A new history of China containing a description of the most considerable particulars of that vast empire / written by Gabriel Magaillans, of the Society of Jesus ... ; done out of French.

CHAP. XVI. Of the Grandeur of the Emperour of China, and of his Revenues.

I Have observ'd in the third Chapter the three Opinions which the Chineses have concerning

the beginning of their Empire. Nor do they esteem their Kings to be of less Antiquity, in re∣gard their Government has been always Monar∣chical and absolute without any mixture of Aristo∣cracy. I have also observ'd that Cum fu cius, and all the Learned Men reject the first Opinion as merely fabulous. I shall therefore only add, that according to the second Opinion that the Chineses were under the Government of Kings two thou∣sand nine hundred fifty two years before the Birth of Christ. King Fohi was the first of their Kings, and the Founder of their Empite, which began in the Province of Xen si, the most western part of China toward the North. The Chineses paint this King cloath'd with the leaves of Trees, and all a∣gree that his Kingdom was of no great extent at first, nor his People very numerous. Their Histo∣ries relate, how that when this King began to reign, the Chineses liv'd upon Herbs and wild Fruits▪ drank the Blood of Beasts, and clad themselves in Skins. But that he taught them to make Nets as well for Hunting as Fishing, and was the first in∣venter of the Chinese Letters. All the Learned be∣liev'd this Opinion probable, and some there are that hold it for certain and unquestionable. In a word it seems very probable, that Fohi might be the first King of China; in the regard that if we set aside the Fables which the Chineses have added, and of which the Greeks and Romans are no less guilty when they speak of their first Founders, the Sequel of their Story and the successive Train of their Kings seems to have much of Truth. For according to the Computation of their Histories and Chronologies, we clearly find that the first King of China began to reign about two hundred years after the Universal deluge according to the

Version of the seventy Interpreters. In which time the Descendants of Noah might well spread them∣selves to the farther end of Asia; seeing that with∣in the same space they expanded themselves over all the Western Parts of Asia, into Africa and a good part of Europe.

The third Opinion asserts that the first King of China was Yao, who according to their Chronolo∣gy began to reign four thousand and twenty five years ago. Their Histories relate that in his time there were both Mathematicians and Astrologers; that he caus'd great Ditches and Chanels to be made for the draining away of the Waters of the Grand Deluge, that till then cover'd the Valleys and the Champaign Grounds. This King was a Prince illustrious for his Vertues and his Transcen∣dent parts, and is still honour'd as one of the wi sest and most vertuous Princes of China: this Opi nion passes for currant and unquestionable among the Chineses. And all the Fathers that have had the greatest Knowledge and Insight into their Books and Histories, hold this latter Opinion for certain, and the second for probable. And be∣cause that according to the Version of the Holy Scripture call'd the Vulgar, it would of necessity follow that Fohi and Yao must have been born and reign'd before the Deluge, therefore we are forc'd in this Countrey to follow the Version of the Seventy. Which being granted, the History of this Empire seems very probable, well trac'd, and conformable not only to the Egyptian, Assyrian, Greek and Roman Histories, but which is yet far more surprising, to the Chronology of Sacred Scripture.

According to the second Opinion then which is most probable, from King Tohi, who began to

reign about two hundred years after the Deluge to the Emperour Cam Hi, who reign'd in the year 1668. There have been two hundred thirty six Kings, divided into twenty two sidifferent Families, who have govern'd this Empire for the space of four thousand five hundred thirty four years. Which Families endur'd for a longer or lesser time, ac∣cording as they govern'd well or ill; and till a∣nother revolting, put the King to death, routed out all the Princes of his Family, and all the Nobility which he had rais'd, and made himself Master of the Empire. At the beginning these Rebels were either Petty Kings or Great Lords: But afterwards they happen'd to be Men of low Birth and mean Condition. The first King of the preceding Family, was a Person of very obscure Parentage, whose Name was Chum. He was a long time a Servant among the Priests of the Idols; after which, he betook himself to be a Robber upon the High-way. Afterwards be∣ing banish'd he put himself at the head of cer∣tain Free booters, and after a great deal of pros∣perous Success made himself Master of the Em∣pire. At his Coronation he call'd himself Hum Vu, or the Valiant and Warlike: but then the Learn∣ed Flatterers advanc'd his Titles, and call'd him Tai Mim, which signifies a Reign of great Luster. His Posterity reign'd in China two hundred seven∣ty six Years, and till the Year 1643, that the Tar∣tars made themselves Masters of the Empire, and destroy'd the Royal Family. All those that revolt pretend that it is by the decree of Heaven, that sent them to ease the People opprest by the Tyranny of their Governours: And this Opini∣on, or rather Vision finds so much credit in the Priests of the Chineses, and is so deeply rooted in

their minds as if it were one of the greatest Truths in the World, insomuch that there is hardly one among them that does not hope to be an Empe∣rour at one time or other: And this is the reason of those frequent Revolts which we find in this Empire, to day in one Province, to morrow in a∣nother; nay many times onely in one City or in one Town. Many times you shall see a miserable Wretch advanc'd to be a King, sometimes by a Troop of fifty Bandity, sometimes by a hundred or two hundred Peasants, but more frequently by a certain Sect of Idolaters, who make a Profession of creating new Kings, and establishing a new Government in the Empire. 'Tis a wonderfull thing to see the Comedies, or rather Tragedies, which are acted every day upon the Theatre of this Empire. For he that but to day was but an ignominious Robber, and under that Notion both dreaded and hated, let him but shift his Habit, and take upon him the Crown, the Robes and Orna∣ments of a King, and the same Man to morrow shall be belov'd and respected by all the World, and though he is known to be of vile and abject Birth, they shall presently call him the Son of Heaven, and Lord of the Universe. For that the Chineses, as we have said, call their Kingdom Tien Hia, that is to say, all that which is under the Heaven, or Su hai Chinun, that is to say, all that is between the four Seas. Titles conformable to their Pride and their Ignorance, and to their scorn of Strangers: So that it is the same thing among them, to call a Man Master of all that is under the Heaven, or between the four Seas, as to call him King of China.

The Chineses give their Emperour several losty and magnificent Titles. For example, they call

him Tien Hu, Son of Heaven; Xim Tien Hu, Ho∣ly Son of Heaven; Hoam Ti, August and Great Emperour; Xim Xoam, Holy Emperour; Hoam Xam, August Sovereign; Xim Kium, Holy Prince; Xim Xam, Holy Sovereignty; Que Chu, Lord of the Kingdom; Chao Tim, Palace Royal; Van Sui, ten thousand years; with several other Titles full of Grandeur and Majesty, which I omit for fear of being tedious. So that 'tis the same thing to say Son of Heaven, or ten thousand Years, or Palace Royal, as to say King or Emperour: Yet notwithstanding all these idle flatteries, this Prince is far from being so vain as the King of Monomo∣topa, who believes it to be in his Power to com∣mand the Sun, the Moon and Stars; or so ambi∣tiously Politick as the King of Siam, who knowing by experience that the great River that crosses his Countrey overflows its banks every year at a cer∣tain Season, and that it returns again by degrees within a certain time, marches forth in great pomp out of his Palace, to command the Waters to re∣tire, and fall down into the Sea. For though the Chineses give these great Titles to their King, and though he suffers them, yet neither he, nor they, at least the learned and more prudent sort, are so unprovided of reason, as to believe him to be the real Son of Heaven: but onely that he is an Adop∣ted Son, whom Heaven has made choice of to be Lord of the Empire, for the Government and De∣fence of the People. Nevertheless we cannot de∣ny but that these Titles demonstrate not a little presumption in those that ascribe, and in him that assumes them. But it is in some measure excusable in a Pagan People, and which inhabit an Empire so spacious, so puissant and so flourishing. So much the rather, for that the King never makes use of

them, when he speaks of himself. For in private he onely uses the word Ngo, or I, and which is common to all his Subjects: and when he speaks in publick seated upon his Throne he uses the word Chin, which signifies the same, onely with this difference, that no other Person but himself can make use of it; wherein he is more modest than many of our Princes, who are continually swelling out the Catalogues of their affected Titles with new Additions.

The most part of sovereign Princes create Dukes, Marquisses, and other great Lords, as well as the Emperour of China; but he outvies them in this, that of late days he takes upon him a power of making Gods and Idols. It was formerly a cu∣stome in this Empire, that when the King was desirous to recompence the merits of any Illustri∣ous person for the great Services which he had done the Kingdom, he built him up after his death a magnificent Palace, where his name was usually set up engraven in Gold, with Titles and Encomi∣ums proportionable to his Merits. For example; Somewhat above a thousand years agoe, there was in China a most renowned Captain, who for several years defended the Empire and the People, and restor'd the King and Kingdom to its ancient lustre, after he had wone several famous Victories, with vast labour and toils, with great expence of Blood, and at length the loss of his own Blood, while bravely fighting against the Rebels of his King and Countrey. Therefore in acknowledg∣ment of so much fidelity and so many heroick acti∣ons, the Emperour resolv'd after his death to keep up that honour which he had so well preserv'd in his life-time. To which purpose he built him a magnificent Temple, wherein he put his Statue,

and declar'd him Emperour of all China. This valiant Captain and several others of equal vertue are now ador'd, as Pagods or Deities, by the King and all the Chineses, who forgetting that the In∣tention of their Ancestours was onely to honour vertuous persons, and to excite and encourage others by their example to be valiant and faithfull, lost by degrees the knowledge of what they for∣merly had obtain'd, that there was but one onely God, and plung'd themselves headlong into Idola∣try. At present the Kings assume to themselves a privilege to deisie whom they please, as it was an∣ciently the custome of the Senate of Rome; of which I shall here produce two instances that me∣rit observation. When Father Matthew Ricci first enter'd into China, it was govern'd by the Empe∣rour Van Lie, whose Reign which lasted eight and forty years was no less happy for the Kingdom, which he all along maintain'd in peace and plenty, than he himself was unfortunate in the Government of his Family. For he made choice for Tutor to the Prince who was heir to the Crown, of a Colao or Counsellor of State▪ a person of great Policy and great Learning, whose name was Ch•…•… K•…•… Che•…•…. This person abusing the easie freedom which he had of entring into the Palace, which his great Reputation and Dignity allow'd him, insinuated himself into that Familiarity with the Emperour's Mother, that she abandon'd her self entirely to the lust of that great Officer; which when the Emperour came to understand, he forthwith put him to death. As for the Lady, she laying deeply to heart the asfront, and death of the Colao, and fearing the same destiny her self, within a few days fell sick and dy'd. But then the Emperour in some measure to repair the Reputation of his Mo∣ther

by giving her Honours more than ordinary, solemnly declar'd that she was Kieu Lien pu sa, that is to say, a Goddess of nine Flowers; and erected her Temples over the whole Empire, where she is ador'd under this Title, as the Curti∣san Flora was honour'd among the Romans for the Goddess of Flowers. After the death of this Co∣lao, the Mandarins advis'd the Emperour to burn the Commentaries which he had made upon the Books compos'd by Cum su sius: but he answer'd them with his wonted prudence, that he onely punish'd his evil deeds, and not the good Works which he had made for the Instruction of the Prince and the whole Empire. In short, that Commentary is the most excellent Piece which the Chineses have upon that Subject. It is full of Mo∣ral Discourses well handl'd; full of solid Maxims and Arguments; and of clear and true Decisions of many difficult Controversies: and for those reasons it is a Book which our Fathers who have acquir'd the Knowledge of the Language study very much.

It is about four hundred years ago, that a Bon∣ze of the Sect of those that never shave their heads, yet marry, by the Chineses call'd Tao Su, so insinuated himself into the Affection of the Prince then reigning, by means of his Skill in Chymistry, and after that by his Magick Arts, and other Diabolical Inventions, that he not onely esteem'd him as one that was more than a Man during his life, but also after his Death declar'd him God and Lord of Heaven, of the Sun, the Moon and Stars. By these two examples it is evi∣dent, how great the Ignorance of the People is, to believe that the Emperour has a power to make an Almighty God of a feeble miserable Man; and

to what an excess the Flattery of the Learned ex∣tends it self, who not only approve, but perswade the King to Actions so contrary to all manner of Reason. Which gives us an opportunity to con∣vince them with the greatest ease in the World by this Dilemma. Either the King is more powerfull than this Pagod, or this Deity; or this Pagod is more powerfull than the King. If they say that the King is more powerfull, How comes it then to pass, say we, that the King throws himself upon his Knees before the Pagod, and adores him by bowing his head to the Earth? Why does he of∣fer him Incense? Why does he implore of him long life for himself, and peace for his Kingdom, with several other blessings? I•…•… they say, as usual∣they do, that the Pagod is more powerfull, then we answer them thus. This Power cannot pro∣ceed from any other reason, but onely that he is a Pagod. Now it is the King that makes the Pagod; and therefore the King is more powerfull than He. And to let them see that the Pagod has no Power, we ask them whether the King can grant them▪ long Life, Health, Children, &c. They an∣swer that he is so far from being able to grant these blessings to them, that he cannot bestow them up∣on himself. Which being really so, we reply, that seeing the Pagod derives all the Power he has from the King, and that the King cannot give him that Power which he has not himself, as you your selves confess; it follows evidently that the Pagod has no Power at all. They understand the force of reason well enough, and some of them abandon their Errours to embrace the Truth▪ but for the most part they answer with a great deal of Civi∣lity; Tsai lai lim Kiao, we will return another time to hear your Doctrine: Which is the very

same answer which the Ar•…•…opagites made St. Paul.

We now come to the Revenues of this puissant Monarch, which are pay'd into his Treasures and Magazines every ▪year. There are pav'd into the Treasury every year, eighteen Millions and six hundr'd thousand Crowns in Silver, not including his Tolls and Customs upon what are bought and sold over the whole Empire, nor the profit of some Millions which the King lends at excessive Interest, nor the Revenues of his Crown Lands, his Woods and Gardens which are very great. Nor the Money which comes by Con•…•…scations which happen every day in that Court, and the Sales of Goods immoveable consiscated for High Treason, and leavy'd upon the Estates of Rebels, Robbers of the King's Money, or that robb the People of a thousand Crowns and upward, or that are convicted of hainous Crimes, or commit great Miscarriages in the Exercise of their Trusts; or in several other Cases where the Avarice of the Chief Ministers resolve to have a pretence to despoyle their Inferiours. There are pay'd into the Trea∣sury under the Name of the Queens Revenues, eighteen hunder'd twenty three thousand nine hunder'd sixty two Crowns.

• Into the Magazines of the Court are carry'd every year, forty three Millions three hunder'd twenty eight thousand eight hunder'd thirty four Sacks of Rice and Wheat.
• 2. Thirteen hunder'd and fifteen thousand nine hunder'd thirty seven Loaves of Salt; each Loaf weighing fifty Pound.
• 3. Two hunder'd fifty eight Pound of very •…•…ine Vermillion.
• ...

• 4. Fourscore and fourteen thousand seven hun∣der'd thirty seven Pound of Varnish.
• 5. Thirty eight thousand five hunder'd and fifty Pound of dry'd Fruits, as Raisons, Figgs, Wall∣nuts, Chestnuts, &c.

• Into the King's Wardrobes are brought sixteen hunder'd fifty five thousand four hunder'd thirty two Pounds of Pieces of Silk of several Colours, as Velvets, Sattins, Damasks and other sorts, not in∣cluding the Royal habits which are brought in the Barks of which we have already spoken.
• 2. Four hunder'd seventy six thousand two hun∣der'd and seventy Pieces of slight Silks, such as the Chineses wear in Summer.
• 3. Two hunder'd seventy two thousand nine hunder'd and three Pounds of Raw Silk.
• 4. Three hunder'd fourscore and sixteen thou∣sand four hunder'd and fourscore Pieces of Cotton Cloath.
• 5. Four hunder'd sixty four thousand two hun∣der'd and seventeen Pounds of Cotton.
• 6. Fifty sixty thousand two hunder'd and four∣score Pieces of •…•…axen Cloath.
• Lastly, Twenty one thousand four hunder'd and seventy Sacks of Beans for the King's Horses in∣stead of Oats. And two Millions five hunder'd fourscore and eighteen thousand, five hunder'd fourscore and three Bottles of Straw, every Bottle weighing fifteen Pound. These two last Propor∣tions were so order'd under the Chinese Kings, but at present they are advanc'd to treble, nay quadruple the Quantity, by reason of the great Number of Horses which the Tartars keep▪

Besides these things which I took out of the Chinese Authour already quoted, there are several other sorts of Provision brought to Court, as the Particular duty's of Tenants and Proprietours of Lands; as Oxen, Sheep, Pigs, Geese, Ducks, Hens and other Domestick Fowl: Also Venison o•…•… wild Flesh, as Bears, Deer, Hares, Rabbets, Pheasants, Partridges, with other land and water Fowl: Fish, as Barbels, Trouts very large, and several other sorts, all excellent in their Kinds, of which I cannot give the Names in Portuguese. All sorts of Garden herbs, as green and fresh in the middle of Winter, which is very sharp in that Court, as in the midst of Spring. Wherein we must acknowledge the wonderfull Industry of that Nation: For they preserve all those sorts of Plants in places prepar'd on purpose, or else by the means of subterraneal Ovens, which they warm to what degree of heat they please: So that you cannot believe it to be an Artificial heat un∣less you see it. They also bring Oyl, Butter, Vi∣negar, and all sorts of Spice; precious Wines from all parts and various Compositions of Waters: Meal, Bread, March-panes, and Biskets of several sorts: Together with all manner of Fruit which we have in Europe, Melons, Cucumbers, Grapes, Cherries, Peaches, Pears, Apples, and many other sorts which we have not. I cannot tell the pre∣cise quantity of these things, which are daily brought to the Court; however I can safely say, there is such an abundance of every thing that it is almost incredible, and would be more surprizing, were I able to give you a just Account. And therefore to give the Reader an Idea of the Plenty I have seen, I shall onely add this short Relation.

Upon the eighth of December 1669. the King order'd three Mandarins to come and burn In∣cense before the Tomb of Father Iohn Adam, on purpose to do him a particular Honour; and far∣ther order'd three hunder'd twenty five Crowns to be given to the three Fathers then at Court of which I was one, to defray the Charges of his Funeral. Several Mandarins that were our friends, and the greatest part of the Christians of Pekim invited themselves to the Ceremony which was very neat and exactly perform'd; but that is not to my purpose. The next day we went accord∣ing to Custom, to return our humble Thanks to the Emperour for so extraordinary a favour. Which when we had done; his Majesty sent a Messenger to us to bid us stay, for that he had something more to say to us. We waited above an hour, and about three a Clock in the Afternoon we were carry'd into the Royal Hall, where the Empe∣rour was seated in his Throne, and commanded us to seat our selves at the first Table of the third Rank on the Right side. We obey'd; and then most of the Principal Officers that reside in the Court, among which many were of the Blood Royal, took their places according to their de∣grees. There were two hunder'd and fifty Ta∣bles, and upon every one four and twenty Silver Plates about a hands breadth and a half in Diame∣ter, set one above another after the manner of the Tartars; that is to say, one upon the Table, the rest at a distance one from another in the Air, their Edges being supported by the Edges of the first; all full of Viands, and several sorts of Fruits and Comfitures, but without any Potages. At the beginning of the Feast the Emperour sent us from his own Table, two Plates of Gold as big

as the Silver ones, full of Preserves and excellent∣ly tasted Fruits. About the middle of the Repast, he sent us another Plate of Gold, wherein were twenty Apples of the largest and best in the King∣dom, call'd by the Name of Pin quo. At the end of the Feast he sent us another Plate full of Pears, and those Apples of Gold, of which we have spo∣ken in another Place. The favour which the Em∣perour did us at that time, seem'd to us surprizing∣ly extraordinary; as it did to all those that heard the Relation of it: but it was no more than what was usual, to all the rest that were invited; in re∣gard they are feasted by the King in the same manner every day. Not but that at other times upon certain occasions of publick rejoycing he treats much more magnificently all the Great Lords and Mandarins of the Court, which are a∣bout five thousand. By which the Reader may readily conjecture at the Grandeur and Puissance of this Emperour; and that the abundance of Provisions which is brought continually to the Court, is far beyond the Relation which I have made.

Notes upon the sixteenth Chapter.

Father Magaillans had already spo∣ken of the three Opinions of the Chine∣ses concerning the Antiquity of China. And I make no question but that if he had liv'd to finish this Work, he would have put all that he says of it in the same Chapter. However I did not think it proper for me to pare off any thing from this Chapter; as well for that I would not make an Alteration so considera∣ble, as for that the Authour has inserted several new and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Circumstances, and for that the matter is

also of great moment. Besides that this Chapter be∣ing compos'd in the year 1669. serves for a Confirma∣tion of the third, which F. Magaillans had written in the year before; as may be seen by the difference of the dates which he sets down in this Work.

Notes

• Pag. 250.