A memento, directed to all those that truly reverence the memory of King Charles the martyr and as passionately wish the honour, safety, and happinesse of his royall successour, our most gratious sovereign Charles the II : the first part / by Roger L'Estrange.

CAP. XI.

Certain Reflections upon the Felicity and Ad∣vantages of the Government of England; with some Observations upon The present Juncture.

IN the Two last Chapters next antecedent to This, we have at Volly discours'd the Rise, Progresse, and (in some sort) the Remedies of Seditions, with∣out particular Application to Times, Persons, or Places. It is our Present Purpose, to bring the Question nearer Home; by Looking a little into the Providence, and Wisdome, of our Forefathers; The Happy Constitution of the English Government: And Then, we must not passe This Late Degenerate Race of Cannibal-Christians, without a Word or Two; From Whence, to the Distracted Iuncture we now live in; and There wee'll Finish.

Very Prudent, and Effectuall, both for the Pre∣venting, and Suppressing of Seditions, was the Pro∣vision of This Nation, till the Authority of the Prince was shoulder'd out by the Insolency of the People: who of the Happiest Subjects in Nature, as well in Respect of the Prince, as of the Government, wor∣thily became the most Prostitute Slaves, to the Basest of Tyrannies, and of Tyrants.

The Principall Courses employ'd for the Pre∣vention, and Discovery of Practices against the State, were These.

First, the Custome of Fridborghes; (so call'd, be∣fore the Conquest; and Frank-pledges since) which was beyond Doubt, an Incomparable Expedient. (an Invention I dare not call it, for it's Originall may be ascribed rather to a Necessity, then Contri∣vance.)

This was a Custome, that obliged every Free-man, at the Age of Fourteen years, either to find a Surety for his fidelity to the Publique, or to suffer Imprisonment. Whereupon, so many Neighbours (to the Number of Ten or a Dozein) became Bound one for another: and each Particular, both for Himself and his Fellows: which Combination they call'd a Pledge. The Condition was This. If any man Offended, and Run away, The ••est stood en∣gaged either to bring him forth within 31 dayes, or else to answer for his Offence. And that none might scape, it was imposed upon the Sheriff, at every County Court, to take the Oath of Persons as they grew up to the age of Fourteen; and to see that they were all entred in some Pledge, or Other. So that upon any misdemeaner, and escape; the Magistrate had but to enquire into what Pledge the Offender was entred.

Oathes of Allegeance were also to be given in the Court-Leets to all Males of above Sixteen: And Enquiries twice a year in the same Courts.

A Charge was given by Judges of the Kings Bench, to the Grand Jury Impannell'd at Westmin∣ster;

as also by Them and other Judges of Assize in their Circuits, twice a Year in every County, to enquire of Treasons, Seditions, and Conspi∣racies.

Add to These, the Care of the Statutes of 2 E. 3. cap. 3. 7 R. 2. cap. 13. 20 R. 2. cap. 1. that no man should come or go Armed, before the Justices. By the 17 of R. 2. cap. 8. and 14 ••. 4. cap. 7. The Iustices of Peace shall enquire of Riots, and Unlaw∣full Assemblies, and arrest the Offenders. Beside the Dreadfull Penalties in case of Treason, and the Severity of the Law in cases of Misprision of Treason.

Were but This Vigilance duly employ'd, who would venture his Head upon so desperate a Haz∣zard?

Nor was This Watchfulness to Prevent Mischief, any hinderance to the Readinesse of the Nation to Suppresse it.

The Nobility and Gentry, that held by Knights-Service, were still to be Ready with Horse and Armes, at any Summons; and upon pein of For∣feiture, to attend the King, or his Lieutenant Gene∣rall, either at Home or Abroad, for Forty Dayes, at their proper Charge.

If That were not sufficient, the King had the whole Body of the Common People for his In∣fantry: and an unquestionable Right, by his Com∣missions of Array, to put the Nation in a Posture, from Eighteen to Threescore. Beside his Navall Guards▪ to cleere the Seas and watch the Coast;

And This without any Dispute (in those blessed days) who should be judg of the Danger.

As Nothing was here wanting to the Security of the Nation, which good Lawes could Contri∣tribute; so was there as little wanting to the Feli∣city of the People, in regard of the Constitution of the Government.

If it be True, (as Salust sayes) that the Desire of Rule is the Cause of Warr: Where there's no place for such Desire, there can be consequently no Cause of Quarrell. (At least, there can be no Ambitious Cause; (the Canker of Great Minds, and deadly Enemy of all Politique Settlements) This is the Happy case betwixt the King of England, and the People.

Ambition presses forward still; and he that's Up∣permost already, is above it. The Object of it is Conquest, not Tyranny; and in a Monarch, (as I have said else-where) rather Enlargement of Empire, then of Prerogative.

The People on the Other side; They are as much Below it. For the Nobility stands betwixt Them and Home: and 'tis not for a Faction to take Two Stairs at a step. So that Their Businesse, is but Freedome from Oppression, without the least Thought of Do∣minion.

Yet Differences break out, and Bloudy ones; which by a Grosse Mistake, we are too subject to assign unto Wrong Causes. If ye would know the Right: Cui prodest Scelus, ille fecit. The Gayners by a Publique Ruine, are commonly the Contrivers

of it: and in all Wrangles betwixt the Royall, and the Popular Interest, we may observe, that a Third Party reaps the Fruit of Their Division, and seizes the Booty: The People only giving in Exchange, for the Name of Liberty, the Substance of it; sin∣king a Monarchy into an Oligarchy; and slipping the Nooze of One Government, to be Halter'd in another.

Were not the Multitude directly Mad, they would understand, that Their Well-beeing is so Inseparable from the King's, and His from Theirs, that the One cannot long survive the Ruines of the Other: And that when ever They Divide, the Factious part of the Nobility deceives them Both. Therefore why should They either design upon the King, or suspect His de∣signing upon Them?

Touching the Peerage, I think we may consider them under this Note of Participation; either as Petty Kings, or Powerfull Subjects. In the One Capacity, they may seem Dangerous to the People, in the Other to the King. If they presume on This hand, The Commons are to Assist the King: If They bear hard on the Other, the King is to help the Commons: by virtue of which Mediating mixture, of Power in the Nobility as to the People; and of Subjection, as to the King: together with the mutu∣all Need, and Interest of a Fair Understanding betwixt King, and Commons, All Parties are Secur'd: to the utmost possibility of Safety, and Satisfaction. Yet after all This, There may be Danger of an Aristocracy. But concerning Government, and the severall Formes of it, in all their Latitudes, and

Limitations; the Rights and Interests of Kings, and the Bounds of Subjects, more then enough is said already, and the Ball toss'd so long till both the Gamesters, and By-standers are sick of the Dis∣pute.

This Constitution which we have here represen∣ted so Eminent, both for Defence, and Comfort, was neverthelesse by a Mean, Wretched Faction un∣dermin'd; and yet no Age could ever boast greater ex∣amples of Love▪ Faith, and Duty; of Christian, Civill, or of Military Virtues then were among the Assertours of That Government. But all This stresse of Armes and Arguments, was not sufficient to uphold the King, the Church, the Law, the Freedome, and the Honour of the Nation. Their Actings were enough to Cleere the Cause, but not to carry it: for they Began too Late; The Storme was Gather'd, and the Shipp of the Publique engag'd among a Thousand Rocks, before the Mariners would believe the Danger: Accom••ting it, in Truth, too Little to be Consider'd, till it was too Great to be Resisted. But reserving the more Particular Accompt of the Late Kings Fate for the next Chapter: Let us at present, look about us where we are; yes, and Above us too; for we have cause of Fear, both from Divi∣nity, and Reason.

In This Place now do I expect Observatours in Abundance. Here, a Marginall Note for Taxing the Government. There a for a Scandalum Magnatum. And in fine, Twenty Peevish Glosses up∣on my plain and harmlesse Meaning. But let no man

clap a false Bias upon my Bowle, and carry That to the Wall, that was Intended to the Hedg. Yet let every man take his course: I shall not begg so much as a Favourable Construction; but readily submit every Syllable, and Action of my Life, (in what concerns my Duty to my Prince, and Countrey) to the Extremest Rigour. Only a Page or Two of good Advice to my Back-friends, and I Proceed.

Good People, (of what Sort, or Quality soever ye are) Pray'e do not spare Me, if you can do me any mischief; but spare your selves, if you cannot.

You that have formerly abus'd Me to the King; do so no more: For when he comes to find himself Betray'd by your Mis-enformations; and Distress'd for want of Those plain, honest Offices, which (so God save me) I have ever Meant and Pay'd him, with the strict Faith, and Reverence of a Subject: Will not his Sacred Majesty abhorr you f••r it?

Or if ye are Resolved to Try the utmost force of Power, and Calumny, upon a Poor and Single In∣nocent; be sure, ye be no Advocates for the Kings Murtherers, at the same time that ye are of Counsel against his Friends; ••he People will suspect you to be of the wrong side else.

Again, since Proofs in Matters of Fact, are so Easie, and in Poynts of Honour, so Necessary; Prove what ye say; or say Nothing: for wherein I am Faultlesse, I am a Fool if I cannot clear my self; and a Slave, if I do not.

Consider next; What if ye crush me? May not the Consequence of That Injustice prove Dangerous to

your Selves? Beside; I am not now Now to Learn, what 'tis to Suffer for my Duty.

But above all, Remember, There's a God; that knows your Souls, and Mine; And at the worst, to his Infallible Decision shall I remit my Innocence.

Now must I arm my self against These Objecti∣ons.

Whom does This Sawcy Fellow mean? Who med∣dles with him? He must be Directing the Church, and Modelling the State: What has he to do with the Government?

This Sawcy Fellow means, Those Worthy Per∣sons, that have endeavour'd to make him odious to the King: and for no other Reason, (as in his Name, I swear) that he imagines, but because he is too Ho∣nest, for Their Interest. If there be any such; Those are the Men, he Means; If There be None, He has Offended no body; His Bolt is Shot, and the Excep∣tion Vanishes. But Then who meddles with Him?

The Right Honourable the Earl of Anglesyes Chap∣lain meddles with him. The Bishop of Worsters Animadverter meddles with him. My Lord BRAD∣SHAW (Lord Chief••Iustice of Chester) his most ob∣liged, most Thankful, and most humble Devoted Ser∣vant meddles with him. He that would have Ra∣vish'd the Ioyners Wife, neer the Blew Bore in Oxford meddles with him. He that (in effect) Read Are∣tine to his School-boyes meddles with him. He that Betray'd, and would have Ruin'd his Master, that both Taught and Fed him, meddles with him. He

that hath written against the Government both of Church and State, and commended the Putting of the Late King to Death, meddles with him. He that thinks himself Free to use any Posture in the Church, which he may in his Chamber, meddles with him. He that wrote the Answer to all that L'S. intends to say, meddles with him. And in fine, ED∣WARD BAGSHAWE, St. of Ch. Ch. meddles with him.

But alas! These are a Pittyfull Meddler, and below the Honour of a Title to my least Con∣cern.

There are that do Ill Offices, betwixt the Best of Princes, and the most Loyall of Subjects: And These men Meddle with Mee among the Rest, though the unworthiest of Them. Further; concerning my Directing of the Church, and State: I have been hitherto only upon the Defensive; and, I hope, it is as lawfull for Me to Assert the Cause, as for Others to Oppose it.

Nor have I stickled more about the Government, then belongs to a Private Person. If I have disco∣ver'd Traytours, 'twas but my Duty, and I had been a Perjur'd Villein, if I had done Lesse. That They are Winck'd at, Protected, or Brought off; is none of My Fault. If I have dealt in Presbyterian Prognostications; and represented Dangers, such as I thought them. First, 'twas well Meant; for I have kept my self within my Bounds; I had no Interest in't; and, I have got Nothing by it. Next, 'twas not ill Guess'd; and they that compare Times, will easily Acknow∣ledg it.

I am come now, within a Little, of my Purpose; and that This formall Preamble, may not raise Ex∣pectations of a larger Liberty then I think either Safe, or Warrantable; within These Limits, I re∣solve Strictly to Confine my self: That is, within the Limits of what I ow to the Office, Person, and Go∣vernment of his Sacred Majesty; Within the Com∣passe of my Duty to the Establish'd Law; and with∣in the Termes of a befitting Reverence to the Actions, and Authority, both of the Parliament now sitting, and of the Counsell.

He must be Deaf, that does not hear almost a Generall Compleint: And Blind too, that does not perceive a great part of the Reason of it. There is a Party that Designs it should be so: wherefore let them be wary, how they impute the Malice, and Contrivance of a Faction, to any Disorder in the Government. Their way is first, to Disoblige the Na∣tion, in the King's Name, as far as possible; for in the End, they are sure that all His Enemies, will be Their Friends. The Subject wants; so does the King; (They should not want that Serv'd him else) There are that doe not. But let That Passe.

Another main Prop of their Interest, is that they have got the means of Upholding, both in Power, and Credit, That Party which Oppos'd the King; which, in the Consequence, Reproches and Sterves those that were for him. While the Lay-Faction are in this maner upon Modelling the State; the Ministers (in good time) are moving their Scruples,

in the Church. Wherein, beside the Amusement, that it gives even to Those in Authority; the Doubt∣fulnesse of the Right betwixt Them, which it sug∣gests to the People; and the Reputation which it gives the Faction, when they appear in the Bal∣lance against the Law, and the Government: there is yet one further Mischief which transcends all These; That is, it Intimates, and Colours, to the Multitude, the Right of the Last Warr; and by Iustifying the Pretenses of That Rebellion, submini∣sters the Reason, Allowance, and Encouragement of Another. Let it be observ'd; If These People should Strike again to morrow, upon the old Score, whe∣ther they might not safely say, that they have been True to their Principles; for they have never as yet renounc'd them. When by These Artisices herein mention'd, they shall have Cast the Body of the People into a deep Disquiet; Confirm'd their own Party; and either by Forreign Employments, or Domestique Injuries, and Necessities, when they shall have Dissipated, Suppressed; nay, actually Fa••••ish'd, and totally Extirpat'd the Try'd Servants of the King; where they'll be Next, I leave the Reader to Imagine.

Nor will any man think Me Uncharitable, that Considers but their Dayly Actings, for the Project is as cleer as the Light. Does not every body see what Art and Industry is employ'd to Retard the Settlement of the Kingdome, and with what Vigo∣rous Diligence they prosecute the Contrary? Nor will they want any thing that is to be had, either for Mony, or Fair words: The One Costs them

Nothing, and if they can do any thing by the Other, they have good Security however: the Interest of the Three Kingdomes standing Engag'd for the Re∣payment of it. Marque Me; I say, IF they can; I do not say, either that they CAN, or DOE. To This Damn'd Cunning, observe now but the Luck they have.

How many Persons have I my self Deliver'd up, and Discover'd, for Publishing This King to be a Tyrant; his Father to have been a Traytour, and lawfully put to Death? for Defending the Cove∣nant, &c.—(and all This since the Act of Indem∣nity) These People had the good hap to be fetch'd off, and the Discovery render'd more Dangerous then the Treason.

Of Late, there came forth Two Libels, (bearing the Title of Letters of Animadversion) from the same hand: The One, against the Bishop of Wor∣cester, the Other against Mee. The Authour of These Libels, has the fortune to be Chaplain to a Privy-Counsellour, and The Printer has Confessed upon E••amination, that he deliver'd Five Hundred Copies of each, to ••agshawe's own hand (for that's his Name) in the Earl of Anglesyes house. His Lord must be suppos'd a Stranger to These Papers, for They are Treasono••s; and Seditious; beside the Forgery in them, which alone renders the Contriver fitter for a Pillory, then a P••lpit.

It is further to be Presum'd, that his Lordship is not well acquainted with his Character: for other∣wise, he would not Entertein a Person of so In∣solent, and Ungratefull a Nature; so Seditious, and

Turbul••nt in his Practises; Schismatical, if no•• ••e∣ritical in his Opinions. A professed Enemy, not only to the King, but also to Monarchy; Doctor Owen's Dear Friend; and Bradshaw's Slave, to the bases•• de∣gree of Fawning Servility. (I write but what I'le justifie).

Let any man Consider now, if This goes on a while, what will become of the True, Legal, and Honourable Interest of This Nation. And (God in his Mercy preserve his Majesty) what will become even of His Sacred Person when his Friends and Loyalty it self shall be Extirpated?

But 'tis our own Fault, that the King is not more fully, and particularly enform'd of the Calamities of his Languishing and Faithful Servants; and of the true State and Deportment of the Faction. His Ma∣jesty is no God, and knows what's done at a Di∣stance, only as other Mortals do, by Enformation. Nay, Kings know commonly lesse, concerning Af∣fairs of This Nature, then Ordinary Persons. First, as they lesse Frequent Places that afford matter for Observation: And Then, People doe not love to be the Reporters of Ill Tidings to their Sovereign. 'Tis commonly a Thanklesse and Unwelcome Of∣fice.

Did but his Majesty walk the Streets, as we doe; to Over-hear the Whisperings, and the Murmurs: to Observe the various Passions, and Disquiets of the People: to see the Stands they make; Their Won∣drings, Gazings, Poyntings: and at What I Pray'e?

That's He (says one) that brought me to a Counsel

of Warr, because I would not march against the King at Worcester; and now hee's so or so. There goes A∣nother, that Condemned Me upon the Kings Accompt, and hee's in such or such an Office. These are brave Iolly Fellows; but before This Wonder is Over, up comes Two or Three perhaps, of the saddest Spectacles a mans eye can Look upon: They have scarse strength enough to move: nor Cloth enough to hide the scars they have received in the Kings service. Do ye see That Sickly man? (cryes one) He is a Gen∣tleman that has spent his Fortune for his Majesty; That very Colonel that goes before, was He that Seque∣stred, and Blundr'd him.

In fine, Their other Mutterings are not fit for the Publique; but infinitely necessary for his Maje∣sties Knowledge; whose Piety to his Fathers Ashes; Love to his People; Prudential regards to his own Safety; whose Iustice to his Honour and his Friends, need but the Notice of these Ills, to remedy them. Or if his Royal Inclination needed any other motive, beyond his native proneness to an Act of Mercy; The Pious Presidents, and Practices of former Times might furnish him.

Amongst certein Articles Established by the King, Bishops, and Lords, It was Ordained,

That such as have belonged to the Kings Ancestors, his Father, Grandfather, or belonging to himself, shall be preferred to all benefits or Offices belonging to the Kings disposition, so that there be found among them persons able thereto.

Amongst certain Articles proposed by Iohn Duke of Bedford, the Kings first Uncle, It was Or∣dained,

That forasmuch as there be many old Servants, and feeble, that have dispended their youth in the service of my Lords, my Grandfather, Father, and Brother, whose souls God assoile; and also with my Lord that now in, whom God given good life and long, some without any livelihood or Guerdon, so that they be now in great Mischiefe, and necessity, and some but eastly Guerdoned, and nought like to their desert and service: wherefore I desire that there may be a hook made of all the names of such as have so served, and been unguerdoned, or nought guerdoned like to their desert, to the intent, when Offices, and Corodies fall, that they might be given to such persons; they having Consideration to the Ability of them, and to the time that they have served, in the same wise as of benefices unto Clerks.

Henry the Fourth of France; (his Majesties Grand∣father) did for the Relief of such as had been Maym'd, Wounded, or Begger'd in his Service, grant by an Irrevocable Edict;

The Royall House of Christian Charity, and the mony growing upon the Remainder of Accompts of Hospitals, Alms-Houses, Leprous-Houses, and other such Compa∣nies, and of the Usurpations, and Alienations of the Re∣venues thereof, revillons of the Accompts, and Abuses, and Disorders committed in the Government, and Ad∣ministration of the said Places, together with the Mony which should arise of the Places, and Pensions of Re∣ligious Laymen, in every Abby, and Pryory of his Realm, being in his Ma••esties Nomination.

The Consideration of the Horse was referr'd to the Duke of Montmorency; and of the Foot, to

the Duke of Espernon, who were to make a List of the Persons, and to Note in the Margent, what Annuall Pension every man might merit, ac∣cording to his Quality, Valour, and Wounds.

I may the better justifie a Sense of Danger, since the Right Honourable the Earl of Clarenden, has Publiquely Declar'd several Formalities of a Regu∣lar Plot: Though I confesse, my Apprehensions look'd another Way. But These ill-boding Concur∣rences, are without Question, more then Casual; and to These, may be added divers other Circum∣stances of as un-promising an Appearance.

As the Reports we have of Forreign Alliances; the Recourse of Disaffected English into Those Quarters abroad which are most to be suspected: The dead Stilnesse, and Silence of the Dis-banded Souldiours, notwithstanding so many Opportunities for Forreign Employment: (which looks as if they lay upon a Reserve) The Unsetled State of the Kingdome: The Seditious Freedom of the Presse and Pulpit; and which is more then All, A generall Scarcity of Mony. Moreover, it is no despicable evill, the Corrupt Mixture that yet remains in the Universities: And what are Those Hospitals, and Petty Schooles that still continue unpurg'd, but Nourceries of Sedition? In a Particular maner, the Danger is Great, nay and the Number too, of ill-chosen Iustices.

This is in fine, the Prospect of our Condition; which however handled by a Fool, may yet afford Matter for Wiser men to work upon; and the pro∣viding

of Expedients for These Mischieves, does properly belong to the Wisdome, and Autho∣rity of a King in Parliament. The summe of all may be Comprehended in Little. There is a present Danger, which is in Probability to encrease; and the Faction has done their work, if they can but disable That Party, from Serving the Son, which hinder'd Them so long from Destroying the Father.

For want of a better Security against Seditions of what-kind-soever, the Revivall of the Custome of Frank-pledges might be thought upon: to be Imposed upon all Persons, evidently disaffected to the Government, either of Church or State. For beyond question, the Tyes of Interest are Safer, if not stronger too, upon the Generality, then Those of Conscience. They may give an Oath the slip, with some pretty Salvo, or Reserve; but there's no eva∣ding the Intention of a Bond. When Ten Men stand Engag'd; every Particular, for the whole Ten, and All, for each Particular; Every single Person, has Nine Spies upon him.

Another means (which as I hear is now in Agi∣tation) may be, the Assurance both of Reward, and Pardon, to the First Discoverer of a Conspiracy, though one of the Complotters, and This by Procla∣mation. Sir Francis Bacon's advice is, that the King, either by himself, (which were the Best) or by his Chancellour, should make use of the Iudges in their Circuits; Charging them, at their Going forth, accor∣ding to Occurrences, and receiving from them a Par∣ticular Accompt at their Return home; They would

Then (sayes he) be the best Intelligencers of the True State of the Kingdome, and the surest means to pre∣vent, or remove all growing Mischieves within the Body of the Realm.

To These Generall excogitations of Prudence, somewhat of more Particular relation to the matter in Question might be admitted; as ••••rst, an Expresse Abrenunciation of Their Cause, and Covenant: They do not Deserve their Lives sure, that refuse to con∣fesse their Fault. As to the Relief of Distressed Royal∣lists; (I speak of such as want, almost to the De∣gree of Perishing, and there are many such) 'Tis but time Lost, to Hunt for new wayes of Device, and Project, when every Bush is Beat already. If it migh but now seem as Reasonable, to allow them the Bene∣fit of Forfeitures made since the Act of Indemnity, as it did erewhile seem Convenient to debar them of all Remedy for Injuries suffered before it: That might in some Proportion, stay their Barking stomacks; or at least yield them This spiteful Comfort, not to fall Alone: But possibly, if This Course were Ex∣perimented, it would afford more then the World Imagines.

I should End this Chapter here; but that before I break off This Discourse, I think 'tis ••it to give some Reasons why I undertook it.

First, it may serve (to Those in Power) as a Me∣morial, or Note of certain Particulars, which deserve not to be Neglected, or Forgotten.

Next, it may serve to instruct the People, concer∣ning the true Cause of some Miscariages, which Po∣pular, and Licentious Ignorance is but too apt to place

elsewere. (for in Truth, there are many peevish Cir∣cumstances, which the Discreet, Pause upon; and the Vulgar neither like, nor understand)

In the Last Place, I reckon my self bound by my Duty to the King, and Nation, not to conceal, what I have here Declar'd. And Particularly; That Trea∣sons are Encouraged by Impunity. The Offenders Countenanced, and brought off. The Prosecutours Me∣naced; and the most Pestilent Enemies of the last King, as good as Protected in their Seditious Practises against This. If This falls into a Good hand, good use may be made of it; for I doe not speak at Guesse.

However, at the worst, Our Cause is the same; Our Duty the same and our Affections ought to be the same. The Sun is not lesse kind, because his Influence may be intercepted by a Fogge, which Time will cer∣tainly dissolve: Nay and perchance Discover, (over and above that some of Those Blazes which the Com∣mon People take for Stars of the first Magnitude, are in Effect but Comets: Portents of That Mischief, which they seldome live to see Accomplish'd,

But enough, of These ungratefull, and Seditious Machinatours against Their Prince, and their Pre∣server. And so from These Indignities against the Son, wee'll passe to Those Fatalities that made way to the Ruine of the most Pious, Patient, Mercifull, and yet Murther'd Father.

Notes

• The Antient Prudence of England, for the Preven••ing of Sedit••ons.
• The Custome of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or Frank-Pledges.
• The Condition of it.
• Oathes of Al∣legeance.
• The Judges Charge con∣cerning T••ea∣sons, &c.
• Knights Ser∣vice.
• Commission of Array.
• Libido Domi∣nandi Causa B••lli. Sal.
• The King is above Ambiti∣on.
• And the Com∣mons Below it.
• ☞
• The Interests of the King and Commons are Insepera∣ble.
• The Peerage are either as Petty Kings, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sub∣j••cts.
• The Excellent Government of England was subver••ed by a mean ••action.
• Security lost us.
• ☞
• A word to my Back f••iends.
• Object.
• Answ.
• Ask Doctor Owen, and 〈…〉〈…〉 That was?
• Anglic••e D. ••.
• A Private Per∣son may disco∣ver a Publique Enemy.
• The King, the Law, the Parli∣ment, and the Counsell are Sacred.
• Beware of Im∣puting the faults of a Faction to the Government.
• The Faction has a great Advantage.
• The Presbyte∣rians are True to their Princi∣ples, but not to their Profession.
• Their Industry.
• ☞
• Two Libels.
• The Libellers Character.
• Kings had need to be well enform'd.
• ☜
• ☞
• 8 H. 6. 11.
• 11 H. 6. 6.
• Edict Iuly 7. 1606.
• Ill Appearan∣ces.
• The Custome of Frank-Pledges revi∣ved.
• ☜
• Discoveries Rewarded.
• Judges in their circuits are good Intelli∣gencerg.
• ☞
• How This Dis∣course may be∣come usefull.
• Treasons En∣couraged.
• ☜