to hinder the Enemy from getting foot∣ing there, and not so to abandon the Country, suffering others to make merry at our mise∣rie, to that degree, as to ask, if we yet have beds to lie in. I cannot believe this word could come out of the Queens mouth, for she has ever had, and yet has a great many very good Servants there; and those Messieurs of France, that jeer at our misfortunes, may have their share in time. The evil is not alwayes at one door. Now this was the result of the Ene∣mies Council; and it was very well design'd. My Brother Monsieur de Valence will bear

witness, that a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 person who was assisting at their Councils (when he thought fit) gave us an account of the aforesaid deliberation, which was great; and I believe that had they taken a resolution to drive out all the Catholicks, and to have call'd in all the Hu∣gonots out of France into this Province, which was so much despis'd when they had once made it their own, they would have had possessions enow to have enricht them all; and moreover all the Gentry of those parts would have been constrain'd to turn Hugonots, and to take up arms for them; by which means the King would afterwards have had much a∣do to reduce, and more to reclaim them: for to have made them turn again to our Reli∣gion, would have ••een no easie task; forasmuch as after a man is once accustomed to a thing, be it good, or bad, he is very unwilling to leave it: but God would not suffer so great a mischief, both for the King and us, who are his Catholick Subjects.

This was the advantage that accru'd by the breaking of the Bridg, in the judgment of all both Friends and Enemies: and I will be bold to say, that of all the services I ever did for Guienne this was the most remarkable exploit, which proceeded from no other thing, but my resolution to go put my self into Agen; for otherwise the Town had been quitted, and the Admiral had come directly thither, and not to Port St. Marie; nor to Aguillon as he was constrain'd to do. For a consultation being held at Lauserte, it was there concluded, that at their departure from thence, they should go to quarter at Castel-Sagrat, Montjoy, St. Maurin, and Ferussac, and the next day at Agen, making full ac∣count they should meet with no resistance. Which had it so fall'n out, the Admiral would have had elbow-room enough; and betwixt two great Rivers, not only have re∣fresht his Army at great ease, and in great security; but moreover have made the whole Country sure to him. I know very well that it was told the Admiral by two or three persons in his Army, that in case it was true that I was in Agen, they could never get me out but by bits, and that in my life I had committed greater follies than that. And there were who said that they had seen me engage my self in three or four places, the strongest of which was not half so tenable as Agen, and had still come off with honour. These who said this, might well affirm it with truth, as having been with me in those places. But the Admiral still maintain'd, that he was confident I had not put my self into Agen with any intention to stay there, but that my determination was, so soon as I should hear of his coming to pass the Garonne, and go put my self into Lectoure, saying, he is too old a beaten Soldier to engage himself in so ill a place. The others still affirm'd that they would pawn their lives I would not budg from thence; which made the Admiral in the end to adhere to their opinion, and to alter his course directly to Aguillon, extending his Quarters as far as Port. St. Marie, where if they should see, that upon their approach I abandoned the Town, and retreated towards Lectoure, as they believ'd I would, then ad∣vance to Agen. He found in the end that they who maintain'd I would not stir from thence were better acquainted with my temper, than either he or they, who told him I would retire to Lectoure; and being it was cast in my dish, that for three years I had done nothing to purpose, let every one judg by what I perform'd in these three years, without money, or either Horse or Foot; had I been supply'd with money onely to pay the Sol∣dier, or had the King reliev'd me with the Foot, and Gens-d'armes I desir'd, whether or no I had not done my work. I think I should have kept the Admiral from watering his horses at the Garonne,, and his Reiters from drinking our Bordeaux wine: for the Count de Montgommery would never have had leisure to have call'd them in; and I think I should have dealt pretty well with him.

The Bridg being broken the Admiral was four or five dayes in suspence, not knowing which way to turn him, nor what course to take: for besides the Count de Montgommery's Camp, he had moreover the Cornets of Reiters engag'd on that side the River towards Gascony, which were those that had passed the River, and were quartered at Labardac, and which he could not imagine which way to draw off from the••ce, by reason the Rivole•• that runs by Parav••s, a Monastery of Religious women, was swell'd so high, that not a man either on foot or horseback durst attempt to pass it; and the Count de Montgommery was yet at Condom, and about Nerac, and Bruch. The Admiral then caused a little Bridg upon two Boats to be made, upon which five or six horses could only pass at one time, the Boats being to be hal'd by a rope after the Italian manner. So soon therefore as the water of the Rivolet began to abate, the Reiters began to pass over a stone Bridg there is in that place, and drew near to the passage of the Port, where they began to ferry over upon this Bridg of Boats by six and six, or seven and seven at a time at most. Which they found so troublesome, that with all the diligence the Passengers could use, the Boat was alwaies an hour and an half in going to and again, with which great pains and difficulty these three Cornets passed, and were two dayes in passing over. The Count de Candalle, and Monsieur

de la Valette lay at this t••me with eight or ten Cornets of Horse at Staffort, to the first of which, so soon as the Count de Montgommery began to move from Condom, to draw near the River, I writ a Letter, That if his resolution was to fight Montgommery at the Pass, I, with my two Companies of Gens-d'armes, and five hundred Harquebuzeers, would not fail to be at the fight, not to command, but to obey him as much as the meanest Soldier there. He return'd me many thanks, sending me answer back, That if it came to that, both he, and all under his Command would obey me: but nevertheless said nothing of my coming to joyn with them: I understood well enough however by the Letter, that they would have been all glad to have had me with them: but la Croisette who was there, play'd the Dominus fac totum, and govern'd all. I therefore sent again to tell them, That in case they had no mind to have me come in person, I would however, if they pleased, send over the two Com∣panies, and the five hundred Harquebuzeeers to joyn with them. By which any one must discern, that I had not left the Mareschal because I would not obey him, since I offer'd to obey the Count, and Monsieur de la Valette, and even Captain Croisette himself, who was in the greatest authority amongst them.

I shall not here take upon me to give an account of what they did upon this occasion, by reason I was not there, neither have I much enquir'd into it, saving that I was told they charg'd some they met with at their marching out of Bruch, and beat them in again, and I have since heard that the Count de Montgommery was himself then in the Town. How true it was I am not able to say, but I believe they did all that lay in their power to do; for they are sufficiently known, and reputed all for very brave Gentlemen. The Count de Montgommery passed over first his Horse, and then his Foot, one after the other. I sent threescore Light-horse pickt out of my own Company, and that of Monsieur de Fontenilles, over the River, with three hundred Harquebuzeers, to make good their retreat, who marcht up to a little Village near unto the Ferry call'd la Rozie, where they kill'd fifteen or sixteen men, and took twelve or thirteen Horses, giving them so hot an Alarm, that I was since told, had our Horse pusht on to the Pass it self, they had caused three or four hun∣dred to be drown'd, for five or six drown'd themselves upon this Alarm for haste. And on the Admiral's side he could no way relieve them, for they could not repass above six or seven horse at a time upon the Bridg of Boats, which made them five or six dayes in fer∣rying over. This was the plunge and quandary the Admiral was in, to draw off the Count de Montgommery, and three Cornets of Reiters,

Monsieur de la Chappelle, Vice-Seneschal, and Monsieur de Bouzet had sent me word, that if I would grant a Pass to a certain Hugonot, to whom at their entreaty I had given assurance to live quietly in his own house, he offer'd to go to Port St. Marie, and enquire out, and discover what way the Admiral intended to take, after the Count de Montgom∣mery should be passed over the River, or whether or no he had any thoughts of making another Bridg; which Pass I accordingly sent, and the same day that the Count made an end of ferrying over, this man return'd back to their house, telling and assuring them, that at the Enemies departure from Port St. Marie, which would be within two or three dayes after the Army should be got over the River, they would march towards Tholouze, and go to pass at Montauban, with a resolution to burn all the houses within four leagues round of Tholouze, and especially those of the Presidents and Councellors; and moreo∣ver told them that he had learnt from a Captain of Horse, they had particulary given to the said Captain of Horse in charge near unto Tholouze call'd l'Epine, to burn it. To which the forenamed person making answer, that it was one of the most beau••••ful piles in all that Country, the Captain reply'd, That if the Master of that House had no other he would be houseless. The said Sieur de Bouzet himself told me all that this person had said to them; of which I immediately advertiz'd the premier President, for to have ac∣quainted the Mareschal with it had been to no purpose, and I was very certain he would have given no credit to any information of mine, which made me rather choose to advertise the President, sending him word that he ought to call in Monsieur de la Valette, who was already return'd towards Tholouze, and Messieurs de Negrepelice and de Sarlabous; and that they could not have too many good men in the City; for the Enemy talkt strange things, which nevertheless I would not repeat, by reason it was but the discourse of the R••bble of their Camp, to which no credit was to be given.

These were the contents of my Letter, I am confident the President has not lost it, and thus all the Enemies Forces departed from Port St. Marie, and passed by in the sight of the Castle of Bajaumont, in which was Monsieur de Durfort, Brother to the Sieur de Bajaumont that now is. I fallied out with my two Companies of Gens-d'armes, and saw them all march by within less than a Harquebuze-shot of me, I having no more than eight or ten Horse in my Party, for I had left the Caval••y a little behind, but could not place

them so covertly, but that the Enemy saw them very plain; yet not so much as a man came out to discover what we were, but held on their march, and went to quarter that night about Pont de Casse, and drawing towards St. Maurin, quarter'd themselves about the said St. Maurin, and the adjacent Villages, where they stay'd two or three dayes. Now being the said Sieur de Durfort had seen all their Army, both Horse and Foot pass by, and had had leisure at his ease to number them upon their march, I entreated him to take Post, and to go acquaint his Majesty with the number of their Camp, who amongst other things told me he had discover'd a Troop of five or six hundred Horse, who passed by at a little further distance than the rest; the most of which had no Boots, and could therefore be no other than Grooms and Footmen they had mounted only to make a shew. I did nothing that I did not first communicate to the Bishop of Agen, in whom I did at that time confide as much, or more, than in my own Brother, esteeming him for one of the best friends, and a man of as much integrity and virtue, as any Prelate in France. He is descended from the House of Fregosa of Genoa. I gave instructions to the said Sieur de Durfort, and a Letter of Credence, which consisted of these heads, That I had sent to his Majesty the Sieur de Durfort, who had had the conveniency exactly to number the Army of the Princes, to deliver a perfect account of all that he had numbred and seen. After which I acquainted his Majesty with the course they steer'd, and the resolution they went withal, to burn all before them; of which I had also given notice to the priemier President of Tholouze, to acquaint therewith all those who had Houses near unto the City, that they might with∣draw their goods, and that they would do well to call in Monsieur de Negrepelice, if he was not already there, together with Messieurs de la Vallette, and de la Sarlabous. In an∣other clause of my Letter to the King I sent word, that the person (I do not here name) of the Religion, who had been in the Enemies Camp, had brought news to the Sieurs de la Ch••ppelle and de Bouzet, that the Captain of Horse with whom he had conferr'd, had told him that they had designs upon Montpelier, and Pont St. Esprit, which were sure to take effect, telling his Majesty that I was very well acquainted with the Governor of Mont∣pelier, Monsieur de Castetnau, for whom I would be responsible with my life, but that I knew not him of Pont St. Esprit: but that if his Majesty would please to give a caution to the said Governors to have an eye to those places, it would be a means to awake their diligence, and to make them provide better for their safety and defence. I likewise gave his Majesty to understand, that the Bishop of Agen, who was lately come from an Abbey of his in Languedoc, near unto Narbonne, had told me that all the lower Languedoc, from Montpelier to Avignon, were in very great anxiety, having no one in those parts to com∣mand them; and had sent to the Mareschal to entreat him to send them Monsieur de Ioyeuse; for provided they had a Chief to head them, they should be enow to defend the Country; and that therefore, if his Majesty thought fit, he might do well to send to the Mareschal, to let Monsieur de Ioyeuse go into the lower Languedoc, he having enow other great Captains about him; for as much as the said Sieur de Ioyeuse would be there better accepted than any other, as the said Bishop had assur'd me. I moreover acquainted his Majesty in my said Letter, that if he would please to command the Monsieur to march with the one half of his Army only, we should be able to fight with greater Forces than those of the Princes; and let his Majesty look upon me as the basest fellow that ever bore arms, in case the Monsieur would come but with the one half of his Army, provided he brought his Reiters along with him, if he did not defeat the Princes, and put an end to the War: that in case his Majesty should not think fit the Monsieur should come, let him then command the Prince Dolphin to march with the Army towards the Country of Rou∣vergue, with whom I would joyn, and we would find means that the Mareschal d'Anville should also joyn with us, and that then about Tholouze, or which way soever they should move, we would find an opportunity to fight them at our best advantage.

These were all the heads of my instructions; and to say the truth not a man of them had ever return'd into France, unless they had hid their heads in their strong holds, and we had preserv'd the Country. Had they once been broken, or separated, they would have had much ado ever to have rally'd and piec'd again. This good Bishop of Agen had told me, that he gave Narbonne for lost, and that Monsieur de Rieux the Governor was a Hugonot, that he had driven one of the principal Catholicks, to whom all the rest of the Catholicks ever address'd themselves out of the City; at which the Inhabitants were al∣most in despair, insomuch that the Catholick Citizens had writ to the Mareschal, to be∣seech him to write to Monsieur de Rieux to permit him to return into the Town; which said Sieur de Rieux had sent back many excuses, and that he could not do it; whereupon seeing the Mareschal cold in their behalf, and that he did not enough interest himself in their concern, to cause the Gentleman to be readmitted, the Catholicks had apply'd them∣selves

to the Parliament, that the Parliament had thereupon remonstrated the Citizens grievance to the Ma••••schal, who again at their instance had writ to the said Sieur de Rieux; but still to no effect, which had made the people to give themselves absolutely for lost. I told all this to the Sieur de Durfort; not that I had included it in my instructions, and much less that I gave him in Commission to tell it to the King, because perhaps it might not be true, but telling him, that to be more certain, he would do well to ask the Bishop of it, and if he would give him leave from him to tell it to the King. He therefore accord∣ingly enquir'd of the Bishop touching that affair, who thereupon told him the whole story after the very same manner he had related it to me, and moreover told him, that he would himself write to the King, which he accordingly did; but the said Sieur de Durfort re∣fus'd to receive the I••etter till first he had seen the Contents, which he therefore shew'd him, and then the said Sieur took it, ••elling me that he had seen what the Bishop had writ to the King, which was word for word as he had related it to me before. This was all that was compriz'd in my instructions; for as to any letter of Credence, the said Durfort carry'd no other from me but onely what was contain'd in those instructions, he telling me freely and plainly, that he would never carry other Letter of Credit, but only Instructions sign'd and seal'd. And upon this foundation it was, that the Mareschal d' Anville writ that defamatory Letter against me, and had I not been withheld by the respect to those to whom he appertains, and the Rank he held in the Kingdom, I should have tried to have taught him how he gave the Lye, without being first well enform'd of the truth. I might justly have given it him, forasmuch as the testimony of the King himself, and the Instructions themselves, would have manifested the truth: but it is suf∣ficient that the King and the Queen knew the contrary to what he had coucht in his Let∣ter, and that my conscience is absolutely clear. We shall see hereafter whether he or I shall do our Master the best service. He is indeed two advantages over me, he is a great Lord and young, and I am poor and old; I am nevertheless a Gentleman, and a Cava∣lier, who have never yet suffer'd an injury, nor ever will do whilst I wear a sword. I am willing to believe, that the forenamed Bishop at that time knew nothing of the design complotted against me; but his wicked Brother came and stayd with him four or five days, and during that time wrought upon him to consent to this virtuous Conspiracy: of which I shall say no more, for God has begun to shew his miraculous arm in my revenge, and I have that cons••••lence in him, that I hope he will not stay it there.

Now the Princes went the same way that I had advertiz'd the President they intended to march, and executed the resolution of burning all the way they wen••. I could wish from my heart that my intelligence had not proov'd true; for I have been assur'd by seve∣ral of very good credit of Tholouze, that the Army of the Princes endammag'd them above a million of Livers. I shall not here undertake to give an account of what they did in Languedoc, for I do not pretend to meddle with other mens actions; neither how well the Mareschal perform'd his duty; but shall return to a Letter sent me by the King, that I must go forthwith into Bearn.

His Majesty sent me a command, that I should gather together all the Forces I was able to make, and that with all possible expedition; which being done, that I must take Ar∣tillery from Tholouze, Bayonne, and Bordeaux, and elsewhere where it was to be had, and go to invade the Country of Bearn. He writ also to the Capitouls of Tholouze, to fur∣nish me with Artillery and Ammunition; but not a syllable of any money, either to pay the Soldier, or to defray the Equipage of the Canon; and God knows whether in such Enterprizes any thing ought to be wanting. An Army resembles a Clock, if the least wheel or spring be wanting, all the rest goes very false, or stands still. I therefore sent Es∣palanques a Bearnois to Court, with ample instructions of all that was wan••ing, and that would be necessary for me to have before I could begin to march. I was constrain'd to do this, by reason that the Letters his Majesty had sent me about this Expedition were so cold, that it seem'd he that contriv'd them, must either have no great mind to have me go thither, or at least if I went, should be able to do nothing to purpose, or that he was an absolute Ignoramus. However I took no notice of any thing at all to his Majesty, but onely desir'd him to write an Express, and a pressing Letter, and Command to the Capi∣touls to lend me two pieces of Canon, and one great Culverine, with requisite Ammu∣nition, for which I would be responsible to them; for the Artillery and Ammunition are properly their own. They had already sent me word, that they had no Artillery ready, and much less Ammunition, by reason that Monsieur de Bellegarde had spent most of their stock at Carla, and at Puylaurens, and that the Mareschal d'Anville had the rest at Maze∣res. I writ also to his Majesty, that he would please to command Monsieur de Valence to cause a little money to be deliver'd to me for one Muster, or at least for half a one for the

Foot to buy powder, for that of two years this War had lasted, all the Foot that I had rais'd in those parts had had but two Musters payd them, and the most of them but one; and also that he would send to Monsieur de Valence to send a Treasurer along with me to defray the Artillery, and whilst I waited in••expectation of Espalanques return, I would take so good and speedy order for the rest, that at his coming back he should find me ready to march.

These were all the demands I made to the King. His answer was, that he did very much wonder I should so long deferre this Expedition, that he had thought I had been already in the Country; that if I would proceed no otherwise than hitherto I had done in this af∣fair, he would appoint some other to undertake it, and that for three years past I had done nothing to purpose. These Letters were ready to break my heart, and withal put me into such a passion, that I was once resolv'd not to go, but to write to the King to send some other, that had formerly serv'd him better than I, and that might do his bu∣siness, as Monsieur de Terride had done. Nevertheless I at last thought better on't, and determin'd not to do it, knowing very well that these Letters proceeded not from his Maje∣sties nature, neither from the Queens, nor the Monsieurs, for they had all three writ to me in the same stile: I knew very well that this came from the counsel of my Enemies at Court, and that neither the King, the Queen, nor the Monsieur ever writ so tart Letters as those were, to the greatest Enemies they had. I shewed them to none but Monsieur de Valence my Brother, for fear lest by my Exemple every one should be frighted from their duty; for all of them generally, of what condition soever, very well knew the con∣trary of what was laid to my charge, and that I had done very well with the little money I had left me. And then it was that I evidently perceiv'd they intended to lay all the miscarriages that had happen'd in those parts at my door; having no friends at Court to take my part, or defend me.

I now see that the greatest Error I committed in my whole life, was that I would have no dependance upon any other, after the decease of my old Master, but the King and the Queen; and find that a man in command is much more secure in depending upon a Monsieur, a Madam, a Cardinal, or a Mareschal of France, than either upon the King, the Queen, or the Monsieur; for they will evermore disguise affairs to their Majesties, as they themselves are enclin'd or think fit, and shall certainly be believ'd by them all; for they only hear and see with others ears and eyes. 'Tis an ill thing, but it is impossible to help it, and he that has done best shall by this means be left behind: for which rea∣son if I could return to my former Age, I would never care to depend upon the King or the Queen, but upon those who are in greatest favour with them: for though I should behave my self as ill as a man could do, they would cover and conceal my faults, seeing that I onely depended upon them, for 'tis their chiefest good, and principal honour, to have servants about them whom they may call their Creatures. If the King would him∣self only distribute his benefits, he would pair their nails: but whoever has a mind to be taken notice of, and rewarded, let him address himself to Monsieur or Madam, for the King gives them all, and knows not others but by their report. I am sorry I cannot return to my vigorous age, for I should better know how to govern my self than I have hitherto done, and should no more so much build my hopes upon the King, as others that are about him. But I am now grown old, and cannot be young again, and must therefore be content to follow my old humour; for should I now go about to take up another, I should be to seek at which end to begin. 'Tis too late for me to mend, it may serve others though, that I leave behind me; but if the King would be truly a King, and confer no benefits but at the recommendation of his own judgment, oh, how many would be dor'd in their designs, and frustrated in their expectation!

I also committed another oversight, in not having one of my Sons alwayes about the King; they were well enough born to be receiv'd, and well enough qualified to win their Majesties esteem. But God took from me my Mark Anthony too soon, and since Cap∣tain Montluc, who was slain at the Maderes, either of which would quickly have stopt the mouths of those that durst have censur'd or calumniated my Actions. Their lyes so far off could do me no harm; but were we within a Pikes length one of another, old as I am, I would make their hearts quake in their bellies. Neither did I keep my Sons about me to be idle, but to learn my trade; for the first follow'd arms, wherein he bravely signaliz'd himself, and follow'd me in all my Voyages and Expeditions; the second had acquir'd so great a reputation in Guienne, that it was not my interest to part with him du∣ring the War; the third, since his return from Malta, has follow'd me in these late Wars, and the youngest also. But I shall leave this discourse, which puts me into pas∣sion, to return to the Expedition of Bearn. Monsieur de Valence then went to Bordeaux,

to see if there was any money to be got out the Treasury there; from wence he sent me word, that not so much as a single Liard was to be had from thence; that nevertheless he had preva••••'•• so far as to take up fourteen thousand Livers, which he payd into a cer∣tain Commissary that was appointed to attend me, and that in ten dayes time he would procure as much more, but that I was not in any wise to expect a penny more; and that the Receiver had been fain to borrow this. Monsieur de Fontenilles went also to Tholouze with my Letter of Atto••ney, to bind us both to restore, and pay back the Ammunitio••s in case the King should refuse to do it; and upon these terms they lent me a Canon, a Culverine, and some Ammunition. I then dispatcht away Messieurs de Montespan, and de Madaillan with a hundred Horse cull'd out of my own Company of Gens-d'armes, and that of Monsieur de Gondrin, directly to Bayonne, to Convoy the Artillery that the Vicount d'Orthe was to send me from thence; and sent Monsieur de Gondrin to Noguarol to begin to form the Army, and with him Monsieur de Sainctorens, to whom I had given the Command of Mareschal de Camp: and I my self stayd four or five dayes behind to set forwards the Foot and Horse, and to give time to the Commissaries of provisions to go thorough the Provinces to execute the Orders I had given them, for the advance of victual for the Army, to which end I delay'd the time but six dayes only, after which I went in two dayes to N••guarol.

So soon as I came thither we immediately fell to Counsel to deliberate with what places we should first begin. In which Consultation some were of advice, that it would be best to begin with St. S••ver, others said it would be the best course to march directly to Pau: but I was of opinion that I ought in the first place to fall upon Rabasteins, and for these reasons. First, because that beginning with that, I should leave the best Country of Gascony open and free behind me, from thence to be supply'd with victual for the Army; and secondly, that Rabasteins being the st••ongest Castle, the Queen of Navarre had in her possession, if I should take it by force (which I foresaw I must do, as being confident they would not easily surrender) I would put all to the sword; assuring my self, that that proceeding would strike so great a terror into all the Inhabitants of Bearn, that no place afterwards would dare to abide a Siege, Navarreins only excepted. And on the other side, that those of Tholouze hearing of this good beginning, would not spare to furnish me with any thing I should stand in need of, when they should see that things succeeded well with me; whereas on the contrary, should I begin with St. Sever, I should engage my self in the Lands, a Country only fruitful in sands, where my men would perish for want of bread, and could have no relief from Bordeaux, though I should take the place. That therefore it was much better to begin with the strongest first, and there suddenly to employ my Forces, than with the weakest, and daily to consume my men, and waste my time to little or no effect. This was what I propos'd, which in the end took place in the Council, and was approv'd by all. But I told them, that above all things, to strike a terror into the Enemy, we must kill all before us which made any opposition, which would make the Capitouls of Tholouze to furnish and supply us with all things necessary, seeing that it was Good hand, good hire.

This Council was held immediately upon my coming thither, and the next morning before day I took 25 or 30 Horse, and went in all diligence to Dacqs. Monsieur de Gondrin had shew'd me a Letter, that his Son Monsieur de Montespan had sent him from Bayonne, wherein he sent him word, that the Artillery was not so ready as we believ'd, but that the Vicoun•• d'Orthe was exceedingly diligent to equip, and make them fit; wherefore so soon as I came to Dacqs I dispatcht away two Gentlemen to Monsieur de Montespan, one in the heels of another, to quicken his haste; and writ to the Vicount to entreat him to advance a day or two before, and to try if he could bring Messieurs de Luxe and de Damezan along with him, that we might consult together of what we were best to do: which he accordingly did, bringing the said Sieur de Damazan only in company with him, it being impossible for Monsieur de Luxe to return so soon to Dacqs; where I layd before the said Sieur de Damezan what had been debated amongst us in the Council at Noguarol, and my opinion, which was there also allowed by all to be the best, and par∣ticularly by Monsieur de Damezan; who told me, that should we march directly to St. Sever, it would be impossible to get one Basque out of the Province, by reason they would be necessitated to pass the waters in the Enemies Countrey: but if I went to begin there where I intended, I should no sooner be arriv'd at Nay, but all the Country of the Basques, and the Valleys of Sault and Daspe would infallibly come in to me. I was very glad to find him of my opinion, but I was constrain'd to stay three dayes at Dacqs before the Artillery came up to me. At my departure thence I left two pieces of Canon with the Vicount d'Orthe, with Ammunition proportionable, with which he was to march directly

to Pa••, so soon as ever he could hear I had taken Ra••asteins, it being further concluded, that at the same time I should begin to march, I should send two Companies of Gens∣d'arms to meet him with two others of Foot that were at Mont de Marsan, to joyn with a thousand he had already with him, what of his own Tenants, and those of Labour. I l••ft him also Monsieur d' Amou to be assisting to him, with some other Gentlemen of the Country about Dacq••, which being done, I set forward, marching with the Artillery day and night.

Monsieur de Montamat, the Queen of Navarre's Lieutenant in that Country, was put to a very great Dilemma at this preparation, and could not possibly divine which way I would take, whether directly to Pa••, or to Rabasteins; for as for St. Sever, he perceiv'd very well by my motion, that I had no thoughts of going that way: but expected I should march ••••ther directly to the said Rab••steins, or else to Pau. I made so good haste, that in two dayes and two nights, with four pieces of Canon, a great Culverine, and two Bastards I arriv'd at Noguarol; where Messieurs de Gondrin and de Sainctorens joyning with me, we marcht directly to Rabasteins, and in three dayes with the greatest part of our Horse and Foot came before the Town. It continually rain'd, insomuch that all the Ri∣vers were full, which was the reason that the Artillery could not come before Rabasteins so soon as the Army; but immediately upon my arrival I took Commissary Fredeville and the Sieur de Leb••ron, who in the morning before day had been to discover the place, as Captain St. Col••mbe, Monsieur de Basillac, and other Gentlemen of the Country had also done, whom I found of contrary opinions, and in great dispute, touching the manner of the Siege, some of them saying that we must first take the Town, and from within to batter the Castle; the others, and especially all those of Bearn maintain'd, that I ought to attaque the Castle from without, and Fredeville himself was of that opinion: but I would see it my self; for in such matters I would never trust to any one, and a good besieger of places ought to proceed after that manner; and to that end, taking onely the before-named Fredeville and de Leb••ron along with me, went my self to discover the place, where though they ply'd me lust••ly with their shot, they did not hinder me nevertheless from viewing every part at my own leisure, till at last I withdrew my self out of the storm of Harquebuze shot into a little tha••cht house close by the Castle; and there I made de Fre∣d••ville confess, that we were first to attaque the Town, and from within, the Castle; after which we return'd one after another running, for it was hot standing still, and went to conclude with Messieurs de Gondrin, de Basillac, de Savigna••, de Sainctorens, de Monte∣span, de Maidaillan, and Captain Paucillac Colonel of the Infantry, to attaque the Town.

The remainder of the day I employ'd in causing Gabions and Bavins to be made, and by break of day the next morning had the Artillery planted in Battery before the Town, which in a very few volleys made a Breach. The Enemy had no intention to keep the Town, for they had filled all the houses with straw and faggots, which so soon as they saw our people coming on to the Assault, they gave fire to in an instant, and ran away men, women, and children to put themselves into the Castle. Our men did what they could to save the Town from being burnt, but they shot so furiously from the Castle, that it was impossible to hinder the greatest part of it from being consum'd to ashes. The night following I brought the Artillery into the Town, and began to batter some Lodgings on the left hand, at the end of which was a Turret that cover'd the Draw-bridg and the Gate of the Castle; and by Evening the said Buildings were opened, and the Turret beaten down to the Ground. In the morning by break of day we began to batter the great Tower where the Clock was, which whilst we were doing our Soldiers gain'd the Gate of the Town, which was within ten paces or less of that of the Castle, and that lookt a little into their false-Brayes: but there was a great Terrass a Pike height, and as much in thickness, made of Bavins after the manner of a Rampire that cover'd their Draw-bridg, so that our people could not do them so muc•• harm as they did us; to remedy which inconvenience we made a Blind of some barrels and planks in that place, which something secur'd our men that lay before the said Portal. All day long our Artillery batter'd the face of the Tower, and in the end the said Tower was opened, after which I made them shoot from the other Battery, which play'd into the Castle, till the next day, which was the third, at noon, but could see no issue of the business. At this time Monsieur de Fontenilles and Captain Moret came with the piece of Canon, and the great Culverine from Tholouze; but they did us no service at all, for the Culverine burst in an hundred pieces, and the Ca∣non was crackt.

I then caused two pieces of Canon to be remov'd to the left hand close by the Wall of the Town that pointed upon the other Face of the Castle upon the left; wherein my in∣tention was, if I could, to make the Tower fall on our side, which if I could effect, it

would choak up the Ditch that was full of water, and fill the false-Brayes on that side, by which means we might go on to the Assault over the ruine, which I made account would infall••bly fill the Graffe, for the Tower was very high. All the fourth day I bat∣ter'd the face of this Tower with these two pieces of Canon, and in the end beat it down, so that nothing remain'd standing, but the right side, and the corners. I then caused them to shoot at the first Corner which lookt towards the Artillery I had first planted on the left hand, and with two pieces that I was all night removing, at the other Corner that look't towards the Town. In ten or twelve shots the Coins was broken, and the Tower fall'n on our side, exact••y in the place where I would have it: but how high, or how thick soever the Tower was, it did not so wholly ••ill the Graffe, but that we were to de∣scend a great way into it. It is true, that the ruines had drunk up the water, and fill'd a good part of the Ditch, but not so that we were not yet to go very low. The fifth day at night the Sieur de Basillac, and the Baron de St. Lary, brought me fifty or threescore Pioneers, for all mine were stoln away, and fled; and they had raised these amongst their own Tenants, upon their own Estates which lay hard by. I gave these fellows to Mon∣sieur de Leberon, and Captain Montaut his Brother-in-law, with thirty or fourty Sol∣diers that the Captains l' Artigue and Solles made to take upon them the office of Pioneers, their Captains themselves assisting them at the work. The service they were employ'd about was to take away the Terrass, that the Artillery might look into the Draw-bridg, and batter the side of it, and that the Ball might pass all along by the Flank, and into the Courtine a∣long the Breach within. The Enemy had also made a Barricado in the Chambers above, so that a man could not p••ssibly see any thing on one of the two sides. I gave the charge of removing the two pieces of Canon to the place where Monsieur de Leberon drew away the Terrass to the Vicount d'llza, and my self went to take a little repose, for this was the fifth night that I had not had a whole hour of sleep. By break of day I heard the two Canons play, but could not believe it possible that in that one night all the Terrass could be remov'd, at least all that was in our way. Our Artillery began to play its feats all along this Flank, and it cost us a great many shot to break this Barricado, which did us infinite mischief, for they shot desperately into our Canon. I then made the Vicount d'Vza, Monsieur de Lebe∣ron, and Captain Montaut to go to rest, and left Monsieur de Basillac to assist the Artillery. After this we caused a hole to be made in the Wall of the Town close by our Artillery, that we might come to it in security from without, for from within it was impossible with∣out being kill'd or wounded. The fourth day of our Siege I had given to Captain Bahus the charge of causing Gabions to be made, who had accordingly taken great pains, and been very diligent in the execution of his Command; but he had caused them to be made so little, that the wind of the Canon had presently shaked them all to pieces, an error that a man must take care to avoid.

Our Cavalry all this while was quarter'd in Villages a league and a half from the Lea∣guer, where there was accommodation of Hay and Oats for the Horses, with instruction and command to be every night all night long in the field, to prevent any relief from get∣ting in: for the very day that we came to Rabasteins, we had taken a great Packet of Let∣ters sent by Monsieur de Montamat, to the Vicount de Caumont, Monsieur d' Audax, and several other Gentlemen to the number of thirty or fourty Letters; wherein he sollicited them if ever they desir'd to do an opportune and signal service for the Queen of Navarre, and the Prince, to come succour the Country of Bearn; for that they were not strong e∣nough to defend the Country if they did not come in to their relief: that he had already writ to them twice or thrice, but had received no answer, that therefore he should send him word when they should be ready, and he would in one night make so long a march as to come and joyn with them, immediately to march altogether into Bearn; or that o∣therwise he must be constrain'd to abandon the open Country, wa••ting Forces to make head against us; and that he saw he had not now to do with Monsieur de Terride. The reading of which Letters made us to pitch upon the following resolution.

First, To send to the Baron de Larbous, that he should bring Monsieur de Gramont's Company of Gens-d'arms from the higher Comenge, to come and joyn with us, that in so doing, he should make a halt thereabouts where the relief was of necessity to pass, and that night and day he should keep his Horse upon the Avenues, to give us continual adver∣tisement of the Enemies motion; and that he should not off••r to hinder their passage, but let them pass by, and only put himself in their Rear. I then dispatcht away Captain Maussan, a Gentleman of my own Company, to go to the Valleys by which the Enemy was to pass, giving him order with the Ba••••sain to raise all the people of the Valleys and Villages, and joyn himself to the Baron de Larbous to fall into their Rear. Thus much for the Recruits we expected to come in to us; now on our side, our Cavalry was every

night on horseback, and we had Scouts out continually as far as Nay, for Monsieur de Montamat was of necessity to pass over the Bridg of the said Nay to go meet his relief, and in case we had not taken the Castle before the said Montamat and his Succours should u∣nite, Monsieur de Gondrin with twenty Light-horse, and four Ensigns of Foot, was to stay with the Artillery, and I with the rest of the Camp, when the news of their approach was brought to us, was to march day and night to go and fight them. This was the Order we had concluded on, had any Forces come to relieve them, making account that in case we defeated their Succours, the whole Country of Bearn was our own. Which I have here set down, and enform'd my reader withal, that others may take exemple by it, when they shall be engaged upon the like occasion; the young Captains I mean, for the old Soldiers know well enough they are to proceed after this manner. My deliberation moreover was, the Castle being taken, to dispatch away a Gentleman who should post it day and night to the King, to carry his Majesty news of the success, to the end that he might send some Gentleman to the Mareschal d' Anville, who was about Montpelier, fol∣lowing the trace of the Enemy, (where I have not heard of any great harm he did) to bid him write to those of Tholouze to send me eight pieces of Canon, of twelve of Nar∣bonne, that were yet at the said Tholouze, and order him to direct his Letters to the Parlia∣ment and the Capitouls, to move them forthwith to defray the charge of conveying the said pieces of Canon to me. Which whilst it was in doing we would go attaque another Castle within two little Leagues of Rabasteins, which vvas not very strong, and from thence would go to pass the Gave at a Foard above Nay, very well known to the Bearnois Gentle∣men in our Camp, and take Nay, there to establish our Magazine of victual, and to re∣ceive Messieurs de Luxe, and de Damazan, the Vicount de Chaux, and d' Almabarix, with the Basques they were to bring in to us, and so to march before Pau, where the Vicount d'Orthe was to come with the two pieces of Canon, and the Culverine had been left in his hands at Dacqs; being confident that all the Country, some for good will, and the rest for fear of their lives and estates, would immediately surrender to us. That having taken Pau, and the eight piec••s of Canon being come to us from Tholouze, we would then march before Navarr••ins, and whoever would have put me to my Oath, whether I should have taken it or no, I should rather have sworn I should than I should not, for we had with us Gentlemen of Bearn and Bigorre, and principally Monsieur de Basillac, who had command∣ed at the Siege of Navarreins for Monsieur de Terride, who both then said, and have since affirm'd, that had we assaulted Navarreins as briskly as we did Rabasteins, we should have carried that with less difficulty than the other; every one that knew them both concluding that Rabasteins was by much the stronger place.

But as men design, and God disposeth as seemeth best to him the Events of things, he was pleased to order it very much contrary to what we proposed to our selves: for the fifth day of the Siege, the 23, of Iuly, in the year 1562. upon a Sunday about two of the clock in the afternoon, I resolved to give an assault, the Order whereof was after the man∣ner following. That Monsieur de Sanctorens Mareschal de Camp should lead the Com∣panies one after the other up to the Breach, which that he might the better do without confusion, I order'd all the Companies to be drawn by four and four together out of the Town, which upon pain of death were not to stir from their places till Monsieur de Sain∣ctorens should come to fetch them, who was to stay three quarters of an hour betwixt every leading up, and in that manner to conduct all the Companies one after another; and it was also order'd, that the two Captains who were upon the Guard by the Breach, which were l' Artigues, and Salles of Bearn should go on first to the Assault. As I was setting down this Order one came in haste to tell me, that the two Canons that batter'd the Flanck, and that had been remov'd in the night, were forsaken, and not a man durst shew him∣self upon the Battery, by reason the Artillery it self had ruin'd all the Gabions. I there∣fore left it to Messieurs de Gondrin and de Sainctorens to conclude the Order of the Fight, that is to say, that the Companies should go on successively one after another, which was to be set down in writing, and my self ran on the outside to the whole of the wall, where I found only ten or twelve Pioneers squat with their bellies close to the ground; for Tibau∣ville the Commissary of the Artillery, who had the charge of those two pieces of Canon, had been constrain'd to quit them, and even Monsieur de Basillac himself. Seeing then this disorder, I unbethought my self of a great number of Bavins I had the day before caused to be brought into the Town, and said to the Gentlemen who were with me these words: I have heard, and alwayes observ'd, that there is no labour, nor danger, that Gentlemen will ever refuse; follow me therefore I beseech you, and do as you shall see me do? They did not stay to be entreated, and so we went in great haste directly to the Bavin•• that were within the Town, and lay in the middle of a Street there where not a man durst

abide, and there I took a Bavin and laid it upon my shoulder, as also every Gentleman took one, and there were a great many who carried two a-piece; after which manner we return'd out of the Town by the same way we entred in, and thus I marcht before them till we came to the hole. By the way as we were going I had given order, that they should bring me four or five Halbardeers, which at my return I found already arriv'd at the hole, and made them enter into it. We threw them the Bavins into the hole, which they took with the points of their Halberts, and ran to throw them upon the Gabions to raise them. I dare be bold to affirm with truth that we were not above a quarter of an hour about this work, and so soon as ever the Canon was cover'd, Tibauville and the other Canoneers return'd into the Battery, where they began to shoot with greater fury than of all the dayes before, every clap almost overtaking another, every one assisting them with great cheerfulness. If, Captains, you shall do the same, and your selves first put your hands to the work, you will make every one follow your exemple, very shame will push and force them on: and when the service is hot in any place, if the Chief do not go in person, or at least some eminent man, the rest will go very lamely on, and murmur when a man sends them to slaughter. And if you covet honor, you must sometimes tempt danger as much as the meanest Soldier under your Command.

I will deprive no man of his due honor; for I think I have assisted at as many Bat∣teries as any man this day alive, and must needs say this, that I never saw Commissaries of the Artillery more diligent and adventurous than both Fredeville and Tibauville shew'd themselves during the whole five dayes that the Battery continued, in my whole life; for they themselves both levell'd, and fir'd, though they had as good Canoneers as ever I saw handle Linstock in my dayes; and I dare be bold to say, that of a thousand Canon shot we made against this place not ten fail'd of their effect, or were spent in vain.

In the morning I sent for Monsieur de Gohas, who was at Vic-Bigorre, and the Captains who were set to have an eye to Montamat, and the Succours expected by him, writing to him to come away that he might be with me at the Assault, by reason that Captain Paulliac Colonel of the Infantry was so dangerously wounded, that we had no hopes of his life. He receiv'd his shot at the time when I went over-night to carry Messieurs de Leberon and de Montaut to cut off the great Counterscarp, which shot went quite through his Body. My Son Fabian was also shot in the chin, and two Soldiers close by my side. I there committed a very great error, for I went in the evening before it was dark, and I believe they were aware that we intended to cut the Counterscarp, for all their Harque∣buzeers were run together to that place; and the reason why I committed this error was, that having computed with my self how many hours the night was long, I found that it was not above seven hours or thereabouts; and on the other side I saw that in half an hour I should lose all that I had done, if the Counterscarp was not pulled down by break of day, and in that case I should think fit to give an assault that day, they would be so strong∣ly rampir'd and fortified, that with as many more Canon shot as I had made against the place, it would be a matter of very great difficulty to enter. This was the reason why I made so much haste to go and begin the work, that I might have it perfected by break of day; where I recommended the care of it to Messieurs de L••beron and de Montaut, and the two Captains upon the Guard, by telling them that in their diligence our victory wholly consisted. And in truth they slept not, as I have already said, for by break of day the Artillery began to play, and the Counterscarp was wholly pulled down.

O Camrades, you who shall go to besiege places, you cannot but confess, that both here and in several other places, my Enterprizes and Victories have succeeded more from my vi∣gilancy and prompt execution than my valour, and I on my part am willing to confess, that there was in the Camp braver men than I. But no one can be a Coward that has these three things; for from these three all the Combats and Victories proceed, and all va∣liant men choose to follow Captains that are provided with these three qualities. And on the other side he cannot be call'd hardy, let his heart be never so good, if he be tar∣dy, backward, and slow in execution: for before he has fixt his resolution, he has been so long deliberating about it, that the Enemy is advertiz'd of what he intends to do, and consequently is provided to prevent his design: but if he be quick he shall even sur∣prize himself. So that there is no great confidence to be repos'd in a Chief that is not ••n∣du'd with these three qualities, vigilancy, promptitude, and valour. If a man examine all the great Warriours that have ever been, he will find that they had all those qualities. Alexander did not in vain bear the Device I have mentioned before. Examine Caesar's Commentaries, and all the Authors that have writ of him, you will find that in his life he fought two and fifty Battels without ever losing any, saving that of Dirachium; but within thirty dayes he had a sufficient revenge against Pompey, for he won a great Battel,

and defeated him. You will not find that in these two and fifty Battels he ever fought three times in his own person, that is, with his own hand, though he was alwayes pre∣sent there; by which you will understand, that all his Victories were the effects of his conduct, for being diligent, vigilant, and a prompt executer of his designs. But for all this, these qualities are rarely found, and I believe we Gascons are better provided of them than any other people of France, or perhaps of Europe, and many good and great Cap∣tains have gone out of it within these fifty years. I shall not compare my self to them, but this I will say of my self, because it is true, that my Master never lost any thing by my sloth or remissness. The Enemy thought me a league off when I came to beat up his Quarters. And if diligence be requir'd in all exploits of war, it is much more in a Siege, for a very little thing will serve to overthrow a great design. If you press your Enemy you redouble his fear, he will not know where he is, nor have leisure to recollect himself. Be sure to wake whilst others sleep, and never leave your Enemy without something to do.

I shall now return to the Assault; our Order being set down, I went and placed my self at the Gate of the Town near unto the Breach, where I had all the Gentlemen with me, of which there might be six or seven score, and still more came up to us, for Monsieur de la Chappelle Lauzieres, who came from Quer••y, brought a great Troop of Gentlemen along with him. I shall here relate one thing of my own presage, which is perfectly true, That it was impossible for all the friends I had to dispossess me of an opinion I had, that I should in this Assault be kill'd or wounded by a shot in some part of my head; and out of that conceipt was once half in a mind not to go to the Assault, knowing very well that my death would at this time be of ill consequence, if not to the Enterprize in hand, yet to the general design upon that Country; this fancy therefore still running in my head the morning before the Assault was to be given, I said to Monsieur de Las the Kings Advocate at Agen, who was of our Council, these words. Monsieur de Las, there are some who have exclaim'd, and do yet cry out that I am very rich; you know of all the mo∣ney I have to a Den••••r, for by my Will, to which you are a witness, you are sufficiently enform'd of my Estate. But seeing the world are not otherwise to be perswaded but I have a great deal of money, and that consequently, if by accident I should die in this Assault, they would demand of my Wife four times as much as I am worth, I have here brought a particular of all the money I have at this day in the whole world, as well abroad at Interests, as at home in the cu∣stody of my Wife. The account is of my Steward Barat's drawing, and sign'd by my own hand. You are my friend, I beseech you therefore if I dye, that you and the Councellor Mon∣si••ur de Nort will transfer your love and friendship to my Wife and my two Daughters, and that you will have a care of them, especially Charlotte Catherine, who had the honor to be Christned by the King and the Queen his Mother. Which having said, I deliver'd the Scrowl into his hands, and very well perceiv'd that he had much ado to refrain weeping. By this you may judge if I had not the misfortune that befel me before my eyes. I have no fami∣liar spirit, but few misfortunes have befall'n me in the whole course of my life that my mind has not first presag'd. I still endeavour'd to put it out of my fancy, resigning all things to the good will of God, who disposes of us as seems best to his own wisdom, nei∣ther did I ever do otherwise, what ever the Hugonots my Enemies have said or written to the contrary against me.

So soon as two of the clock, the hour prefixt for the assault, was come, I caused eight or ten Bottles of wine, that Madam de Panjas had sent me, to be brought out, which I gave the Gentlemen, saying, Let us drink Camrades: for it must now soon be seen which of us has been nurst with the best milk. God grant that another day we may drink together; but if our last hour be come, we cannot frustrate the decrees of Fate. So soon as they had all drunk, and encourag'd one another, I made them a short Remonstrance in these words, saying, Friends and Companions, we are now ready to fall on to the Assault, and every man is to shew the best he can do. The men who are in this place, are of those who with the Count de Mont∣gommery destroyed your Churches, and ruined your houses; You must make them disgorge what they have swallowed of your Estates. If we carry the place, and put them all to the sword, you will have a good bargain of the rest of Bearn. Believe me they will never dare to stand against you. Go on them in the name of God, and I will immediately follow. Which being said I caused the Assault to be sounded, and the two Captains immediately fell on; wheresome of their Soldiers and Ensigns did not behave themselves very well. Seeing then that those were not likely to enter, Monsieur de Sainctorens marcht up with four Ensigns more, and brought them up to the Breach, vvhich did no better than the former, for they stopt four or five paces short of the Counterscarp, by vvhich means our Canon vvas nothing hindred from playing into the Breach, vvhich made those vvithin duck dovvn behind it.

I then presently perceiv'd, that some body else, and other kind of men than the Foot must put their hands to the work; which made me presently forget the conceit I had of being kill'd or wounded, and said to the Gentlemen these words. Camrades, no body knows how to fight but the Nobles••, and we are to expect no victory but by our own hands, let us go then, I will lead you the way, and let you see that a good horse will never be resty. Follow boldly, and go on without fear, for we cannot wish for a more honourable death. We deferre the time too long, let us fall on. I then took Monsieur de Gohas by the hand, to whom I said, Monsieur de Gohas, I will that you and I fight together, I pray therefore let us not part; and if I be kill'd or wounded, never take notice of me, but leave me there, and push forward, that the Victory however may remain to the King: and so we went on as cheerfully as ever I saw men go on to an Assault in my life, and looking twice behind me, saw that the Gentlemen almost toucht one another, they came up so close. There was a large Plain of an hundred and fifty paces over, or more, all open, over which we were to march to come up to the Breach, which as we passed over, the Enemy fir'd with great fury upon us all the way, and I had ••ix Gentlemen shot close by me. One of which was the Sieur de Besoles; his shot was in his arm, and so great a one, that he had like to have died of his wound; the Vicount de La∣batut was another, and his was in his leg: I cannot tell the names of the rest, because I did not know them. Monsieur de Gohas had brought seven or eight along with him, and amongst the rest Captain Savaillan the elder, of which three were slain, and the sad Cap∣tain Savaillan wounded with a Harquebuze shot quite through the face. There were also hurt one Captain du Plex, another Captain la Bastide, both Kinsmen of mine about Ville∣neufue, who had alwayes serv'd under Monsieur de Brissac, one Captain Rantoy of Da∣masan, and Captain Sales of Bearn, who had before been wounded with the thrust of a Pike in the Eye. There were two little Chambers about a Pike height or more from the ground, which Chambers the Enemy so defended both above and below, that not a man of ours could put up his head without being seen; however our people began to assault them with a great shower of stones, which they pour'd in upon them, and they also shot at us, but ours throwing downwards had the advantage of this kind of ••ight. Now I had cau∣sed three or four Ladders to be brought to the edge of the Graffe, and I as turn'd about to call for two of them to be brought to me, a Harquebuze-shot clapt into my face, from the corner of a Barricado joyning to the Tower, where I do not think there could be four Harquebuzeers, for all the rest of the Barricado had been beaten down by our two Ca∣non that playd upon the Flanck. I was immediately all over blood, for it gusht out at my mouth, nose, and eyes; whereupon Monsieur de Gohas would have caught me in his arms, thinking I would fall, but I said, Let me alone, I shall not fall, follow your point. Upon this shot of mine almost all the Soldiers and the Gentlemen began to lose courage, and to retire, which made me cry out to them, though I could scarce speak, by reason of the torrent of blood that pasht out at my mouth and nose; Whither will you go? Gentlemen, whither will ye go? will ye be terrified for me? do not flinch nor forsake the sight, for I have no hurt, and let every one return to his place; in the mean time hiding the blood in the best manner I could; and to Monsieur de Gohas I said, Monsieur de Gohas, take care I beseech you that the Soldiers be not discouraged, and renew the Assault. I could no longer stay there, for I began to faint, and therefore said to the Gentlemen, I will go get my self drest, but if you love me, let no one follow, but revenge me: Which having said I took a Gentleman by the hand, I cannot tell his name, for I could scarce see him, and return'd by the same way I caine, where by the way I found a little Horse of a Soldiers, upon which by the Gentlemans assistance I mounted as well as I could, and after that manner was conducted to my Lodging; where I found a Chirurgeon of Monsieur de Gohas, called Maistre Si∣mon, who drest me, and with his fingers (so wide were the Orifices of the wound) pull'd out the bones from my two Cheeks, and cut away a great deal of flesh from my face, which was all bruis'd and torn.

Monsieur de Gramond was upon a little Eminence hard by, looking on at his ease, who being of this new Religion, though he had never born arms against the King, had no mind to meddle amongst us. He was aware how upon my hurt all the Soldiers were dishearten'd, and said to those who were with him, There is some eminent person slain, see how the Sol∣diers are discourag'd, I am afraid it is Monsieur de Montluc, and therefore said to one of his Gentlemen call'd Monsieur de Sart, Go run and see who it is, and if it be he, and that he is not dead, tell him that I entreat him to give me leave to come and see him. The said Sieur de Sart is a Catholick, who accordingly came, and at his entring into the Town he heard that it was I that was hurt, and coming to my Lodging found my people weeping for me, and me tumbled upon a Pallet upon the ground; where he told me that Mon∣sieur de Gramont begg'd leave that he might come to see me. To which I made answer,

That there was no unkindness betwixt Monsieur de Gramont and me, and that if he pleased to come, he would find that he had as many friends in our Camp, and peradventure more than in that of their Religion. He was no sooner gone from me, but Monsieur de Madaillan my Lieutenant, who had marcht on the one hand of me when I went on to the Assault, as Monsieur de Gohas did on the other, came to see if I was dead, and said to me; Sir, Cheer up your spirits, and rejoyce, we have entred the Castle, and the Soldiers are laying a∣bout them, who put all to the sword: and assure your self we will revenge your wound. I then said to him, Praised be God that I see the Victory ours before I dye. I now care not for death. I bese••ch you return back, and as you have ever been my friend, so now do me that act of friendship not to suffer so much as one man to escape with life. Whereupon he immediately return'd, and all my servants went along with him, so that I had no body left with me but two Pa∣ges, Monsieur de Las, and the Chirurgeon. They would fain have sav'd the Minister, and the Governor, whose name was Captain Ladon, to have hang'd them before my Lodging, but the Soldiers took them from those who had them in their custody, whom they had also like to have kill'd for offring to save them, and cut them in a thousand pie∣ces. They made also fifty or threescore to leap from the high Tower into the Moat, which were there all drown'd. There were two only saved who were hid, and such there were who offer'd four thousand Crowns to save their lives, but not a man of ours would heark∣en to any Ransom; and most of the women were kill'd, who also did us a great deal of mischief with throwing stones. There was found within a Spanish Merchant whom the Enemy had kept prisoner there, and another Catholick Merchant also, who were both sa∣ved; and these were all that were left alive of the men that we found in the place, namely the two that some one help't away, and the two Catholick Merchants. Do not think, you who shall read this Book, that I caused this slaughter to be made so much out of re∣venge for the wound I had receiv'd, as to strike terror into the Country, that they might not dare to make head against our Army. And in my opinion all Souldiers in the be∣ginning of a Conquest ought to proceed after that manner, with such as are so impudent as to abide Canon; he must bar his ears to all Capitulation and Composition, if he do not see great difficulties in his Enterprize, and that his Enemy have put him to great trouble in making a Breach. And as severity (call it cruelty if you please) is requisite in case of a resolute opposition, so on the other side mercy is very commendable, and fit, if you see that they in good time surrender to your discretion.

Monsieur de Gramond then came to visit me, and found me in a very ill condition, for I had much ado to speak to him, by reason of the great quantity of blood that issued from my mouth; Monsieur de Gohas also immediately after him came back from the fight to see me; saying, Take comfort Monsieur, and cheer up, upon my word we have sufficiently reveng'd you, for there is not one man left alive. He thereupon knew Monsieur de Gramond, and saluted him, who after they had embraced, entreated him to carry him to the Castle, which he did, where Monsieur de Gramond found the taking of it exceeding strange, say∣ing he could never have believ'd this place had been near so strong, and that had I attaqu'd Navarreins it would have been more easily taken. He would then needs see all the re∣moves I had made of the Canon, which having seen, he said, it had not been requisite that we should have omitted any thing of the Battery. About an hour after he return'd, where he offer'd me a House of his hard by, and all other things in his power, and has since told me, that at that time, and in the condition he then saw me, he never thought I could have liv'd till the next day, and believed he had taken his leave of me for ever. All that day, and all that night I bled continually, and the next morning sent to entreat all the Cap∣tains to come and see me, which they did, where having recover'd a little heart, and being able to speak with greater ease than before, I made them the following short Oration.

Gentlemen,

my Companions and Friends, I am not so much concern'd at my own misfortune, nor the pain I endure, as I am to see the King's affairs disorder'd by this accident, and my self constrain'd to leave you. I did not conceal from you the design I had in this Execution, you all of you heard it. I beseech you therefore that for me you stop not the Career of your victory, but push your fortune still on, for the execution we have done upon these people will strike a terror into all the Country of Bearn: and I am confident you will meet with no resistance but at Navarreins. Lose not then this op∣portunity that God has given you; for if you do, all the world will say, that your Cou∣rages only depended upon mine, and that you can do nothing without me, which though it would be a singular commendation for me, yet I would be very sorry to have it said, out of the honour and friendship I bear to you, which makes me as jealous of your reputation as my own. Make then I beseech you no more account of me than if I was

already dead.

At which word I observ'd most of the Company with tears in their eyes; and having paus'd a little to take breath, pursu'd my discourse in these words.

You are here a great many Captains as able to command as I, and you have good and valiant men, who will now redouble their courages to revenge their Chief. I assure my self there is none of you but will give place to Monsieur de ••ondrin, as well out of deference to his Birth, as also in regard he is the eldest Captain amongst you. And seeing he is a little infirm, I entreat you Monsieur de Sainctorens, and you Messieurs de Goas and de Madaillan to be continually about him, that the Conduct of this Expedition may be order'd by your discretion; for he you see is old, and therefore you who are young must take the pains. And since you are all men of courage, and all aim at one common end, which is his Maj••sties se••vice, and the advancement of his affairs, maintain, I beseech you a strict and inviolable friendship with one another. My wound, if you perform brave exploits, will be the occasion of your acquiring honor for your selves; and for God's sake my beloved Friends, do not give over this Enterprize in the beginning, and at a time when you ought most to pursue it. Follow your blow in this astonishment of the Enemy, and make it manifest that it was not I alone, but every one of you also, who have an honourable share in the victory. Are you not content with the Election I have made for you of Monsieur de Gondrin? and are you not willing to accept him for your Chief?

to which they all made answer that they were, and that it was all the reason in the world he should command. Which having all declar'd, I entreated them to see me no more, that they might not encrease my Fever, but all retire themselves to him, and so they sorrowfully departed from me.

One thing (Lieutenants of Provinces) I can say, and that without bragging or lying, that never any man in my Command was better belov'd of the Nobless than I, and though I was of a peevish cholerick nature, yet so it was that they bore with my inperfections, knowing that I did nothing out of malice. O 'tis an excellent quality that in a Chief! and believe me what great Lord soever you are, if you do not win the love of the Nobless, the Officers and Soldiers, you will never do any thing to purpose. And if your passion sometimes make you say, or do any thing you should not do, (for we are all men) you must repair it. I would fain see any of those Messieurs of France who censure our actions in governing the Nobless of Gascony, undertake the Government, to see if they could so easily, and at all turns manage those Gentlemen as they pretend. There was yet another thing that has evermore preserv'd me the friendship not of the Gentlemen only, but of all those who serv'd under my command, which was that I never thought any thing too dear for my Captains and Soldiers. I have often when I was but Captain my self given away my arms and my cloaths when I saw any one in need. For a Pike, a Halbert, a gray Hat and a Feather, I have gain'd the hearts of some to that degree that they would have run into the fire for me; neither was my Purse ever ty'd up in my Companions ne∣cessity, and yet they say I am covetous! He that sayes so of me is nothing acquainted with my nature; and it is the vice, of all others, that I have the least been polluted with∣all I dare say that in this last War onely I have given to the Lords and Gentlemen un∣der my Command eleven Spanish Horses, and two Coursers. Which that no one may think to be a lye, I shall name the persons to whom I gave them; not to reproach them with it nevertheless; for they did me honor in accepting them.

First, I gave a Courser to Monsieur de Brassac, who follow'd me in all these Wars at his own charge (a Gentleman of ten thousand Livers a year, but the Enemy ever kept from him all the Estate he had in Xaintonge and Chalosse) for which Courser he would not now take 400 Crowns. I gave another Courser to Captain Cosseil, who bare arms with me twenty years, and was Captain Charry's Lieutenant, after he had first been my Ensign. I gave to Monsieur de Madaillan, who was my Lieutenant, a Spanish Horse he would not part with for 400 Crowns, and another to his Brother he would not now sell for five. I presented the Chevalier de Romegas with a Spanish Horse that co•••• me two hundred threescore and fifteen Crowns. I gave also to Mong••ieral Sieur de Ca••elles 200 Crowns to buy him a Horse, because his won had been hurt at St. Foy. He is a poor Gentleman, but very valiant, as Monsieur de Sansac will witness, who is one of the oldest, bravest, and most prudent Captains of this Kingdom. And because he had another Horse that unluckily died, I gave him a Spanish Horse, a tall and strong one to carry Barbs, which after the Peace he sold for 1600 Crowns. Captain de la Bastide had another Spa∣nish Horse of me, and the younger Beauville my Brother-in-law another, by reason his h••d been kill'd under him in a Sally he had made upon the Enemy. I gave another to Cap∣tain Mauzan, a Gentleman of my own Company, by reason that in a Rencounter he had near unto R••q••efort, his had been kill'd betwixt his legs, and himself, his Brother, and

Brother-in-law all wounded. I gave another to Captain Romain a man at Arms of my Company, a p••or Gentleman, but a man of extraordinary valour. I gave another to Captain Fabian, he having lost his horse in his return from Court, for which I had often refus'd 500 Crowns. And yet another to Captain Mons my Guidon, a poor Gentle∣man who had layn a whole year in prison at Montauban, which horse cost me three hundred and five and forty Crowns. Being sick in bed, and dismissing my Nephew de Balagny, who I hope will not shame the Family from whence he is descended, I gave him the Spanish Horse that I had ever kept for my own Saddle. Several others I have lost, and three in this last War, particularly one that I design'd for the King, who being swelted, founder'd under me as I was going to relieve Mont de Marsan, which I thought Mon∣sieur de Montamat had been going to besiege; and could I reckon all the horses I have given in my life, I think it would exceed my Estate. If you do the same, you Lords who are the Kings Lieutenants, you shall alwayes be well follow'd, for the Soldier abhorres nothing so much as an avaricious Captain.

To return to my Subject all these brave Gentlemen took their leaves of me, and the next morning, which was the third day after my hurt, my Nephew de Leberon caused me to be carried to Marsac, which is two leagues from Rabasteins. I was no sooner departed from the Camp, but that the affection all the Soldiers bore unto me did too soon appear, for all the Gentlemen Voluntiers retir'd, and most of the Foot, for which I was exceed∣ingly sorry, and could have been rather content with all my heart they should have totally forgot me. How much (my Companions) did you there prejudice your King and Coun∣try? and how great a wrong did you to your own honor? Had you united and main∣tain'd a good intelligence one with another, as you promis'd me you would, all Bearn had been your own. 'Tis an untoward thing this AEmulation to command. The same day that I made the Remonstrance to the Nobless, they dispatcht away Captain Montaut to the King, whom I entreated

to present my most humble service to his Majesty, and in my behalf to beseech him, that he would please to provide for my Goverment, whether I should live or die, for that he was to expect no more service from me: that I had al∣ready done enough, and must now make room for others, and that I would now for the time to come seek what I had ever avoided before, which was the privacy and re∣pose of my own House.

He found at his arrival at Court, that the King had already dispos'd of my Government above a month before, which till this time never any King of France before had ever done: but I ought not to lay the blame upon him. When I heard the news I did not much concern my self at it, though it did a little trouble me I confess, to have such a trick put upon me; for though I had not been shot, I should never more have exercised that Command; and I think he that now has it, which is the Marquis de Villars, would as little care to be dismist from it as I; for it is not a Benefice without a Cure, to have to do with the Queen of Navarre, and the Prince her Son, who is already grown up to a man, the principal Governor, and an Enemy to our Religion; who being what he is cannot want courage, credit, or means, not onely in Guienne, but even in the King's Cabinet. Out of which consideration I had before quitted the Govern∣ment, had it not been that I would not the King should reproach me, that I had abandon'd his service in a time of War, and the greatest necessity of his affairs.

That I may return to speak of my wound, which I do but too well remember, you that are Generals of Armies, and Lieutenants of Provinces, may here observe how much it imports you to preserve your own persons, and not to expose them to hazard, as I did mine in playing the Common Soldier, and the Pioneer. For this unlucky shot of mine was the cause that the Army under my Command moulder'd away to nothing. I do not however intend to say, that you ought to be Cowards, and to hide your selves behind the Gabions, whilst others lie open to the Harquebuze shot, but only that you may learn to be wise by my exemple, and go discreetly into danger: for upon your loss all the rest de∣pends; as you know it befell that brave Gaston de Foix at the Battel of Ravenna. I know very well that a good heart, seeing his men misdemean themselves, cannot forbear leading them the way, and exposing himself to danger, as I did, seeing my Foot go so untoward∣ly to work. Which made me call to the Gentlemen, for I ever found by experience, that fifty Gentlemen will do more than two hundred Common Soldiers. We retein some∣thing of honor, which our Fathers have acquired for us, and which gives us a Title to that fair Epithet of Noble.

By the whole account of my life hitherto you have been able to judg whether or no the King had any reason to use me ill, considering that I never spar'd my life (which certainly is the thing most dear to us in this world next to our honors) for his service; and not only my own, but the lives of my Sons also: for of four that I had I have been three fall in Battel

in his Majesties service the fourth only remains, which is the Chevalier, whom though I had design'd for the Church, and the Bishoprick of Condom, yet did I alwaies command him to shew himself a Montluc; and he had the honour to be entitled Chevalier by the late King Henry my good Master, who sent him to Malta where he serv'd his Apprentice∣age in arms under the Chevalier de Romegas; and from whence the Grand Master writ me word, that immediately upon his arrival he had put him to the test, to try if he was of my race or no, and had found him right. He was afterward in the Siege the Grand Signi∣or laid before Malta, wh••ch was the brav••st that ever was since Artillerie was first founded. But do not you who serve the King d••spair of honor and reward by my exemple, and be∣cause I was not so well us'd, as perhap•• I deserv'd to have been; for this does not pro∣ceed from the Kings own nature. You may perhaps be more fortunate, and may not have so many Enemies as I, who for disdaining to be any ones creature, had no Patron to de∣fend me; and on the other side have been perhaps too liberal of my tongue, in speaking freely what I thought. 'Tis dangerous sometimes to speak truth, and I could never lie nor dissemble. Yet shall I not be so ingrate as not to acknowledg my self highly oblig'd to the Kings my Masters for the benefits and honours they have conferr'd upon me, who from the condition of a private Gentleman, have rais'd me to the greatest Employments in the Kingdom: but I can also say that I purchased those honours at the price of my blood. Now you must know that having recover'd a little, and finding my self some∣thing better of my wound, I writ a Letter to the King, which I have thought fit to insert in this place, of which these were the Contents.

SIR,

I Have thus long de••e••r'd to prefer my Complaints, both by reason of the great indispo∣sition upon me, and also because my friends were long before they would let me know of your Majesties unkindness in taking from me the Government of Guienne. Had your Majesty pleased to have had but two months patience only, you would have found that so soon as I had settled the Country in peace, I was resolv'd most humbly to beseech your Majesty to provide for the Government, by reason of my age, and the great wou••d I have receiv'd, and then without disgracing me, your Majesty had had sufficient argument to have deputed another in my place. But by the manner of doing it, your Majesty has evidently manifested to all the world, that you have stript me of it for some forfeiture of mine, either as to matter of arms, or for some foul play I have practised upon your Majesties Treasure, by which means my honour is like to be brought into dispute through∣out the whole Kingdom, which I cannot think I have deserv'd, and therefore am very much at a stand, as many others will be, to guess from whence the great distaste your Majestie declares to have taken against me should proceed; unless (out of the little hopes I had to be for the future serviceable to you) for having often importun'd your Majestie to make choice of some other in my stead; and as to that, your Majestie has since com∣manded me to reassume my former Authority, and to continue my administration. Nei∣ther can it be upon any jealousie your Majestie can have entertein'd, that I have embezell'd your Majesties Treasure; for you would never have punisht me for a crime whereof you could not as yet be assur'd that I was guilty; and I have that confidence in your Majestie's bounty and wisdom, that you would not easily have given credit to reports so remote from all probability; for in the time that I have been your Majesties Lieutenant in these parts, several Commissi••ners in Extraordinary, and several of your Receivers General, with other Officers of your Majesties Exchequer, have made their Accounts, and had I been found in any of their Papers, I have friends at Court that would not have fail'd to have set a mark upon such places, where my name was any way concern'd. But hitherto I have not been put to any distress in proving their accounts, forasmuch as it cannot be found, that I have ever taken upon me to touch one penny of your Majesties money, not only in this your own Province, but also at Sienna, and in Tuscany, where I had much greater conveniency of doing it than I could have here. And your Majestie may parti∣cularly please to remember, that having done me the honor for three years last past, to order the pension of six thousand Livers a year I pay to the Cardinal of Guise, should be discharg'd out of the Exchequer, I was so far from meddling with your Majesties mo∣ney without your leave, that I would never make use of that assignment. And of all this your Majesty may be fully satisfied at the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Commissioners you have sent into these parts, who I am very certain will not bring back my name in any of their ac∣counts, or if they should, there would yet be nothing prov'd against me, and therefore it cannot be imagin'd that your Majestie should be dissatisfied with me upon that ac∣count.

If peradventure your Majesties displeasure should proceed from a belief that I have committed some fault in point of arms, this opinion would also be very contrary to that your Majesty had of me, at the time when you were pleased three or four times to write me word, that I was the Restorer of Guienne; and I assure my self your Majesty has not forgot the reasons why you were pleased to grace me with that honorable Title; but will, I hope please to remember, that it was because in the first Commotions at Tholouze, the City having been disputed for three dayes together, and in that dispute two Thirds of the City w••n by the Rebels was at my coming deliver'd, the Assailants at the sight of me only put to rout, and many of them taken and punisht according to their desert, insomuch that to this day, the Inhabitants of the said City look upon me as the Conservator of their lives and estates, and the honor of their Wives. With like diligence and good fortune the City of B••rd aux, to which I went in two dayes and two nights from Tholouze, and where by the way I fought with, and routed the Forces that were gather'd together to hin∣der my passage, was by me immediately reliev'd. Having rescued Bordeaux from the same danger that I had before Tholouze, without staying longer than two dayes there, I crost the River with sixscore Horse, believing that Monsieur de Burie would come up to me, as indeed he did, but it was four hours after the fight, where he found that I had defeated six Ensigns of Foot, and seven Corne••s of Horse, commanded by Monsieur de Duras. And after this victory the said Sieur de Burie and I went to besiege Mont-segur, which was bat∣ter'd, and taken by assault, as was also Penne of Agenois. I after this in two daies took Lect••ure, by reason that the late Captain Montluc had surpriz'd four hundred men of the Garrison of the said City, whom he had put all of them to the sword; and immediately without resting day or night I pursued Monsieur de Duras so close, that I compell'd him to sight, before our Foot could come up to us; nay, I scarcely gave leisure to Monsieur de Burie to come time enough to be present at the Engagement, where we succeeded so well, that a handful of men defeated three and twenty Ensigns of Foot, and thirteen Corners of Horse. After which I sent your Majesty ten Companies of Spanish Foot, of which we had made very little use; but that did good service at the Battel of Dreux, as also did ••en Companies of Gascons, which I sent your Majesty by Captain Charry, and your Pro∣vince of Guienne remain'd quiet, and clear from all troubles, not a man daring to lift up his head but for your Majesties service; so that with good and just cause your Majestie conferr'd upon me the Title of Conservator of Guienne.

As to the second Troubles, I had long before sufficiently advertiz'd your Majesty, and the Queen your Royal Mother, of what you afterwards saw come to pass, and though by your command I had twice or thrice letters sent me, that I was very ill enform'd: I did not for all that slack my vigilancie, nor neglect to stand upon my Guard, that I might not be surpriz'd; but the same day that the Insurrection hapned at Paris, without other intelligence than my own, and upon Michaelmas Eve, I put my self into Lectoure, the most important City of all Gascony, in so opportune a season, that I frustrated the design of six hundred men, which were to have been let in at the Postern, and after having pre∣serv'd the Town in your Majesties obedience, knowing you stood in need of relief, as your Majesty afterwards sent me word, I made so good haste in raising of men, that in 29 dayes after the said Michaelmas day I sent your Majesty twelve hundred Horse, and thirty Ensigns of Foot, which were conducted by me as far as Limoges, and from thence by the Sieurs de Terride, de Gondrin, and de Monsales; when though it seem'd to many, that Guienne would be left a prey to the Vicompts, who had very great Forces; neverthe∣less at my return I found them so much work to do, that they gain'd nothing either upon me, or upon the Province: and with the few Forces I was able to gather together, I went afterwards into Xaintonge, where at my arrival those who had taken arms at Marennes were defeated by Madaillan, and the Seneschal of Bazadois, who after meeting with Mon∣sieur de Pons, took Marennes, with the Isles of Oleron and Alvert. With the like dili∣gence was the Isle of Rhé recover'd by my Nephew de Leberon, whom I sent thither, and had your Majesty been pleased to have furnisht me with what you promised of money, Artillery, and other Ammunitions of War, I had put fair to have reduced Rochelle it self to your Majesties obedience, before the Peace that was at that time concluded.

As to what concerns the last Troubles, it is true, that they broke out at a time when I was sick, and scarce recovering from the danger of death, yet I did not nevertheless for∣bear to put my self into the field, and to get together all the Horse and Foot I possibly could, and hearing that the Forces of Languedoc, Provence, and Dauphen••é were coming to fall into our Country, I went out accompanied with Monsieur de la Valette and d' Escarts, and some other Officers, to meet and fight them, and in so doing approacht them so near, that had not their Camp-master Captain Moreau been fortunately taken by us, we had

all been cut off, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 defea••ed; for besides that the Encounter had been in a place where the Horse could not possibly have come to ••ight, they had moreover fought us at the ad∣vantage of six to one, we being no more than five and twenty hundred, and they above twenty thousand men; all which will be made good by the testimony of the said Sieurs de la Valette, d' Es••art••, and other Captains, who were all of opinion, that the best we could do was to retire; and when we were all resolv'd to coast the Enemy, to keep them a little in, and to try to ge•• some advantage over them, the younger Monsales brought letters from your Majestie to all the Captains to march towards Monsieur de Montpensier, and to me that I must return, which I accordingly did, both out of regard to my own sick∣ness, and also to preserve the Country, as I have done so long as the Forces were in my hands. Being afterwards at Cahors, to which place I went with an intent to fight the Vicounts, I was advertiz'd that Pilles was about Agenois with a great number of Horse, whom thinking to surprize, I marched day and night to ••ight him, which had also so faln out, had it not been that Monsieur de Fontenilles, and Captain Montluc with some Light-horse met with five or six Cornets of the said Pilles his Cavalry, whom they charg'd with so great f••ry that they put them to rout, which made the said Pilles the same night pass the River Dordogne, and retreat towards the Body of their Army.

As to the coming of the Count de Montgommery, '••is very well known, that at my de∣parture from Mont de Marsan, which in two hours time I had besieg'd, assaulted, and taken, Monsieur d' Anville carried away all the Forces in order to some designs he had in Languedoc, leaving me no more but my own Company, with those of Messieurs de Fon∣tenilles and de Gondrin, and five Ensigns of Foot, with which I was fain to make shift for the defence of Lectoure, Florence, Ville-neufue, and Agen; and although the said Ma∣reschal afterwards call'd from me the forenam'd two Companies, and that I was left alone with my own, yet did I not for all that forbear to put my self into Agen, when the Army of the Princes drew near, without being reliev'd by any but the Sieur de Fontenilles onely, who indeed came and brought his Company to my assistance. From which Town of Agen the Princes Army were very much incommodated; and whereas they had thrown a Bridg of Boats over the Garonne, with a design to pass into the Country, and of Condommois and Age∣nois, to make as it were a City; I broke their Bridg, and so shatter'd it to pieces, that they could never recover any more than two of the Boats, with which they repassed the River, but so leisurely withal, that had your Majesty been pleased to have sent me never so few Forces, I could have kept them well enough from ever uniting again. And whereas during the time of the said Princes being in these parts, they had possessed themselves of certain Castles in the Country of Agenois, I retook them, and reduced them all to your Majesties obedience.

You Majestie has since commanded me to go make War in the Country of Bearn; wherein I so promptly obeyed your Command, that though it was very hard to raise men, by reason that every one took the Peace for concluded, notwithstanding in less then fifteen dayes I set on foot five and fourty Ensigns of Infantry, and six hundred Light∣horse, with which I resolv'd to invade the Country, either to force Montamat to a Battel, or to suffer his Towns and Castles to be taken one after another before his face, as any one may judg it must of necessity have fall'n out. For having begun with Rabasteins, as it was necessary I should, for the reasons I have before laid down, though it was one of the strongest places of all Guienne, I carried it in eight dayes time, playing at once in my own person the parts of Pioneer, Canoneer, Soldier, and Captain. Where in making my approaches I was like to have lost my youngest Son, who was shot close by my side, as also was Captain Paullac; and when it came to an Assault, seeing the two first Compa∣nies did not go on as I desir'd they should have done, I went my self to the Breach, ac∣companied with the Signieurs de G••as, and the Vicount d'Vza, and followed by about a hundred or sixscore Gentlemen, of which two and fourty were hurt, I my self being one of the number of those that were wounded, and in such a part that I shall carry the marks of it to my Grave. And although this action joyn'd to others of the like nature, that I have perform'd during the Reigns of the Kings your Father and Grandfather, make me hope for no other advantages than what was before in the prospect of my ambition, name∣ly a gracious acceptation, and an honourable acknowledgment of my service from the said Kings my Masters; I had reason however to believe that your Majestie would have my performances in some little esteem. Moreover I represented in my person before your eyes an old Soldier of threescore and ten years of age, your Majesties Lieutenant General in these parts, and one who onely in giving the word of Command to others, without en∣gaging in his own person, might have sufficiently perform'd the duty of his charge; but who nevertheless out of the zeal he had to render your Majestie Victorious in all your Enterprizes, put himself into the rank of the meanest Foot-Soldiers, and in the greatest

danger of death, where several Gentlemen also ran the same fortune, esteeming it a great honor and happiness to follow one of the oldest Soldiers, not to say Captains of France. I also thought your majesty might have consider'd, that as in the first Tumults, the first Victories your Majestie obtein'd were by my hand, I had likewise in these last Commo∣t••ns rendr••d you victorious in the last Enterprize of War that was perform'd in the King∣dom: But when I expected a Letter at least, such as your Majesty is accustomed to write to the mean••st Captain in your Kingdom, all the fruits of my great labour, and long ex∣pectation, was only to hear that you had depriv'd me of my Government, and (which was worse) without sending me so much as one syllable to signifie your Royal intention, insomuch that I saw the man already come who was to succeed me, before I had any inti∣mation of my being cashier'd from my Command. Nay, at the very same time, that by an universal Law throughout the whole Kingdom your Majesty has rest••r'd to their E∣states and Employments all such as have been depriv'd of them, I may say that by a par∣ticular Law made for me alone, I am degraded from an Employment wherein I have so long maintain'd my self with my sword in my hand. But though I had been stript to my Doublet, I should yet remain cl••thed with a Robe of Honor, to wit, the Reputation of having born arms from my Childhood for the service of your Crown, with all the si∣d••••••ty that the Kings my Masters could themselves desire. I am sure every one will frankly con••ess that I have been in as many Combats, Battels, Rencounters, Enterprizes both by day and night, Assaults, Takings, and Defences of Towns, as any man this day alive in Europe; and for such am known in Forreign Nations as well as at home, and yet I can say with truth (for which the Glory be attributed to God, and the honor to the Kings my Masters, who were pleased to employ me) that whether it were through my good for∣tune the influence of their Majesties arms, or any other accidents conducing to it, I was never defeated in any place, where I had the honor to command in Chief, nor never at∣taqu'd my Enemy but I beat him. Several persons of honor yet living will also bear wit∣ness of my behaviour at the Battels of Pavie, the Bicoque, and Serizolles, where I had the Command of all the Harquebuzeers, and also in what esteem the late Sieur de Lautrec had me, for having seen me in his own presence sight betwixt Bayonne and Fontarabie; as also for having serv'd under him in a Command of Foot in his Expedition into Lombardy, and the Kingdom of Naples, in which services I received no less than four Harquebuze shots. There are also several men of honor yet alive, who very well remember how I carried my self at the taking of the County of Oye, in the quality of Camp-Master to all the French Foot; and others are able to testifie in what esteem I was with the Prince of Malphe, and the late Ma••eschal de Brissac, for having seen me in Piedmont, at all hours, and upon all occasions both night and day venture my life for the service of this Crown, as others can w••tness, that at the time when the disgrace besel our people in the Lower Bullen, I alone with a very small number of men maintain'd the fight, and at the time when your Majsties Royal Father, my good Master of blessed memory, gave me for lost, I came out in de••pite of the English, and brought off with me two and twenty Colours of ours, that had been taken, insomuch that one only remain'd in the hands of the Enemy. If Mon∣sieur de Guise were now alive, he would not conceal what he saw me do at the taking of Thionville, no more than will Monsieur le Mareschal de Ville••neufue, who can witness if it was not I who took the Tower, from whence ensued the loss of the Town. All the Cap∣tains of Italy, Spain, and Germany will for ever honor me for what I did at the Siege of Sienna, where I was the late King your Father's Lieutenant, as I was afterwards in Tus∣cany, where I lost nothing, but remain'd victorious over the Enemy, and had my servi∣ces so highly accepted by your Royal Father, that besides that at my return from Sienna, he conferr'd upon me the Order, which in those dayes was a mark of great and extraordinary service, he moreover gave me the County of Gaure for term of life, which since, and after the death of my said Royal Master, at the calling in of your Majesties Demeasns was taken from me, without the least murmur or shew of discontent on my part at my being so depriv'd.

All these things, Sir, I have thought fit to represent unto you, forasmuch as your Ma∣jesty may peradventure not have heard of them, and that in speaking of me in your Ma∣jesties presence I may by some have been otherwise represented, and have had other Cha∣racters given of me than I deserve. I know that sometimes they have made as if I were a Thief, and that otherwhiles, and for the most part have talkt as if for three years last past I had done nothing of any moment. Wherein, Sir, they have abused your Majesty more than they did me; for all the ill tongues in the world cannot deprive me of the honor I have acquir'd, whereas by their importunity they may have induced you to do a thing that I fear may be of ill exemple to men of my Trade; forasmuch as those who have of late been

call'd to Offices and Commands, and who desire to advance themselves by the exercise of arms, will be apt by my exemple to apprehend, that long services, and the glory by those services acquir'd throughout the world will not stand them in so much stead as the evil tongues of their Maligners, and such as would put a bar to their preferment, may do them harm.

It remains, S••r, that for the conclusion of my long and tedious Letter I must humbly beseech your Majesty to excuse me, if after such a blow of fortune I have been constrain'd to address my Complaint, and to sigh out my grievance to you, and you alone; and have been oblig'd to do it, as well to make my self better known to your Majesty, than I have been in times past, as also most humbly to beseech you, that for the time to come, when your Majesty shall be importun'd to use either me, or any other of your good and faithful servants so unkindly, you will please to reserve evermore one ear for the accused, before you resolve upon doing any thing that may wound or dishonor them. As for what concerns my self, out of the desire I have ever had to see your Majesty prosper, I am very glad if in these last troubles you have been so well, and so successfully serv'd in all parts of your Kingdom by all those your Majestie has employed as by me, who on this side have preserv'd your Cities, and the Country committed to my charge, have beat∣en your Enemies as oft as I could get opportunity to fight them, and taken Towns by assault, with the extreamest peril of my life. And though it has been said, that I have done nothing considerable, yet I beseech your Majestie to believe that no man has surpass'd me in good intention, and a hearty desire to serve you. After which (since such is your royal pleasure) I am willing to retire without other mark of all my labours, and the ser∣vices of so many years, but the sorrow for the loss of my Children sacrific'd to your Crown, and seven Harquebuze shots, which will serve continually to put me in mind of the hum∣ble and affectionate devotion I have ever had to perform the best and most obedient ser∣vice to your glorious Predecessors; which also I shall ever retein for your Sacred Majestie, to whom I pray Almighty God to give all prosperity, health, and happiness, &c.

This was my Letter, which more perplexed the Monsieurs, who at that time govern'd the Court, to comment upon, than it did me to write it. And that unknown to me was afterwards printed and publisht; for my friends, and such as best knew what I had done for the conservation of Guienne, were as much, or more offended, than I. And I would have it known, that both then and since, had I as disloyal a heart as they have, who after the first Commotions represented me to the Queen for a Spaniard, I had yet means, and interest enough to have done a great deal of mischief: But I neither am, nor ever will be other than a good Frenchman, and a true Servant to the Crown. I also know very well that none of these doings proceeded from the King, who never withdrew his favour from me. But a young Prince involv'd in so many affairs has much ado to please all the world; to which may be added, that several who could hurt me no way but with their tongues, had a very great influence, not over his Majestie (who never lov'd the Hu∣gonots, what ever he might pretend for his own repose) but with the Council. O that Kings and Princes ought to be very tender of disgracing a man, who has ever been loyal and faithful to them, and who is a man of spirit: for it might light upon such an one, as may put their affairs into a very ill posture, of which within these fifty years we have seen too many exemples, to the great loss and detriment of the King of France, as I have said before, when speaking of the traverses and ill offices that several great Captains have receiv'd at Court. How many are there, that had they been used after this manner, would not only have quitted all, but perhaps have done a great deal worse: for a man that does his duty, and finds himself ill rewarded, it goes to his heart. I have heard that either King Francis, or Lewis (I know not which of them it was) one day asking a Gentleman, a Gascon, as I am, What would debauch him from his service? Nothing Sir, reply'd the other, unless it be a despite. And it is also an old saying, that Out of spite a man would turn Turk. Notwithstanding, all this unkindness could never make me either Spa∣niard or Hugonot. I have ever lov'd my honor too well for that, and will go down to my Grave with that fair white Robe, without suffering the least ugly spot upon the name of Mont••uc; and every one that has any regard to his honor ought to do the same. If his King and Master will not make use of his service he may sit at home, and look on to see how others behave themselves. If he be a man of valour, fortune that cast him down, will raise him up again; she is not alwayes angry. How many great Lords and valiant Cap∣tains have we seen cultivating their Gardens at home in a time of action, whom the King has been constrain'd to recall into his service, and could have wished he had never re∣mov'd them from him?

I have seen a great many in my time, both on the King's side, and also on the Emperor's, who have turn'd their Cassocks, and some very lightly, and upon very slender occasion: but they obtein'd no great advancement by it, and being amongst us, were lookt upon for such as they were. I believe our Enemies did the same. Every one loves the Treason w••ll enough, but they hate the Traitor. When that brave Prince Charles de Bourbon was constrain'd to side with the Emperor, and to give himself to the Devil, because God would have nothing to do with him (for doubtless he was compell'd and necessitated to it) we were told that•• even the Spaniard•• themselves lookt askew upon him; and the poor Prince after he had done a great deal of mischief l••••t his life. When after he was slain at Rome, it was a common dispute, whether the Pope, the King of France, or the Emperor was most glad of his death; the first, because he held him besieg'd; the King, in that he was deliver'd from a capital Enemy; or the Emperor, for being rid of a banisht and ne∣cess••••ous Prince, that lay upon his hands, and was a burthen to him; though he had only nourisht him with promises, and nothing else. These scurvie despites proceed too far; am sure mine never did, nor ever shall make me do any thing contrary to my duty, or to the pr••judice of my honor. If I was young, and that the King would not make use of my service, the world is wide enough, I would seek my fortune elsewhere; but never at the expence of my Prince, nor at the price of my own honor. The King having receiv'd my Letter, sent me in answer a great many good words, for they cost them nothing; the end will shew whether the Province will be better govern'd, and his Majestie better serv'd, and whether they who have succeeded me (though they are great persons, and great Cap∣tains) have done, or shall do hereafter better than I.

But to return to the place where I left off; my Wife came to fetch me from Marsac, from whence she carried me in her Litter to Cassaigne near unto Condom, where to refresh me I was for three weeks together so crucified with the Cholick, that it had like to have cu••'d me of all other discases. In this condition I had the comfort of Monsieur de Valence my Brother, who never left me till he saw me out of danger of death; and several Lords also both Catholick and Hugonot came to see me. Before Captain Montaut arriv'd at Court the Queen dispatcht away Monsieur de Beaumont, Steward of the Prince of Na∣varre's Houshold, by wh••m she sent me word, that in case I was in the Territories of the Queen of Navarre, I should forthwith retire, and put my men into Garrison. See what a sudden change was here! I askt him if there was a Peace concluded, to which he made answer, no; but that it was hoped there suddenly would. Why then should the King, said I, put his Army into Garrison? Is not the Country already sufficiently ruin'd and destroy'd? If I do this when the Peace shall come, and that we are to disband our Horse and Foot, not one of them but will plunder his Host for a farewel, seeing themselves dismissed without money. Seeing then it is so, that they are order'd to be put into Garrisons, I will even disband them for all together, and send them every man to his own house. To this end then I desir'd Mon∣sieur de Valence to write, and sign a Letter (I being in no condition to do it) to Monsieur de Gondrin forthwith to dismiss the Army, both Horse and Foot, and that every one in four dayes should be retir'd to his own home; which was accordingly perform'd. Mon∣sieur de Beaumont himself carried the Letter to Monsieur de Gondrin, and five weeks after the Queen sent to me to disband the Army, which I had done before, and by so doing had sav'd the people above 500000 Livers, as the Country it self will witness. I had sav'd the pitiful 4000 Francks that I had from the King untoucht, saving a hundred Crowns, that I took out to give Captain Montaut to defray his Journey to Court. And thus it was that I robb'd the Exchequer, and poll'd the People. Such about his Majestie as favour the Hugonots, do not care how deeply they charge me with Calumnies; but I would have the world to know, and do here declare, that in so many years that I have commanded, and in all the great Employments wherein I have been I could never enrich my self 20000 Francks, and yet they stick not to affirm, that I have pill'd and poll'd 300000 Crowns. I could wish it was true, provided it had been from the Hugonots our Enemies. God be praised for all. These slanderers shall never have that advantage over me as to make me hang down my head, but I will walk with my face erect, like a man of honor. The Treasure••s and Receivers are yet living: let his Majesty enform himself of them: let him examine their accounts, where if he find any one single Lyard converted to my profit, his Majesty does not do well if he do not bring me to my Trial. It is no wonder his Majesty is so ill serv'd, as 'tis reported he is, considering he makes no exemple; he is then to blame himself, and not those that do it. And as to Impositions and Taxes upon the People to enrich my self, and to fill my own Coffers, his Majesty in this case ought yet to be more severe against me than in the other, by how much the people are more to be pittied than the King; who if he want money knows how to make his people find it. 'Tis a priviledge

our Kings have so soon as they come out of their Page-ship, as one said of Lewis the Ele∣venth; which makes me conclude, that the King ought to inflict a more severe punish∣ment upon those who ••lea his people, than if they purloin'd from his own Exchequer. The Commissioners have given an account of all sorts of men who have rais'd money, let them look if they can find me in their Papers, and if any be come into my purse. I con∣fess I have dispos'd of some Hugonots Estates, who pretended to sit still at home, but were worse than the others wh•• were in arms: neither was it reasonable, that they should be better used than the poor Catholicks, who were gnawn to the very bones; and had I not done it, the Gentry would have taken it ill, and the common Soldier would have revolt∣ed: for where there is nothing to be got but blows men will hardly go volunteer to the Wars. Moreover they would have said I had held intelligence with the Enemy, by which means I should not have had a man to follow me; and I had rather have died than to have had such a repute. Had the King's Officers seized of these mens Estates, they would have extracted no less than a million of Francks: but there was juggling amongst them, and they held intelligence with one another. I have had my share; but it has ever been fair prize, and onely taken from such as carried Provisions and Merchandize to the Enemy; and yet I do believe all I made bold with being put all together, would not amount to above 3000 Crowns. Would to God that all the Chiefs of France had gone as roundly to work for the service of the King and Kingdom as I, and that by war they had desir'd to esta∣blish peace; which if they had, not a man in the Kingdom would have dar'd to have pro∣fessed himself a Hugonot. But I shall leave this unpleasing discourse.

A little while after the Peace was published, the articles of which were very much to the Enemies advantage. We had beaten, and beaten them over, and over again; but not∣withstanding they had evermore such an interest in the King's Council, that all the Edicts continually ran very high in their favour. We got the better by arms, but they alwayes over-reached us in those confounded writings. Ah, poor Prince, how wofully are you serv'd, how ruinously are you adviz'd! If your majesty take not heed, your Kingdom from the most flourishing, will be made the most miserable that ever was; which though it was in the Reigns of your Grandfather and Royal Father, assaulted with many and po∣tent Enemies, and continually engag'd in war, wherein I have ever faithfully serv'd, yet matters still went on in excellent good order, and Commands were not prophan'd, as in these dayes. I pass by the injury your Majesty does your self, in giving your Enemies so great advantages by these fine Edicts. I shall not meddle with the corruption of your Courts of Judicature, nor the abuses in your Treasure, I only beg leave to say something concerning the ordering of your Militia; for should I plunge my self further into what has caused the ruine of your Kingdom, I should be forced to speak too loud, and that of no little ones.

I know, Sir, very well, that your Majesty will not do me the honor to read my Book; you have other employment, and your time is too precious to be lavisht in reading the life of a Soldier, but perhaps some one who shall have read it, in discourse may give your Ma∣jesty some account of what it contains. For which reason I have assum'd the boldness to direct this short discourse I am about to make to your Majesties observation, and I beseech you take a little notice of it, forasmuch as therein are laid open the causes of those disasters I have seen happen in our Kingdom within these fifty years; in the beginning of which I first took up arms in the Reign of your Grandfather, King Francis of blessed me∣mory, during whose Reign a Custom was introduced, which I conceive to be very preju∣dicial to your State. Your Majesty may alter it, and in so doing do a great right to your self and your Kingdom, as to the concern of arms. A young Prince, as you are, for birth the greatest and the first of Christendom ought evermore to learn of old Captains. Your Majesty is naturally martial, and have a genero••s heart, and therefore will not, I hope dis∣dain the advice of an old Soldier, your Subject, and Servant. I remember the time when your Majesty took a delight to talk with me in private, then when you went your Ex∣pedition to Bayonne, and then very well perceiv'd that your discourse exceeded the capacity of your age, and ••o such a degree, that I dare be bold to say, might your Majesty have had your own way, all things had succeeded a great deal better: for though you had done nothing but only shewed your self, and have let your people see, that you was in person in your Army, you had at least gain'd the hearts of many, and astonisht the rest, and consequently had, without dispute been much better serv'd in this your Majesties ma∣turer Age. I do believe it was one of the greatest errors they made you commit (for it was not your Majesties fault that you was shut up when your A••mies marcht.) The peo∣ple of your Kingdom are a good and an affectionate people, and rejoyce to see their King, so that your presence would have inspir'd a great many, and particularly of our Country of

Guienne with wiser and more loyal Councils than some of them have since embrac't. But I proceed to my discourse.

Sir, when your Majestie conferres the place of a President, a Chancellor, a Lieutenant Criminal, or any other Office of Judicature upon any one, it is evermore with this re∣servation, that they shall not execute any of these Charges till first they shall be examin'd by your Parliaments, which are full of wi••e and learned men: and oftentimes your Ma∣j••stie gives order, that they shall first be examin'd by your Chancellor, before they pre∣sent themselves before the Parliaments, which are to determine of their Capacities, and whe∣ther or no they be sufficiently read in the Law, not to be in danger of erring in the Arrests and Judgments they are to make in their Administrations, that so right may be done to those of your Subjects to whom it s••all duly appertein. This, Sir, is a good and an equi∣table way of proceeding, for you owe us Justice impartial, and according to the weight of the Ballance. 'Tis a right to which we are born, and the chief thing you owe indif∣ferently to all; and therefore it is admirably well done, to make them pass those strict and severe Inquisitions that are requir'd in the Chambers of your Parliaments assembled. Yet can it not be ordered so, that Justice in all things is alwaies duly executed.

You ought, Sir, to do the same in all other Offices and Commands you confer in your Kingdom; and yet I see that the first that makes suit to your Majestie for the Govern∣ment of a place, a Company of Gens-d'arms, or of Foot, or the Office of a Camp-master, without considering what loss or detriment may thereby ensue, either to your own per∣son, or your Kingdom, you easily grant it, perhaps at the recommendation of the first Lady that speaks for it, and that perhaps your Majesty has danced with over night at a Ball; for whatsoever affairs are on foot, the Ball must trot. Sir, these Ladies have too much credit in your Court. O how many mischiefs have, and do daily arise, from having so lightly conferr'd these Commands! And although your Majesties proceeding be pru∣dent, and just in exposing your Officers of the long Robe to the utmost test, it is not how∣ever of so great importance to your State. For what loss can you sustain if they be igno∣rant? it falls not upon you; for he that gains the Tryal though contrary to Law and right, pays you the same duties that he did who is nonsuited in his cause; by which means you lose nothing of your Revenue, it is still in the Kingdom; and what imports it to you whether Iohn or Peter be Lord of such, or such a Mannor so long as you have your Fee∣farm rents still duly paid you? We are all your Subject: But the error and ignorance of Governors and Captains who obtein Places and Commands with great case, at the first word of the first that asks, is infinitely prejudicial to your Kingdom, and herein I am very confident all the great Captains and men of honor that are zealous for your service will be of my opinion.

If your Majesty give the Government of a Place to a man of no experience, and who has never been in such a Command before, see what will follow. First it is an old saying, that When the eye sees what before it never saw, the heart thinks that which before it never thought. If therefore a Siege be clapt down before him, how is it to be expected that he should disengage himself? how is it possible he should understand and discover the de∣signs of the Enemy, on what part they can or will assault him? which there is a way to do without a Spy, as I have made it to appear by what I did at Sienna. How should he know how to fortifie and secure himself, and in short do a thousand, and a thousand things that will be necessary to be done, if he have never before been engag'd in such af∣fairs? Such as have been ten times besieg'd are apt enough to be startled at it, and often∣times so astonisht that they know not where they are. Now when your Majesty hears that your place is going to be beleaguer'd, you will presently fall to raising an Armie, as you have good reason to do, not daring to rely upon the small experience of this young Governor, and perhaps shall be constrain'd to go in haste in your own person, or at least to send one of my Lords your Brothers; where either the Town must be lost, or you must hazard a Battel, where your self, or one of your Brothers who shall command your Armie may be slain, together with several Princes of you blood, and a great number of your best Captains. Consider then, I beseech you Sir, the mighty loss and misadventure that de∣pends upon your easie conferring such a Command upon a man, without first know∣ing what he is able to do. For if he is a man of experience, and that he has manifested himself in all places where he has been under good Leaders, to be a man of courage and understanding; so soon as he shall enter into the place, he will presently fall to consider∣ing of the strength, and weakness of it, recollecting what he has seen done elsewhere, where he has been engag'd under another, and what he has seen such and such a Captain do upon the like occasion; and thereupon will suddenly take order for the defects of the place, and begin to fortifie. He will also demand of you an Engineer, will enform you

of the Ammunition both of Victual, Arms, and Artillerie that he has found there, and will never cease solliciting till you have supplied him with all things necessarie, knowing very well what an inconvenience the loss of the place would bring upon you. When so soon as your Majestie shall have furnisht him with all he desires, and that by his fore∣sight he shall have provided against all the defects of the place, he may then know what he has to trust to, and shall have leisure to consider what he has to do, without precipi∣tation, which I have ever observ'd to be very dangerous in war, unless it be in an affair that requires extreme hast and diligence.

And herein two things present themselves to your Majesties consideration; the first, that when your Enemy shall have heard of the valour of your Governor, and his great experience, together with the great foresight and diligence wherewith he has been careful to remedie the defects of his place, and the good discipline he there maintains; is it to be supposed, that he will venture to attacque a man qualified with the forenamed virtues? I do believe there is no A••••ailant in the world but would think of it twice before he would once resolve to do it, and if he call a Council about it, he will find that hardly one old Captain will advise him to go on to his own ruine; and if the Chief be a circumspect and experienced man, the counsel of the young hot-headed fellows must not be preferr'd to that of the old Soldiers, for they better understand the business of the world than the o∣thers do: and are unwilling to hazard the honor they have got; forasmuch as men look on∣ly upon the last of our actions, without much regarding what they have perform'd be∣fore. So much concerning the first. Now the second thing that presents it self to your Majesties consideration, is, that your Majestie reflecting upon the valour of the person you have entrusted with defence of your place, his diligence, and experience, will be at quiet within your self, knowing very well that such a man will do no unhandsome things, but will be tender of his own honor, as well as careful of his trust: by which means you shall have time to raise your Armie at leisure, and shall come to encamp your self in an advantagious place, where if your Enemie come to assault you, he shall be defeated; and on the other side, if he offer to assault the Town, you lye so close in his Rear, that let the Breach be never so wide, he dares not go to the assault, forasmuch as whether he enter or no he is certain to be defeated, for you surprize him in disorder; which will make him very warie of attempting any thing, where his ruine is so manifest before him; and ei∣ther force him to raise his Siege, and betake himself to some other Enterprize, or else come to assault you in your Fort; which also he will have a care of doing, as was the Emperor Charles at the Camp in Provence, at the time when your Majesties Grandfather was for∣tified in the plain field, and that the Enemie made a shew of attacquing Marseilles. You are evermore to take heed of committing errors in the beginning of a War; for if your affairs have once a disrepute upon them in the beginning, your Majestie may be assured, that your Soldiers will lose courage, and every one will seek an opportunity to run away, insomuch that you are never to hope your Army shall do any thing to purpose after. Of which I shall give your Majestie some Exemples, that you may see of how great impor∣tance it is to have a good Governor in a Town of War. Of these Exemples, the first shall be Charles Duke of Burgundy, who after having lost two Battels against the Swiss at Mo∣rat, came with his ba••led Army to sit down before Nancy, which he thought to surprize, René King of Sicily, and Duke of Lorrain never dreaming that he would come to besiege that place; by which means it was totally unprovided, both of Victuals, Ammunition, and Men. King René had with him five or six Gascon Gentlemen (for these Princes of Lorrain have ever had a great kindness for our Nation) namely Captain Gratian Da∣guerre, a poor Gentleman of this Country call'd Pons, another call'd Gaian, and another whose name was Roquepines; the others were slain during the Siege, where these brave Gascons did so valiantly behave themselves, that with some of the Country people that put themselves into the Town, and some Gentlemen of the said Country, they defended the Town, and endur'd the last extremity of famine, by that means giving King René leisure to go himself into Switzerland to fetch his relief. King Lewis the Eleventh of France would not openly assist him, by reason of the League he had contracted with the Duke; but (as you Princes ordinarily do) he favour'd him understand, and disbanded four hundred men at arms, that were advanc'd as far as Pont St. Vincent, within two leagues of Nancy; so that when the Duke saw the Swiss coming upon him, he raised the Siege, and there lost both the Battel and his life. Had Iohn d' Albert King of Na∣varre, when he saw the Forces of Ferdinand coming to fall upon him, put one or two good Captains into Pampelona, he had not so poorly lost his Kingdom, as he did; for there wanted only a good man to have stopt the Career of the Spaniard, the place was good e∣nough. But he lost the Kingdom both for himself and his Posterity; for it is in too good

a hand ••ver to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 it. These are two Examples of Antiquity that I have receiv'd from the old Captains of that Age; and I have heard others related, which I could here set down; but I leave those to the Historians, who are able to give a better account of them than I, and will now present your Majesty with some of my own.

K••ng Francis your Grandfather laid Siege to Pavie, where I was; he found within it A••tonio de Lev•• a Spaniard, and a man that by a long practice in arms had gain'd as great exp••rience as any other Captain that has been these hundred years. He had within but three Ensigns of Italians, and three thousand German Foot. His Majesty h••ld him a∣bove seven months be••ieg'd, in which time he had given several assaul••s, though the place was not very strong; but this Captain by his industrie and valour supply'd all other de∣••••••••s, and defended it so long, that he gave Monsieur de Bourbon time to go fetch relief 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Germ••ny, and come and sight a Battel with the King, which he won, and took the King prisoner; and had the said Sieur de Bourbon in the heat of this victory turn'd his Forces towards France, I know not how matters would have gone; and all these suc∣cesses be••el the Emperor for hav••ng made choice of this old Warriour, who put a stop to our Kings fortune. Of recent memory the valiant Duke of Guise put a shameful baffle upon the Emperor Charles at Metz, whom he constrain'd ignominiously to raise his Siege, whereup••n his gr••at Army van••sht into nothing, through the sole virtue of the Chief that oppos'd him. And again in these late Commotions his Son, the Duke of Guise that n••w is, has preserv'd Poictieres, a great City without a Fortress, which had it been taken by the Admiral, he had commanded all Poictau and Xaintonge to the very Gates of Bordea••••, wherein the virtue of this young Prince very much reliev'd your Ma∣jesties affairs, and was signally serviceable to the whole Kingdom. In like manner your Majesti••s Victory at Monconto••r was demurr'd by the choice your Enemies made of Cap∣tain Pilles left in St. Iean, where the valour of this Chief, who very well understood how to defend his Post, set the Plugonot affairs again on foot, who by that means had leisure to steal away, and to come to fall upon us in Guienne. I have been told, that he was well assisted by a Captain, a very brave Soldier, call'd la Mote Puiols; but had they let me alone at the Battel of V••r, I had taken order with him for ever making war against you more; for I had my sword at his throat, when some body, I know not who, pull'd him away from me, and sav'd him. If the Admiral was upon his confession, he would not d••ny but that my sole person hindred him from attacquing Agen, which is no tena∣ble place; doubt not then Sir, but that the valour of one single man is able to give a stop to a torrent of success.

Your Kingdom is the best peopled of any Kingdom in the world, and you are rich in great and faithful Captains, if you please to employ them, and not take in such as are in∣capable of command. Charles the Emperor, as I have oft been told, made his boasts that he had better Commanders than the late King Francis; and in truth he had very good ones, but ours were nothing inferior to them. You have choice enough, Sir, to put into your Frontier places. Do but consider of how great moment was the loss of Fontarabie, through the little experience of Captain Franget, and how dear the loss of Bullen cost your Father through the little experience of the Si••ur de Vervins, who was Governor there. And on the contrary, you may, Sir, please to remember (for I am certain you have heard it) what honour and advantage ac••r••'d from the election your Royal Father, my good Master, made of that old Cavalier Monsieur de Sansac, who so long sustein'd the Siege at Mi∣randa; and the choice he was pleased to make of my poor person for the defence of Sienna, which was honourable to the French name. The security of a place, Sir, depends upon the Chief, who may make every one to fight, so much as the very Children, which will make an Enemy very unwilling to attacque him. Behold then, Sir, how much it imports your State, your People, and your own Honour; for it will evermore be said, and re∣corded to posterity, that it was Charles the Ninth who lost such and such a place; from which Fame God defend you. It shall live in history for ever, and all the good and evil that befals you in your Reign shall be recorded, and the evil rather than the good. Be then, Sir, circumspect, and consider of it thrice before you deliver to any one the defence of a place, and do not think it sufficient that the man is valiant, he must also be a man of experience.

As to what concerns a Captain of Gens-d'arms, you make no more of creating him at the request of the first that recommends him to you, than you would do of a Searje∣ant of the Chasteler of Paris, who afterwards coming to be present at a Battel, you shall give him such a Post to make good, where the poor man not knowing how to take his ad∣vantage, either through want of courage or conduct, shall make you lose this Post, and by that means not only encourage the Enemy to save the day, but shall moreover discourage your own people; for four running Cowards are sufficient to draw all the rest after them,

even the Leaders themselves. And although they be b••ave enough in their own persons, and would ma••e head▪ yet, if they know not how to command, nor understand which way to play the ••••st of their Game, all will run into confusion; for that it at that mo∣ment depends wh••lly upon him, and not upon the General, who cannot have his eye in all places at once; and in the noise and confusion of a Battel, it is impossible he should provide for all things. ••e then who has the Charge of a Post, or the Command of a Wing, if he want experience, and have never before been engag'd in such affairs, how is it pos∣sible to be expected that he should either command, or execute? And here's a Battel lost, and your own p••rs••n, if you are there, either kill'd or taken; for I have never heard of any King of France that ever ran away. Neither is any better to be expected in any other Enterprize that shall be committed to the execution of such a man. Take heed then, Sir, to whom you give your Companies of Gens-d'arms; 'tis ••it that the young ones should be Apprenti••••s, and l••arn of the old. I know very well that Princes are to be excepted from this Rule, who have ordinarily brave Lieutenants, who in effect are the Chiefs, for the said young Princes in their own persons are not usually there.

Your Majestie has also Mareschaux de Camp, and Camp-Masters both of Horse and Foot, both of them employments of great importance, for they are to discover all things, and in case the Arm••es lye near they are to make their discovery together, for the one can do nothing without the other, and together must bring you back an account of what is to be done for the ordering of the Battel, both Horse and Foot, after having viewed the situation of the place, and the Grownd where the Horse is to be drawn up, and the Foot also; and being agreed together, are to bring you back a report of all; whereupon you shall in your Council conclude what you have to do: but you are of necessity to ground your resolution upon their intelligence, which if they be not men of experience, O Sir, how many Errors will they cause you to commit! It is therefore very necessary that the men who discharge these Offices should have three qualities; of which the first is a long experience; for if they be men long beaten to the practice of Arms, and that they have been eye-witnesses of some miscarriages in the Armies wherein they have serv'd, provided they retein it; that very observation will make them circumspect and careful of falling into the like error. The second quality requir'd in men that are entrusted with these Offices, is, that they be bold and adventurous (for your Mareschaux and Mai∣sters de Camp, of all others must not be Cowards) or at least if they are not more vali∣ant than ordinary, (for I do not desire they should be Rowlands) they must not be afraid of blows; for if these men be timerous, you are not to expect that your Army should do any thing to purpose; by reason that they will evermore quarter your Army in fear and ap∣prehension, and consequently alwaies encamp at a disadvantage; by which means if your Adversary General be a man of Judgment, and practis'd in such affairs, he will easily discern your Armie to be in fear, as I my self have often judg'd in exercising this Com∣mand, by the meer observation of the Enemies manner of encamping, and have seldom been d••ceiv'd. Which is a thing of all others of the greatest danger, forasmuch as nothing so much encourages both the Officers and the Soldiers of an Armie, as to know that their Enemi•• marches and encamps in fear. The last qualitie requir'd in this sort of Officers, is, that they be circumspect and diligent; which three qualities will render them perfect and comple••••. They must not be men that love to sleep a la Francoise, nor slow dream∣ing people, that are long and tedious in resolving, they must have their feet, hands, and understandings prompt and quick, and their eye evermore at watch; for upon their vi∣gilancie and providence depends the safety of the whole Armie.

It is more••ver necessary, that in the Election your Majesty or your Lieutenant shall make of such persons, you narrowly pry and examine that there be no unkindness, or dis∣simulation betwixt them; for whe••e there is Enmity, there is evermore envy, and that being betwixt them, tho one will never approve what the other shall do, and they will be eternally in dispute, from whence nothing but mischief can ensue. There is no Trade so full of jealousie and j••ggling as this of ours, and betwixt men that do not love one another there is nothing but contradiction; whereas on the contrary, if they be good friends, the one will evermore supply the defects of the other, and they will argue what is fittest to be done, amicably, and without doing one another the least ••ll Office: for they are by the Rule of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, whether in quartering the Army, or in discovering the Enemy, to be alwaies together. They are also before the Kings Lieutenant to dispute a∣bout the Quarters, and to ••hew their reasons why they take them up in that place, and are likewise to appoint to what Post the Cavalrie is to retire in case of a Charge, whether to the Avant-Guard, or ••o the Battel, though it ought more properly to be to the Avant-Guard, by reason that the Cavalrie is a member belonging to it. It is also necessary that

they judg well of the Enemies Avenues, and accordingly where to plant the Artillery, where to encamp the Battel, and where the General shall take his place; and in case of an Alarm, where to plant the Guard, and where to place the Centinels; in short, all things pass through their care and conduct.

When these, together with him that commands the Army shall be perfect in all this, and shall have order'd all things as they ought to be, they can never be surpriz'd: foras∣much as they shall so well have provided for all things necessary, that not a man in the whole Army but will know what he has to do; which being granted, every one will confess that Army cannot possibly fall into any disorder: for all the losses that such bodies usually sustein proceed only from negligence and supineness. This good order in quartering ought evermore to be observ'd, whether far off, or near to the Enemy, and also upon a March, which being done, the Army can never encounter any accident or novelty that can discom∣pose it, when the Enemy shall be near at hand: but if they shall deferre to do it till ne∣cessity requires, they will not find the Soldiers either so ready, or so well dispos'd; and besides it sometimes falls out, that they think the Enemy at a great distance, when he shall rise earlier than they, and come to beat up their Quarters. Moreover they ought in such a case to maintain a better intelligence betwixt themselves than upon a march, and then the Master of the Ordnance is to be joyn'd with them, and indeed upon these three persons next to the General the loss or gain of a Battel depends. Judg you then, Sir, whether these Employments are to be dispos'd of with so great facility, since the loss and overthrow of your Armies proceed from their insufficiency or negligence. When ever your Majesty or your Lieutenants shall make Election of such persons, your hearts ought to tremble with fear at so unadvised a choice. And you ought to consider of it more than once.

You have, Sir, next your Captains of Foot, to whom you give Commissions at the fancie of a Monsieur or a Madam, who recommend them out of a desire they have to preferre their own Relations and Creatures, and to oblige others. From these Commands ill be∣stow'd, almost as many mischiefs may proceed as from the former; whether it be at the defence of a Breach, or in leading a Foot Company in a day of Battel, or in any other Enterprize of importance to your affairs: for if he who takes upon him such a Command, is not such as he ought to be, he will be defeated through his own fault, and all the men lost that are under his Command, where the damage and dishonor will be yours, and the foldness and courage of your Enemie will every day encrease. Of which your Majestie both has seen, and do now see the Experience. At the time when I first entred into arms, the Title of a Captain was a Title of honor, and Gentlemen of good Families were proud of it: But now-a-daies every Plow-boy and Carter that has commanded but in the qua∣litie of a Corporal takes upon him that Title. You will say, Sir, perhaps, that we who are your Majesties Lieutenants are in fault for this, but you must pardon us if you please: for it proceeds principally from you, who have begun to conferre these Commands upon little people, so that now the Gentlemen disdain them. In your Grandfathers time the Foot Companies consisted of a thousand men, which was a noble Command, and that was no small ease to your Treasure, there being not near so many foot Officers requir'd as I have said elsewhere: but now it is a very great disorder, and for which your Maje∣stie would do well to find out some remedy, that so many Captainets may return to be common Soldiers. And the same medly is at this day observ'd amongst your Knights of the Order, which is a very great confusion.

Now, Sir, what does all this mean? but that to determine of differences and Suits in Law your Majesty makes all your Judges to pass a strict Examination, though you your self can lose nothing by the sentence, let it go which way it will; whereas where it imme∣diately concerns your own life, and the lives of my Lords your Brothers, and of all the Princes and great Captains of your Armie, and consequently the ruine of your Kingdom, your Majestie without any manner of difficulty, or consideration, conferres Commands and Governments upon the first that make suit for them. Sir, there is an old saying

Si le Fol un conseil te donne, N'en fay refus pour la personne▪

If the Fool good advice deliver, Slight not the counsel for the Giver.

Which I bring in here to excuse the advice I intend humbly to offer to your Majestie, and which you ought to take in good part from me, who am at this day the oldest Captain in your Kingdom; and who from the passages I have seen in my time, ought in reason to have gain'd some experience for the time to come. The Counsel that I will presume to

give you, is, that your Majestie would take exemple by the Examination whereby the bo∣dies of your Parliaments are compos'd, where the several members are first to present themselves before your Chancellor, your President and Counsellors, to be examin'd of their sufficiencie, who if they thereupon be found incapable, they are sent back to studie till they be wiser, and have rendred themselves worthy of the Employments to which they pretend.

Before then, Sir, you dispose of any Command, upon which so many inconveniencies visibly depend, never conferre it at the importunity of any man alive, till first you have put the person upon his Examination, remanding him before your Doctors, which are the old Captains who have gain'd experience by a long practice in Arms. You may have some old ones, who have not much stirr'd from their own Houses, I do not take such for old Captains, but worse than those the Chancellor sends back to studie: for it is a saying. Too old to mend: but I mean that you should call to be assisting at your inquisition such as have ever follow'd the wars, and that are markt for such with a great many Para∣graphs, that is to say, with Harquebuze shots, or cuts, and slashes with the sword upon his face and bodie; which are signs that he has not alwaies sate idle by the fire side. To this end, Sir, 'tis ••it you should have a Chancelor; and Sir, it is most reasonable that that Chancellor be the Monsieur your Brother, although he be yet very young; for in three or four years that he has born Arms he has won two memorable Battels, so that with the good understanding and judgment he is Master of, and being descended of so good a Race, it is impossible but he must have retein'd a great deal: for he has heard great Doctors in our Faculty dispute before him. Your Majestie must therefore have no other Chancellor of Arms but him; you shall still, Sir, be superior, for no one can take that from you, and 'tis you onely that can confer honor upon others. As God has made you to be born a Prince to command so many millions of people, he has also distinguisht you by some particular Endowments from the rest of men. When then any one shall make suit to you for any of the foremention'd Commands, your Majestie would do well to assemble your Chancellor and your Doctors; and if you be there present in person, it would be better if your Majestie would take the pains your self to interrogate them if they know the per∣son in question, where he has serv'd his Apprentiship, and under whom, (for oftentimes Like Master, like Man) and what act of honor he has perform'd? I doubt not but these old Cavaliers will frankly tell your Majestie the truth, as knowing very well of what importance it is to have a Captain a Fool, a Coward, or a Novice; and according to their characters and opinion you may conferre upon him the Command he pretends to; for he has then passed the inquisition. And that your Majestie may be deliver'd from importu∣nities, do, Sir, as I did once at Alba in Piedmont. Every day my horses were borrowed of me (for we had a little kind of a Truce) This vext me, and I knew not how to a∣void it: but at last I commanded my Trumpet to go and make proclamation throughout the Town from the Governor, (which was my self) that I had made an Oath never any more to lend my horses, and that therefore I had caused it to be thus proclaimed, that no one might be ignorant of my vow. After which I was no more importun'd. Do you, Sir, the same; some day in a great Company declare openly before all the Lords and La∣dies of your Court, that you have taken an Oath never to dispose of any Command or Government, but by the advice of your old Cavaliers and Captains. This will presently be spread abroad; for what you Kings and Princes say and do disperses it self with mar∣velous swiftness; and this will also produce another great effect, which is, that such as are freshmen in Arms, knowing they cannot get in at the Window, will endeavour to signalize and make themselves known to such as are to open them the door, and every one will contend who shall do best.

O if your Majestie will but please to do this, how many brave Captains will you have in a little space! you will have more valiant Leaders then are again to be found in all the Kingdoms of Europe. And this also will produce two things, which of all others you ought most to desire in your Militia; of which the first is, that when this Governor or Captain shall have been preferr'd by the testimony of your old Cavaliers, given either to your Majestie, or to the Monsieur your Brother, he will look upon it for so great an ho∣nor, that he will determine within himself, if he have never so little courage, rather to lose a thousand lives, than be guilty of the least cowardize, or commit the least offence: for he will evermore think, that should he misbehave himself, he should do an injury to those who nam'd him for the Employment he has obtein'd, and that your Majeste might justly reproach them with their oversight in that nomination: by which means they will endeavour to do the best they can that they may obtein honor, and that your Majestie may preferre them to a better Command; knowing that they must again pass the inqui∣sition

to arrive at it, and the examination of your old Captains, where if they shall have behav'd themselves amiss, they will evermore make a true report, and will be asham'd to advise your Majestie to create such a one Maistre, or Mareschal de Camp, whom they have seen misdemean himself in the quality of a simple Captain.

The second advantage that will derive it self from this strict way of examination, is, that you will hereby stop the mouths of those importunate Lords and Ladies, who upon so light foundations make suit to you for Commands, upon which so many mischiefs de∣pend, being assur'd before hand, that your Majestie will not grant them without the parties being well examin'd before your Chancellor and Doctors, but will refuse them, as you would do him that should ask of you the Office of a Councellor of the Parliament of Paris before he has passed the Test; for the Court would not admit him. I have hea••d that formerly your Father hearing that they had refus'd to admit one, who by some Lady was recommended to them, should say, that one Ass might very well pass amongst so many Spanish horses: but they would not believe him. Sir, put those by whom you desire to be serv'd to the Test. I once saw a Gentleman (as I remember he was a Pro∣ven••••l) whose custom it was when any servant came to make him a tender of his service, he would presen••ly put him to trial, and putting a sword into his hand, would com∣mand him to defend himself, without permitting him nevertheless to thrust at him, where if he found him a man firm, and resolute, he would presently entertein him; if otherwise, he would tell him he was not for his turn. By which means he had evermore brave and resolute men about him, for every one knew his custom, and no one would offer himself but he was stout and hardy; for he was a rude Gamester. This was an Examination practis'd by a Subject of yours, and a Law he establisht within himself, for every man is a King in his own House; as your Grandfather was answer'd by the Collier. Establishing this severe Inquisition of the merits of men, all Europe would presently know it, and so many importunate Suitors will be astonisht at such a Law, and will think of nothing but how to learn, instead of courting Monsieur or Madam, and you will be rid of these impertinents whom you send about their business, and the other may go render themselves worthy before they offer to pretend to Employments too big for them, and that till they have given a better account of themselves, they cannot honestly pretend to, because they do not deserve them.

There will also another conveniency arise from this way of proceeding, which is, that those you choose and honor with these Charges and Commands will hold them immedi∣ately from your self, or your Doctors, and not from the Ladies and the little Monsieurs of your Court, who better understand how to set the ••inger of their Watches to the hour of the day, than to level a piece of Canon against a Tower, or so much as to discharge a Musket, and yet by their haughty carriage, and stately motion, a man would think that all should tremble before them. I once heard one of these pretty fellows talk at such a rate, as if he had almost himself alone carried away the honor of the Battel of Monsieur de ••iron, and that Monsieur de Tavannes, nor even the Monsieur your Brother had done no∣thing comparable to him. Now, as I was saying, these Gentlemen who shall have the honor to hold their Commands immediately from your self after this manner, will think themselves much more highly honour'd; wherefore, Sir, in truth these are things you ought more to desire to see regulated, and to have a more especial regard unto, than all the rest that concerns military discipline, by how much all the Events of War, whether good or evil, under God, depends upon the choice you shall make of men of Com∣mand.

I shall not here speak of Generals of Horse, nor Colonels of Foot, by reason those are two Employments that are only to be conferr'd upon Princes, or men of very extraordi∣nary quality, who though they be young and of little experience, it imports not much, provided the Camp-Master be an experimented man. And pursuing this method, your Majesty will soon see the confusion that is crept into your Armies vanisht and gone; and the ancient splendor and beauty of your Companies of Gens-d'arms restor'd. One thing I perceive, that we very much lose the use of our Launces, either for want of good horses, of which methinks the Race visibly decayes, or because we are not so dextrous in that kind of fight as our Predecessors were; for I see we quit them for the German pi∣stols, and indeed fighting in gross Battalions, these are much more ready than Launces are; for if they be not fought in file the Launceers are apt to encumber one another; and also that open kind of fight is not so safe and certain as in close Bodies.

To return to my discourse; you may please to take notice, Sir, that all such as desire to advance themselves by Arms, will covet to be brought upon the Chequer of Examination. And in my opinion it would be well and prudently done of your Majestie to keep a List

of all the brave and qualified men you have in your several Provinces, to the end, that a vacancy of any Command falling, you may think of those persons, and worthily supply it: by which means such as know themselves to be in your List will be highly en∣couraged, and endeavour with all the power they have to do you some notable piece of service: and such as are not in, will expose themselves to a thousand dangers to be put in∣to it. This Book you should call the Book of Honor, and when you hear any one highly applauded, after having examin'd the particularities of his Exploits, your Majestie would do well to give publick Order to have his name entred into your List. I remember I have heard when I was very young, that Lewis the Twelfth did after this manner, especially by those of the long Robe, and that the Office of Chief Justice of Agenois (a place of great profit and honor) being vacant, he remembred himself of a good Lawyer, who had made him a very eloquent Oration at Orleans, whose name he had set down in his List, and in pure Gift gave him the place. He likewise did the same in all Employments; and I have seen the same way practised by that great Odet de Foix, under whom I serv'd in the beginning of my Arms: he knew the names of all the Captains and remarkable persons; and when any one had perform'd any signal Exploit, he presently bookt him down.

But, Sir, withal you must oft turn over this Book, and not content your self with taking the names of such persons only, but employ and advance them according to their quality and desert, and encourage them by some gracious expressions in their favour; or if he be a poor Gentleman give him money, which if you please to do with your own hand, five hundred Crowns will be better taken than two thousand from the hands of a Treasurer; for something will evermore stick to their fingers. One time King Henry your Royal Father, and my good Master (whom God absolve) had order'd me two thousand Crowns, and he that was to pay it, was not asham'd to detein five hundred: but he met with a Gascon that was not wont to be so serv'd, nor to pay such large Fees. He knew I would complain of him to the King, and was more overjoyed that he could perswade me to receive it, than I was of the receipt. If your Majestie would give with your own hand, these tricks would not be put upon men of desert. It was said in your Grandfathers time, that his Predecessor alwaies did so, and had a Chest full of Baggs stuft with Crowns, in some more, in some less, which he himself distributed according to the quality of the person, or of the service he had perform'd. I know some will tell you that this is too much below a King; but Sir, do not believe them, for these are the people that would have the moulding of all the Paste, and would that your liberality should pass thorough their hands, to the end that they might nim from your bounty. Only one thing give me leave to tell your Majestie you should not give all to one, nor to a few persons; I beseech you, Sir, pardon my plainness, you have given one Gentleman of Gui∣enne enough to have satisfied fifty pretenders. I will not say but that the man was brave and valiant, but there were who deserv'd it as well, or better than he; and who notwithstanding had nothing at all. Your Majestie may please to take what I say in good part: I have one foot in the Grave, and 'tis the affection I bear to your Crown, that prompts me to say what I do. I am Neighbour to the Spaniard, but he never had other than Flours-de-Lis from me. I could say a great deal more, if I durst, for in truth there is but too much to say, and but too many things to be reform'd. I must now speak a little with your Majesties permission to the Monsieur your Brother, your new Chancel∣lor in arms.

'Tis to you then (my Lord) that I address my self, and I should be sorry this Book should go out of my hands without some honorable testimonie of your Grandeur. You are descended from the greatest Family in the world; there is no Record, but that these ten last descents have ever been hardie and warlike; and but very few from the first Christian King have been otherwise, although Races have gone out, and that others have seiz'd upon the Crown, which is exceedingly admirable; for of four Generations of Gentlemen you shall hardly find two Descents together val••ant: Which ought to make us believe, that God has a particular providence over this Kingdom, seeing he has given so great Gifts and Graces to those who are his Vicegerents, as to the Kings your Grand∣father and Father. And although you are no King, you nevertheless share in the blessing that God has so liberally conferred upon your Royal Family. O (my Lord) you have great reason to think, and to assure your self, that Almighty God has design'd you for great ends, as is already discern'd by the victories he has given you in your younger years, which are such as therein his Almighty arm has been manifestly seen, and that you have obtein'd them more thorough his Divine Will, than any power of man. Every one must therefore of necessitie confess that this Kingdom is the Care of Heaven, that the

King your Brother is God's Lieutenant, and that You are his. Behold what fair and honou••able Titles!

I must now take the boldness to talk a little to you. You are (my Lord) the prop upon whom he reposes and relies; you are he who are to command the Arms which are ••o carry him into all hazards, perils, and fortunes. You are the Trumpet which is to give us the signal what we are to do. You are our refuge and our hope, by whose testi∣monie we are to expect from the King the recompence of all our services. 'Tis you who are to recommend us to his Majesties knowledg, and who as a true Chancellor of the Sword are to make him a true Report of what we have done for his service; and who when we are dead and gone ought to present our Children to him, if we have behav'd our selves as men of honor ought to do. Finally you have all the eyes of France upon you, upon you (my Lord) who command Armies, and who have so often bang'd and bang'd again the Rebellious Hugonots. All Christendom knows that it is you, for the King is constrain'd, since his Council will have it so, to make war in his Cabine••. Since then you hold so high a place, upon which all other Offi••es and Commands that concern Arms depend, and that we are all to stand or fall by you for the Kings service, and your own, your Highness ought to repose your entire confidence, and to lay out your whole care upon us who follow Arms: for all other conditions of men participate nothing with yours, for∣asmuch as all the rest depend upon men of the long Robe. Of such there are a great many in the Kings Council: you have nothing to do with these people, neither indeed is it proper you should; for too many irons in the fire never do well, and it is an old saying, All covet, all lose.

If your Highness will please a little to reflect upon what I take the boldness to repre∣sent before you, you will find that it will be necessary, seeing you are in so high a Station, to weigh and consider what it is that may help to maintain and support you in so great and so honorable a Command, than which nothing can be greater. Shall it be from these young Captains that you are to expect it? no certainly; for in these kind of people the••e is no manner of experience, but rather levity and folly. Shall it be from men of the long Robe? You are yet less to expect it from them than from the other. They will talk like fresh-water Soldiers; they meddle but too much that way, and upon the Green-Cloth will be prating of Arms, that they no more understand than the Carpet they prate upon. From whom then? It is from the old Captains who have been exer∣cised in Arms, and have passed the rude trial of Battels, Combats, Skirmishes, Sieges, and Aslaults. They will have cause to remember what they have seen, and will no doubt be mindful enough of the losses they have sustein'd, as also by what error and default the misfortune befell them. If they have been well beaten they will have cause to remember, and if they have been victorious they will hardly forget it. If you take advice of such men you cannot fail of keeping up your greatness, and of encreasing your reputation and renown: for of such you will learn to know how rightly to command, and shall retein from them what they shall represent before you, when giving an account of what they have seen. You cannot employ your time better than to learn prudence to such a degree, that Posteritie may triumph in your Name; and I know you are of too good a Race, not to covet that your renown should flourish after you are dead.

There may peradventure be some old Captains about you, who have neither done nor seen any great matters; for having lov'd their Houses and their Riches better than the exercise of Arms. Truly (my Lord) there are two many Gentlemen of this humour, and the King would do well to degrade such dunghil-bred Gentlemen from all Nobilitie, who can command nothing but their Hounds and Greyhounds, whilst others are seeking dan∣ger in the field, and think it sufficient that they can wind a Horn. There is also another sort of men, who for want of understanding cannot retein what they have seen. They can perhaps say I was at the Battels of Cerizolles and Dreux, Iarnac and Moncontour, but they are not able to give any account how Monsieur d' Anguien won the first, and how Monsieur de Guise sav'd the second; the Errors the Admiral committed in the two others, your Highness noble resolution, and finally all that passed, with the reasons both of the one and the other, nor any thing of all this; so that you would say they had never heard talk of it, no more than the most stupid loggerheaded Lancequenet that was there. These are not the men you are to rely upon. You are not nevertheless to reject these people, for you are to make use of all sorts of men, especially in matters of war.

The men you ought to have about your person, and of your Cabinet Council, should be such old Captains as have reputation to be men without fear, vigilant, and prompt of execution. Such a Captain there may be, as may have done one brace thing in his life; but who by his slowness may have lost a hundred fair opportunities, where honor and ad∣vantage

might have been obtein'd. Yet will I not say that you ought absolutely to de∣spise these people: I am not so imprudent as to intend any such thing; for so peradven∣ture I may singe my own wings, though what I am you will see in my Book. I dare presume to say, that at this time good and valiant Leaders do not grow by clusters, nor are to be sold by the dozen. You should, Sir, do something for every one of what degree soever; not for all alike, but according to every man's merit and renown. I know some will tell you, that if you draw so many about you, they will put you upon making great demands of the King; (for Soldiers are bold beggars) and that peradventure his Majestie may take offence at it; but for this there is a remedy good enough in the old Rule.

Qui n'a de l'argent en bourse, Qu'il ait du Miel en Bouche.

Who in his Pocket has no Money, In his mouth must carry Honey.

By speaking them fair, and vouchsafing obliging language, you will entertein them in hopes that you do not forget them, but that when an opportunitie presents it self, you will be ready to do them the best Offices in your power. A kind reception, a gra∣cious smile, a friendly embrace, will keep them in breath. But if there be such a trouble∣some importunate fellow, that will not be satisfied with your gracious answers, you may conclude, that that man neither serves the King nor you heartily, or out of any great good will or affection to your person. Such people will never do you any good; and if the chance of war do not of it self free you from them, there are waies enough to shake them off; and whosoever he is that serves his Prince more out of avarice than affection, is unsound at the heart: For an avaritious servant when he sees he cannot satisfie his appetite of get∣ting will desire to change his Master, thinking to get more by another, and to that end will corrupt others by the complaints that he will daily make to the rest, of the ill usage they receive. Avoid then (my Lord) having to do with such kind of people, and be∣times before their venom have poison'd the rest: for such men do all they possibly can to make their Prince hated, to the end that they may cover their own private malice under the colour of a publick Odium, and such are easie to be known. Such I have known, and such you daily see, who although they bow under the burthen of the Kings bounty never cease asking, nor ever will.

Moreover (my Lord) to nourish the good will, and cherish the affection of Gentlemen and Captains, you may do well sometimes to write to them, that they may be certain they are in your favour and remembrance; for this will make them believe that you have a desire to perform something more and greater than before, and that you intend to pur∣sue your fortune. And from this I will tell you what will follow, they will shew your Letters to their Relations and Friends, who so soon as they shall see them, and that you have such a one in so great esteem as to honor him with your Letters, they will lay out all they can wrap and wring to put themselves into equipage to follow him, by which means one servant will bring you twenty or thirty more, out of the hopes they shall con∣ceive, that in doing you service, you will be as gracious to them. And this will cost you no great trouble, your Secretaries will ease you of that, and but waving one hours recreation, you will sign more Dispatches than would serve the whole Kingdom. If it be to a man of very great qualitie, a word or two under your own hand in a Postscript will be no great trouble: but then it must not be too common, at the same time, nor in the same terms; a fault that I have evermore observ'd in the Secretaries of Princes, and particularly those of our own Nation: for they communicate their Letters to one another, and finding them all run in the same stile, make afterwards no great account of the favour.

If (my Lords) you shall not please to do as I advise you, see what will follow. When the Captain sees that you make no account of him, nor have him not in your remembrance, he will think you are satisfied with the fortune God has already bestowed upon you, and that therefore he is no more to hope that you shall have any ambition to be greater than you are; but that every man must think of retiring to his own house, without caring any more for Arms. And after a Soldier, let him have never so little a Competencie to live upon, has once begun to rellish the pleasure of his own House, his Wife, his Hawks, or his Hounds, and that he is once suffer'd to take that bent, it is a very hard matter to draw him out of the Chimney-corner to go again to the Wars, and to perswade him to forsake his soft and warm feathers, to lye abroad upon the hard and cold Turf; and if you get him out with much ado, it will be with a very ill will, and he will be alwaies

hankering homewards to see his Wife and Children. He shall never hear the report of a Musket, but, like a Frank-Archer, he will think himself slain. In all these things cu∣stome is all; Canon and Harquebuze-shot astonish such as are not used to them, but after a man has once or twice heard them rattle about his ears, he cares not so much. There is nothing so prejudicial to War, as to let Soldiers and Officers lye idle and rust. Hang up your Headpiece, or your Cuirasse against a wall, and in a little space i•• will be all rust and cobwebs: it is the same with men of war, if they be suffer'd to lye still and do nothing. Wherefore your Highness ought to have a special care of this; for keeping your Captains waking with your Letters, and some little benefits from the King, you will hold every one in expectation, and ready to march so soon as his Majesties Summons, or your Com∣mand shall be brought to them. To this end give your Secretaries order to put you in mind, for otherwise the Ladies, or the delights of the Court, will put it out of your head. You are young, and 'tis sit you should taste the pleasures of the world; it is but reasonable you should know what they are; we have done it before you, and those who are to fol∣low after will do the same. But go soberly to work.

By this Alarm you shall give your Soldiers with your Letters, you will discover to all the world that you will not forget the facultie that God has given you, nor suffer your Talent to lye idle; and every one who has an inclination to arms will resolve to attend you to the utmost stretch of your fortune. You will make it appear, that since God has alreay laid his hand upon your shoulder, you will trie if he will not lay it upon your head also: you ought to have an opinion that he will be pleased to do it, and to take the verse in the Psalm for your Motto. Coelum Coeli Domino: Terram autem dedit fil••is hominum: which is to say, that God has reserv'd the Heavens for himself, and has left the Earth for us to conquer. This Verse was not made for such little Companions as I am, but for Kings and such Princes as you are: and yet give me leave to tell you, that although I am a poor Gentleman, and have not the spirit of a King, yet had God pleased to preserve my Sons, and have granted me a little better health, I should have thought, with the help of my friends, provided we had been at peace at home, to have got some corner of the world or another to my own share, and if I could not have got a great 〈◊〉〈◊〉, I should at least have had a Gobbet; or at the worst I should only have lost my labour and my life, both which I should have thought well laid out for the purchase of honor. Had my Son liv'd I do verily believe he would have brought about the design, that the Admiral knows he had in his head, and that he may acquaint your Highness withal. You are young, your Brother has the great piece, you are to go seek your fortune elsewhere, and instead of being a Subject, make others Subjects to you. Since then such a poor fellow as I am have the courage to foar so high, and that the Sons of Labourers and Forge-men (as I have heard) have by their virtue arriv'd at Empire, what are you to hope for who are the Son and Brother to the greatest King in Europe? you ought to look for no less when occasion shall present it self, and that you shall see your time. A magnanimous Prince is never to rest contented, but still to push on his fortune; the world is so wide there is enough to conquer; and the King your Brother has power enough to assist you. You are in your age of underta∣king, and you are fortunate. I am sorry that you have laid aside the great and brave name of Alexander, who, if I mistake not, was the most valiant Warriour that ever bore arms. His Majestie will help to set some foreign Crown upon your head. If then God shall do you the grace to put an end to these miserable domestick Broils, set your designs on foot, and trie to immortalize your Name. Employ those many Servants you have in conquering something; and seeing my age, and the wounds I have receiv'd will not per∣mit me to serve you in so brave an Enterprize, I shall at least humbly advise you never to stop the Career of your Arms, but still to attempt greater and more difficult under∣takings, taking the device of the Emperor Charles, who cut out so much work for your famous Ancestors. In case you cannot arrive at the utmost aim of your Ambition, you shall at least advance the better half way to your desires. I have no hopes, being a maim'd Valetudinary as I am, my self to serve you in these honorable designs; but I leave you three little Montlucs, which I hope will not degenerate from their Grandfather and their Fathers. More I have not to trouble your Highness withal; and also it is time to put an end to my Book.

Behold here (fellows in Arms) you who shall read my life, the end of the Wars in which I have serv'd five and fifty years together that I had the honor to be in Command for the Kings my Masters. From which services, that I might not forget them, I brought away seven Harquebuze-shots for a Memorandum, and several other wounds besides, there being not a limb in all my body that has escaped, my right arm only excepted. But I have by those wounds purchased a renown throughout Europe, and my name is known in the re∣motest

Kingdoms, which I esteem more than all the riches in the world; and by the Grace of God, who has ever been assisting to me, I will carry this reputation along with me to my Grave. This is a marvelous contentment to me when I think upon it, and call to mind how I am step by step arriv'd to this degree of honor, and thorough so many dangers am come to enjoy the short repose that remains to me in this world, in the calm and priva∣cie of my own house, that I may have leisure to ask God forgiveness for the sins I have com∣mitted. Oh if his mercie was not infinitely great, in how dangerous a condition were all those that bear arms, especially that are in command; for the necessity of war forces us in despite of our own inclinations to commit a thousand mischiefs, and to make no more ac∣count of the lives of men than of a Chicken: to which the complaints and outcries of the people, whom we are constrain'd in despite of us every day to swallow up and devoure, and the Widows and the Fatherless that we every day do make load us with all the curses and execrations, misery and affliction can help them to invent, which by importuning the Al∣mighty, and daily imploring the assistance of the Saints, 'tis to be fear'd lye some of them heavie upon our heads. But doubtless Kings shall yet have a sadder account to make than we; for they make us commit those evils (as I told the King in discourse at Tholo••ze) and there is no mischief whereof they are not the cause: for seeing they will make warres, they should at least pay those who venture their lives to execute their passions, that they may not commit so many mischiefs as they do. I think my self then exceedingly happy, in that God has given me leisure to think of the sins I have committed, or rather that the necessity of war has enforc'd me to commit. For I am not naturally addicted to mischief; above all I have ever been an enemie to the vice of impurity, and a sworn adversary to all disloyalty and treason. I know very well and confess, that my passion has made me say, and do things for which I now cry Meaculpa; but 'tis now too late to redress them, and I have one that lies heavier upon my heart, than all the rest. But had I proceeded other∣wise every one would have s••irted me on the nose, and the least Consul of a Village would have clapt too his Gates against me, had I not alwaies had the Canon at my heels; for every one had a mind to Lord it. God knows how fit I was to endure such affronts; but all's done and past; my hand was ever as prompt as my tongue, and it was but a word and a blow. I could have wisht, could I have perswaded my self to it, never to have worn a sword by my side, but my nature was quite otherwse, which made me carry for my device, Deo Duce, Ferro Comite. One thing I can truly say of my self, that never any Kings Lieutenant had more commiseration of the ruine of the people than I, in all places where ever I came. But it is impossible to discharge those Commands without doing mis∣chief, unless the King had his Coffers cramm'd with Gold to pay his Armies; and yet it would be much to do. I know not if those that succeed me will do better; but I do not believe it. All the Catholicks of Guienne can witness, if I did not alwaies spare the people: for I appeal from the Hugonots, I have done them too much mischief to give me any good testimonie; and yet I have not done them enough, nor so much as I would; my good will was not wanting. Neither do I care for their speaking ill of me, for they will say as much or more of their Kings.

But before I put an end to this Book of mine, which my name will cause to be read by many, I shall desire all such as shall take the pains to read these Commentaries, not to think me so ingrate that I do not acknowledg, after God, to hold all I have of Estate and Preferment of the Kings my Masters, especially of my good Master King Henry, whom God absolve. And if I have in some places of my Book said, that wounds were the re∣compence of my service, it is not at all intended to reproach them with the blood I have lost in their quarrels. On the contrary I think the blood of my Sons who died in their ser∣vice very well employed. God gave them to me, and he took them from me. I have lost three in their service; Marc Anthony my eldest, Bertrand (to whom I gave the name of Peyrot (which is one of our Gascon names) by reason that Bertrand did not please me) and Fabian Seigneur de Montesquieu. God gave me also three o••hers. For of my second Son I had Blaize, and of my youngest Adrian and Blaize, whom God preserve, that they may be serviceable to their Kings and Country, without dishonouring their Race; that they may well study my Book, and so imitate my life, that, if possible, they may surpass their Grandsire; and I beseech your Majestic be mindful of them. I have left them, a∣mongst my Papers, the Letter your Majestic was pleased to write to me from Villiers dated the 3. of December 1570, which conteins these words. Assure your self, that I shall ever be mindful of your many and great services, for which if you shal•• in your own person fall short of a worthy recompence, your posterity shall reap the fruits of your merit; as also they are such, and have so well behav'd themselves in my service, that they have of themselves very well deserv'd my acknowledgment, and that I should do for them what I shall be very ready

to do whenever an opportunity shall present it self. Sir, this is your Majesties promise, and a King should never say or promise any thing but he will perform.

I do not then by any means reproach my Misters; and I ought also to be satisfied, though I am not rich, that a poor Cadet of Gascony is arriv'd at the highest Dignities of the Kingdom. I see several at this day who murmur and repine at their Majesties; and for the most part those who have done little or nothing make the greatest complaints. In others who have really deserv'd something it is a little more pardonable: all that we have, of what degree soever we are, we hold it of the Kings our Masters. So many great Prin∣ces, Lords, Captains, and Soldiers, both living and dead, owe to the King the honors they have receiv'd; and their Names shall live by the Employments they have receiv'd from the Kings they serv'd, and were not only enterr'd with those honorable Titles, but have moreover honour'd those who are descended of them, and mention will be made of their virtue whilst any Records of honor remain in the world. I have listed a good number in my Book, and have my self had Soldiers under my Command, who have been no better in their Extraction, than the Sons of poor labouring men, who have liv'd and died in a reputation as great and high as they had been the Sons of Lords, through their own virtue, and the esteem the Kings and their Lieutenants had of them. When my Son Marc Anthony was carried dead to Rome, the Pope and all the Cardinals, the Se∣nate and all the People of Rome, payd as much honor to his Hearse as if he had been a Prince of the blood. And what was the cause of all this, but only his own Valour, my Reputation, and my King, who had made me what I was? So that the name of Marc Anthony is again to be found in the Roman Annals. When I first entred into Arms out of my Page-ship in the House of Lorrain, there was no other discourse but of the great Gonsalvo, call'd the great Captain. How great an honor was it to him (which also will last for ever) to be crown'd with so many Victories? I have heard it told, that King Lewis and King Ferdinand being together, I know not at what place, but it was some∣where where they had appointed an Interview, these two great Princes being sat at Table together, our King entreated the King of Spain to give leave that Gonsalvo might dine with them; which he accordingly did, whilst men of far greater quality than he stood waiting by. So considerable had the King his Masters favour, and his own valour made him. This was the honor he receiv'd from the King of France, who in recompence for his having depriv'd him of the Kingdom of Naples put a weighty Chain of Gold about his neck. I have heard Monsieur de Lautrec say, that he never took so much delight in looking upon any man, as upon that same. O how fair an Exemple is this for those who intend to advance themselves by Arms! When I went the second time into Italy as I passed through the Streets of Rome, every one ran to the windows to see him that had de∣fended Sienna, which was a greater satisfaction to me than all the Riches of the Earth. I could produce several Exemples of French men, of very mean Extraction, who have by Arms arriv'd at very great Preferments: but out of respect to their Posteritie I shall for∣bear; but it was the bounty of their Kings that so advanc'd them for the recompence of their brave services.

It is then just that we confess, we could be nothing without their bountie and favour; if we serve them, 'tis out of obedience to the Commandment of God, and we ought not to try to obtein rewards by importunities and reproaches; and if any one be ill rewarded, the fault is not in our Kings, but in them who are about them, that do not acquaint them who have serv'd well, or ill; (for there are many of both sorts) to the end that his Ma∣jesties largess should be rightly placed. And there is nothing that goes so much to the heart of a brave and loyal Subject, as to see the King heap honors and rewards upon such as▪ have serv'd him ill. I am sure it is that that has vext me more than any disappoint∣ment of my own. I have often heard some men say, the King or the Queen have done this, and that for such a one, why should they not do as much for me? The King has pardoned such a one such an offence, why does he not also pardon me? I know also that their Majesties have said, They will no more commit such over-sights, we must wink at this one fault: but it was the next day to begin the same again. However a man ought never to stomack any thing from his Prince. The honor of such men lies in a very contemptible place, since they more value a reward or a benefit than their own reputation or renown, and are so ready to take snuff if they fail of their expectation. And moreover (as I have already said) they are commonly men that have never strook three strokes with sword, and yet will vapour what dangers they have passed, and what hardships they have endur'd. If a man should strip them naked, one might see many a proper fellow that has not so much as one fear in all his body. Such men, if they have born arms any while, are very fortunate, and at the day of Judgment if they go into Paradise, will carry all their blood

along with them, without having lost one dram of their own, or having shed one drop of any others here upon earth.

Others I have heard, and of all sorts of men, even to the meanest, complain that they have serv'd the King four, five, or six years, and notwithstanding have not been able to get above three or four thousand Livers yearly Rent: poor men they are sore hurt. I speak not of the Soldiers only, but of all other conditions of men his Majestie makes use of. I have heard my Father, who was an old man, and others older than he, report that it was a common saying at Court, and throughout the whole Kingdom in the Reign of Lewis the Twelfth.

Chastillon, Bourdillon, Galliot, & Bonneval, Governent le sang Royal.

and yet I dare be bold to say, that all these four Lords who govern'd two Kings, put them all together never got ten thousand Livers yearly Revenue. I have formerly said as much to the Mareschal de Bourdillon, who thereupon return'd me answer, that his Predecessor was so far from getting 3000 Livers a year, that he sold 1500, and left his Family very ne∣cessitous. Should any one ask the Admiral to shew what his Predecessor, who govern'd all, got by his favour, I durst lay a good wager he could not produce 2000 Livers yearly Revenue. As for Galliot he liv'd a great while after the others, and he peradventure might in that long time take together three or four thousand Livers a year. For what concerns Bonneval; Monsieur de Bonneval that now is, and Monsieur de Biron are his Heirs, and I believe they can boast of no great Estates. O happy Kings that had such Servants. 'Tis easie to discern that these men serv'd their Masters out of the love and affection they bore to their persons and the Crown, and not upon the account of reward; and I have heard that they evermore rather begg'd for the King's own Domestick Servants, than for themselves. They are gone down to their Graves with honor, and their Successors are not nevertheless in want.

Since I have spoken of others, I will now say something of my felf. Some perhaps after I am dead will talk of me, as I talk of others. I confess that I am very much oblig'd to the Kings I have serv'd, especially to Henry my good Master, as I have often said before, and I had now been no more than a private Gentleman, had it not been for their bounty, and the opportunities they gave me to acquire that reputation I have in the world; which I value above all the treasure the Earth contains, having immortaliz'd the name of Mont∣luc. And although during the long time that I have born arms, I have acquir'd but very little wealth, yet has no one ever heard me complain of the Kings my Masters: marry I have spoke at mouth of those about them, when in these late Troubles I was calumniated by them, as if I could have done all things with nothing. Believe me the wounds I have receiv'd have administred more comfort than affliction to me; and one thing I am sure of, that when I am dead they can hardly say, that at the Resurrection I shall carry all the blood, bones and veins I brought with me into the world from my Mothers womb, along with me into Paradise. As for Riches I have enough. It is true, that had I been bred up in the School of the Baylif of Esperon, I should have had more; the story is not amiss, and therefore I shall insert it here.

Lewis the Twelfth going to Bayonne lay in a Village call'd Esperon, which is nearer to Bayonne than two Bourdeaux. Now upon the great Road betwixt these two places, the Baylif had built a very noble House. The King thought it very strange, that in a Coun∣try so bare and barren as that was, and amongst Downs and Sands that would bear no∣thing, this Baylif should build so fine a House, and at supper was speaking of it to the Chamberlain of his Household; who made answer, that the Baylif was a rich man: which the King not knowing how to believe, considering the wretched Country his house was seated in, he immediately sent for him, and said to him these words. Come on Baylif, and tell me why you did not build your fine House in some place where the Country was good and fertile? Sir, answer'd the Baylif, I was born in this Country, and find it very good for me. Are you so rich, said the King, as they tell me you are? I am not poor, replied the other, I have (blessed be God) wherewithal to live. The King then askt him, how it was pos∣sible he should grow so rich in so pitiful a barren Country. Why, very easily Sir, answer'd the other, because I have ever had more care to do my own business, than that of my Master, or my Neighbours. The Devil refuse me, said the King (for that was alwaies his Oath) thy reason is very good; for doing so, and rising betimes, thou couldst not choose but thrive. O how many Sons has this Baylif left behind him to inherit this virtuous humour! I was never any of those.

I do really believe, that there is never a little Pedlar in the world, who, having trotted, run and moyl'd as I have done, but would have enricht himself to a Merchant. And there is never a Treasurer nor a Receiver (let him be as honest as he would) in the King∣dom, that had had so much money pass through his hands, as has done through mine, but more would have stuck to his fingers. I have been seven or eight times Captain of Foot, which is none of the worst Commands for getting of money; and I have known several Captains in my time, who have enricht themselves meerly out of their Soldiers pay. I was not so ignorant, nor so raw a Soldier, neither did I want dexterity, but that I could have done the feat as well as they; neither was it any such hard matter to learn, for with a good Quarter-master, and some few other little helps the business had been done. I have since been three times Camp-master, in which Employment God knows I might have had Skip-jacks enow to have made Muster, and intelligence enough with the Com∣missaries. I could have discover'd when any thing was to be got, as soon or sooner than any man in the Army, I had nose good enough. I was after Governor of a place, where I could have had fourscore or a hundred men at my devotion to have passed Muster, as Messieurs les Govern••urs know well how to do: by which means, having been so long in these Commands as I have been, and made so many Musters as I have done in my life, with a little good husbandry, Good God! what a Mountain of Gold might I have had! I never think of it but it makes me wonder at my own honesty, that could resist so many temptations. I was moreover the King's Lieutenant in Sienna, and another time at Mon∣talsin; where I had wayes enow to have lin'd my pockets, as others in the like Com∣mands have done: for it had been no more but to have had intelligence with three or four Merchants, who should have affirm'd that the Corn of the Garrison had been bought by them, and taken up upon their Credit, and it had been done. God knows what profits are made of these Magazines. I could then have made demands upon the account of bor∣rowing, and have deputed some who would have been ready to have taken the Employ∣ment upon them, to have brought in a hundred or two hundred thousand Francks in Debentures. But instead of this his Majesty owed us five payes when we came out of Sienna, whereof I found means to acquit him of three so soon as we came to Montalsin. Afterwards the second time that I was sent thither, in the place of Monsieur de Soubize, I stay'd six weeks by the Kings Command at Rome with the Pope, and his Majesties Am∣bassadors and Agents. It was at the time when the Duke of Alva made war with his Holiness, and all the Sea-coast was ready to be abandon'd, and Grossette was not able any longer to subsist, having not a grain of Corn, no more than the other Garrisons. I found at Rome some Siennois Gentlemen, that marcht out of Sienna with me, who brought me acquainted with a Banquer call'd Iulio d' Albia, a Siennois also, who upon my own bare word lent me 600a Moges of Corn, which are 300 Tuns or Barrels, at twelveb M••ids the Barrel, conditionally that I should monthly pay him 600 Crowns at every Muster. This money I could no way raise but out of the deductions I reserv'd from the Musters, and instead of putting it into my own pocket, I accordingly paid him all, the last pay∣ment only excepted; for there was no more money, nor means to have any; so that we made no Muster. I might have made my advantage of this, for I furnisht several pla∣ces that stood in need, according to the authority I was invested withal; and I sav'd half the Corn, which I lent to the Country people, who were more distrest for bread than the Soldiers. There it was that I began to play the Usurer; but it was at the expence of the King's Conscience; for, for every Muid that I lent them then, I receiv'd two at the Har∣vest; and indeed it was double worth at the time when I lent it, and yet a penny of this profit never came into my purse, for I left it all to the King. I stay'd yet seven months longer in these parts, without receiving so much as one Pay; during four months of which I made my men live of twenty ounces of bread a day out of the profits I made of the Corn, saving as much as in me lay my Masters money. The other three Months I paid the Soldiers with good words, and the liberality of my Bonnet, as I had done at Sienna. Some time after Don Francisco arriv'd, who found Corn yet in the Magazine. I moreover dealt with the Dutchess de Castro, Wife to the Duke who was slain at Pia∣cenza, who knew Monsieur de Valence my Brother, at the time when he was in the ser∣vice of Pope Paul Farnese. Pope Paul Caraffa had made a Prohibition, that no manner of Grain should be carried out of Romania; but this Dutchess under hand permitted cer∣tain Merchants to bring it by night into our Territories, where our merchants met, and bought it of them. I carried this practice very close, of which I could have made a very great advantage to my own private profit; but never so much as one Liard came into my purse.

I could have brought the King •• Bill of two or three hundred thousand Francs debt, as did Signior Iourdano Corso, and others whom I shall forbear to name, who were well paid. I was neither so simple, nor my opportunities were not so few, but that I could have done it as well as any of them. I have been his Majesties Lieutenant in this Pro∣vince of Guienne, and have been much up and down abroad in the world, but never saw any Country equal to it, either in Riches or Conveniencie of Living. And having such an Employment, I could have had intelligence with the Receiver of the Province, (those kind of men desire no better) and have stuff•• my own Coffers; for what upon Musters, Garrisons, and Equipages of the Artillerie, I could have made infinite advantages. How many Impositions might I have laid upon the Country? for the King had given me power to do it, which would have turn'd to my particular benefit: for although his Majesty in that Commission doubtless intended those Levies for his own service; I could, if I would have put the charge upon him, and have converted a great part of them to my own proper use. I could if I would have fir'd Towns, and have sent a Will with the wisp up and down to the Towns and Villages to whisper the principal Inhabitants in the ear, that they must either give me money to free them, or that otherwise I would cause them to be undone, and come quarter Soldiers upon them, who should eat them to the very bones: for they know men of our Trade are seldom weary of ill doing. I could also have sent to tell the Hugonots, who liv'd at home under the protection of the Edict, that unless they greased me in the first, I would cause them all to be ruin'd and pull'd in pieces; and what would they not have given me to have secur'd their Lives and Estates? for they did not greatly confide in me, hearing how I had handled them before. But instead of making use of such Artifices of these to enrich my self, I let the Captains and Gens-d'arms, and others who serv'd the King, and askt it of me, take all; reserving very little or no∣thing to my own benefit. And even that which I had at Clairac I took by the King's permission. Let others therefore rest content. If God would please to let me be once cu∣red of this great Harquebuze-shot in my Face, I think yet, that should the War break out again, I should be one to mount to horse; and I think it is not far off; for so long as there are two Religions, France will evermore be in division and trouble. It cannot o∣therwise be, and the worst on't is, 'tis a War that will not be ended of a long time. Other quarrels are easily compos'd, but that for Religion has no end. And although the Martial sort of men are not very devout, they however side, and being once engag'd stick to their Party. In the posture that affairs now stand, I do not think we are at an end. However I have this satisfaction in my self, that I have to my utmost opposed it, and done my best endeavour to settle the peace of the Kingdom. Would to God that all those who have been in Command had conniv'd no more than I. But we must let God work his own will. After he has sufficiently scourg'd us for our sins he will burn the Rod.

And now, you Lords and Captains, who shall do me the honor to read my Book, let me beseech you not to read it with prejudice, but believe that I have deliver'd the truth, without depriving any one of his due and merited honor. I make no question but that some will bring some things that I have here related into dispute, to see if they can catch me tripping in point of truth; forasmuch as they will find that God has ne∣ver more accompanied the fortune of any man, for the Employments I have gone tho∣rough, than he did mine. But let me assure such, that I have omitted an infinite num∣ber of passages and particularities, by reason that I never committed any thing to writing, nor ever kept any memorial, as never suspecting my self to become a Writer of Books. I ever thought my self unfit for that Employment, but in the time of my last hurt, and du∣ring my sicknesses I have dictated this that I leave you, to the end that my name may not be buried in oblivion; nor so many other gallant men, whom I have seen perform so many and so brave exploits: for the Historians write only of Kings and Princes. How many brave Gentlemen have I here set down, of whom these people make no mention, no more than if they had never been? He who has writ the Battel of C••risolles, though he does name me, yet it is but slightly, and in transitu only; and yet I can honestly boast, that I had a good hand in that Victory; as also at Bullen and Thionville. Which they take no notice of at all, no more than of the valour and gallant behaviour of a great number of your Fathers and Kindred, whose names you will find here. Do not then think it strange if I have been so fortunate as I have written, for I never minded any thing but my Com∣mand, and have ever acknowledg'd that all my successes came from God, into whose hands I ever resign'd my self and all my affairs; although the Hugonots were pleased to report me for an Atheist. They are my profest enemies, and you ought not to believe them. And although I have had my imperfections and my 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and am no more a Saint

than other men, (they had their share too though they pretended holiness and mortifica∣tion) yet I have ever placed my hope in God, evermore acknowledging, that from him a∣lone I was to expect my good or evil fortune, attributing to his bounty and assistance all the successes of my lif••. Neither was I ever in any action whatever wherein I have not im∣plor'd his Divine assistance, and never passed over day of my life, since I arriv'd at the age of man, without calling upon his Name, and asking pardon for my sins. And many times I can say with truth, that upon sight of the Enemy I have found my self so possest with fear, that I have felt my heart beat, and my limbs tremble (let us not make our selves braver than we are; for every man upon earth apprehends death when he sees it before his eyes) but so soon as I had made my prayer to God, I felt my spirits and my strength return. The prayer which I continually used, from my fi••st entring into Arms, was in these very words. My God, who hast created me, I most humbly beseech thee to preserve my Iudgment entire, that this day I may not lose it; for it is thou that gavest it me, and I hold it from no other but thee alone. If thou hast this day appointed me to die, grant that I may fall with the resolution of a man of honor, which I have sought for through so many dangers. I ask thee not my life, for I desire nothing but what pleases thee. Thy will be done, I resigne all things to thy divine wisdom and bounty. After which having said my little Latin prayers, I declare and protest in the presence of God and men, that I suddenly felt a heat creep o∣ver my heart and members, so that I had no sooner made an end, but that I found my self quite another man than when I began. I was no more afraid, and my understand∣ing again return'd to perform its Office, so that with promptitude and judgment I dis∣cern'd what I had to do, without ever losing it after in any Engagement wherein I have ever been.

How many are departed this life, who were they now living could witness, if ever they saw me astonisht, or lose my judgment in any action of war, whether at an Assault, or in any other Rencounter or Battel. Messieurs de Lautrec, de l' Escut, de Barbezieux, de Monpezat, de Termes, du Bié, de Strozzy, de Bourdillon, de Brissac, d' Angu••en, de Boitieres, and de Guise could have given testimony of me; for they had all had me un∣der their Command, and have all seen me in a thousand and a thousand dangers, with∣out the least sign of fear or amazement. Who, could they again return to life, would be good witness of the truth of what I have deliver'd; and yet they are not all dead, under whom, and by whom I had the honor to serve, and to be commanded, who al∣though they were much younger Captains than I, it was nevertheless fit I should obey them. Monsieur le Duc d' Aumale, and the Mareschaux de Cossé, and de Vielle Ville are of this number; and I beseech you (my noble Lords if my Book peradventure fall into your hands) to do me right, and declare whether what I have here deliver'd be true, or false; for you have been eye-witnesses of part of it; and I fancie that after my death you will be curious to see what I have writ. There are others also who are able to give me the lye, if I have said ought but true; namely Signior Ludovico de Biraga, and Monsieur le Pre∣sident de Birague, who never abandoned that brave Mareschal de Brissac. Several others are yet living who have been my Companions in Arms, and many others who have serv'd under my Command; all which are able to affirm the truth of what I have said, and whether whenever there was a debate about any Execution, I did not alwayes think no∣thing impossible; but on the contrary concluded things feasible, which others conclu∣ded impossible to be effected. I undertook it, and brought it about, having evermore that stedfast assurance in God, that he would not forsake me, but open the eyes of my understanding to see what was to be done to make my Enterprize succeed. I never thought any thing impossible but the taking of Thionville, of which the honor is to be attributed to Monsieur de Guise alone, and in truth there was more of fortune than reason in that success, though the said Sieur de Guise was ever confident he should carry it, and so he did.

Fellows in arms, how many and how great things shall you perform if you put your whole trust in God, and set honor continually before your eyes? discoursing with your selves, that if it be determin'd you shall end your dayes in a Breach' tis to much pur∣pose to stay behind in the Graffe. Vn bel morir, (sayes the Italian) tuta la vita honora. 'Tis to die like a beast for a man to leave no memory behind him. Never go about to deprive another man of his honor, nor ever set avarice and ambition in your prospect: for you will find that it will all come to nought, and end in misery and disgrace. I do not say this that I have any mind to play the Preacher, but meerly out of respect to truth. How many are there in the world, who are yet living, and whom I shall forbear to name, that have had the reputation of valiant men, and yet have been very unfortunate in their undertaking? Believe me the hand of God was in this, and though they might implore his divine ayd, their devotion was not right, which made the Almighty adverse to them.

If therefore you would have God to be assisting to you, you must strip your selves of am∣bition, avarice, and rancour, and be full of the love and loyaltie we all owe to our Prince. And in so doing although his quarrel should not be just, God will not for all that with∣draw his assistance from you: for it is not for us to ask our King if his cause be good or evil, but only to obey him. And if you are not rewarded for the services you have per∣formed, you will not stomack your being neglected, by reason it was not your intention nor design to fight upon the score of ambition and greatness, nor out of a thirst of riches; but upon the account of fidelity, and duty that God has commanded you to bear to your Prince and Sovereign. You will rejoyce to find your selves esteem'd and belov'd by all the world, which is the greatest Treasure a man of honor ought to cove••. For great E∣states and high Titles perish with the body, but a good Reputation and Renown are im∣mortal as the Soul. I now see my self drawing towards my end, and languishing in my bed towards my dissolution, and 'tis a great consolation to me, that in spite of Death my name shall live and flourish, not only in Gascony, but moreover in foreign Nations.

This then is the end of my Book, and of thus far of my life, which if God shall please longer to continue to me, some other may write the rest, if ever I shall again be in place, where I shall perform any thing worthy of my self; which nevertheless I do not hope for, finding my self so infinitely decayed, that I never again expect to be able to bear arms. I have however this obligation to the Harquebuze shot, which has pierced through and shatter'd my face, that it has been the occasion of writing these Commentaries, which I have an opinion will continue when I am dead and gone. I entreat all those who shall read them, not to look upon them as proceeding from the Pen of an Historian, but of an old Soldier, and a Gascon, who has writ his own life truly, and in the rough stile of a Soldier. All such as bear arms may take exemple by it, and acknowledge that from God alone proceed the successes or the misfortunes of men. And seeing we ought to have re∣course to him alone, let us beseech him to assist and advise us in all our afflictions, for in this world there is nothing else, of which the great ones have their share as well as the meanest of us all. Wherein he manif••steth his own greatness, in that neither King nor Prince are exemp••ed from his correcting hand, and who stand not continually in need of him and his divine assistance.

Do not disdain, you who desire to follow arms, instead of reading Amadis de Gaule, and Launcelot du Lake, to spend sometimes an hour in reading what I have done, and in taking notice of what I have been, in this Treatise that I leave behind me. By which means you shall learn to know your selves, and betimes to form your selves to be Soldiers and Captains; for you must first learn to obey, that you may afterwards know how to command. This is not for silk-worms, and spruce Courtiers to do; nor for those that are in love with their ease, but for such as by the ways of virtue, and at the price of their lives will endeavour to immortalize their names, as I hope, in despite of envy I have done that of Montluc.

Here the Signieur de Montluc had put an end to his Boook; but since, the short Supplement following was found amongst his Papers.

I Here thought I had at once put an end both to my Writing, and my Life; never imagining that God would ever again have enabled me to get on horse-back to bear arms; but he was pleased to order it otherwise. For some time all France was happy in the enjoyment of Peace and repose, whilst I alone was afflicted with sickness, and tor∣mented with my great wound, which together confin'd me for the most part to my bed: notwithstanding by little and little I recover'd my health, being more glad to be discharg'd of my Government, than if that heavy burthen had still layn upon my shoulders. The Marquis de Villars, who has now the charge upon him, will no doubt acquit himself of his trust, as an old Cavalier, and a great Captain ought to do.

Now I ever said with my self, hearing news from Court (for I had yet some corre∣spondence there) that the Hugonots were too much caressed, for any good to come of it, and saw very well that there was some mischief a brewing. The King by his Letters, which I have yet by me, and also in discourse to several of my friends, was pleased to declare, that he was no way dissatisfied with me, that he desir'd to manifest how much I was in his favour and esteem, and that my own indisposition had been the only reason of his putting the Marquis de Villars into my place. I was content to believe it to be so; for we must believe as our Kings will have us, or otherwise we offend them. Now al∣though I was no more the Kings Lieutenant, notwithstanding all the Nobless, and all the

〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Guienne ever paid me a very great respect, and very often came to visit me; at which times we never parted without some discourse of what the times would come to: for we thought the Hugonots were grown very insolent, and spoke almost as high as in the first Troubles. Had I been as young and lusty now, as I was then, I should have made some of them have held their prating, at least in Gascony, where I was.

A year or thereabout being passed over in this manner, news was brought of what had hapned upon St. Bartholomew's day at Paris; where the Admiral was so unadvised as to en∣gage his person, out of vanity to shew that he govern'd all. I wonder that so circumspect and so wise a man, and a man so well beaten to the affairs of the world should commit so gross an error. He paid dear for it, for it cost him his life, and many others. And indeed, to speak the truth, he had brought great troubles upon the Kingdom; for I know that all, n••r the one half of the mischief was never contriv'd by the Prince of Condé. The said Prince; communicated but too much of his designs to me at Poissy, and I do believe, that would I have given ear to him, he would have told me all. I acquainted the Queen with every syllable of it; but she enjoyn'd me silence. She did not then think that things would have come to that pass, that they afterwards did. I know very well, and it is very well known to all the world, that she was accused for the cause of the Commotions, that hapned in the fi••st Troubles; and the Prince did her the wrong to send her Letters into Germany, to shew them, and cause them to be printed and published in all places: which nevertheless did not much advance his affairs. The said Lady the Queen being at Tholouze, did me the honor to talk with me above three hours upon that subject, and said a great many things to me, that I shall be so wise as to keep to my self. So it is, that it is a very easie matter to reprehend, and find fault with those who have the manage∣ment of the affairs of the world, especially affairs of so great importance as she had, ha∣ving the King and his Brothers so young upon her hands, and all the Princes being ban∣died against one another; and afterwards this specious Cloak of Religion, which has e∣qually serv'd both Parties to shadow and palliate their Revenge, and to make us devour one another. I pray what apparence could there be, that she should have any intelligence with the said P••ince? what she has since done has sufficiently manifested the contrary. But I shall wave this discourse (for perhaps I say too much) and return to my former subject.

Every one was astonisht to hear what had hapned at Paris, especially the Hugonots, who could not find ground enough to ••ly over, the most of them escaping into Bearn. The rest turn'd Catholicks, or at least seem'd to do so. For my part I did them no harm on my side; but they were every where used exceedingly ill. I then thought that our Na∣val Army, which at that time lay before Rochelle, was design'd for something else than to go into Portugal, and then sounded the bottom of the Design: but I could not imagine why they had only wounded the Admiral at first, having the design that I afterwards saw they had. For had all the Hugonots the next day resolv'd with the great ones of their Faction, it had been easie for them to have retir'd from Paris, and to have put themselves into some place of safety: But they were blinded, and God depriv'd them of their under∣standings. I shall not here take upon me to determine whether this proceeding was good or evil; for there is a great deal to be said on both sides, and besides it were now to no purpose, for it would do no good. Those that follow after us may speak to better effect, and without fear. For the Writers of this Age dare not speak out, but mince the matter; for my part I had rather hold my peace, and say nothing.

Though I had at this time no other Command than that of my own House and Fa∣mily, yet was the Queen pleased to do me the honor to write to me, and to send me word, that there was a dangerous Conspiracy discover'd against the King and his Crown, which had been the occasion of that which had hapned. I know very well what I thought: 'tis a dangerous thing to offend ones Master. The King never forgot the time when the Ad∣miral made him go faster than an amble betwixt Meaux and Paris. We lose our un∣derstanding when we come to the pinch of affairs, and never consider that Kings have grea••er stomacks than we to resent an injury, and that they are apter to forget services than offences. But let us talk of something else, this will be sufficiently canvased by others, who will be better able to undertake it than I.

All the King and Queens care was how to take Rochelle, the only refuge of the Hugonots. God knows whether I did not send the Queen my advice touching this affair. At the Voyage of Bayonne, and afterwards at her coming into Xaintonge, I had proposed it to her, to make her self Mistress of it, without noise, or breeding the least disturbance; and by what I gather'd from Monsieur de Iarnac (to whom I discover'd my self a little, and not too much) I think there would have been very little difficulty in the business. She

was evermore afraid of renewing the War; but for so delicate a morsel one would not have been nice of breaking the ••ast. It might have been done, and afterwards it had been to much purpose for them to have complain'd. There would have been wayes enow found out to have appeas'd the people; for what could any one have said, if the King would have built a Ci••adel in his own City? But it is now too late to repent that over∣sight. This City has furnisht the Hugonots with means to renew the Wars, and will still do it, if the King does not take it from them, to which end nothing should be omitted. For thorough the conveniencie of this City they manage the intelligences they have in England and Germany, and take great prizes upon the Sea, with which they maintain the War. They moreover keep the Isles, from whence they extract a Mass of money, by reason of the Salt. The Queen shall pardon me if she please, she then committed a very great error, and moreover another since, not to supply us with means to execute her Com∣mand then when she sent us to besiege it: For Rochelle at that time was not the same that it is now, and I think I should have frighted them.

And now behold all the world before Rochelle, and I also was invited to the Feast a∣mongst the rest: So God help me, when I took the resolution to go thither, I made full account there to end my dayes, and to lay my bones before the Town. Being come thi∣ther I was astonisht to see so many men, so many minds; for they were strangely divided in their inclinations, and a great many there were who would have been sorry the Town should have been taken. The Siege was great and long, and many handsome actions were there perform'd, but well assaulted, better defended. I shall not take upon me to give the Narrative of the particularities of this Siege, for I was no more than a private person, and I will speak ill of no one. The Monsieur that commanded in chief at this Siege, and has since been King, knows very well, that having done me the honor to talk with me, and to ask my advice, I told him frankly what I thought. By this Leaguer all men who were present at it, and those who come after us, may judg, that places of such importance are either to be taken by famine, blocking them up, or foot by foot with time and patience. There was here a great fault committed, in hazarding so many men in Assaults, and another greater in keeping so ill watch, that supplies of powder came in by Sea, as they continually did: but to tell you my opinion, (which was also that of a great many others) they had been our own in spite of the best they could have done for their defence, and must have come out to us with Ropes about their necks; for the Succours the Count de Montgommery brought them were retir'd, and we were upon the point to grapple with them, for they were reduced to the last necessity of all things. But at the same time Monsieur de Valence my Brother was in Poland, to labour the Monsieurs election to that Kingdom, as he did. And I think the glory of that business is due to him: but it was also the cause that every one thought of entring into Capitulation with the Rochellors, as at last they did. The Deputies of Poland there came to salute the Monsieur for their King, and every one retir'd to prepare himself to see the Solemnity of this new Crown; so that after having lost a vast number of men at this Siege, we left the Rochellors still in posses∣sion of their City. It seem'd by some words the Monsieur cast out at his departure, that he was not very well satisfied with this new Kingdom: for my part I think it was a great honor both to him, and to us all, that so remote a Kingdom should come to seek a King in ours. Monsieur de Valence my Brother got a great deal of honor in this Negotiation, and his Orations are very fine, I make no doubt but he will insert them in his History.

During these unhappy Wars, and this Siege, where I lost several of my Kindred and Friends, the Admiral de Villars, who was the Kings Lieutenant in Guienne, did in my opinion the best he could; and in truth there was not much to do, for the Hugonots were squandred here and there like a Covey of flown Partridges. But having taken a little heart by the length of this Siege, they made some attempts, which made me for my last misfortune, to lose my Son Fabian Signieur de Montesquien, who in forcing a Barricado at Noguarol, receiv'd a Harquebuze shot whereof he died. Although he was my Son, I must needs give him this testimony, that he was loyal and brave; and I verily believ'd that the sor∣row for his death would have ended my dayes, but God gave me courage to bear my loss; not with that patience I should have done, but as well as I could.

In the mean time all France was full of Triumphs to honor the departure of the new King of Poland, whilst I remain'd at my own house, without other company than my own sorrows, saving that sometimes I was visited by my friends, and the Gentlemen of the Country. The King about this time made a new removal, which was very prejudicial to the Province of Guienne. Those who follow after us will learn to be wise by the oversights of others; and the error that his Majesty here committed, was, that he divided the Go∣vernment of Gvienne into two parts, wherein he gave all on this side the Garonne towards

Gascony to Monsieur de la Valette, and that on the other side to Monsieur de Losse. This was a very great mistake in the Kings Council; and more especially in the Queen, who would again divide it into three parts, to give one to Monsieur de Gramont. 'Twas pitty that so many wise head-pieces had not taken notice what inconveniences had already accru'd by giving so much power to Monsieur d' Anville before, by reason of the little in∣telligence there had been betwixt him and me, of which I have elsewhere given an account; and seeing all the forces of the whole Province, under one head, had enough to do to cause the King to be obey'd, what was to be expected from them, when separated, and under several mens Commands? This sows jealousie and dissention amongst them, which in the end grows to absolute breach; and all at the expence of the King and his people. The effects soon discover'd themselves; for Monsieur de Losse undertook the Siege of Cle∣rac, a pal••ry Town, that had never dar'd to shut her Gates against me; where Monsieur de la Valette was also present, but it was only in the quality of a looker on: where in the end he did nothing worth speaking of; neither indeed am I at all concern'd in that af∣fair; so that what I say is only to enform the King, that to be well serv'd he ought never to divide a Government, but commit it entire to one Lieutenant only. His Kingdom is wide enough to satisfie the ambition of those who are greedy of Employments; and, with his Majesties pardon, they ought to stay their time, there will be enough for all.

Some time after we heard so many strange things, that me-thought I saw the Enterpri∣zes of Amboise again on foot; for they talkt of prodigious things, and such as I should never have believ'd, if all was true that was said; which whether it was or no, I leave to others to examine. A little while after, news came of the Kings being sick, and of several great persons at Court being committed to prison, which made me think my self happy that I was so far off; for a man is often trapt when he least expects it, and when he knows no reason why. In the end of all, news came of the death of the King, which was in truth a very great blow to the Kingdom: for I dare be bold to say, that had he liv'd he would have done great things, and to his Neighbour's cost would have remov'd the Scene of War out of his own Kingdom. Wherein if the King of Poland would have joyn'd with him, and have set on foot the great Forces he had been able to have rais'd in his Kingdom, all would have bowed before them, and the Empire would again have been restor'd to the House of France. His death did very much astonish us, by reason of the great designs he had, as it was said, in the Kingdom, and I do believe the Queen never found her self in so great a perplexity since the death of the King her Husband my good Master.

Her Majesty did me the honor to write to me, and to entreat me to assist her in her great affliction, and to preserve the State till the coming of the King her Son. Wherefore to gratifie her Majesties desire, though I was overburdn'd with years and infirmity, as also to divert my own grief for the death of my Son, and especially to manifest to her the desire I had to keep the promise I had made to her at Orleans; I went to Paris to receive her Majesties Commands, and from thence attended her to Lyons, where I had the oppor∣tunity of discoursing with her at large concerning several things which I have since seen discover themselves nearer at hand, and which it will be a great work in her to redress.

The King being return'd, they made him commit a very great error, at his first footing in the Kingdom; for instead of composing all differences and disorders in the State, and establishing peace and tranquility amongst us, which at that time had been a very easie matter to do; they perswaded him to resolve upon a War. And they yet perswaded him to a greater inconvenience, for they made him believe, that entring into Dauphiné all places would immediately surrender to him, whereas notwithstanding he found, that every paltry Garrison made head against him: but I have nothing to do to give an account of those transactions. At his coming he was pleased to be exceedingly gracious and kind to me; and yet he was not so to all; and indeed I observ'd him to be much alter'd in his humor, from what he was wont to be. There were there some publick Councils held, but there were also others that were private, and very closely carried.

Now his Majesty calling to mind the services I had done for the Kings his Grandfather, Father, and Brother; some of which he had heard of, and others had himself also seen, he was resolv'd to honor me with the Estate of Mareschal of France, and to make me rich in honor, since he could not do it in matter of wealth and estate. Having therefore caus'd me to be call'd for, and being come, to kneel down before him, after I had taken the Oath, he put the Mareschal's Staffe into my hand: Which having done, in returning my most humble thanks, I told him, That I had no other grief in this world, but that I had not ten good years in my belly, wherein to manifest how much I desir'd to be serviceable to his Majesty and Crown in that honorable Command. Having receiv'd his Commands, and those of the Queen, I return'd into Gascony to make preparation for war, for all things tended that

way: but I very well perceiv'd by the tediousness of my Journey, that I was rather to think of dying my self, than of killing others: for I was no more able to endure long Journies, nor to undergo any great labour. And moreover I very well foresaw, that the same would happen betwixt the Kings Lieutenants and me, that had hapned before betwixt me and the Mareschal d' Anville.

Sometime after the Parliament of Bourdeaux writ me a Letter, that the Hugonots were playing prancks upon the River Dordogne, that some course must be taken with them, and that therefore they entreated me to draw a little nearer to them, that some order might be taken to prevent them from proceeding to greater mischief. I hereupon accordingly ca••e to la Reolle, where President Nesmond, to whom I was totally a stranger, Messieurs de Merville, de Monferran, and de Gourgues came to meet me, and there propos'd to me a great many things. I was not to seek in my answer, neither did I want sufficient excuses, particularly that some promises that had been made me had not been made good; to which I also remonstrated to them my Age and indisposition; and moreover the said Sieurs de Merville and de Mon••erran coming to my bed-side, I shew'd them my wounds, acquaint∣ing them withal with the Oath I had made never more to bear arms; but in the end I could not deny them, and they made me break my Oath. They being then return'd to make preparation for the attacquing of Gensac, I went thither. Presently after Monsieur de Monferran brought a brave Troop of Gentlemen out of his Government, (as also seve∣ral others ••ame in from other parts) together with a considerable number of foot, so that we carr••••d the Suburbs and the Barricado's at the very first assault. Messieurs de Duras, de la Marque, and de la Devese, there went on in their Doublets only, with their Swords in their hands up to the very Gates of the City, which was very madly done of them, for the Harquebuze shot flew very thick; but they did it in emulation of one another, and to shew that they were men without fear: but (as ill fortune would have it) Monsieur de Monferran receiv'd a Harquebuze shot quite through the body, of which he died; which was great pity, for he was a Gentleman of extraordinary valour, and mightily belov'd of the Country, which will find a great miss of him.

The Enemy seeing themselves coopt in after this manner, and the Canon ready to play, sent out a great Rogue, whom they call'd Captain Tonnellier, but a very good Soldier, as it was said, who capitulated and surrendred the place; in which Monsieur de Rausan, Brother to Monsieur de Duras, was placed Governor. I must now give an account of an accident that befel me at this Siege, which had never hapned to me before. After the death of Monsieur de Monferran I thought fit to dispose of the Command he had in the Army to Monsieur de Duras, conceiving that he being a Gentleman of so good a Family, as he was, he would be very well accepted by all: but every one was not well pleased with my choice. From which another mischief also arose, which was, I was told, that the Gentlemen who were come along with these Messieurs, to serve me upon this occasion, high∣ly complained of some words which I had spoken of them, as false as the Devil himself. The words were unhandsome and dirty, for which reason I will not blot my paper with them; but they were all in so high a mutiny upon it, that they were ready to mount to horse, and leave me engag'd with the Canon. I therefore sent to entreat them to do me the favour as to take the field bettimes in the morning, where I had something to say to them; which accordingly they did. I was so early that I went by Torch-light, so impa∣tient I was to ease my heart; where the Gentlemen being all drawn round about me, with my hat in my hand, I spake to them to this effect.

Gentlemen,

IT is now many years that many of you have known me, having born arms under my Command, both in our own domestick troubles of Guienne, as also abroad in for∣reign Countries: others also that are here present, I make no question, have heard talk of me, of my chollerick disposition and hasty humour; but I assure my self not one of you, as many as you are, ever knew, or ever heard, that I was of a detractive or an in∣jurious nature; and although I am not without my faults, yet have I never been guilty of that. How comes it then to pass, that you have done me the wrong to believe that I should be so indiscreet as to speak of you with such contempt, as I am told has been reported to you? Believe me I am so far from being guilty of such an injury to you who are Gentlemen, that I would not have spoken such a word of the meanest Soldier in the Army. I have ever lov'd and honour'd the Gentry, for under God it is they who have help't me to that honor and reputation I have acquir'd amongst men. You know very well, Gentlemen, that in the quality I now stand I am out of Combat, and therefore shall not give the lye to any; but I do assure you it is nothing so, and that I never ut∣ter'd

such a syllable; neither would I have done it for the world. Methinks at this age, and after having seen so much as I have done, I should know what it is to live in the world, and be careful of offending so many persons of honor, and Gentlemen of good and noble Families. Now (Gentlemen) I have understood the resolution you have ta∣ken to retire to your own houses, for which I am very sorry; as also that you dislike the nomination I have made of Monsieur de Duras. Wherein I shall so far comply with your satisfaction, as not to impose him upon you contrary to your liking, and seeing you are dissatisfied with my choice shall no more name him to you. His Majesty shall appoint some other in the place of the late Monsieur de Monferran, whom I lament from my soul. In the mean time, Gentlemen, do not deny me this one favour at least, to convoy the Canon to some place of safety; which if you shall not think fit to do for my sake, who have so many years been your Leader and Captain, yet do it for the affection and service you owe to the King your Lord and Soveraign. As for my own part, I will also go retire to my own house; for my age, my wounds, and other in∣firmities will no longer permit me to bear arms, nor to undergo the labours requir'd in war. Love me alwayes I beseech you, and remember your old Captain and fellow-Souldier.

This Remonstrance of mine gave satisfaction to all, insomuch that they all told me with one voice, that in truth this story had given them very great offence, it being reported to them by one that carried the name of a Gentleman: but they now believ'd nothing of it, that they were my servants, and ready not only to convoy the Canon, but also to follow me wherever I would please in command them. I thought fit to commit this passage to wri∣ting, to the end that those who follow after may learn how to behave themselves upon the like occasion. Had I upon the instant known the man that had raised this fine report of me, I doubt I should have shew'd him a scurvy trick: but the Canon was car∣ried back, which they attended till they saw it lodg'd in safety, and so we took leave of one another, and departed every man to his own home.

I had not been long at my own house before I had every day very strange news brought me from Court, and of great designs that were laid by the greatest men of the Kingdom: but when I heard that the King of Navarre made one amongst them, and was stoln a∣way from Court without taking his leave, I from that time forward concluded that Gui∣enne was again to suffer many miseries; for that he being a great Prince, young, and who gave visible hopes of being one day a great Captain, would easily gain the hearts of the Nobless and the People, and would keep the rest in awe. So God help me a thousand mischiefs were eternally before my eyes, so that I was often in mind to withdraw my self to avoid the affliction of hearing so continual ill news, and of seeing the ruine of my na∣tive Country. To which end a certain Priory was evermore running in my head, that I had formerly seen situated in the mountains, part in France, and part in Spain, call'd S••rracoli; to which place I had some thoughts of retiring my self out of the Tumult of the world. I might there at once have seen both France and Spain; and if God lend me life, I know not yet what I may do.

The End of the Seventh and last Book of the Commentaries of Messire Blaize de Montluc Mareschal of France.

Notes

• Why the Au∣thor writes these particu∣larities.
• The Monsieurs letter to the Sieur de Mo••••∣luc.
• The Mareschal d' Anville coms to prosecu••e the War in Guien.
• Considerations upon the com∣ing of the Count de Montgommery.
• A fault in the French Gen∣try.
• Monsieur de Terride despi∣ses his Enemy.
• The Count de Montgommery 〈◊〉〈◊〉 over into Bearn.
• The S••eu•• de Montluc gives M••nsieur de Terride notice of his coming.
• The Sieur de Montluc sends to the Mares∣chal d'Anville.
• A River so called.
• The Sieur de Terride retires to Orth••z.
• Dispute be∣twixt the Sieurs de Montluc and de Terride.
• Monsieur de Ter••ide sur∣priz'd.
• Montgommery's▪ Forces.
• The fault of Monsieur de Terride.
• The impor∣tance of Mont∣gommery's vi∣ctory.
• The Maresch••l d'••••ville's an∣swer to the Sieur de Mont∣luc.
• Con••ention a∣mong the Chiefs about the War of Gui••nne.
• Succours going to joyn with Mon••gommery.
• Libourn in ex∣pectation of a Siege.
• The Mareschal d' ••••ville's Forces.
• Division a∣mong the Chiefs.
• Th•• Enterprise of Mont de Marsan.
• Jealousie be∣twixt the Chie••s.
• Captain Fa∣vas.
• Mont de Mar∣san discover'd.
• The Sieur de Tilladet mor∣tally wounded.
• The courage of the Catho∣licks.
• The Town ••a∣ken.
• Monsieur de Montluc's words to the Chevalier de Romegas.
• The Sieur de Montluc causes them to be all slain.
• Captain Favas ••aved.
• Monsieur d' Anville's re∣solution to re∣turn.
• The Sieur de Montluc's ad∣vice to the Mareschal.
• The Sieur de Montluc offers to lay down his Government of Guienn••.
• The Kiing dis∣satisfied with the Sieur de Montluc.
• The Sieur de Montluc threat∣ned with a stab.
• Fear the con∣comitant of old age.
• Mont de Mar∣san the Gra∣nary of Gasco∣••y
• A discourse up∣on the retreat of the Mares∣chal d'Anville.
• The Siege of Mazeres.
• Law of Bearn.
• The inconve∣nience of ma∣king war with Soldiers, Na∣tives of the same Country where the Scene of war lies.
• Monsieur de Montespan in Euse.
• Captain Arne flain,
• The Count de Montgommery at Condom.
• The Victory of Moncontour.
• Division be∣twixt the Ma∣reschal d' An∣ville and the Sieur de Mont∣luc.
• The Princes move towards Montgommery.
• Soldiers use to spin out a war.
• The Commen∣dation of the Cheva••i••r de Romegas.
• The City of Agen in fear.
• The Gentle∣men of Gascony send an Envoy to the Mares∣chal d' Anville.
• Monsieur de Montferran's o••fer.
• The Princes at Montauban.
• The Sieur de Montluc's Ha∣rangue to those of Agen.
• The ••nhabi∣tants of Agen take 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• Resolution of the Sieur de Mon••luc.
• The Sieur de Mont••erran come with Suc∣cours.
• Who loses his substance loses his understand∣ing.
• Aguillon taken.
• Monsieur de Laug••ac at Peymirol.
• Commendati∣on of the Rei∣ters.
• The Princes summon Ville∣neufue.
• Ville-neufue.
• The Chevaliet de Montluc at Ville-neufue.
• A Bridge of Boats made by the Admiral.
• The Mareschal d'Anville's de∣sign to break the Bridg.
• The Bridg bro∣ken.
• The impor∣tance of the Bridg.
• The Admirals Design.
• The situation of Bordeaux.
• A Country rich in Co••n.
• The impor∣tance of Gui∣enne.
• The impor∣tance of b••eak∣ing the Bridg.
• The Admiral'•• opinion.
• The Admiral's design against the Tholouzi∣ans.
• The Retreat of the Army of the Princes▪
• The Sieur de Montluc sends the King intel∣ligence.
• Monsieur de Durfort sent to the King.
• The King di••∣satisfied with Monsieur de Montluc.
• The Sieur de Montluc's Sons.
• A Liard is a brass Coin containing •• Deniers, the fourth part of a Sol.
• A Consultation touching the War of Bearn.
• The Siege of Rabasteins con∣cluded.
• The Sieur de Montluc goes to discover Raba∣steins.
• Monsieur de Montamat's Letters taken.
• A rude kind of Alarm given to a whole Coun∣try, by ringing and ••inking of Pots, Kee••les and Basons.
• Order to hin∣der the relief of Rabast••ins.
• Design for the Conquest of Bearn.
• 1562.
• Order for the Assault.
• The Canon a∣bandoned.
• The words of the Sieur de Montluc play∣ing the Pio∣neer.
• Captain Paul∣liac ••••••ot.
• Fabia•• de Montluc ••hot.
• Monsieur de Montluc's Speech to the Gentlemen go∣ing on to the Assault.
• The Assault.
• The Sieur de Montluc shot.
• Rabasteins ta∣ken by storm
• The Fortress of Rabasieins.
• Monsieur de Montluc's Ha∣rangue to his Officers after his being hurt.
• Liberality a quality neces∣sary in a Chief.
• The State of Monsieur de Montluc's Ar∣my after his hurt.
• The Sieur de Montluc layes down his Go∣vernment.
• The Marquis de Villars the Kings Lieute∣nant in Gui∣enne.
• The Sieur de Montluc's Let∣ter to the King, which contains an abstract of his whole life.
• The King stiles the S••cur de Mon••luc the Conservator of Gui••••••e.
• The Battel of V••r.
• Relief sent to the King.
• Taking of the Isles.
• A Gascon Gentleman's answer to the King.
• The miserable condition of such as revolt from their Princes.
• The Army dis∣banded.
• The Peace published.
• Disorders in the Kingdom of France through the defect of inex∣perienced Offi∣cers.
• The diligence requir'd in a Chief
• That the va∣lour of a Go∣vernor with∣holds an Ene∣my from com∣ing to attacque him,
• The Duke of Burgundy de∣feated before Nancy.
• The loss of Pampelona.
• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Le∣va a g••ea•• C••••ta••n.
• The D••ke of 〈…〉〈…〉
• His S••n at P••••cti••r••s.
• Captain Pilles at St. I••••n.
• Frang••t at Fontarabi.
• The Sieur de Vervi•••• at Bul∣len.
• Sansac at Mi∣ra d••, and Mont••••c at Si••nna.
• Of Captains of Gens d'arms.
• Of Marescha•••• and Camp-Masters.
• Captains of Foot.
• A pleasant sto∣ry of the Si••u•• de Mont••uc.
• The Character of a little Monsieur of the Court.
• That a G••ne∣ral ought to write fre∣quently to his Captains.
• A Frank Archer is one of the Traind-Band o•• a P••∣rish, that sel∣dom ••ees ser∣vice but upon extraordinary occasion; and by b••ing upon the List is ex∣empted from all Taxes,
• For he was Christned Ed∣ouard Alex¦ander, which he afterwards chang'd for Henry, and was Henry the third of France.
• The Sieur de Montluc's wounds.
• Miserable con∣dition of a Sol∣dier.
• The Sieur de Montluc's n••∣ture.
• The Sieur de Montluc's ac∣knowledgment.
• The death of the Sieur de Montluc's Son.
• The King's •• Letter to the Sieur de Mont∣luc.
• Honor done to Marc Anthony de Montluc.
• Honor done to the great Cap∣tain Gonsalvo.
• A pleasant sto∣ry of the Bay∣liff of Esp••ron.
• a

  A Moge is a Measure con∣taining about six Bushels.
• b

  M••id de bled, (mesure de Paris) con∣tains twelve Septiers, the Septier two Mines, the Mine 6 B••isse∣aux, the B••isse∣au 4 Quarts, which amount to about five Quarters, a Coomb, and a Bushel of Lon∣don measure.
• The fertility of Guienne.
• Negligence of Historians.
• The Sieur de Montlu••s Pray∣er when he went to ••ight.
• A brave death illu∣strates a man's whole life.
• Th•• Execution upon St. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Eve at 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• The Naval Army b••fore Rochelle.
• Charles the IX. at Meaux.
• Rochelle the Refuge of the Hugonots.
• The impor∣tance of Ro∣chelle.
• The Si••ur de Montluc goes to the Siege of Rochelle.
• The Monsieur elected King of Poland.
• Fabian de Montluc ••lain.
• The death of Charles the 9th of Fran••e.
• The Sieur de Montluc at∣tends the Queen to Lyons.
• Henry the 3d. of France, and King of Po∣l••nd returns into France.
• The Sieu•• de Montluc crea∣ted Mareschal of France.
• Monsieur de Monferran s••ain.
• Or Cooper.
• The Gentle∣men discon∣tented.
• The Sieur de Montluc's Ha∣rangue to the Gentlemen in mutiny.