The historie of the reformation of the Church of Scotland containing five books : together with some treatises conducing to the history.

THE FOVRTH BOOK OF The Progresse and Continuance of true Religion within SCOTLAND.

IN the former Bookes (Gentle Reader) thou mayest clearly see how potently God hath performed in these our last and wicked dayes, as well as in the ages that have passed before us, the promi∣ses that are made to the servants of God, by the Prophet Isaiah, in these words, They that wait upon the Lord shall renew their strength, they shall mount up with wings as Eagles, they shall run, and not be weary, they shall walk and not faint. This promise, we say, such as Satan hath not utterly blinded, may see per∣formed in us, the Professours of Christ Jesus, within this Realme of Scot∣land, with no lesse evidence, then it was in any age, that ever passed before us. For what was our force? What was our number? Yea, what wis∣dome or worldly policie was in us, to have brought to any good end so great an enterprise? our very enemies can bear witnesse. And yet in how great purity God did establish amongst us his true Religion, as well in Doctrine as in Ceremonies? To what confusion and fear were Idolaters, adulterers, and all publike transgressours of Gods Commandments with∣in short time brought, the publike Orders of the Church, yet, by the mer∣cie of God preserved, and the punishment executed against malefactours, can testifie unto the world. For as touching the administration of the Sacraments used in our Churches, we are bold to affirme, That there is no Realme this day upon the face of the earth, that hath them in grea∣ter puritie; yea, we can speak the Trueth, whomsoever we offend, there is none (no Realme I meane) that hath them in the like purity,

for all others, how sincere that ever the Doctrine be that by some is taught, retain in their Churches, and in the Ministers thereof, some foot∣steps of Antichrist, and dregs of Papistry: But we (all praise to God alone) have nothing within our Churches that ever flowed from that man of Sin. And this we acknowledge to be the strength given to us of God, because we esteemed not our selves wise in our owne eyes; but understan∣ding our own wisedome to be but meer foolishnesse before our God, laid it aside, and followed onely that which we found approved by him∣selfe.

In this point could never our enemies cause us to faint; for our first Pe∣tition was, That the Reverend face of the first, Primitive and Apostolike Church should be reduced again to the eyes and knowledge of men. And in that point (we say) our God hath strengthned us, till that the Work was finish∣ed, as the world may see. And as concerning the suppressing of vice, yea, and of the abolishing of all such things as might nourish Impiety within the Realm, the Acts and Statutes of the principall Towns reform∣ed, will yet testifie: For what Adulterer, what Fornicator, what known Masse-monger or pestilent Papist durst have been seen in publike, within any Reformed Town within this Realme, before that the Queen arrived? And this Victory to his Word, and terrour to all filthy livers, did God work by such as yet live, and remaine witnesses (whether they will or not) of the aforesaid works of God.

We say our God suffered none of these, whom he first called to the Battell to perish or to fall, the while that he made them Victors of their enemies: For even as God suffered none of those whom he called from Egypt, to perish in the Red Sea, how fearfull that ever the danger ap∣peared; so suffered he none of us to be approved, nor yet to be taken from this life, till that now the Pharaohs, then one, was drowned, and we set at freedom, without all danger of our enemies; to let both us and our Posterity understand, That such as follow the conducting of God, cannot perish, albeit they walked in the very shadow of death. But from whence (alas) cometh this miserable dispersion of Gods people within this Realme this day, in May 1561? And what is the cause that now the just is compelled to keep silence, good men are banished, Mur∣therers, and such as are knowne unworthy of common Society) if Ju∣stice were put in execution) bear the whole Regiment and sway within this Realme?

We answer, Because that suddenly the most part of us declined from the purity of Gods Word, and began to follow the world, and so againe shake hands with the devill, and with Idolatry, as in the fourth Book we will heare.

For while that Papists were so confounded, that none within the Realme durst more avow the hearing or saying of Masse, then the theeves of Tiddisdale durst avow their stouth or stealing, in the presence of any upright Judge: No ware Protestants found who are not asha∣med at Tables, and other open places, to aske, Why may not these men have their Masse, and the forme of their Religion? What can that hurt us, or our Religion? And from these two, Why and What, at last s∣prang

out this Affirmative, The Queens Masse and her Priests will we maintain; This hand and this Rapier shall fight in their defence, &c.

The Inconveniences were shown both by Tongue and Pen; but the advertisers were judged to be men of unequall Spirits; Their Credit was defaced at the hands of such, as before were not ashamed to have used their Counsell in matters of greater importance, to have refused the Masse.

But then my Lord, my Master may not be thus used; he hath that Honour to be the Queens Brother; And therefore we will that all men shall understand, That he must tender her as his Sister: And whosoever will counsell him to displease her, or the least that per∣tains unto her, shall not finde him their friend; yea, they are worthy to be hanged, that would so counsell him, &c. These and the like reasons took such deep root in flesh and blood, and was (as yet alas they are) preferred to God, and to his Messengers, rebuking vice and vanity, that from thence hath all our misery proceeded.

For as before, so even yet, although the Ministers be set to beg, the Guard and the men of Warre must be served; Though the blood of the Ministers must be spilt, yet it is the Queens Servants that did it. Although Masse be multiplied in all Quarters of the Realme, Who can stop the Queens Subjects to live of the Queens Religion? Al∣though Innocent men be Imprisoned, it is the Queens pleasure. So she is offended at such men, although under pretence of Justice, Innocents be murthered: The Lords shall weep, but the Queenes minde must be satisfied. Nobles of the Realme, Barons and Coun∣cellors are banished, their Escheats disposed of, and their lives most unjustly pursued. The Queen hath lost her trusty Servant David, he was deare unto her; and therefore for her Honour sake, she must show rigour to revenge his death. And yet farther, albeit that some knew that she hath plainly purposed to wrack and undo the Religion within this Realme; That to that Romane Antichrist she hath made her promise; And that from him she hath taken money to uphold his pomp within this Realme, yet will they let the people under∣stand, That the Queen will establish Religion, and provide all things orderly, if she were once delivered.

If such dealing, which is too common amongst Protestants, be not to prefer flesh and blood, to God, to his Truth, to Religion, and to the op∣pressed Liberty of the Realme, let the world judge. The plagues have been, and in some places are present, that were before threatned; the rest approaches: And yet who from the heart cryeth, I haue offended, Now thou Lord knowes, in thee onely is the trust of the oppr••ssed▪ for vain is the help of man. But now to returne we to our History.

The 19 day of August, 1561. betwixt seven and eight hours before noon, arrived Mary Queen of Scotland, then widow, with two Gallies out of France: In her company (besides her Gentlewomen called the Ma∣ries) were her Uncles, the Duke Aumale the grand Prior; the Marquesse d'Albuff. There accompanied her also, d'Anville son to the Constable of

France, with other Gentlemen of inferiour Condition, besides servants and Officers. The very face of the Heaven, at the time of her Arri∣vall, did manifestly speak what comfort was brought into this Coun∣trey with her (to wit) Sorrow, Dolour, Darknesse, and all Impiety; For in the memory of man, that day of the yeer was never seen a more dolorous face of the Heaven, then was at her Arrivall, which two dayes after did so continue: For besides the Surface Wet and Corrup∣tion of the Ayre, the Mist was so thick and dark, that scarce might any man espie another the length of two payre of Butts: the Sun was not seen to shine two dayes before, nor two dayes after. That fore∣warning gave God unto us; but alas the most part were blinde.

At the sound of the Cannons, which the Galleyes shot, the multi∣tude being advertised, happy was he or she that first must have the presence of the Queen; the Protestants were not the slowest: And therein they were not to be blamed. Because the Palace of Halyrud-house was not thorowly put in order (for her coming was more sud∣den then many looked for) she remained in Leith, till towards the even∣ing, and then repaired thither. In the way betwixt Leith and the Abbey, met her the Rebells the Crafts-men, of whom we spake before; to wit, Those that had violated the Acts of the Magistrates, and had besieged the Proveist. But because she was sufficiently instructed that all they did was done in spight of their Religion, they were easily pardoned.

Fi••es of joy were set forth at night, and a Company of most honest men with Instruments of Musick, and with Musi••ians, gave their Salu∣tations at her Chamber Window; The M••lody (as she alleadged) li∣ked her well; and she willed the same to be continued some nights af∣ter with great diligence. The Lords repaired to her from all Quar∣ters: and so was nothing understood but mirth and quietnesse, till the next Sunday, which was the 24 of August: When that preparations began to be made for that Idoll of the Masse to be said in the Chappell: Which perceived, the hearts of all the godly began to be embolden∣ed; and men began openly to speak, Shall that Idoll be suffered again to take place within this Realme? It shall not. The Lord Lindsay (then but Master) with the Gentlemen of Fyfe, and others, plainly cryed in the Close or Yard, The Idolatrous Priests should die the death, according to Gods Law. One that carried in the Candle was evill affrayed; but then began flesh and blood fully to shew it self. There durst no Papist, neither yet any that came out of France, whisper: But the Lord Iames, the man whom all the godly did most reverence, took upon him to keep the Chappell door: his best excuse was, That he would stop all Scotish-men to enter in to the Masse; But it was and is sufficiently known, That the doore was kept that none should have entry to trouble the Priest; who after the M••sse was ended, was committed to the protection of the Lord Iohn of Coldingham, and Lord Robert of Halyrud-house; who then were both Protestants, and had Communicate at the Table of the Lord: Betwixt them two was the Priest conveyed to his Chamber. And so the godly departed with grief of heart, and after noon repaired to the Abbey in great companies, and gave plain signification, That they

could not abide that the Land, which God by his power had purged from Idolatry, should in their eyes be polluted again: Which under∣stood, there began complaint upon complaint. The old Duntebors, and others that had long served in the Court, and hoped to have no remis∣sion of sins, but by vertue of the Masse, cryed, They would away to France without delay, They could not live without the Masse: the same affirmed the Queens Uncles. And would to God that they all, together with the Masse, had taken goodnight at the Realme for ever: for so had Scotland been rid of an unprofitable burthen of devouring strangers, and of the malediction of God, that hath stricken, and yet will strike for Idolatry.

The Councell assembled, disputation was had of the next remedy: Politicke heads were sent unto the Gentlemen, with these and the like perswasions: Why, alas, Will you chase our Soveraigne from us? She will incon∣tinently returne to her Galleyes, and what then shall all Realmes say of us? May we not suffer her a little while? I doubt not but she will leave it: If we were not assured that she might be won, we should be also as great enemies to her Masse, as ye can be. Her Uncles will depart, and then shall we rule all at our pleasure: Would not we be also sorry to hurt the Religion, as any of you would be? With these and the like perswasions (we say) was the fervency of the Bre∣thren quenched. And an Act was framed, the Tenour whereof fol∣loweth.

Apud Edinburgh, 25 Aagustii, 1561.

FOrasmuch as the Queens Majestie hath understood the great inconveniences through the divisi••n p••esently standing in this Realme, for the difference in matt••rs of Religion, which her Majestie is most desirous to see pacified by any good order, To the Honour of God, and Tranquility of her Realm, and means to take the same, by Advice of her States, so soon as conveniently may be, to their serious Consideration. And lest that her Majesties godly Resolutions therein may be greatly hindered, in case any Tumult and Sedition be raised amongst the Lieges, if any Alteration or Innovation be Pressed or Attempted before that good Order may be Established; Wherefore, for the eschewing of the said Inconveniences, her Majestie Ordains Letters to be Directed, to Charge all and sundry her Lieges, by open Proclamation at the Mar∣ket-Crosse of Edinburgh, and other Places needfull, That they, and every one of them, contain themselves in all Quietnesse, keep Peace and Civill Society amongst themselves in the mean time, while the States of the Realm may be Assembled, and then her Majestie have taken a finall Order by their Advice, and publike Consent;

which her Majestie hopes shall be to the Contentment of all, the Law bidding, That none of them should take in hand privately or openly, any Alteration or Innovation of the state of Religion, or attempt any thing against the same, which her Majestie found Publikely and Universally standing at her Majesties Arrivall in this her Realme, under Pain of Death. With Certification, That if any Subject of the Realme shall come in the contrary Thereof, ••e shall be esteemed and holden a Seditious Person, and Raiser of Tumult, and the same Pain shall be executed upon him with all Rigour, To the Ex∣ample of others. And her Majestie, with the Advice of the Lords of the Secret Councell, Commands and Charges all her Li••ges, That none of them take in hand to Mol••st or Trouble any of her Majesties Domesticke Servants, or Persons whatsoever come forth of France in her Company at this time, in Word, Deed, or Countenance, for any Cause whatsoever, either within her Palace, or without, or make any assault or invasion upon any of them, under whatsoever Colour or Pretence, under the said Pain of Death. Albeit that her Ma∣jestie be sufficiently perswaded, That her Good and Loving Subjects would do the same, for the Reverence they bear to her Person and Acts, notwithstanding no such Commandment were published.

This Act and Proclamation Penned, and put in Forme by such as be∣fore professed Christ Jesus (for in the Councell then had Papists neither power nor voyce) It was publikely Proclaimed at the Market-Crosse of Edinburgh upon Munday the day aforesaid. No man reclaimed, nor made repugnance to it, except the Earle of Arrane onely; who in open audience of the Herald, protested, That he disassented that any Protection or Defence should be made to the Queens Domesticks, or to any that came from France, to offend Gods Majestie, and to violate the Laws of the Realme, more then any other Subjects: For Gods Law had pronounced death to the Idolater; and the Lawes of the Realme had appointed punishment for sayers and hearers of the Masse; which, said he, I here protest, be Universally observed; and that none be exempted, untill such time as a Law also publikely made, and also consonant to the Law of God, have disannulled the former. Hereupon he took Documents and Acts, as the Tenour of this his Protestation witnesseth.

IN so far as by this Proclamation it is made understood to the Church of God, and Members thereof, That the Queen is minded that the true Religion and Worship of God already established, proceed forward, that it may daily encrease: Unto the Parliament, that order may be then for extirpation of all Idolatry out of this Realme. We render most hearty thanks to the Lord our God for her Majesties good minde, ear∣nestly praying that it may be encreased in her Majesty, To the Honour and Glory of his Name, and Weal of his Church within this Realme.

And as touching the molestation of her Highnesse Servants, we suppose that none dare be so bold as once to move their finger at them, in doing of their lawfull businesse: And as for us, we have learned at our Master Christs Shoole, To keep Peace with all men. And therefore for our part we will promise that obedience unto her Majestie (as is our dutie) That none of her servants▪ shall be troubled, molested, or once touched, by the Church, or any member thereof, in doing their lawfull businesse. But since that God hath said, That the Idolater shall die the death; We Pro∣test solemnely, in the presence of God, and in the eares of all the people that heares this Proclamation, and especially in the presence of you, Lion Herauld, and the rest of your Colleagues, maker of this Proclamation, That if any of her servants shall commit Idolatry, especially say Masse, participate therewith, or take the defence thereof (which we are loath should be in her Highnesse company) in that case, That this Proclama∣tion is not extended to them in that behalf, nor be not a safe-guard nor girth to them in that behalfe, no more then if they commit slaughter or murther, seeing the one is much more abominable and odious in the sight of God, then is the other. But that it may be lawfull to inflict upon them the paines contained in Gods Word against Idolaters, where ever they may be apprehended, without favour. And this our Protesta∣tion we desire you to notifie unto her, and give her the Copie hereof, lest her Highnesse should suspect an uproare if we should all come and present the same.

At Edinburgh,

the day and yeere aforesaid.

This boldnesse did somewhat exasperate the Queene, and such as favoured her in that point. As the Lords (then called of the Congre∣gation) repaired to the Towne, at the first coming they shew themselves wonderfully offended, That the Masse was permitted: So that every man as he came, accused them that were before him, but after they had re∣mained a certaine space, they were as quiet, as were the former▪ Which thing perceived, a zealous and godly man, Robert Campbell of Kingzie∣clench, said unto the Lord Uchiltrie; (My Lord) now you are come, and almost the last of all the rest; and I perceive by your anger, that the fire edge is not off you yet: but I feare, that after that the Holy-water of the Court be sprinkled upon you, that you shall become as tempe∣rate as the rest: For I have been heere now five dayes, and at the first I heard every man say, Let us hang the Priest: But after that they had beene twice or thrice in the Abbey, all that fervencie past. I think there be some inchantment, whereby men are bewitched. And in very deed so it came to passe: For the Queenes faire words upon the one part, ever still crying, Conscience, Conscience, It is a sore thing to constraine the Conscience: And the subtill perswasions of her sup∣posts (we meane, even of those who were judged most fervent amongst us) upon the other part; blinded all men, and put them in opini∣on, She will be content to heare the Preaching; and so no doubt but she may be wonne. And this of all, it was concluded, To suffer her for a time.

The next Sunday, Iohn Knox inveighing against Idolatry, shewed what terrible plagues God had taken upon Realmes and Nations for the same; and added, That one Masse (there were no more suffered at first) was more fearfull unto him, then if ten thousand armed enemies were landed in any part of the Realme, of purpose to suppresse the whole Re∣ligion; for (said he) in our God there is strength to resist and confound multitudes, if we unfainedly depend upon him; whereof heretofore we have had experience: But when we joyn hands with Idolatry, it is no doubt but both Gods amiable presence, and comfortable defence, will leave us; and what shall then become of us? Alas, I fear that expe∣rience will teach us, to the grief of many. At these words the guiders of the Court mocked, and plainly spake, That such fear was no point of their faith; it was besides his Text, and was a very untimely Admoniti∣on. But we heard the same Iohn Knox, in the audience of these same men, recite the same words againe in the midst of troubles; and in the audience of many, asked God mercy that he was not more vehement and upright in the suppressing of that Idoll in the beginning: For (said he) albeit I spake that which offended some (which this day they see and feel to be true) yet did I not that which I might have done; for God hath not onely given unto me knowledge and tongue to make the impiety of that Idoll knowne unto the Realme, but he had given me credit with many who would have put in execution Gods Judgements, if I would onely have consented thereto: But so carefull was I (said he) of that common Tranquility, and so loth was I to have offended those of whom I had conceived a good opinion, that in secret conference with dearest and zealous men, I travelled rather to mitigate, yea to slacken that fer∣vency that God had kindled in others, then to animate or encourage them to put their hands to the Lords Work; wherein I unfainedly ac∣knowledged my self to have done most wickedly, and from the bot∣tome of my heart do aske of my God grace and pardone, for that I did not what in me lay, to have suppressed that Idoll in the beginning. These and many other words did many heare him speake in publike in the moneth of December, 1565. when such as at the Queenes Arri∣vall onely maintained the Masse, were exiled the Realme, summoned upon Treason, and decreit of forfeiture intended against them. But to returne from whence we have digressed.

Whether it was by counsell of others, or of the Queens owne desire, we know not, but the Queen spake with Iohn Knox, and had long reason∣ed with him, none being present, except the Lord Iames, two Gentlemen stood in the one end of the room. The sum of their reasoning was this: The Queen accused him, That he had raised a part of her subjects against her Mother and her self; That he had written a Book against her just Authority; (she meant the Treatise against the Regiment of Women) which she had and would cause the most learned in Europe to write against it; That he was the cause of great sedition, and great slaughter in England; And that it was said to her, That all that he did was by Necromancy. To the which the said Iohn answered; Madame, it may please your Majestie patiently to hear my simple answers: And first (said he)

my simple Answers: And first, (said he) if to teach the Word of God in sincerity, if to rebuke Idolatry, and to will a people to worship God, according to his Word, be to raise Subjects against their Princes, then cannot I bee excused; for it hath pleased God of his mercy, to make me one (amongst many) to disclose unto this Realme the vanitie of the Papisticall Religion, and the deceit, pride, and tyranny of that Romane Antichrist: But Madame, if the true knowledge of God and his right worshipping be the chief cause which must move men to obey their just Princesse from their heart, (as it is most certain that they are) where∣in can I be reprehended? I thinke, and am surely perswaded, that your Majestie has had, and presently hath as unfained obedience of such as professe Christ Jesus within this Realm, as ever your Father or Progenitours had of those that were called Bishops: And touching that Booke that seemeth so highly to offend your Majestie, it is most certaine, that if I wrote it, I am content that all the learned of the world judge of it: I heare that an Englishman hath written against it, but I have not read him; if hee hath sufficiently confu∣ted my reasons, and established his contrary Propositions, with as evident testimonies, as I have done mine; I shall not bee obstinate but shall confesse mine errour and ignorance. But to this houre I have thought, and yet thinkes my selfe alone more able to sustaine the things affirmed in that my Work, than any ten in Europe shall be able to confute it.

You thinke (said shee) that I have no just Authoritie: Please your Majestie, (said he) that learned men in all ages have had their judgements free, and most commonly disagreeing from the Common judgement of the world; Such also have they published, both with Pen and tongue, notwithstanding they themselves have lined in the common Societie with others, and have borne patiently with the er∣rour and imperfections which they could not amend. Plato the Philo∣sopher wrote his Booke of the Common wealth, in the which hee condemnes many things that were maintained in the world, and re∣quired many things to have beene reformed: And yet notwithstand∣ing he lived under such Politicks, as then were universally received without farther troubling any State: Even so Madame am I content to do, in uprightnesse of heart, and with a testimony of good Con∣science, I have communicate my judgement to the world; if the Realme findes no inconveniencies in the Regiment of a woman, that which they approve, shall I not further disallow, then within my owne brest, but shall be all well content, and shall live under your Ma∣jestie, as Paul was to live under the Roman Emperour: And my hope is, that so long as ye defile not your hands with the Blood of the Saints of God, that neither I nor that Booke shall either hurt you or your Authoritie; for in very deed Madame, that Booke was writ∣ten most especially against that wicked Mary of England.

But (said shee) you speake of women in generall; most true it is Madame, (said the other;) and yet plainly appeareth to me, that wisedome should perswade your Majestie never to raise trouble

for that which this day hath not troubled your Majestie, neither in person, nor in anxietie. For of late yeeres many things which before were holden Stable have been called in doubt; yea, they have been plainely impugned. But yet, Madame, I am assured, That neither Protestant nor Papist, shall be able to prove, That any such Que∣stion was at any time moved, in publike or in private. Now, Ma∣dame, said he, if I had intended to trouble your State, because you are a woman; I might have chosen a time more convenient for that purpose then I can do now, when your own presence is within the Realme.

But now, Madame, shortly to answer to the other two accusati∣ons, I heartily praise my God, through Jesus Christ, that Satan, the enemy of mankinde, and the wicked of the World, have no other crimes to lay to my charge, then such as the very World it selfe knoweth to be most false and vaine. For in England I was resident onely the space of five yeeres. The places were Barwick, where I abode two yeeres; So long in New-castle; And a yeere in London. Now, Madame, if in any of these places, during the time that I was there, any man shall be able to prove, That there was either Battell, Sedition, or Mutinie, I shall confesse, That I my selfe was the Ma∣lefactour, and shedder of the blood. I am not ashamed further to af∣firme, That God so blessed my weake labours then in Barwick (where∣in then commonly used to be slaughter, by reason of quarrells that used to arise amongst Souldiers) there was also great quietnesse, all the time that I remained there, as there is this day in Edin∣burgh.

And where they slander me of Magick, Necromancie, or of any other Art forbidden of God, I have witnesse (besides mine owne conscience) all the Congregations that ever heard me, what I speak, both against such acts, and against those that use such impietie: But seeing the wicked of the world said, That my Master the Lord Jesus was possessed with Beelzebub, I must patiently beare; Albeit that I, wretched sinner, be unjustly accused, of those that never delighted in the Veritie.

But yet (said she) you have taught the people to receive another Religion then their Princes can allow: And how can that Doctrine be of God? Seeing that God commandeth Subjects to obey their Prin∣ces. Madame (said he) as right Religion tooke neither Originall nor Antiquity, from worldly Princes, but from the eternall God alone: So are not Subjects bound to frame their Religion accord∣ing to the appetite of their Princes; For oft it is that Princes are the most ignorant of all others, in Gods true Religion, as we may reade in the Histories, as well before the death of CHRIST JESUS, as after: If all the seed of Abraham should have beene of the Reli∣gion of Pharaoh, to whom they had beene a long time Subjects, I pray you (Madame) what Religion should there have been in the world? Or if all men in the dayes of the Apostles, should have beene of the Religion of the Romane Emperours, What Religion should have

been upon the face of the earth? Daniel and his fellows were subjects to Nebuchad-nezzar, and unto Darius, and yet (Madame) they would not be of their Religion, neither of the one, nor of the other; For the three Children said, We make it knowne to thee, O King, That we will not worship thy Gods. And Daniel did pray publikely unto his God, against the expresse Commandment of the King: And so, Madame, ye may perceive that Subjects are not bound to the Religion of their Princes, albeit they are commanded to give them obedience. Yea, (quoth she) none of these men raised their Sword against their Prin∣ces. Yet Madame (quoth he) ye cannot deny but they resisted: For those that obey not the Commandments given, in some sort resist. But yet (said she) they resisted not by the Sword. God (said she) Ma∣dame) had not given them the power and the meanes. Thinke you (said she) That Subjects, having power, may resist their Princes? If Princes do exceed their Bounds (quoth he) Madame, and doe against that wherefore they should be obeyed, there is no doubt but they may be resisted, even by Power: For there is neither greater Honour, nor greater Obedience to be given to Kings and Princes, then God hath commadned to be given to Father and Mother: But so it is, That the Father may be stricken with a Phrenzie, in the which he would slay his owne Children; Now, Madame, if the chil∣dren arise, joyn themselves together, apprehend the Father, take the Sword or other Weapon from him, and finally, binde his hands, and keepe him in Prison till that his Phrensie be over-past, Thinke ye (Madame) that the children do any wrong? Or thinke ye, Madame, that God will be offended with them that have stayed their Father from committing wickednesse. It is even so (said he) Madame, with Princes that would murther the children of God, that are subject unto them. Their blinde zeale is nothing but a very mad phrenzie; and therefore to take the sword from them, to binde their hands, and to cast them into prison, till that they be brought to a more sober minde, is no disobedience against Prin∣ces, but just obedience, because that it agreeth with the Word of God.

At these words the Queene stood, as it were amazed, more then a quarter of an houre; her countenance altered, so that the Lord Iames began to entreat her, and to demand, What hath of∣fended you, Madame? At length she said, Well, then I perceive that my Subjects shall not onely obey you, and not me; And shall do what they list, and not what I command, and so must I be subject unto them, and not they to me. God forbid (answered he) that ever I take upon me to command any to obey me, or yet to set Subjects at liberty, to do whatsoever please them; but my travell is, That both Princes and Subjects obey GOD. And thinke not (said he) Madame, that wrong was done unto you, when you are willed to be subject unto GOD, for

it is he that subjects the people under Princes, and causes obedience to be given unto them; yea, God craves of Kings, That they be, as it were, Foster-Fathers to the Church, and commands Queens to be Nourishers unto his People. And this subjection (Madame) unto God, and to his troubled Church, is the greatest dignity that flesh can get upon the face of the earth, for it shall carry them to everlasting glory.

Yea (quoth she) but ye are not the Church that I will nourish; I will defend the Church of Rome, for I think it is the true Church of God.

Your will (quoth he) Madame, is no reason, neither doth your thought make that Romane Harlot to be the Immaculate Spouse of Jesus Christ. And wonder not, Madame, that I call Rome an Harlot; for that Church is altogether polluted with all kinde of Spirituall Fornication, as well in Doctrine, as in Manners: yea, Madam, I offer my selfe further to prove, That the Church of the Jewes, who crucified Jesus Christ, when that they manifestly denied the Sonne of God, was not so farre degenerated from the Ordinances and Statutes which God gave by Mo∣ses and Aaron unto his People, as the Church of Rome is declined, and more then five hundred yeers hath declined from the Purity of Reli∣gion which the Apostles taught and planted. My conscience (said she) is not so. Conscience, Madame (said he) requires knowledge; and I fear that of right knowledge you have but little. But (said she) I have both heard and read. So, Madame (said he) did the Jewes that cruci∣fied Christ Jesus, reade both the Law and the Prophets, and heard the same interpreted, after their manner. Have ye heard (said he) any teach, but such as the Pope and his Cardinalls have allowed? And you may be assured, That such will speak nothing to offend their owne state. Ye interpret the Scriptures (said she) in one manner, and they in another; Whom shall I believe, and who shall be Judge? Believe (said he) God, that plainly speaketh in his Word: And further then the Word teacheth you, ye shall neither believe the one nor the other. The Word of God is plain in it self; And if there appear any obscurity in one place, the holy Ghost, which is never contrarious to himself, explains the same more clearly in other places: So that there can remaine no doubt, but unto such as obstinately will remaine ignorant. And now, Madame, (said he) to take one of the chief Points which this day is in controversie betwixt the Papists and us, for example. The Papists alleadge, and boldly have affirmed, That the Masse is the Ordinance of God, and the Institution of Jesus Christ, and a Sacrifice for the quick and the dead. We deny both the one and the other, and affirme, That the Masse, as it is now used, is nothing but the Invention of man; and therefore it is an Abomination before God, and no Sacrifice that ever God com∣manded. Now (Madame) who shall judge betwixt us, two thus con∣tending? It is not reason that either of the persons be further believed, then they are able to prove by insuspect witnessing: Let them lay downe the Book of God, and by the plain words prove their affirmatives, and we shall give unto them the play granted. But so long as they are bold to affirme, and yet do prove nothing, we must say, That albeit all the

world believe them, yet believe they not God, but do receive the lyes of men for the Truth of God. What our Master Christ Jesus did, we know by his Evangelists: What the Priests do at the Masse, the world seeth. Now doth not the Word of God plainly assure us, That Christ Jesus neither said, nor yet commanded Masse to be said at his last Supper, seeing that no such thing as the Masse is made mention of within the whole Scriptures. You are over-hard for me (said the Queen) but if they were here whom I have heard, they would answer you. Madame, (said the other) would to God that the learnedest Papist in Europe, and he that you would best believe were present with your Majestie to su∣stain the argument; and that ye would abide patiently to hear the matter reasoned to the end; for then I doubt not, Madame, but that you should hear the vanity of the Papisticall Religion, and what small ground it hath within the Word of God. Well (said she) ye may perchance get that sooner then you believe. Assuredly (said the other) if ever I get that in my self, I get it sooner then I believe; for the ignorant Papist cannot patiently reason, and the learned and crafty Papist will never come in your audience (Madame) to have the ground of their Religion searched out; for they know they are not able to maintain any argument, except by fire and sword, and their own Laws be judges. So say you (quoth the Queen) and I believe it hath been to this day. (Quoth he) for how oft have the Papists in this and in other Realmes, been required to come to conference, and yet could it never be obtained, unlesse themselves were ad∣mitted for Judges: and therefore I must yet say again, That they dare ne∣ver dispute, but where themselves are both judges and party. And when you shall let me see the contrary, I shall grant my self to be deceived in that Point. And with this the Queen was called unto dinner; for it was afternoon. At departing, Iohn Knox said unto her, I pray God, Madame, that you may be also blessed within the Common-wealth of Scotland (if it be the pleasure of God) as ever Deborah was in the Common-wealth of Israel. Of this long conference, whereof we onely touch a part, were divers opinions: The Papists grudged, and feared that which they need∣ed not; the godly thinking at least, That she would have heard the preach∣ing, rejoyceed; but they were utterly deceived, for she continued in her Massing, and despised, and quickly mocked all exhortation.

Iohn Knox his owne judgement, being by some of his familiars de∣manded what he thought of the Queen, said, If there be not in her a proud mind, a crafty wit, and an indurate heart against God and his Truth, my judgement faileth me: and this I say with a grieved heart, for the good I wish unto her, and by her, to the Church and State.

When the whole Nobility were convened, the Lords of Privie Coun∣cell were chosen, where were appointed the Duke, the Earles of Huntley, Argyle, Atholl, Mortoun, Glencarne, Mershell, Bothwell; Lords Arskeme, and Lord Iames, after Earle Murray; and these were appointed as certain to wait upon the Court by course: But that Order continued not long; Duke d'Anville returned with the Galleyes to France. The Queen entred in her Progresse, and in the Moneth of September travelled from Edin∣burgh, Linlithgow, Sterlin, S. Iohnston, Dundie, S. Androes; all these

parts she polluted with the Idolatrous Masse: Fire followed the Court very commonly in that Journey, the Towns propined the Queen libe∣rally, thereof were the French enriched.

About the beginning of October they returned to Edinburgh; and at the day appointed the Q. was received in the Castle: whereat preparations were made for her entry into the Town, in Farces, in Masking, and other Prodigalities: fain would our fools have counterfeited France: What∣soever might set forth her glory, that she heard, and gladly beheld. The Keyes were delivered unto her by a pretty Boy, descending, as it were from a Cloud: The Verses of her own Praise she heard, and smi∣led; But when the Bible was presented, and the Praise thereof declared, she began to frowne; for shame she could not refuse it, but she did no better, for she gave it to the most pestilent Papist within the Realme, to wit, To Arthur Arskeme. Edinburgh since that day have reaped as they sowed: They gave her some taste of their Prodigality: And because the Liquor was sweet, she hath licked oft of that Bust or Box, oftner then twice since. All men know what we mean; The Queen cannot lack, and the Subjects have.

In Edinburgh it hath been an ancient and laudable Custome, That the Provests, Bayliffs, and Councell, after their Election, which used to be at Michaelmas, caused publikely proclaim the Statutes and Ordinances of the Town; And therefore Archbald Dowglas Provest, Ed. Hope, Adam Fullartoun, &c. Bayliffs, caused proclaim according to the former Statutes of the Town, That no Adulterer nor Fornicator, no noted Drunkard, no Masse-monger, no obstinate Papist that corrupted the people, such as Priests, Friers, and others of that sort, should be found within 41 hours there∣after, under the Pains contained in the Statutes: Which blowne in the Queens ears, there began pride and maliciousnesse to shew it selfe; for without further cogitation of the cause, was the Provest and Bayliffes charged to Ward in the Castle, and immediately was Commandment given, That other Provests and Bayliffs should be elected.

Some gainstood for a while: The new Election alleadged, That the Provest and Bayliffs whom they had chosen, and to whom they had given their Oath, had committed no offence; therefore that justly they might be deprived. But while Charge was doubled upon Charge, and no man found to oppose himself to impiety, the misled Queens Letter and wicked will is obeyed, as just Law. And so was M. Thomas Makalan chosen Provest for the other. The man, no doubt, was both discreet, and sufficient for that Charge; but the deposition of the other was against all Law. God be mercifull to some of our owne, for they were not all blamelesse, that the Queens unreasonable will was so far obeyed.

A contrary Proclamation was publikely made, That the Town should be patent to all the Queens Lieges: And so Murtherers, Adulterers, Theeves (Whores, Drunkards, Idolaters, and all Malefactors, got pro∣tection under the Queens wings, under colour that they were of her Religion: And so got the devill freedome againe, where that before he durst not have been seen in day light upon the common streets. Lord de∣liver us from this Bondage of sin.

The Devil finding his raines loose, ran forward in his course, and the Queen (evil men abusing her name and authority) took upon her greater boldnesse, then she, and Balaams bleating Priests durst have attempted be∣fore; for upon All-Hallow day they bended up their Masse with all mis∣chievous solemnitie. The Ministers thereat offended, in plaine and pub∣like place, declared the inconvenience that thereupon would ensue. The Nobility were sufficiently admonished of their duties; but affection cau∣sed men to call that in doubt, wherein oft before they seemed most reso∣lute; to wit, Where that the Subjects might have hand to suppresse the Idola∣try of their Prince? And upon this Question conveaned in the house of Master Iames Mackgill, the Lord Iames, Earle of Morton, the Earle of Marshall, Secretary Lethington, the Justice Clarke, and the foresaid Master Iames Clarke of the Register; who all reasoned for the part of the Queen, affirming, That the Subjects might not take her Masse lawfully from her: In the contrary judgement were the principall Ministers, Master Iohn Row, Master George Hay, Master Robert Hamilton, and Iohn Knox. The reasons of both parties we will omit, because they will be explained after, where the said Question and others, Concerning the Obedience due to Princes, were long reasoned in open assembly: The conclusion of that first reasoning was; That the Question should be formed; Letters directed to Geneva for the resolution of that Church; Wherein Iohn Knox offered his labour. But Secretary Lethington, alleadging, That there stood much in the informa∣tion, said, That he should write: But that was onely to drive time, as the trueth declared it selfe. The Queenes partie urged, That the Queen should have her Religion free in her own Chappell, to do, she and her houshold, what they list. The Ministers affirmed, and Voted the contrary; adding, That her li∣berty should be their thraldome, ere it be long. But neither could reason nor threatning move the affections of such as were creeping in Credit, and so did the Votes of the Lords prevaile against the Ministers.

For the punishment of Theft and Reafe, which had encreased upon the border: and in the South from the Queenes arrivall, was the Lord Iames made Lieutenant, some suspected that such honour and charge pro∣ceeded from the same heart and counsell that Saul made David Captain against the Philistines; but God assisted and bowed the hearts of men, both to feare and obey him; yea, the Lord Bothwell himselfe at that time assisted him, but he had remission for Liddisdall, except that execution was there made in Edinburgh, for her twenty eight of one clan, and other, were hanged at that Justice Court, bribes, budds, or sollicitation, saved not the guilty, if he might be apprehended. And therefore God prospered him in that his integrity that same time the Lord Iames spake with the Lord Gray of England at Kelsoe, for good rule to be kept on both the bor∣ders, and agreed in all things.

Before his returning, the Queene upon a night tooke a fright in her bed, as if horsemen had been in the Close, and as if the Palace had been enclosed about; whether it proceeded of her own womanly fantasie, or if men put her in feare, for displeasure of the Earle of Arrane: And for other purposes, as for the electing of the Guard, we know not; but the feare was so great, that the Towne was called to the Watch; Lord Robert

of Hallyrud-house, and Iohn of Coldingham kept the Watch by course; Skouts were set forth, and Sentinels, upon pain of death, were commanded to keep their Stations. And yet they feared where there was no fear, nei∣ther yet could ever any appearance or suspition of such things be tried. Shortly after the returning of the Lord Iames, there came from the Queen of England, Sir Peter Mewtes, with Commission to require the Ratification of the Peace made at Leith. Her answer was, even such as we have heard before; That she behoved to advise, and then she should answer. In presence of her Councell she kept her selfe grave; for under the mourn∣ing weed and apparell she could dissemble in full perfection: but how soon that ever the French people had her alone, they told her, That since she came to Scotland, she saw nothing there but gravity, which repugned al∣together to her breeding, for she was brought up in joviality, so tearmed she her Dancing, and other things thereto belonging.

The generall Assembly of the Church approached, holden in Decem∣ber, after the Queens arrivall, in the which began the rulers of the Court to draw themselves apart from the Societie of their brethren, and began to strive and grudge, That any thing should be consulted upon, without their advices, Master Iohn Wood, who before had shewed himselfe very fervent in the Cause of God, and forward in giving of his councell in all doubtfull matters, refused to assist the Assembly again, whereof many did wonder; The Courtiers drew unto them some of the Lords, and would not conveane with their Brethren, as before they were accustomed, but kept themselves in the Abbey; The principall Commissioners of the Church, the Superintendents, and some Ministers, past unto them, where they were assembled in the Abbots Lodging within Hallyrud-house, both the parties began to open their griefes; The Lords complained, That the Ministers drew the Gentlemen into secret, and held Councell without their knowledge: The Ministers denied, That they had done any thing in se∣cret, otherwise then the common Order commanded them; And accused the Lords (the flatterers of the Queen we meane) that they kept not the Convention with their Brethren; considering, That they knew the Order, and that the same was appointed by their own advice, as the Book of Discipline subscribed with the most part of their own hands would wit∣nesse; some began to deny, That ever they knew such a thing as the Book of Discipline: And called also in doubt, Whether it was expedient, that such Assemblies should be or not: for gladly would the Queen and her secret Councell have had all Assemblies of the godly discharged; The reasoning was sharpe and quicke on either side: The Queens faction al∣leadged, That it was suspicious to Princes, that Subjects should assemble themselves, and keep Conventions without their knowledge. It was an∣swered, That without knowledge of the Princes, the Church did nothing, for the Princes perfectly understood, That within this Realme was a Re∣formed Church; and that they had their Orders and appointed times of Convention. And so without knowledge of the Princes, they did no∣thing: Yea (said Lethington) the Queen knew, and knoweth well enough; But the Question is, Whether that the Queen alloweth such Conventions: It was answered, If the Libertie of the Church should stand upon the

Queens allowance or disallowance, we are assured, not onely to lacke As∣semblies, but also to lacke the publike Preaching of the Evangell, that affirmative was mocked, and the contrary affirmed, Well (said the other) time will try the truth; But to my former words, this I will adde; Take from us the freedomes of assemblies, and take from us the Evangell; for with∣out assemblies, how shall good order and unity in Doctrine be kept? It is not to be supposed, That all Ministers shall be so perfect, but that they shall need admonition, as well concerning Manners as Doctrine: As it may be, that some be so stiffe-necked, that they will not admit the admoni∣tion of the simple; As also, it may be that fault may be found with Ministers without just offence committed: And if order be not taken both with the Complainer, and with the persons complained upon: It cannot be avoided but that many grievous offences shall arise; For remedy whereof, of necessity it is, That generall Assemblies must be. In the which, the judgements and gravitie of many may occurre, to correct or represse the follies or errours of a few. Hereunto consented the most part, as well of the Nobility as of the Barrons, and willed the reasoners for the Queen to be sent to her Majestie, if that she stood in suspition of any thing that was to be handled in their assemblies, that it would please her Majestie to send such as he would appoint, to hear whatsoever was propounded or reasoned.

Hereafter was the Book of Discipline proposed, and desired to have been ratified by the Queens Majestie, but it was stopped, and the Question demanded, How many of those that subscribed to that Book would be sub∣ject unto it? It was answered, All the godly: Will the Duke, said Lething∣ton? If he will not, answered the Lord Uchiltrie, I would that he were scraped out, not onely of that Book, but also out of our number and com∣pany; for what purpose shall labour be taken to put the Church in or∣der, and to what end shall men subscribe, and then never mean to keep a word of that which they promise? Lethington answered, Many subscribe there in fide Parentum, as Children are baptized. One, to wit Iohn Knox, answered, Albeit ye think that scoffe proper, yet as it is most untrue, so it is most improper: That Book was read in publike audience; and by the space of divers dayes, the hearers thereof were resolved, as all that here sit know well enough, and you your selves cannot deny; So that no man was required to subscribe that which he understood not: Stand con∣tent, said one, that Booke will not be obtained: Let God (said the other) require the lack and want which this poor Common-wealth shall have of the things therein contained, from the hands of such as stop the same.

Thomas Borrows perceiving that the Book of discipline was refused, pre∣sented unto the Councill certain Articles, requiring Idolatry to be sup∣pressed, their Churches to be planted with true Ministers, and some cer∣tain propositions to be made for them, according to equitie and Consci∣ence, for unto that time the most part of the Ministers, had lived upon the benevolence of men; for many had into their owne hands the profits that the Bishops, and others of that Sect had before abused, and so some part was bestowed upon the Ministers.

But when the Bishops began to gripe again to that, which most unjust∣ly they called their own: for the Earle of Arrane was discharged of Saint Andrews and Dumfermling, wherewith before by vertue of a Factory and Commission, he had intromitted and medled: And so were many others. Therefore the Barons required, That order might be taken for the Ministers, or else they would no more cause Rents to be paid unto any, that formerly belonged to the Church-men, nor suffer any thing to be collected for the use of any whosoever, after the Queenes arrivall, then that they did before; for they verily supposed, that the Queens Majestie would keep promise made to them, which was, Not to alter their Religi∣on, which could not remain without Ministers; and Ministers could not live without provision: And therefore they heartily desired the Councell to provide some convenient order in that behalf. This somewhat moved the Queens flatterers, for the Rod of impiety was not then strengthened in her and their hands. And so began they to practise how they might please the Queen, and yet seem somewhat to satisfie the faithfull; And so devised they, That the Church-men should have intromission and medling with the two parts of their Benefices; and that the third part should be gathered by such men as thereto should be appointed for such uses; As in these subsequent Acts are more fully expressed.

Apud Edinburgh vicesimo Decemb. Anno 1561.

THe which day; Forasmuch as the Queens Majestie, by the advice of the Lords of her secret Councell, foreseeing the imminent troubles, which apparantly threaten to arise amongst the Lieges of this Realme for matters of Religion, to stay the same, and shun all incommodities that might thereupon ensue, having intercommuned and spoken with a part of the Clergie, or State Ecclesiasticall, with whom then, reasoning being had, It was thought good and expedient by her Highnesse, That a generall Assembly should be appointed, the 15 day of December instant, whereto the rest of the States might have appeared: and by the advice of Law∣yers, one reasonable overture be made, and order taken for staying of the approaching trouble, and quieting of all the Countrey; which Assem∣bly, being by her Majestie appointed, and sundry dayes of Counsell kept; and the said Ecclesiasticall State oft-times required, That the said Order might be taken, and overture made for staying of the trouble, and quiet∣ing of the Countrey. Last of all, in presence of the Queens Majesty, and Lords of the Councell aforesaid, and others of the Nobility of this Realm, compeired, Iohn Arch-bishop of Saint Andrews, Patrick Bishop of Mur∣ray, Henry Bishop of Rosse, and Robert Bishop of Dunkeld: And for themselves respectively offered unto the Queens Majestie, to be content with the two parts of the Rents of their Benefices; and the third part to be imployed as her Majestie thought expedient. And because the cer∣taintie thereof was not knowne, not yet what summes of Money would sustaine the Ministery, and Ministers of Gods Word within this Realme, neither yet how much was necessary to support the Queenes

Majesty above her own Rents, for the common affairs of the Countrey, Therefore it is Ordained, Concluded, and Determined by the Queens Majesty, and the Lords of the Councell aforesaid, and others of the Nobility present, That if the fourth part of the whole Benefices with∣in this Realm, may be sufficient to sustain the Ministers thorowout this whole Realme, and support the Queens Majesty to maintain and set for∣wards the common affairs of the Countrey failing thereof, the third part of the said Profits, and more, if it be found sufficient for the effect afore••aid, to be taken up yeerly in time coming, that a generall order may be taken therewith, and so much thereof to be employed to the Queens Majesties use, for entertaining and setting forward of the com∣mon affairs of the Countrey; and so much thereof to the Ministers, and sustentation of the Ministry, as may reasonably sustain the same, at the sight and discretion of the Queens Majesty, and Councell aforesaid, and the excrescens and superplus to be assigned to the old Possessors. And to the effect that the Rents and yeerly Profits of the whole Benefices within this Realme may be cleerly known to the Queens Majesty and Councell aforesaid, It is Statuted and Ordained, That the whole Rentals of the Benefices of this Realm be produced before her Majesty and Lords aforesaid, at the time under-written: that is to say, The Rentalls of the Benefices on this side of the Water, before the 24 of Ianuary next coming: And those beyond the water, the 10 of February next thereafter; and ordains Letters to be directed to the Sheriffs in that part, to passe charge, and require all and sundry Archbishops, Bishops, Commenda∣tors, Abbots, Priors, on this side of the Water, personally to be appre∣hended, and failing thereof, at their dwelling places, or at the Parish Churches where they should remain, Cathedrall Churches or Abbeyes: And all Archdeacons, Deans, Chanters, sub-Chanters, Provests, Par∣sons and Vicars, and other Beneficed men whatsoever, their Chamber∣lains and Factors, personally, or at their dwelling places, or at the Parish Churches where they should remain, To exhibite and produce before the Queens Majesty and Lords aforesaid, before the said 24 day of Ianu∣ary next coming, the just and true Rentals of the values and rents of their Benefices, to the effect aforesaid: And to chare the Prelats, and the other Beneficed men on the other side of the Water in manner aforesaid, to exhibite and produce the just and true Rentals of their Benefices before the Queens Majesty and Lords aforesaid, the said 10 of February, to the effect aforesaid; with certification to them, That if any fails to appeare, the Queens Majesties and Councels wills are, That they should be pro∣ceeded against here, as the matter requires: And likewise to charge the whole Superintendents, Ministers, Elders and Deacons of the principall Towns and Shires of this Realm, to give in before the Queens Maje∣sty and Lords of the Councell aforesaid, before the said 24 of Ianuary next coming, a formall and sufficient Roll and Memoriall, what may be sufficient and reasonable to sustain Ministry, and whole Mini∣sters of this Realme, that her Majesty, and Lords of the Coun∣cell aforesaid, may rightly and diligently weigh and consider what necessary support is required to be taken yeerly of the

fruits of the said Benefices (by her Majesties own yearly Rent) to en∣tertain and set forward the common affairs of this Realme, against the said 24 day of Ianuary next coming, that it may be proceeded in the said matter, all parties satisfied, and the whole Countrey, and Lieges thereof set in quietnesse.

Apud Linlithgow, 24 Ianuarii, &c.

FOrasmuch as the Queens Majesty, with the advice of the Lords of her Secret Councell, directed her Letters, commanding all and sun∣dry Arch-bishops, Bishops, Abbots, &c. and all other Beneficed men, their Factors, Farmors, Takesmen, to appear before her Highnesse and Lords aforesaid at Edinburgh, or where it should happen them to be for the time, so many as dwells upon this side of the water, before the 24 day of Ianuary instant; and them that dwells beyond the water, the 10 of February next coming, that the just value of their Benefices might be knowne; so that hereafter her Highnesse may take order for the Susten∣tation of the Ministry of the Church, and the publike businesse of the Realme. And because the Queens Majesty is presently busied with other affairs, and may not her self attend upon the receipt of the said Rent, therefore her Highnesse hath given and granted, and by these Presents gives and grants full power and Commission to Master Iames Mackgill of Rankellor nether, Clerk of the Register, Sir Iohn Ballenden of Archnenell, Knight, Justice Clerk to the Treasurer, Secretary of State, Advocate of the Crowne, and Laird of Pittarrow, to call before them within the Ci∣ty of Edinburgh, all and sundry Prelates, and Beneficed men, which are charged by vertue of the said Letters, now presently being in Edinburgh, or shall happen hereafter to repair thereto, their Factors or Farmers, and there enquire of them the Rentalls of their Benefices, and receive the same from them to the effect aforesaid. And likewise that the said Commissioners cause warne all Seperintendents, Over-seers, Ministers. Elders and Deacons, to give unto them the names of all the Ministers of this Realme, that the just Calculation being made and considered by the said Commissioners of the value of the said Benefices, they may report the same unto the Queens Majesty, that her Highnesse may take order herein, according to the just Tenour of the first Ordinance made there∣upon.

Apud Edinburgh, 12 February, 1561.

FOrasmuch as by Statute and Ordinance made by the Queens Majesty, and Lords of the Secret Councell, and her Highnesse Letters direct∣ed thereupon, all and sundry Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, &c. and other Beneficed men, were charged to produce the Rentalls of their Benefices before her Majesty and Lords aforesaid, in manner follow∣ing (that is to say) The said Beneficed men dwelling on this side of the Water, before the four and twentieth of Ianuary last past: And on the other side of the Water, before the tenth of February instant;

to the effect that order might be taken therin to conform to the Ordinance; With certification to them, that if they fayled, the Queens Majestie, and Counsell aforesaid, would take order therein, as the same Ordinance bears. Notwithstanding of the which the Queens Majestie, and Coun∣sell, and others appointed, for receiving of the said Rentalls, have con∣tinually since the said 24 of Ianuary aforesaid, waited upon the receiving of them; yet a very small number of them have produced their Rentalls, thereby not onely contemning her Majesties Ordinance and Proclamati∣on aforesaid, but also her selfe and her Authoritie, as they were Prin∣ces and not Subjects, expresse against Equitie, Reason, and Justice; For remedy whereof the Queene Majestie ordains, with advice of the Lords of her secret Councill, That Factors, Chamerlains or Stewards bee appointed to intromett, gather, uplist and receive, to our Soveraign La∣dies use, all and sundry mailles, tythes or tiends, farmes, rents, provents, emoluments, fruits, profits, and due tyes of whatsoever benefices, where∣of the Rentalls are not produced conforme to the said Ordinance. And if any Retalls already produced bears not the just value, but is Fraudu∣lently made, to intromet and uptake as much of the profits and fruits of the said benefices, as are omitted forth of the said Rentalls, and the In-givers of the Rentalls, and Professors of the Benefices thereof, shall never have action to claime, crave or receive from the Tenants and Occupiers further then is contained in the same Rentals, already pro∣duced by them; and the Tenants and Possessors shall be holden to pay no more than is contained in the same Rentalls, already produced, as afore∣said: And the said Chamerlains and Factors to be appointed by the Queenes Majestie, shall have sufficient power to intromitt and uptake the fruits and profits aforesaid, in such fulnesse as if speciall Letters of Factory and Chamerlancie were granted to them thereupon; and or∣dains the Lords of the Session to direct forth Letters at the said Factors and Chamerlaines instancies either of horning or poynding, as shall be thought expedient, for causing of them to bee answered of fruits of the said Benefices to be forth-commanded to the Queenes Majesties be∣half and use, while further order be taken therein.

Apud Edinburge, 15. February 1561.

FOr as much as the Queenes Majestie by the advice of the Lords of her secret Councell, and others, divers of the Nobility had of before the two and twentieth day of December last past, ordained, that if the fourth part of the fruits, and Rents of all the Benefices within this Realme were not sufficient for the Supporting of her Majesties present wants, and the particular Charges under-written, necessary to be borne for the weale of the Countrey, than the third of the said fruits more or lesse should be taken up to the effects aforesaid; and ordained Letters to be directed, charging all and sundry Benefi∣ced men on this side of the Water, to produce their Rentalls before the foure and twentieth day of Ianuary last past. And the tenth of

February instant, were prefixed by the said Letters, for the bringing in all Rentalls of the Benefices beyond the water; with certification▪ That who produced not the said Rentalls at the dayes aforesaid respectively, the Queens Majesty and her Councell would provide remedy: according to the which Certification, her Highnesse, with advice of her Councell aforesaid, hath Ordained, That they who have not produced their Ren∣talls whole and full, intromission shall be had of their fruits, by them whom her Majesty shall direct thereto: And who have not given their just Rentalls, whatsoever part omitted forth of their said Rentall, shall be intromitted in like manner. And further, having consulted rightly, and diligently advised upon the common affairs, and necessities concerning the Queens Majesty, and charges to be borne for the Common-weale of the Realme, and sustentation and maintenance of the Preachers and Rea∣ders, conform to the said Ordinance made thereupon of before, hath Or∣dained and Declared the whole third part of all Benefices, of the which Rentalls are produced, to be taken up by the person or persons to be no∣minated by her Majesty, and to begin upon this last Crop of the yeer of God 1561. the same to be employed to the effect aforesaid: Together with the whole Profits of the Benefices whereof the Rentalls are not produ∣ced; And also, all that is omitted out of the Rentalls produced: And that order be directed by the Queens Majesty to the Lords of the Session, That the old Possessors may be answered of the remnant fruits of the said Benefices; providing, That the third part aforesaid, be full and whole taken up by the persons to be deputed to the taking thereof; And this Order to continue and stand, while further order be taken by the Queens Majesty, with the advice of the States. Moreover, her Highnesse, with the advice of the Councell aforesaid, hath Statuted and Ordained, That Annuells, Marles, and Duties within free Burroughs, or other Townes of this Realme, as well pertaining to Chaplanries, Prebendaries, as to Friers, together with the Rents of the Friers Lands, where-ever they be, setting and disposing thereupon, be intermedled with, and taken by such as her Majesty shall depute thereto, for employing of the same by her Highnesse to Hospitalls, Schools, and other godly uses, as shall seeme best to her Highnesse, with advice of her Councell. And knowing that nothing is more commodious for the foresaid Hospitality, then the pla∣ces of Friers that are yet undemolished; and also to the entertainment of Schools, Colledges, and other uses aforesaid, ordains the Provests and Bayliffs of Aberdeine, Elgmen, Murray, Inneresk, Glasgow, and other Bur∣roughs of this Realme, where the same are not demolished, to entertain and uphold the said Friers places standing in the said Townes, upon the Common goods thereof, and to use the same to the Common weale and service of the said Townes, untill the Queenes Majesty be further advised, and take finall order in such things, notwithstanding of any Gift, Title, or Entryes, given to whatsoever persons of the said places, with their Yards and Orchards, and other Pertinents, by our Soveraign Lady of before.

The Lords of secret Councell that were present at the Voting and making of the aforesaid Acts, were Iames Duke of Chattellarault, George Earle of Huntley, Archibald Earle of Argyle, William Earle Mershall, Iohn Earle Atholl, William Earle of Montrosse, Iames Earle Morton, A∣lexander Earle of Glencarne, Iames Commendator of Saint Andrews, Iohn Lord Erskin, The Treasurer, The Justice Clerke, The Steward and Con∣troller.

For the first Acts, the Earle of Huntley said jestingly, Good morrow, my Lords of the two parts. The whole Rentals being gathered, the sum of the third, according to their own calculation, was found to extend to, &c. The Ministers even in the beginning of publike Sermons opposed them∣selves to such corruption, for they foresaw the purposes of the Devill, and clearly understood the Butt whereat the Queene and her flatterers Shot. And so in the chaire of Edinburgh Iohn Knox said, Well, if the end of this Order, pretended to be taken for sustentation of the Ministers, be happy, my judgement failes me; for I am assured, That the Spirit of God is not the Authour of it, for first I see two parts freely given to the Devill, and the third must be divided between God and the Devill.

Well, said he, beare witnesse to me, that this day I said it, Ere it be long the Devill shall have three parts of the third; and judge you then, what Gods portion will be. This was an unsavory saying in the eares of many; Some were not ashamed to affirme, That the Ministers being sustai∣ned, the Queen will not get at the yeers end, to buy her a paire of new shoes. And this was Secretary Lethington.

There were appointed to modifie the Ministers stipends, The Earle of Argyle, Murray, and Morton, Lethington, Justice Clarke, and Clerke of the Register. The Laird of Pittaro, was appointed to pay the Ministers Sti∣pends, according to their Modification: Who would have thought that when Ioseph ruled Egypt, that his brethren should have travelled for Vi∣ctuals, and have returned with empty Sacks unto their families; men would rather have thought that Pharaohs Pose, Treasure, and Gilnells should rather have been diminished then that the houshold of Iacob should stand in danger to starve for hunger.

But so busie and circumspect were the Modificators (because it was a new Office the terme must also be new) that the Ministers should not be over-wanton; That a hundred Marks was sufficient to a single man, being a common Minister: Three hundred Marks was the highest that was ap∣pointed to any, except the Superintendents, and a few others; shortly, Whether it was the ingratitude of their own hearts, or the care that they had to enrich the Queene, we know not: But the poore Ministers, Rea∣ders and Exhorters, cryed out to the heaven (as their complaints in all assemblies do witnesse) That neither were they able to live upon the Sti∣pends appointed, neither could they get payment of that small thing that was appointed, so faine would the Controllers have played the good Vallet, and have satisfied the Queen, or else their own profit: The good Laird of Pittaro was an earnest Professour of Christ, but the great Devill receive the Controller, for he and his Collectours are become greedy factors. To put an end to this unpleasing matter; When the brethren complained

of their poverty; it was disdainfully answered of some, There are many Lairds that have not so much to spend, when men did reason, that the Vo∣cation of Ministers craved of them, books, quietnesse, study, and travell to edifie the Church of Christ Jesus, when many Lairds were waiting upon their worldly businesse; and therefore that the stipends of Mini∣sters, who had no other industry, but to live upon that which was ap∣pointed, ought not to be mollified according to the living of other common men, who might and did daily augment their Rents by some other industry. When such reasons were laid before them, they got none other answer, but, The Queen can spare no greater Sums; Oft was it cryed out in their ears, O happy servants of the Devill, and miserable servants of Iesus Christ, if after this life there were nor Hell nor Heaven: For to the servants of the Devill, these dumbe Dogs, and horrid Bishops; To one of those idle bellies, I say, ten thousand was not enough, but to the ser∣vants of Christ, that painfully preach his Evangell, a hundreth will suffice; how can that be sustained?

One day in reasoning of this matter, the Secretary burst out in a piece of his collor, and said, The Ministers have thus much payed unto them by year, who ever yet said to the Queen, Grand mercies for it? was there ever a Minister that gave thanks to God for her Majesties liberalitie towards them? One singled, and answered, Assuredly, I think, that such as receive any thing gratis of the Queen, are unthankfull if they acknowledge it not, both in heart and minde: But whether the Ministers be of that rank, or not, I greatly doubt▪ gratis I am sure they receive nothing, and whether they receive any at all from the Queen, wise men may reason; I am assu∣red, that neither third nor two parts ever appertained to any of her Prede∣cessors within this Realm these thousand years last past, neither yet hath the Queens Flatterers better title to that which she usurpes, be it in-giving to others, or taken it to her self, then the souldiers who crucified Jesus Christ had to divide his Garments amongst them. And if the truth may be spoken, she hath not so good Title as they had, for such spoile ought to be the reward of such men. And in that point the Souldiers were more gentle than the Queenes Flatterers, for they parted not the Garments of our Saviour, till that he himself was hung upon the Crosse; but her Flat∣terers do part the spoil whilest that poor Christ is yet preaching amongst you. But the wisedome of our God taketh tryall of us by this meanes, knowing well enough what the Court faction have purposed to do: Let the Papists, who have the two parts, some that have their thirds free, and some that have gotten Abbeys, and few Lands, thanke the Queen, and King, Placebo Domine, the poore Preachers will not yet flatter, for feeding of their bellies. These words were judged proud and intollerable, and ingen∣dred no small displeasure to the Speaker.

This we put in memory, that the posterity to come may know that God once made his truth to triumph, but because some of our selves delighted more in darknesse, than in light, God hath restrained our freedom, and put the whole body in bondage, yea, the greatest Flatterers have not esca∣ped so free as they supposed, yea, the latter plagues appear yet to be worse than the first. Be mercifull unto us, (O Lord) and deal with us not accord∣ing

to our deservings, but look thou to the equitie of the cause which thou hath put in our hands, and suffer not iniquitie to oppresse thy Trueth, for thy own names sake, O Lord.

In this mean while, to wit, in February, 1561. was Lord Iames, first made Earl of Murray, and then marryed one Agnes Keith, daughter to the Earl Marshall. The marriage was publike in the Church of Edinburgh; at the blessing of the marriage they both got one admonition to behave themselves moderately in all things: For said the Preacher to him, The Church of God hath received comfort by you, and by your labours un∣to this day. In the which, if hereafter you shall be found fainter then you have been formerly, it will be said, That your Wife hath changed your nature. The greatnesse of the Bankquet, and the vanitie used thereat, offended many Godly; There began the Masking, which from yeer to yeer, hath continued since. Master Randolph, Agent for the Queen of England was then, and sometime after in no small esteem with our Queen: For his Mistris sake, she did drink to him in a Cup of Gold, which he possessed with great joy, more for the favour of the giver, then of the gift, and value thereof, and yet it was honourable. The things that then were in handling betwixt the two Queens, whereof Lethington, Secretary Cecill, and Master Randolph, were Ministers, were of great weight, as we will after heare.

This Winter the Earl of Bothwell, the Marquis D'albuff, and Lord Iohn of Coldingham committed ryot in Edinburgh, and disordered the whole Town, brake Cuthbert Ramseyes Gates and Doors, searched his House for his Daughter in law, Alison Craige. And this was done in despight of the Earl of Arrane, who was suspected to have been in love with the said Alison, the horrours of this fact, and the veritie of it highly commoved all godly hearts. The Assembly, and also the Nobilitie, for the most part were in the Town; and so they concluded to crave justice, and so they did, as by this subsequent supplication doth appear.

To the Queens Majestie, Her secret Councell, Her Highnesse faithfull and obedient Subjects, The professors of Christ Iesus, his holy Evangell, wish the Spirit of righteous judgement.

THe fear of God conceived of his holy Word; the naturall and un∣fained love we bear unto your Majestie; the duetie which we owe to the quietnesse of our Country; and the terrible threatnings which our God pronounceth against every Realm, and Citie; in the which horrible Crimes are openly committed, and then by the Committers obstinately defended, compells us, a great part of our Subjects, humbly to crave of your Majesties, upright and true judgement against such persons as have done, what in them lye, to kindle Gods wrath against this whole Realm. The impiety by them committed, is so haynous, and so horrible, That as it is a fact most vile and rare to be heard of within the Realm, and principally within the Bowels of this Citie; So should we thinke our selves guiltie of the same, if negli∣gently,

or yet for worldy fear we put it over with silence; and therfore your Majestie may not think that we crave any thing, while that we crave open Malefactors condignly to be punished; But that God hath commanded us to crave, and also hath commanded your Majestie to give to every one of your Subjects; for by this Lynk hath God knit together the Prince and people, that as he commands honour, fear and obedience to be given to the powers established by him; so doth he in expresse words command and declare what the Prince oweth unto the Subjects, to wit, That as he is the Minister of God, bearing the sword for vengeance to be taken on evill doers, and for the denfence of peaceable and quiet men; so ought he to draw the sword without partialitie, so oft as in Gods Name he is re∣quired thereto. Seeing so it is (Madame) that this crime so recently com∣mitted, and that in the eyes of the whole Realm now publikely assembled, is so hainous; for who heretofore hath heard within the bowels of Edin∣burgh, Gates and Doors under silence of night broken, Houses ripped or searched, and that with hostillity, seeking a woman, as appeareth to op∣presse her. Seeing (we say) that this crime is so hainous, that all godly men fear not onely Gods dispeasure to fall upon you and your whole Realm; but also that such licentiousnesse breed contempt, and in the end sediti∣on, if remedie in time be not provided, which in our judgement is possi∣ble, if severe punishment be not executed for the crime committed. Therefore we most humbly beseech your Majestie, that all affection set aside, you declare your self so upright in this case, that ye may give evident demonstration to all your Subjects, that the fear of God, joyned with the love of common tranquility, hath principall seat in your Ma∣jesties Heart. This, further Madame, in conscience we speak, That as your Majesty in Gods Name doth crave of us obedience, which to ren∣der in all things lawfull we are most willing; so in the same name doe we the whole Professors of Christs Evangell within this your Majesties Realme, crave of you and of your Councell sharp punishment of this crime. And for performance thereof, that without delay the most principall Actors of this haynous crime, and the perswaders of this publike Villany, may be called before the Chief Justice of this Realm, to suffer an Assise, and to be punished according to the Laws of the same; and your Majesties Answer most humbly we beseech.

These Supplications was presented by divers Gentlemen; the Flat∣terers of the Court at first stormed, and asked who durst avow it? To whom the Master, after Lord Lyndesay, answered, A thousand Gentle∣men within Edinburgh: others were ashamed to oppose themselves there∣to in publike; but they suborned the Queen to give a gentle answer, untill such time as the Convention was dissolved; and so she did: and then af∣ter in fair words, shee alleaged, That her Uncle was a Stranger, and that he had a young Company with him; but she should put such order unto him, and unto all others, that hereafter they should have no occasion to complain: And so deluded she the just Petition of her Subjects: And no wonder, for how shall she punish in Scotland that vice, which in France she did see so free without punishment, and which Kings and

Cardinalls commonly use, as the Mask and Dancing of Orleans can wit∣nesse; wherein virgins and mens wives were made common to King Har∣ry, Charles the Cardinall, and to their Courtiers and Pages, as common women in Bordells are unto their Companions. The manner was thus: At the entry of King Henry of France in the Town of Orleans, the Ma∣trons, Virgins, and mens wives were commanded to present themselves in the Kings Palace to dance: And they obeyed; for commonly the French Nation is not very hard to be entreated to vanity. After Fidling and Fling∣ing, and when the Cardinall of Loraine had espied his prey, he said to the King, Sire le premiere est a vous, & fault queje soy le second: that is, Sir, the first choyce is yours, and I must be the second. And so the King got the pre∣eminence, that he had his first Election. But because Cardinalls are companions to Kings, the Cardinall had the next. And thereafter the Torches were put out, and every man commanded to provide for himself the best he might. What cry there was of husbands for their wives, and wives for their husbands, of ancient matrons for their daughters, of vir∣gins for their friends, for some honest men to defend their pudicity, Orle∣ance will remember more Kings dayes then one. This horrible villany, a fruit of the Cardinalls good Catholike Religion, we shortly touch, to let the world understand, what subjects may look for of such Magistrates; for such Pastime to them is Jollity. It had been good for our Queene, that she had been brought up in better company, both for her credit, and for the course of her life: And it may be, that her excellent naturall en∣duements had been better employed for her reputation and happinesse, then they were to her great misfortune, and to the grief of those that wished her truely well. But punishment of that enormity, and fearfull attempt, we could get none. Yea, more and more they presumed to do violence, and frequented nightly Masking, and began to bear the matter very heavily. At length the Dukes friends began to assemble in the night time on the calsay or street. The Abbot of Kylwinning, who then was joyned to the Church, and so, as we understand, yet abideth, was princi∣pall man at the beginning. To him repaired many faithfull, and amongst others, came Andrew Stewart, Lord Uchiltrie, a man rather borne to make peace, then to brag upon the calsey, he demanded the quarrell: And being informed of the former enormity, said, Nay, such impiety shall not be suffered, so long as God shall assist us: The Victory that God hath in his owne mercy given us, we will by his grace maintaine. And so he commanded his son Andrew Stewart, then Master, and his servants, to put themselves in order, and to bring forth their spears and long weapons; and so did others. The word came to the Earle Bothwell and his son, that the Hamiltons were upon the street: vows was made, that the Hamiltons should be driven, not onely out of the Town, but also out of the Countrey. Lord Iohn of Coldingham married the E. Bothwels sister (a sufficient woman for such a man) Alliance drew Lord Robert, and so they joyned with the E. Bothwell. But the stoutnes of the Marq. le Beuf (d'Albuff they call him, is most to be commended; for in his Chalmer in the Abbey, he start to an Halbert, and ten men were scarce able to hold him that night, and the danger was be∣twixt the Crosse and Tron; and so he was a long quarter of a mile from the shot & sklenting of Bolts. The M. of Maxw. (after L. Herreis gave declaratiō

to the Earle Bothwell, That if he stirred forth of his Lodging, he, and all that assist him, should resist him in the face. Whose words did somewhat beat down that blast. The Earles of Murray and Huntley being in the Ab∣bey, where the Marquesse was, came with their company sent from the Queen, to stay that tumult; as they did, for Bothwell and his were com∣manded under pain of Treason, to keep their lodgings.

It was whispered by many, That the Earle of Murray's displeasure was as much sought, as any hatred that the Hamiltons did bear against the Earle of Bothwell, or yet he against them. And in very deed, either had the Duke very false servants, or else by Huntley and the Hamiltons the Earle of Murray's death was oftener conspired then once; the suspition whereof burst forth so far, that upon a day the said Earle being upon horse to have come to the Sermon, was charged by one of the Dukes own servants, to turn and abide with the Queen. The fame whereof spread over all: What ground it had, we cannot say; but shortly after, the Duke, and some of the Lords, remained at Glasgow; their conclusion was not known. The Earle of Arrane came to Edinburgh, where the Earle Bothwell lay. The Queen and the Court were departed to Fyfe, and remained sometimes in S. Androes, and sometimes in Falkland.

The Earle Bothwell, by means of Iames Barron Burgesse, and then Mer∣chant of Edinburgh, desired to speak with Iohn Knox secretly; which the said Iohn gladly granted, and spake with him upon a night, first in the said Iames his lodging, and after in his own Study: The sum of all their conference and communication was; The said Lord lamented his inordi∣nate life; and especially, That he was provoked by the enticements of the Queen Regent, to do that which he sore repented, as well against the Laird of Ormestoun, whose blood was spilt, albeit not by his faults: But his chief grief was, That he had misbehaved himself toward the Earle of Arrane, whose favour he was most willing to redeem, if possible it were that so he might: For (said he) if I might have my Lord Arranes favour, I would aye wait upon the Court with a Page and a few servants, to spare my expence; where now I am compelled to keep for my own safety a number of wicked and unprofitable men, to the utter destruction of my state that is left. To which the said Iohn answered, My Lord, would to God that in me were Counsell and Judgement, that might comfort and relieve you; for albeit that to this hour it hath not happened to me to speak with your Lordship face to face, yet have I born a good minde to your house; and have been sorry at my heart of the trouble that I have heard you to be involved in; for (my Lord) my great Grandfather, Grandfather, and Father, have served your Lordships Predecessors, and some of them have died under their standers; and this is a part of the Obligation of our Scotish kindenesse: but this is not the chiefe; But as God hath made me his publike Messenger of glad Tydings, so it is my earnest desire that all men may embrace it, which perfectly they can∣not, so long as there remaineth in them rankor, malice, or envie: I am sorry that you have given occasion unto men to be offended with you: But more sorrowfull, That you have offended the Majesty of God; wherefore he often punisheth the other sins of man: And therefore my

counsell is, That you begin at God, with whom if you enter into per∣fect reconciliation, I doubt not but he shall bow the hearts of men to forget all offences. And as for me, if you will continue in godlinesse, your Lordship shall command me as boldly, as any that serves your Lordship. The said Lord desired him that he would trie the Earle of Arrans minde, If he would be content to accept him in his favour: Which he promised to do. And so earnestly he travelled in the matter; and it was once brought to such an end, as all the faithfull praised God for such agreement: The greatest stay stood upon the satisfaction of the Laird of Ormestoune, (who beside his former hurt, as is before declared, was even at that time of the coming, pursued by the said Earle Bothwell, and his son Master Alexander Cockburne was taken by him, and carried by him to Berwicke, but courteously enough sent back again. The new trouble so greatly displeased Iohn Knox, that he almost gave over fur∣ther travelling for amity: But yet upon excuse of the said Earle, and upon declaration of his minde, he re-entred into labour, and so brought it to passe, that the Laird of Ormestoun referred his satisfaction in all things to the Judgement of the Earles of Arrane and Murray, to whom the said Earle submitted himselfe in that Head: And thereupon deli∣vered his hand writing; and so was conveyed by vertue of his friends, to the Lodging of the Church of Field, where the Earle of Arrane was with his friends, and the said Iohn Knox with him, to beare witnesse and testification of the end of the Agreement. As the Earle of Bothwell entred the Chamber, and would have done those Honours that friends had appointed, Master Gabriel Hamilton, Abbot of Kilwinning, and the Laird of Richardton, were the chief friends that communed, the said Earle of Arrane gently past unto him, embraced him, and said, If the hearts be upright, few Ceremonies will serve, and content me. The said Iohn Knox, in audience of them both, and of their friends, said, Now, my Lords, God hath brought you together by the labour of simple men, in respect of such as would have travelled therein: I know my labours are already taken in evill part; but because I have the testimony of a good conscience before God, That whatsoever I have done, it is in his fear, for the profit of you both, for the hurt of none, and for the tranquility of this Realm: Seeing therefore that my conscience beareth witnesse to me what I have sought, and do conti∣nually seek, I the more patiently bear the misreports, and wrongfull judgements of men. And now I leave you in Peace, and desire you who are the friends, to study that Amity may encrease, all former ha∣tred forget. The friends on either party embraced other; and the two Earles departed to a window, and talked by themselves a reason∣able space. And thereafter the Earle of Bothwell departed for that night, and upon the next day in the morning returned with some of his honest friends, and came to the Sermon with the said Earle, where∣at many rejoyced. But God had another work to work, then the eyes of men could espie. The Thursday next they dined together; and thereafter the said Earle Bothwell, and Master Gabriel Hamilton, rode to the Duke, who then was in Enmell: what communication was betwixt

them, it is not certainly knowne; but by the report which the said Earle of Arrane made to the Queen, and unto the Earle of Murray, by his writings, for upon the third day after their Reconciliation, the Sermon being ended, the said Earle of Arrane came to the house of the said Iohn Knox, and brought with him Master Richard Strange, and Alexander Guthrie, to whom he opened the grief of his minde before that Iohn Knox was called; for he was busie, as commonly he used to be after his Sermon, in directing of writings: Which ended, the said Earle called the three together, and said, I am reasonably betrayed, and with these words began to weep. Iohn Knox demanded, My Lord, Who hath betrayed you? One Iudas or other (said he) I know it is but my life that is sought; I regard it not. The other said, My Lord, I understand no such dark manner of speech; if I shall give you any answer, you must speak more plainly. Well (said he) I take you three to witnesse, That I open this unto you, and I write it un∣to the Queen: An act of Treason is laid to my Charge. The Earle Bothwell hath showne to me in Councell, That he shall take the Queen and put her in my hands, in the Castle of Dumbartane; And that he shall slay the Earle of Murray, Lethinton, and others that now mis∣guide her, and so shall he and I rule all. But I know this is devised to accuse me of Treason; for I know he will informe the Queen of it: But I take you to witnesse, That I open it here unto you: And I will passe incontinent, and write to the Queens Majesty, and unto my Brother the Earle of Murray. Iohn Knox demanded, Did you con∣sent (my Lord) to any part of that Treason? He answered, No. Then (said he) in my judgement his words, although they were spoken, can never be Treason to you; for the performance of the Fact depends upon your will, whereunto ye say ye have disassented; and so shall that purpose vanish and die of it selfe, unlesse that you waken it; For it is not to be supposed, That he will accuse you of that, which he himselfe hath devised, and whereunto you would not consent. Oh (said he) you understand not what craft is used against me: It is Treason to conceale Treason. My Lord (said he) Treason must import consent and determination, which I hear on neither of your parts: And therefore (my Lord) in my judgement, it will be more sure, and more Honourable unto you, to depend upon your your Innocency, and to abide the unjust accusation of any other (if any follow thereof) as I thinke there shall not) then to accuse, espe∣cially after so late reconciliation. I know (said he) That he will of∣fer the Combate unto me, but that would not be suffered in France: But I will do that which I have purposed. And so he departed, and took with him to his Lodging the said Master Alexander Guthrie, and Master Richard Strange, from whence was written and endited a Let∣ter to the Queens Majestie, according to the former purpose: which Letter was directed with all diligence unto her Majesty, who then was in Falkland. The Earle himselfe rode after to Kinneill to his Father the Duke; but how he was used, we have but the common bruit. But from thence he wrote a Letter with his owne hand in

Cyphers to the Earle of Murry, complaining of his rigorous handling and entertainment by his owne father and friends. And assured fur∣ther, That he feared his life, in case he got not sudden rescue. But thereup∣on he remained not, but broke the Chamber wherein he was put, and with great pain passed to Sterling, and from thence was conveyed to the Haly-yards, where he was kept till that the Earle of Murray came unto him, and conveyed him to the Queen, then being in Falkland, who then was sufficiently instructed in the whole matter; and upon suspition conceived, had caused to apprehend Master Gawan Hamilton and the Earle Bothwell aforesaid, who knowing nothing of the former advertisements, came to Falkland, which augmented the former suspition. But yet the Letters of Iohn Knox made all things to be used more circumspectly, for he did plainly forewarne the Earle of Murray, that he espyed the Earle of Arran to be stricken with phrensie, and therefore willed not over great credit to be given unto his words and inventions. And as he advertised, so it came to passe forthwith in few dayes, his sicknesse increased, he talked of wondrous signes that he saw in heaven; he alleaged that he was bewitch∣ed, he would have been in the Queens Bed, and affirmed that he was her husband; and finally, in all things he behaved himself so foolishly, that his phrensie could not be hid.

And yet were the Earl Bothwell and Master Gawan Abbot of Kilming kept in the Castle of Saint Andrews, and convent before the Councill with the Earl Arran, who ever stood firm, that the Earl of Bothwell proposed to him such things as he advertised the Queens Majestie of; but stiffely denyed that his father, the said Abbot, or his friends knew any thing therof, either yet that they intended any violence against him; but alleaged that he was inchanted, so to think and write. Whereat the Queen, highly offended, committed him to prison, with the other two, first in the Castle of Saint Andrews; and thereafter caused them to be conveyed to the Castle of Edinburgh; Iames Stewart of Cardonhall, called Captain Iames, was evill bruited for the rigorous entertainment that he shewed to the said Earle in his sicknesse, being appointed Keeper unto him.

To consult upon these occasions the whole Counsell was assembled at Saint Andewes, the eighteenth of April 1562. years; in which it was con∣cluded, that in consideration of the former suspition, the Duke should ren∣der to the Queen the Castle of Dunbartan the custody thereof was granted unto him by appointment, till that lawfull succession should be seene of the Queens body: But Will prevailed against Reason and promise, and so was the Castle delivered to Captain Anstruther, as having power from the Queen and Councill to receive it.

Things ordered in Fyfe, the Queen returned to Edinburgh, and then began mirth to grow hot, for her friends began to triumph in France: The certainty hereof came to the ears of Iohn Knox, for there were some that then told him from time to time the state of things, and amongst others he was assured, That the Queen had been merry, excessively dan∣cing till after midnight, because that she had received Letters, that pacifi∣cation was begun again in France, and that her Uncles were beginning to stirre their taile, and to trouble the whole Realme of France, upon occasion

of this Text, And now understand O ye Kings, and be learned ye that judge the Earth; he bagan to taxe the ignorance, the vanity and despite of Princes, against all vertue, and against all those in whom hatred of vice and love of vertue appeared; the report hereof made unto the Queen, the said Iohn Knox was sent for, Master Alexander Cokburne, who before had been his Schollar, and was very familiar with him, was the messenger who gave him some knowledge, both of the report, and of the reporters. The Queen was in her Bed-Chamber, and with her (besides the Ladies and common servants) were the Lord Iames, the Earle Morton, Secretary Le∣thington, and some of the Guard that had made the report; he was accused as one that had irreverently spoken of the Queene, and that travelled to bring her into hatred and contempt of the people; and that he had exceed∣ed the bounds of his Text; and upon these three heads made the Queene a long Oration; whereto the said Iohn answered as followeth, Madame, this is oftentimes the just recompence which God gives the stubborn of the world; that because they will not hear God speaking to the comfort of the penitent, and for amendment of the wicked, they are oft compelled to hear the false report of others, to their great displeasure. I doubt not, but that it came to the Ears of Herod, that our Master Jesus Christ called him a Fox, but they told him not how odious a thing it was before God to mur∣ther an Innocent, as he had lately done before, causing to behead Iohn the Baptist to reward the dancing of an Harlots daughter: Madame, if the reporters of my words had been honest men, they would have report∣ed my words and the circumstances of the same; but because they would have credit in Court, and wanting vertue worthy thereof, they must have somewhat to please your Majestie, if it were but flatteries and lies: But such pleasure (if any your Majestie take in such persons) will returne to your everlasting displeasure; for (Madame) if your own Ears had heard the whole matter that I treated, if there be in you any spark of the Spirit of God, yea, of honestie and wisedome, you would not justly have been of∣fended with any thing that I spake. And because you have heard their re∣port, please your Majesty to hear my self rehearse the same so near as me∣mory will serve, (it was even upon the next day after that the Sermon was made;) My Text (said he) Madame, was this, And now, O Kings, understand, be learned ye Iudges of the Earth: After (Madame said he) that I had declared the dignity of Kings and Rulers, the honour wherein God hath placed them, the obedience that is due unto them, being Gods Lieu∣tenants, I demanded this question; But oh (alas) what account shall the most part of Princes make before that Supreme Judge, whose Throne and Authoritie so manifestly and shamefully they abuse, the complaint of Solomon is this day most true, to wit, That violence, and oppression do occupie the Throne of God here in this Earth; for whilest that murtherers, blood-thirsty men, oppressors and Malefactors dare be bold to present themselves before Kings and Princes, and that the poor Saints of God are banished and exiled, what shall we say, but that the Devill hath taken possession in the Throne of God, which ought to be fearfull to all wicked doers, and a refuge to the innocent, oppressed: and how can it other∣wise be, for Princes will not understand, they will not be learned, as God

commands them; but Gods Law they despise, his Statutes and Holy Or∣dinances they will not understand, for in fidling and flinging they are more exercised than in reading or hearing Gods most blessed Word; and Fidlers and Flatterers (which commonly corrupt the Youth) are more precious in their eyes then men of wisedome and gravitie, who by whole∣some admonitions may beat down in them some part of that vanity and pride wherein we all are born, but in Princes take deep root and strength by evill education. And of dancing (Madame) I said, That albeit in Scrip∣tures I found no praise of it, and in prophane Writers, that it is termed the gesture rather of those that are Mad, and in phrensie, then of sober men; yet do I not utterly condemn it, providing that two vices be avoyded; the former, That the principall Vocation of those that use that exercise, be not neglected for the pleasure of Dancing. Secondly, That they dance not as the Philistins their Fathers, for the pleasure that they take in the displeasure of Gods people; for if they do these, or either of them, they shall receive the reward of Dancers, and that will be to drink in Hell, unlesse they speedily repent; so shall God turne their mirth into sudden sorrow: For God will not alwayes afflict his people, neither will he alwayes wink at the Tyranny of Tyrants. If any (Madame, said he) will say that I spake more, let him publikely accuse me, for I think I have not onely touched the summe, but the very words as I spake them. Many that stood by did bear witnesse with him, that he had recited the very words that pub∣likely he spake.

The Queen looked about to some of the Reporters, and said, Your words are sharpe enough as you have spoken them, but yet they were told me in another manner; I know (said she) that my Uncles and you are not of one Religion, and therefore I cannot blame you to have no good opinion of them; but if you hear any thing of my self that mislikes you, come to my self and tell me, and I shall hear you. Madame (quoth he) I am assured, that your Uncles are enemies to God, and unto his Son Jesus Christ, and for maintenance of their own pompe and worldly glo∣ry, that they spare not to spill the blood of many Innocents; and there∣fore I am assured, that these enterprises shall have no better successe than others have had, that before them have done as they doe now. But as to your own person, (Madame) I would be glad to doe all that I could to your Majesties contentment, providing that I exceed not the bounds of my Vocation: I am called (Madame) to a publike function within the Church of God, and appointed by God to rebuke the vices and sins of all; I am not appointed to come to every man in particular to shew him his offence, for that labour were infinite; if your Majestie pleaseth to frequent the publike Sermons, then I doubt not but that you shall fully un∣derstand both what I like and mislike, as well in your Majesty, as in all others: Or if your Majesty will assigne unto me a certaine day and houre when it will please you to hear the form and substance of Doctrine, which is proposed in publike to the Churches of this Realm, I will most gladly wait upon your Majesties pleasure, time and place; but to come to wait up∣on your chamber door, or elswhere, and then to have no further liberty but to whisper my minde in your Majesties eare, or to tell you what others

think and speak of you, neither will my conscience, nor the vocation where∣to God hath called me, suffer it; for albeit at your Majesties commandment I am here now, yet I cannot tell what other men will judge of me, that at this time of the day I am absent from my book, and waiting at the Court. You will not alwayes (said she) be at your Booke, and so turned her back; And the said Iohn departed, with a reasonable merry counte∣nance; whereat some Papists offended, said, He is not afraid; which heard by him, he answered, Why should the pleasant face of a Lady afray me: I have looked in the faces of many angry men, and yet have not been afraid above measure; and so left he the Queen, and the Court for that time.

In this mean time the negotiation was great betwixt the Queen of England and our Soveraigne, Letters, Curriours and Posts ran fre∣quent, great bruit there was of the interviewe and meeting at Yorke, and some preparation was made therefore in both the Realmes; but that failed upon the part of England, and that by occasion of the trou∣bles moved in France, (as was alleaged;) which caused the Queene of England, and the Councill attend upon the South parts of England, for avoyding of Inconveniences.

This Summer there came an Embassadour from the King of Sweden, requiring marriage of our Soveraigne to his Master the King; His en∣tertainment was Honourable; but his Petitions liked not our Queene one whit, for as yet she could not resolve to be Wife to the King of Sweden, having been lately Queen of France: And yet she refused not one much inferiour to a Soveraigne King. The Earle of Lennox and his Wife were committed to the Tower of London, for traffi∣quing with Papists; the young Laird of Barre was a stickler in that businesse, and was apprehended with some Letters, which was the cause of his and their trouble.

The Earle of Murray made a private journey to Hawicke upon the Fayre day thereof, and apprehended fifty Theeves, of which number were seventeen drowned, others were executed in I••dburgh, the prin∣cipall were brought to Edinburgh, and there suffered, according to their merits upon the Burrow Mure.

The Queene was no whit content of the prosperitie and good suc∣cesse that God gave to the Earle of Murray in all his enterprises, for she hated his upright dealing, and the Image of God that evidently did appear in him; but at that time she could not well have been served without him.

The assembly of the Church at Midsommer the four and twentieth day of Iune, 1562. approached, in the which were many notable heads handled concerning good Order to be kept in the Church, and for the Papists, and for the Idolatry of the Queen which troubleth the former good order; Some Ministers, such as Master Iohn Sharpe, had left their charges, and entered into other Vocations, more profitable for the belly, against whom were Acts made, although this day they have not put them in execution. The tenour of the Supplication, read in open audience, and approved by the whole Assembly, to be presented to the Queens Majesty, was this:

To the Queens Majesty, and her most honorable Privy Councell. The Superintendents and Ministers of the Evangell of Christ Iesus within this Realme, together with the Commissioners of the whole Churches, desire Grace and Peace, from the Father of our Lord Iesus Christ, with the Spirit of righ∣teous Iudgement.

HAving in minde that the fearfull sentence pronounced against the Watch-men that see the Sword of Gods punishment approach, and do not in plain words forewarn the people, yea, the Princes and Rulers, that they repent, we cannot but signifie unto your Highnesse, and to your Councell, That the state of this Realme is such for this present, that unlesse redresse and remedy be shortly provided, Gods hands cannot long spare in his anger, to strike the Head and the Tayle; the inobedient Prince, and sinfull People: For as God is unchangeable and true, so must he punish, in these our dayes the grievous sins which before, we reade, he hath punished in all Ages, after that he hath long called for repentance, and none is showne. And that your Majesty and Councell may under∣stand what are the things we desire to be reformed, we will begin at that which we know assuredly to be the Fountain and Spring of all other evils that now abound in this Realme: To wit:

That Idoll and base service of God, the Masse, the fountain, we call, of all Impiety, not onely because many take boldnesse to sin, by reason of that opinion which they have conceived of that Idoll, to wit, That by vertue of it they get remission of their sins; But also because that un∣der this colour of the Masse, are Whores, Adulterers, Drunkards, Blas∣phemers of God, of his holy Sacraments, and such other manifest Ma∣lefactors, maintained and defended: For let any Masse-sayer, or earnest maintainer thereof be deprehended in any of the fore-named crimes, no execution can be had; for all is done in hatred of his Religion: And so are wicked men permitted to live wickedly, cloked and defended by that wicked Idoll. But supposing that the Masse was occasion of no such evils, yet in it self it is so odious in Gods presence, that we cannot cease with all instance to desire the removing of the same, as well from your selfe, as from all others within this Realm; Taking Heaven and earth, yea, your own Consciences to record, That the obstinate maintenance of that Idol, shall in the end be to you, destruction of soul and body, if you do not repent.

If your Majesty demand, Why that now we are more earnest, then we have been heretofore? We answer (our former silence no wayes excu∣sed) Because we finde our selves frustrate of our hope and expectati∣on; which was, That in processe of time your Majesties heart should have been mollified, so farre, as ye would have heard the publike Do∣ctrine taught within this Realme; by the which, our further hope was, That Gods holy Spirit should so have moved your heart, that you would have suffered your Religion (which before God is nothing but abomina∣tion and vanity) to be tryed by the true Touch-stone, the written Word

of God; And that your Majesty finding it to have no ground nor foun∣dation in the same, should have given that glory unto God: that you would have preferred his Truth to your own preconceived vain opini∣on, of what antiquity that ever it hath been, whereof we in part now discharged, can no longer keep silence, unlesse we would make our selves criminall before God of your blood, perishing in your own iniquity; for we plainly admonish you of the danger to come.

The second thing that we require, is, Punishment of horrible vices, such as are Adultery, Fornication, open Whoredome, Blasphemy, Contempt of God, of his Word and Sacraments; Which in this Realme do even so abound, that sin is reputed to be no sin. And therefore, as we see the present signes of Gods wrath now manifestly appear, so do we forewarn, that he will strike ere it be long, if his Law without punishment be per∣mitted thus manifestly to be contemned. If any object, That punish∣ment cannot be commanded to be executed without a Parliament; we answer, That the Eternall God in his Parliament, hath pronounced death to be the punishment of Adultery, and for Blaspheming: whose Act if we put not in execution (seeing that Kings are but his Lievtenants, having no power to give life, where he commands death) as that he will repute you, and all others that foster vice, patrons of Impiety, so will he not fail to punish you, for neglecting the execution of his judgements.

Our third request concerning the poor, who be of three sorts: The poor labourers of the ground, the poor desolate Beggers, Orphans, Widows and Strangers, and the poor Ministers of Christ Jesus his ho∣ly Evangel; which are so cruelly used by this last pretended Order ta∣ken for sustentation of Ministers, that their latter misery farre surmount∣eth the former; for now the poore labourers of the ground are so op∣pressed by the cruelty of those that pay their hire, that they for the most part encroach upon the poore, in whatsoever they pay unto the Q••een, or to any other. As for the very indigent and poor, to whom God commands a sustentation to be provided of the Tenths, they are so despised, that it is a wonder that Sun giveth heat and light to the earth, where Gods Name is so frequently called upon, and no mercy (according to his Commandment) showne to his Creatures. And al∣so for the Ministers, their Livings are so appointed, that the most part shall live but a Beggers life: And all cometh of that impiety, that the idle bellies of Christs enemies, must be fed in their former delicacy. We dare not conceal from your Majestie, and honours our conscience, which is this, That neither by the Law of God, neither yet by any just Law of man, is due unto them, who now most cruelly do exact of the poor and rich, the two parts of their Benefices, as they call them. And therefore we most humbly require, That some other Or∣der may be taken with them, that they be not set up againe to empire above the people of God; for we fear that such usurpation of their former state, will be neither in the end pleasant to themselves, nor pro∣fitable to them that would place them in that Tyranny. If any think that a competent Living is to be assigned to them, we repugne not, provided

that the Labourers of the ground be not oppressed, the poor be not utterly neglected, and the Ministers of the Word so hardly used, as now they are. And finally, That those idle bellies, who by Law can crave nothing, shall confesse, that they receive their sustentation and maintenance, not of debt, but of benevolence. Our humble request is therefore, That in every Parish some part of the Tythes may be as∣signed to the sustentation and maintenance of the poor within the same: And likewise that some publike relief may be provided for the poor within Burroughs, that Collectors may be appointed to gather; And that strict Accounts may be taken, as well for their Recepts, as of the disbursements. The further consideration to be had of our Mi∣nisters, we in some part remit to your wisedoms, and to their particular complaints.

Our fourth Petition is for the Mause-Yards and Gleebs justly ap∣pertaining to the Ministers, without the which it is impossible unto them quietly to serve their Charges; and therefore we desire that order be ta∣ken without delay.

Our fifth concerns the disobedience of certain wicked persons, who not onely trouble, and have troubled Ministers in their Functions, but also disobey the Superintendents in their Visitation: wherefore we humbly crave remedy; which we doubt, not so much for the feare that we and our Ministers have of the Papists, but for the love that we bear to the common tranquility. For this we cannot hide from your Majesty and Councell, That if the Papists thinke to triumph where they may, and to do what they list, where there is not a par∣ty able to resist them: that some will thinke, That the godly must begin where they left, who heretofore have borne all rhings patient∣ly, in hope that the Lawes should have bridled the wicked; where∣of if they be frustrate (albeit that nothing is more odious to them then Tumults, and domestick Discord) yet will men attempt the ut∣termost, before that in their owne eyes they behold the house of God demolished, which with travell and danger God hath within this Realm erected by them.

Sixthly, we desire, That such as receive release of their Thirds, be compelled to sustain the Ministers within their Bounds, or else we forewarne your Majesty and Councell, that we feare, That the people shall retain the whole in their hands, untill such time as their Ministers be sufficiently provided.

Seventhly, we desire the Churches to be repayred, according to an Act set forth by the Lords of the Secret Councell, before your Majesties Arrivall into this Countrey: That J••dges be appointed to heare the causes of Divorcement; for the Church can no longer sustain the burden, especially, because there is no punishment for the offenders: That sayers and hearers of Masses, prophaners of the Sacraments; such as have entred into Benefices by the Popes Bulls, and such other trans∣gressors of the Law made at your Majesties Arrivall within this Realme, may be severely punished; for else men will think there is no truth meant in making of such Laws.

Eighthly, We most humbly desire of your Majesty and your honoura∣ble Councell, a resolute answer to every one of these Heads afore-writ∣ten, that the same being known, we may somewhat satisfie such as be grievously offended at manifest iniquity now maintained at, oppression, under pretext of Law, done against the poore, and at the rebellious disobedience of many wicked persons, against Gods Word, and holy Ordinance.

God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, so rule your hearts, and direct your Majesty and Councels judgements by the judgement and illumination of his holy Spirit, that you may answer so, as your offences may be absolved in the presence of that righteous Judge, the Lord Je∣sus; and then we doubt not but your selves shall finde felicity, and this poor Realme, that hath long been oppressed by wicked men, shall en∣joy tranquility and rest, with the true knowledge of God.

These things read in publike Assembly as aforesaid, were approved of all: And some wished that more sharpnesse had been used, because that the time so repuired. But the Minions of the Court, and Secreta∣ry Lethington above others, could not abide such hard spoken words; for whoever shall write (said he) to a Prince, That God would strike the head and the tayle; That if Papists do what they list, men would begin where they left: But above all others, that was most offensive That the Queen was accused, as that she would raise up Papists and Pa∣pistry again; To put that in the people heads, was no lesse then Trea∣son: yea, Oathes was made, That she never meaned such thing. To whom it was answered, That the Prophet Isaiah used such manner of speaking; And it was no doubt but that he was acquainted in the Court, for it was supposed that he was of the Kings Stock: but howsoever it was, his words make manifest that he spake to the Court, and to the Courtiers, to Judges, Ladies, Princes and Priests; and yet, saith he, The Lord shall cut away the head and the tayle, &c. And so said the first wri∣ter, I finde that such phrase was once used before us: And if this of∣fend you, that we say, Men must begin where they left, in case the Pa∣pists do as they do, we would desire you to teach us, not so much how we shall speak, but rather what we shall do, when our Ministers are stricken, our Superintendents disobeyed, and a plain Rebellion de∣creed against all good Orders. Complain, said Lethington. To whom? said the other. To the Queen, said he. How long shall we do so? quoth the other. Till that you get remedy, said the Justice Clerke: Give me their names, and I shall give you Letters. If the Sheep, said one, shall complain to the Wolfe, That the Wolfs whelps have devour∣ed their Lambs, the Complainer may stand in danger, but the offender we fear, shall have leave to hunt after his prey. Such Comparisons (said Lethington) are very unsavoury; for I am assured, That the Queen will not erect nor maintaine Papistry. Let your assurance (said the other) serve your selfe, but it cannot assure us; for her manifest

proceedings speaketh the contrary. After such cautious reasoning on both sides, the pluralitie concluded, That the supplication as it was conceived, should be presented, unlesse that the Secretary would make one more fit to the present necessitie; he promised to keep the substance of ours, but he would use other termes, and aske things in a more gentle manner. The first Writer answered, That he served the Churches at their commandment, and was content, That in his ditement, men should use the libertie that best pleased them; providing, That he were not com∣pelled to subscribe to the flattery of such, as more regarded the persons of men, then the simple truth of God: And so was this former suppli∣cation given to be reformed, as Lethingtons wisedome thought best. And in very deed, he framed it so, That when it was delivered by the Super∣intendents of Lothain and Fyfe. And when the Queen had read somewhat of it, she said, Here are many faire words, I cannot tell what the hearts are; And so for our painted Oratory we were termed by the next name, Flatterers and dissemblers; but for that Session, the Church received no other answer.

Short after the Convention of the Church, chanced that unhappy persuite which Iohn Gordon, Laird of Finlater, made upon the Lord Ogilvie, who was evill hurt, and was for a long time mitilate; The occasion was for certain Lands, and Rights, which old Finlater had re∣signed to the Lord, which he was pursuing by Law, and was in appea∣rance to obtain his purpose; whereat, the said Iohn, and his servants were offended, and therefore made the said pursuite, upon a Saterday, at night, betwixt nine and ten. The friends of the said Lord, were either not with him, or else not willing to fight that night, for they took stroakes, but gave few that left markes.

The said Iohn was taken and put in the Tolbuith, where he ramained certain dayes, and then broke the Prison: Some judged, at his Fathers commandment; for he was making preparation for the Queens coming to the North, as we will after heare.

The enterview and meeting of the two Queens delayed till the next yeer. Our Soveraign took purpose to visite the North, and departed from Sterlin in the moneth of August; whether there was any paction and confederacy betwixt the Papists of the South, and the Earle of Huntly and his Papists in the North (or to speak more plainly) betwixt the Queen her Self, and Huntly: We cannot certainly affirme, But the suspitions were wondrous vehement, that there was no good will borne to the Earle of Murray, nor yet to such as depended upon him, at that time. The Hi∣story we shall faithfully declare, and so leave the judgement free to the Readers.

That Iohn Gordon broke the Prison, we have already heard, who immediately repaired to his Father George, Earle of Huntly; and under∣standing the Queens coming, made great provision in Strabogie, and in other parts, as it were to receive the Queen. At Aberdeine, the Queen and Court, remained certaine dayes to deliberate upon the Affaires of the Countrey, where some began to smell, that the Earle of Huntly was pri∣vately gathering men, as hereafter shall be declared.

Whilest things was so working in the North, the Earle of Bothwell broke his prison, and came forth of the Castle of Edinburgh the eight and twentieth day of August; some say he broke the Stancheours of the Win∣dow; others whispered, that he got easie passage by the gates: one thing is certain, to wit, The Queen was little offended at his escaping. There passed with him a servant of the Captains, named Iames Porterfield. The said Earle shewed himself not very much afraid, for his common residence was in Louthain. The Bishop of Saint Andrews and Abbot of Crosrainell kept secret convention that same time in Paislay, to whom resorted divers Papists; yea, the said Bishop spake to the Duke, unto whom also came the Lord Gordon from the Earle of Huntly, requiring him to stirre his hands in the South, as he should do in the North, and so it should not be Knox crying and preaching that should stay that purpose: The Bishop, be he never so close, could not altogether hide his minde, but at his own Table said, The Queen is gone into the North, belike to seek disobedience, she may perchance finde the thing she seeks. It was constantly affirmed, That the Earle Bothwell and the said Lord Gordon spake together, but of their purpose we heard no mention.

That same year, and in that same instant time, were appointed Com∣missioners by the Generall Assembly, to Carrick and Cunningham; Ma∣ster George Hay, who with great profit preached the space of a moneth in all the Churches of Carrick. To Kyle and to the parts of Galloway was ap∣pointed Iohn Knox, who besides the doctrine of the Evangell, shewne to the common people, forewarned some of the Nobilitie and Barrows, of the dangers that he feared, and that were appearing shortly to follow; and exhorted them to put themselves in such order, as that they might be able to serve the authoritie, and yet not to suffer the enemies of Gods truth to have the upper hand: Whereupon a great part of the Barons and Gen∣tlemen of Kyle, Cunningham and Carrick, professing the true doctrine of the Evangell, assembled at Ayre; and after the exhortation made, and confe∣rence had, subscribed this Bond, the Tenour whereof followeth:

WE whose Names are under-written, do promise in the presence of God, and in the presence of his Son, our Lord Iesus Christ, that we and every one of us, shall and will maintain the preaching of his holy Evangell, now of his mercy offered and granted unto this Realm; and also will maintaine the Ministers of the same against all persons, power and authoritie that will oppose themselves to the Doctrine proposed, and by us received: And further, with the same solemnitie, we protest and promise, that every one of us shall assist ano∣ther, yea, and the whole Body of the Protestants within this Realme, in all lawfull and just occasions, against all persons; So that whosoever shall hurt, molest or trouble any of our bodies, shall be reputed enemies to the whole, except that the offender will be content to submit himself to the Government of the Church now established amongst us: and this

we do, as we desire to be accepted and favoured of the Lord Iesus, and accepted worthy of credit and honesty in the presence of the godly.

At the Burgh of Aire the fourth day of September, in the year of God, 1552.

Subscribed by all these with their hands, as followeth: The Earle Glencairne, Lord Boyde, Lord Uchiltrie and Failfurd, Mathew Cambell of Lowdoune Knight, Allaine Lord Cathcart, Caprington elder and youn∣ger, Cuninghameheid, Rowallan, Waterston, Craigie, Lefnoreis, Achinharvy, Middleton, Ma∣ster Michael Wallace Provest of Ayr, with fourty more of the honestest Burgesses of that Towne. The Master of Boyd, Graitgirth, Barr, Carnell, Dreg∣horne, Hested, Skeldon, Wolston, Carsland, Fergns∣hill, Polquhairne, Stair, Barkskyning, Kingane∣lech, with a hundred more Gentle men of worth; Iohn Dumbar of Blantyre, Carleton and his brother, Hal∣rig Cers, Kirckmichael, Dalyaroich, Crosclayes, Horsclench, Carbiston, Kelwood, Tarmga∣noich, &c.

THese things done at Ayr, the said Iohn passed to Nithsdaill, and Gal∣loway, where, in conference with the Master of Maxwell, a man of great judgement and experience; he communicated with him such things as he feared, who by his motion wrote to the Earle of Bothwell to behave himself as it became a faithfull Subject, and to keep good quietnesse in the places committed to his charge, and that his crime of breaking the Ward would be the more easily pardoned. Iohn Knox wrote unto the Duke, and earnest-exhorted him neither to give ear to the Bishop his Bastard brother, no•• yet to the perswasions of the Earle of Huntly; for if he did, he assured him, that he and his house should come to a sudden ruine. By which meanes was the South parts kept in reasonable quietnesse during the time that the troubles were a brewing in the North; and yet the Bishop and the Abbot of Cos∣raynell did what in them lay to have raised some trouble; for, besides the fearfull bruits that they spearced abroad, sometime that the Queen was ta∣ken, sometimes that the Earle of Murray and all his were slain, and some∣times that the Queen had given her self to the Earle of Huntly; besides such bruits the Bishop to break the Countrey of Kyle, where quietnesse then was greatest, raised the Crawfords, against the Reides, for the payment of the Bishops Paschfynes; but that was pacified by the labor of indifferent men, who favoured peace. The Abbot of Cosrainell required disputation of Iohn Knox for maintenance of the Masse, which was granted unto him; and the dispute held in Mayboll three dayes: The Abbot had the advantage that he required, to wit, he took in hand to prove, That Melchisedec offered Bread and Wine unto God; which was the ground that the Masse was built upon

to be a Sacrifice, &c. But in the work of three dayes there could no proofe be produced for Melchizedecks Oblation; as in the disputation, (which was afterwards Printed) clearly may appeare. The Papists looked for a revolt, and therefore they would have some brag of reasoning; the Abbot further presented himself to the Pulpit, but the voyce of Master George Hay so affrayed him, that after once he was wearied o•• that exercise.

After that the Queene was somewhat satisfied of hunting, and other pastimes, she came to Aberdein, where the Earle of Huntly met her, and his Ladies, with no small Train, who remained in Court, and was suppo∣sed to have the greatest credite, departed with the Queen to Buchan, met her againe at Rothemay, looking that shee should have passed with him to Strabogy; but in the journey certain word came to her, that Iohn Gordon had broken promise in not re-entring in ward; for his Father the Earle had promised, that he should enter againe within the Castle of Sterlin, and there abide the Queens pleasure; but whether with his Fathers know∣ledge and consent, or without the same, we know not; but he refused to enter: which so offended the Queen, that she would not go to Strabo∣gy, but passed thorow Straithla to Innernesse, where the Castle thereof was denyed unto her; the Captaine was commanded to keep it, and look∣ed for relief; for so had Iohn Gordon promised; but being thereof fru∣strate, the Castle was rendred, and the Captain called; Gordon was executed upon the place, the rest were condemned, and the hands of some bound, but escaped.

This was the beginning of further trouble, for the Earle of Huntly thereat offended, began to assemble his Folkes, and spared not to speak that he would be revenged; But alwayes his Wife bare a faire counte∣nance to the Queen; and it is verily supposed, that no other harme then the Queen her self could easily have stood content with, was meaned unto her own person. But the whole matter lay upon the Earle of Murray, Se∣cretary Lethington and the Laird of Pittaro; yet the Queene began to be afraid, and by Proclamation, caused to warn Sterling Shire, Fyfe, Anguis, Mernes, and Stratherne, charging all substantiall men to be in Aber∣dein the fifth day of October, there to remaine the space of twenty dayes; In her return from Innernesse she required the Castle of Finlater, which was likewise denyed, and so was Anchndowne; which more angred the Queen. The Earle of Huntly was charged to cause deliver the said house, under the pain of Treason; to shew some obedience, he caused the Keyes of both to be presented by his servant Master Thomas Keir; But before had the Queen sent young Captaine Stewart, son to Iames, (who to this day hath neither been stout, happy, nor true) with sixscore to lye about the places of Finlater. They lodged in Culan, not farre distant from the said place. But upon a night Iohn Gordon came with a company of Horsemen, took the Captain, slew certain of the Souldiers, and disarmed the rest.

This fact done (as the Queen alleaged) under trust, so inflamed her, that all hope of reconciliation was past; and so the Earl of Huntly was charged under the pain of putting him to the Horn, to present himselfe, and the said Iohn before the Queen and Councill within six dayes; which charge he

disobeyed, and so was denounced Rebell: Whether it was Law or not, we dispute little thereof; but it was a preparative to others, that after were served with the like measure: he was sought at his Place of Stragobie, but escaped. The evil encreased, for the Earle assembled his fellowes out of all parts of the North: He marched forwards towards Aber∣diene, and upon the two and twentieth of October, 1562. came to the Lough of Skeine.

His Army was judged to be seven or eight hundred men. The Queens Army, both in number and man-hood, far surmounting his, and yet he took no fear; for he was assured of the most part of them which were with the Queen; as the issue did witnesse: Within the Town they stood in great fear, and therefore it was concluded, That they would assayle the uttermost upon the fields. The Forbesses, Hayes, and Lesleyes took the Vant-guard, and promised to fight with the said Earle, without any other help. They passed forth of the Towne before ten hours in the morning; they put themselves in aray, but they approached not the enemy, till that the Earle of Murray and his Company were come to the fields, and that was after two after noon; for he was appointed with his Company, onely to have beholded the Battell: but all things turned otherwise then the most part of men supposed.

The Earle of Huntley was the night before determined to have retired himselfe and his Company: But that morning he could not be wakened, before it was ten hours; and when he was upon his feet, his spirits failed him, by reason of his corpulency, so that rightly, a long time he could do nothing: Some of his friends fearing the danger, left him. When that he looked upon both the Companies, he said, This great Company that approacheth neerest to us, will do us no harme, they are our friends: I onely feare that small Company that stands on the hill side, they are our enemies: But we are enough for them, if God be with us. And when he had thus spoken, he fell upon his knees, and made his Prayer in this form:

O Lord, I have been a blood-thirstie man, and by my means hath much in∣nocent blood been spilt: But wilt thou give me Victory this day, and I shall serve thee all the dayes of my life.

Note and observe, good Reader, he confesseth that he hath beene a blood-thirsty man; and that he had been the cause of the shedding of much innocent blood; but yet would he have had Victory: And what was that else, but to have had power to have shedded more, and then would he have satisfied God for altogether; wherein is expressed the nature of hypocrites, which never fear nor love God further then present danger or profit perswadeth. But to our History.

The Lesleyes, Hayes, and Forbisses, espying the Earle of Murray and his to have lighted upon their feet, and made forward against the Earle of Huntley and his, who stood in Correthieburne (some call it Farabanke) But ere they approached nigh, by the space of the shot of an Arrow, they cast from them their Spears and long Weapons, and fled directly in the face of the Earle of Murray and his Company: The

danger espied, the Laird of Pittarrow (a man both stout, and of a ready wit) with the Master, after Lord Lyndsey, and Tutor of Pitcur, said, Let us cast down Spears to the foremost, and let them not come in amongst us; for there is no doubt but this flying is but Treachery: And so they did, so that they that fled of Huntley seeing the Vaunt-guard flie, said unto his Company, Our friends are honest men, they have kept promise; Let us now encounter the rest. And so he and his, as sure of Victory, marched forward. The Secretary in few words, made a vehement Oration; and they willed every man to call upon his God, to remember his duty, and not to fear the multitude: And in the end concluded thus: O Lord, thou that rulest the hea∣ven and the earth, look upon thy servants, whose blood this day is most unjust∣ly sought, and to mans judgement, are sold and betrayed, our refuge is now unto thee, and our hope is in thee: Iudge thou, O Lord, betwixt us and the Earle of Huntlie, and the rest of our enemies: If ever we have justly sought his or their destruction and blood, let us fall on the sword. And, O Lord, if thou knowest our innocency, maintain thou and preserve us, for thy great mercies sake.

Shortly after the speaking of these and the like words, the former Rank rejoyced; for Huntlies Company made great haste: They were re∣pulsed by the Master of Lyndsay; and the Companies of Fyfe and Angus, some of them that had fled, returned, and followed the Earle of Murray, but gave no stroke, till that Huntlies Company gave back. In the Front there was slain eighteen or four and twenty men; and in the flying there fell 100. There were taken 100. and the rest were spared: The Earl him∣selfe was taken alive; his two sons, Iohn aforesaid, and Adam Gordon, were taken with him. The Earle, immediately after his taking, departed this life, without any wound, or yet appearance of any stroke, whereof death might have ensued: And so, because it was late, he was cast over∣thwart or upon a payre of Creilles, and so was carried to Aberdeine, and was laid in the Tolbuith thereof, that that which his wives Witches had given, might be fulfilled; who all affirmed (as the most part say) That same night he should be in the Towne of Aberdeine, without any wound upon his body. When his Lady got knowledge thereof, she blamed her principall Witch, called Iannett; but she stoutly defended her selfe (as the devill can do) and affirmed, That she gave a true answer, albeit she spake not all the truth; for she knew that he should be there dead, but that could not profit my Lady. She was angry and sorry for a season: But the devill, the Masse, and Witches, have all great credit with her this day, the twelfth of Iune, 1566. as they had seven yeers agoe.

The Earle of Murray sent a Message unto the Queen, of the marvellous Victory; and humbly prayed her to shew that obedience to God, as pub∣likely to convene with them, to give thanks unto God for his notable deliverance. She glomed and frowned both at the Message, and at the Request, and scarcely would give a good word, or blythe and merry coun∣tenance to any that she knew earnest favourers of the Earle of Murray, whose prosperity was, and yet is a very venome to her boldned heart: For many dayes she bare no better countenance; whereby it might have been easily espied, That she rejoyced not greatly of the successe of

that matter; And albeit she caused to execute Iohn Gordon, and divers others, yet it was the destruction of others that she sought.

Upon the morrow after the discomfiture, the Lady Forbesse, a wo∣man both wise, and fearing God, came, amongst many others, to visite the Corps of the said Earle; and seeing him lie upon the cold stones, having onely upon him a Doublet of Canvas, a payre of Scotch gray Hose, and him covered with an Arras work. She said, What stability shall we judge to be in this world? There lieth he that yesterday in the morn∣ing was esteemed the wisest, the richest, and man of greatest power that was within Scotland. And in very deed she lyed not; for in mans opi∣nion, under a Prince, there was not such a one these three hundred yeers in this Realme produced: But felicity and worldly wisedom so blinded him, that in the end he perished in them, as shall all those that despight God, and trust in themselves.

Iohn Gordon, at his death, confessed many horrible things, devised by his father, by his brother, and by himself. There were Letters found in the Earles pocket, that disclosed the Treason of the Earle of Sutherland, and of divers others. Master Thomas Keir, who before was the whole Councellor of the said Earle, disclosed whatsoever he understood might hurt the Gordons and their friends, and so Treason plainly disclo∣sed; which was, That the Earle of Murray should have been murther∣ed in Stragobie; the Queen should have been taken, and kept at the de∣votion of the said Earle of Huntley. These things, we say, revealed, the Queen left the North, and came to Dundie, Saint Iohnston, Sterlin, and then to Edinburgh: The Earle of Huntleys body was carryed about in a Boat, and laid without Buriall in the Abbey of Halyrud-house, till the day of his Forefaltor, as after shall be declared. The Duke ap∣prehended the Lord Gordon his son in Law, because that the Queen had straitly commanded him so to do, if that he repaired within his bounds. Before that he delivered him, the Earle of Murray laboured at the Queens hands for the safety of his life, which hardly was granted; and so was he delivered within the Castle of Edinburgh, the eight and twentieth day of November. 1562. where he remained till the eighth day of February; when he was put to an Assise, accused and convinced of Treason; but was restored againe; first, to the Castle aforesaid, and thereafter was transported to Dumbar, where he remained priso∣ner till the moneth of August, in the yeer of God 1565. as we will after hear.

In the mean time the troubles were hot in France, and the intelli∣gence and outward familiarity betwixt the two Queens was great; Lethington was directed with large Commission, both to the Queene of England, and to the Guisians.

The Marriage of our Queen was in all mens mouthes; some would have the Infant of Spaine, some the Emperours Brother, some Duke Denemours, and some truely guessed at the Lord Darley.

What Lethingtons Credit was, we know not; but shortly after there began much to be talked of the Earle of Lenox, and of his son

the Lord Darley. It was said that Lethington spake to the Lady Margaret Dowglas; And that Robert Melvill received a horse to the Secretaries use from the Earle of Lenox, or from his wife. Howsoever it was, Master Fouller servant to the said Earle, came with Letters to the Queene, by which, License was permitted to the Earle of Lenox to come to Scot∣land, to travell in his lawfull businesse. That same day the Queens Li∣cense was granted, the Secretary said, This day I have taken upon me the deadly hatred of all the Hamiltons within Scotland, and have done unto them no lesse displeasure, then if I had cut their throats. The Earle Bothwell, who before had broken Ward, fearing apprehension or taking, prepared to passe to France; but by storm of Weather was driven into England, where he was stayed, and was offered to have been rendred by the Queen of England: But our Queens answer was, That he was no Rebell, and therefore she requested that he should have liberty to passe whither he pleased. And thereto Lethington helped not a little, for he travelled to have friends in every faction of the Court. And so ob∣tained the said Earle Lincense to passe to France.

The Winter after the death of the Earle of Huntley, the Court re∣mained for the most part at Edinburgh. The Preachers were wondrous vehement in reprehension of all manner of Vice, which then began to abound; and especially Avarice, Oppression of the poore, Ex∣cesse, Ryotous Cheer, Banquetting, immoderate Dancing, and Whoredome, that thereof ensues. Whereat the Courtiers began to storme and to pick quarrells against the Preachers, alleadging that all their Preaching was turned to Rayling; whereunto one of them gave answer as followeth; It comes to our eares that we are called Raylers, whereof albeit we wonder, yet we are not ashamed, seeing that the most worthy servants of God that before us have travelled in this Vo∣cation, have so been stiled: But unto you do I say, That the same God, who from the beginning hath punished the Contempt of his Word, and hath poured forth his Vengeance upon such proud mockers, shall not spare you; yea, he shall not spare you before the eyes of this same wicked Generation, for the pleasure whereof ye despise all whole∣some Admonitions: Have you not seen greater then any of you sitting where presently ye sit, pick his nayles, and pull down his Bonnet over his eyes, when Idolatry, Witchcraft, Murther, Oppression, and such Vices, were rebuked: Was not this his common talke? When these Knaves have rayled their fill, then will they hold their peace: Have ye not heard it affirmed to his owne face, That God should revenge that his Blasphemie, even in the eyes of such as were witnesse to his iniquity.

Then was the Earle of Huntley accused by you, as the maintainer of Idolatry, and onely hinderer of all good Orders; him hath God pu∣nished, even according to the threatnings that his and your ears heard, and by your hands hath God executed his Judgements: But what amend∣ment can be espied in you? Idolatry was never in greater quiet, Ver∣tue and vertuous men were never in more contempt; Vice was

never more bold, nor punishment lesse feared. And yet who guides the Queene and Court; who but the Protestants. O horrible slanderers of God, and of his holy Evangell; Better it were unto you, plainely to re∣nounce Christ Jesus, then thus to expose his blessed Evangell to Mock∣age: if God punisheth not you, That this same age shall see and behold your punishment, the spirit of righteous judgement guides me not.

This vehemency provoked the hatred, not onely of the Courtiers, but also of divers others against the Speaker, which was Iohn Knox; for such as be in credit, never lack flatterers. Their Brethren of the Court were irreverendly handled. What was that, but to raise the hearts of the people against them; They did what they could. Such speaking would cause them to do lesse. And this was the fruit that the Preachers gathe∣red of their just reprehensions; The generall Assembly of the Church held on the 25 of December, 1562. approached. In the which, great complaints were made; That Churches lacked Ministers; That Ministers lacked their Stipends; That wicked men were permitted to be Schoole-Masters; and so to infect the youth amongst them, whom one Master Robert Cunning Schoole-master in Aberbrothoke, was complained upon by the Laird of Dun, and sentence pronounced against him. It was further complained, That Idolatry was erected in divers parts of the Realm: For redresse hereof, some thought best, That a new supplication should be presented to the Queen; others demanded, what answer was received of the former. The superintendent of Lowthian confessed the delivery of it; but (said he) I received no answer. It was answered for the part of the Queene, (for her supposts were ever there) that it was well known to the whole Realm, what troubles had occurred since the last Assembly; and therefore, That they should not wonder, albeit that the Queen had not answered, but betwixt that and the Parliament, which was appointed to be in May, they doubted not but such order should be taken, as all men should have occasion to stand content. This satisfied for that time the whole Assembly. And this was the practice of the Queene, and of her Councell, with faire words to drive time, as before we have said.

The Assembly notwithstanding proceeded forward in establishing of such orders, as whereby vice might be punished, and vertue might be maintained, And because there was a great slander risen upon Paul Meffane of whom mention is made in the second Booke of the Historie, Com∣missions and charge was given unto Iohn Knox, Minister of Edinburgh, and unto certain of the Elders of the Church of Edinburgh, to passe to the Town of Iedwart, where the slander was raised, and to be found there, the third of Ianuary next, was the tryall to be taken of the slander raised, and to hear the Articles and complaint of the said Paul: and after the tryall, to report the truth to the Session of the Church of Edin∣burgh; To whom with the assistance of the superintendent of Lowthian Commission was given to discerne therein. The tryall and examination of that crime was difficile, the slander was universall in that Towne and Country; the servant woman of the said Paul, had betwixt that and Christmas left his House, she had borne a child, no father to it could she

finde, but alleaged her self to have been suppressed late in an Evening; the said Paul constantly affirmed himself innocent, and would have given his publike purgation; but because his Accusators had taken on them to prove ther accusation that was denyed, many witnesses were produced, of whom some deposed so clearly, that the Commissioners suspected, that they had been suborned, and therefore they required to have inspection of the pla∣ces, where some said they saw, and some said they heard them in the ve∣ry act of iniquitie. The sight and consideration of the place augmented greatly the suspition; but one thing was most suspitious of all other, for the Wife of the sad Paul (an ancient Matron) was absent from him the space of eight or nine weeks in Dundie; which time (or at least a great part thereof) they suspected, and he lay nightly in one house without other company then a Childe of seven or eight yeers of age. The Judges, not∣withstanding these suspitions, having a good opinion of the honestie and godlinesse of the man, travelled what they could (conscience not hurt) to purge him of the slander: But God, who would not that such a Villanie should be cloaked and concealed within his Kirk, otherwayes had decreed, for he brought the brother of the guilty woman to the Towne, having no minde of such matters, who being produced by the Accusators, as one that was privy to the fact; and knew the veritie of all circumstances; this wit∣nesse, we say, (which could not be suspected) being produced, made the matter so plain and clear, that all suspition was removed; for he it was that conveyde the woman away, he it was that caused the Childe to be baptised, alleaging it to be his own; he it was that carried frequent message betwixt them, and from Paul carryed money and clothes divers times: How soon that ever the said Paul saw that man produced, as Witnesse, he withdrew himselfe and left the Town, by that means plainly taking upon him the Crime; And so the Commissioners with full information, returned to Dundie, and notified the same unto the Kirke, who caused publikely to sum∣mon the said Paul to hear the sentence pronounced; who not appearing in the end, for his odious Crime and contumacy, was publikely excommu∣nicated, and was deprived of all functions within the Kirke of Scotland, and so left the Realme. For two causes we insert this horrible fact, and the order kept in punishing of the same; the former to forewarn such as travell in that Vocation, that according to the admonition of the A∣postle, Such as stand, take heed lest they fall. No man in the beginning of the Evangell, was judged more fervent and more upright; and yet we have heard how far Sathan has prevailed against him; God grant that we may hear of his repentance; neither yet should this fall do any thing to prejudice the Authoritie of the Doctrine which he taught, for the Doctrine of God hath its authority of no creature, but hath the assurance of God himselfe, how weak or imperfect soever the Instruments be by whom it pleaseth God to publish the same. The treason of Iudas, the Adultery of David, and abnegation of Peter did derogate nothing from the glory of Christs Evan∣gell, nor yet the Doctrine which before they had taught; but declared the one to be a Reprobate, and the other to be Instruments in whom mercy must surmount judgement. The other cause is, that the World may see what difference there is betwixt the uprightnesse of the Kirke of God, and

the corruption that reignes in the Synagogue of Sathan, the Papisticall rabble; for how many of that sort hath been, and still remaine openly knowne Whoremongers, Adulterers, Violators of Virgines, yea, and committers of such abominations as we will not name; and yet are they called and permitted to be Bishops, Archbishops, Cardinalls and Popes themselves: For what sinnes can unable the sworne servants of Symo∣nie, and of their Father the Devill? For bragg what they list of Christ, of Peter, and of Paul, their lives and conversation bear wit∣nesse to whom they belong. But we return to our History of things done in Court.

Amongst the Menizoons of the Court, there was one named Mon∣sieur Chattelet, a Frenchman, that at that time passed all others in cre∣dit with the Queene: In dancing of the purpose, so terme they that dance, in the which man and woman talketh secretly, wise men would judge such fashions not agreeable to the gravity of honest women. In this dance the Queen choose Chattelet, and Chattelet took the Queen, for he had the best dresse. All this winter Chattelet was so familiar with the Queen, that the Nobilitie being by this means stopped to have so free accesse as they thought fit and due unto them, were highly offend∣ed; at length Chattelet having conveyed himselfe privately under the Queens Bed, but being espied, was commanded away: The Bruit arising, the Queene called the Earle of Murray, and bursting in a womanly affection, charged him, that as he loved her, he should slay Chatelet, and let him never speak word. The other at the first made promise so to doe; but after calling to minde the judgement of GOD pronounced against the shedders of innocent blood, and also that none should die without the testimonie of two or three witnesses, return∣ed, and fell upon his knees before the Queen, and said, Madame, I beseech your Majestie cause not me to take the blood of this man upon me; Your Majestie hath used him so familiarlie before, that you have offended all your Nobilitie; and now if he shall be secretly slain at your owne commandment, what shall the world judge of it? I shall bring him to the presence of Justice, and let him suffer by Law according to his deserving. Oh, said the Queene, you shall not let him speake. I shall doe (said he) Madame, what in me lyeth, to give your Majestie content. Poor Chattelet was brought back from Kingorne to Saint Andrews, examined, put to an Assize, and so beheaded the two and twentieth day of February, Anno Dom. 1562. He begged license to write to France the cause of his death; which said he, in his Tongue was Pour estre trouve en lien trop suspect; that is, Because I was found in a place too much suspected. At the place of Execution, when he saw that there was no remedie, but death, he made a godly confession, and granted, that his declining from the truth of God, and following of vanitie and impietie, was justly re∣payed unto him: But in the end he concluded, looking unto the Heavens, with these words, O cruelle Dame! What that complaint im∣ported I leave it to conjecture; and so received Chattelet the reward of his dancing, for he lost his Head, that his Tongue should not utter

the secrets of our Queen; deliver us, O Lord from the rage of so inordi∣nate a Court.

The year of God, 1563. there was a universall death in all Scot∣land, but in the North, where (the Harvest before) the Queene had been, there was a great Famine, of which may died in that Countrey. the dearth was great over all, but the Famine in the Wheat, the Beare or Barley, the Meale, the Oates, Beefe, Mutton, &c, were exceeding dear and scant; yea, all things appertaining to the sustentation of man, in triple, and more exceeded, their accustomed prices. And so did God according to the threatning of the Law punish the Idolatry of our wic∣ked Rulers, and our ingratitude that suffered them to defile the Land with that abomination again, that God so potently had purged by the power of his Word; for the riotous Feasting and excessive Ban∣quetting used in City and Countrey, wheresoever that the prophane Court repaired, provoked God to strike the Staffe of Bread, and to give his maledictions upon the fruits of the earth. But alas, who looked, or yet looks to the true cause of our Calamitie?

Lethington was absent (as before we have heard) in the Queens affairs; the Papists at that Pasch. Ann. 1563. in divers parts of the Realm, had erect∣ed that Idoll the Masse, amongst whom the Bish. of S. Andrews, the Prior of Quihithorn, with divers others of that faction would avow it. Besides the first Proclamation, there had Letters past in the contrary with certification of death to the contraveiner.

The Brethren universally offended, and espying that the Queene by Proclamation did but delude them, determined to put to their own hands, and to punish for example of others; and so some Priests in the West-Land were apprehended; Intimation made unto others, as to the Abbot of Cos∣ragnell, the Parson of Sangohar, and such, that they should neither com∣plaine to the Queene nor Counsell, but should execute the punishment that God has appointed to Idolaters in his Law, by such means as they might, where ever they should be apprehended.

The Queen stormed at such freedom of speaking, but she could not amend it, for the Spirit of God, of boldnesse, and of wisdome had not left the most part of such as God had made Instruments in the beginning, they were of one minde to maintaine the truth, and to suppresse Idolatry, particularities had not divided them; and therefore could not the Devill working in the Court, and in Papists, do then what they would; and therefore the Court began to invent a new craft; The Queen advised, to send for Iohn Knox to come to her where she lay, at Lochlevin; She dealt with him earnestly two houres before supper, that he would be the Instrument to perswade the people, and principally the Gentlemen of the West, not to put hand to pu∣nish any man for the using of themselves in their religions as pleased them. The other perceiving her craft willed her Majestie to punish Malefactors according to the Laws, and he durst promise quietnesse upon the par•• of all them that professed the Lord Jesus within Scotland; But if her Majestie thought to delude the Laws, he said, he feared some would let the Papists understand, that without punishment they should no be suffered so mani∣festly to offend Gods Majestie. Will ye (quoth she) allow that they shall

take my Sword in their hand. The Sword of Justice (quoth he) Madame, is Gods, and is given to Princes and Rulers for one end: which if they transgresse, sparing the wicked, and oppressing the Innocents. They that in the fear of God execute Judgement where God hath commanded, of∣fend not God, although Kings do it not; neither yet sin they that bridle Kings to strike innocent men in their rage: The examples are evident; for Samuel spared not to slay Agag, the fat and delicate King of Amelek, whom King Saul had saved: Neither spared Elias, Iezabels false Prophets, and Baals Priests, albeit that King Achab was present: Phineas was no Magistrate, and yet feared he not to strike Zimri and Cozbi, in the very act of filthy Fornication. And so, Madame, your Majesty may see that others then chief Magistrates may lawfully punish, and have punished the vice and crimes that God commands to be punished: For Power by Act of Parliament is given to all Judges within their own bounds, to search the Masse-mongers, or hearers of the same, and to punish them according to the Law. And therefore it shall be profitable to your Ma∣jesty to consider what is the thing your Majesties subjects look to re∣ceive of your Majesty; and what it is you ought to do unto them by mu∣tuall Contract. They are bound to obey you; and that not, but in God ye are bound to keep Laws unto them: Ye crave of them service, They crave of you Protection and Defence against wicked doers. Now, Madame, if ye shall deny your Duty unto them, who especially crave that ye punish Malefactors; Think ye to receive full Obedience of them? I fear, Madame, ye shall not. Herewith she being somewhat offended, past to her Supper. The said Iohn left her, and informed the Earle of Murray of the whole reasoning, and so departed, of finall purpose to have returned to Edinburgh, without any further communication with the Queen: But before the Sun rising on the morne were two directed (Wat Melvill was the one) to him, commanding him not to depart, whilst he had spoken with the Queens Majesty; which he did, and met her at the Hawking by West Kinros. Whether it was the nights sleepe, or a deep dissimulation locked in her brest, that made her to forget the former anger, wise men may doubt; But thereof she never moved word, but began divers other purposes, such as the offering of a Ring to her by the Lord Ruthuen, whom (said she) I cannot love (for I know him to use Enchantment; and yet he is one of my Privy Councell. Whom blameth your Majesty (said the other) thereof? Lethington (said she) was the whole cause. That man is absent for this present (said he) Madame, and therefore I will speak nothing in that behalfe. I under∣stand (said the Queen) That ye are appointed to go to Dumfreis, for the Election of a Superintendent to be established in those Countreyes. Yes (said he) those Quarters have great need, and some of the Gentlemen so require. But I heare (said she) That the Bishop of Caithnes would be Superintendent. He is one (said the other) Ma∣dame, that is put in Election. If ye knew him (said she) as well as I do, ye would never promote him to that Office, nor yet to any other within your Kirk. What he hath been (said he) Madame, I never knew, nor yet will I enquire; for in time of darknesse, What could we do

but g••ope and go wrong, even as darknesse carryed us; but if he feare not GOD now, he deceives many more then me: And yet said he, Madame, I am assured, GOD will not suffer his CHURCH to be so farre deceived, As that an unworthy man shall be Elected, where free Election is, and the Spirit of GOD is earnestly called upon, to decide betwixt the two: Well said she, do as ye will, But that man is a dangerous man, and therein was not the Queen deceived; For he had corrupted the most part of the Gentlemen, not onely to nominate him, but also to Elect him, which perceived by the said Iohn, Commissioner, delayed the Election, and left it with the Master of Max∣well, Master Robert Pont, who was put in Election (with the foresaid Bi∣shop) to the end that his Doctrine and Conversation might be the better tryed of these that had not known him before; and so was this Bishop frustrate of his purpose for that present; and yet was he at that time the man that was most familiar with the said Iohn in his house, and at Table. But now to the former conference, When the Queen had long talked with Iohn Knox, and he being oft willing to take his leave, she said, I have one of the greatest matters that have touched me since I came in this Realm, to open unto you, and I must have your help into it. And she began to make a long discourse of her Sister, the Lady Argile, how that she was not so circumspect in all things, as she wished her to be; and yet said she, my Lord, her husband whom I love, useth her not in many things so honestly, and so godlily, as I thinke ye your self would require: Madam said he, I have been troubled with that matter before, and once I put an end to it (and that was before your Majesties arrivall) that both she and her friends, seemed fully to stand content; and she her self pro∣mised before her friends, That she would never complain to any Crea∣ture, till that I should first understand the controversie by her own mouth, or else by one assured Messenger: I now have heard nothing of her part; and therefore, I think there is nothing but concord: Well said the Queen, it is worse then ye beleeve; but do this much for my sake, as once again to put them at Unitie; and if she behave not her self, so as she ought to do, she shall finde no favour of me; but in any wise said she, let my Lord know, That I have requested you in this matter; For I would be very sorry to offend him in that, or in any other thing. And now said she, as touching our reasoning yesternight, I promise to do as ye required. I shall cause to summon all offenders, and yee shall know that I shall minister Justice. I am assured then said he, That ye shall please God, and enjoy rest and tranquilitie within your Realm, which to your Majesty is more profitable, then all the Popes power can be. And thus they departed.

This Conference we have inserted, to let the World see how deeply Mary Queen of Scotland, can dissemble; and how that she could cause men to thinke, That she bare no indignation for any controversie in Religion, which that yet in her heart was nothing but venome, and destruction, as shortly after did appeare. Iohn Knox departed, and prepared himself for his journey, appointed to Dunfreis. And

from Glasgow, according to the Queens Commandment; he wrote this Letter to the Earle of Argyle, the Tenour whereof follows.

My Lord,

THe Lord cometh, and shall not tarry. After commendation of my ser∣vice unto your Lordship: If I had known of your Lordships sudden departing, the last time it chanced me to see and speak with you, I had opened unto you some of my grief: But supposing that your Lordship should have remained still with the Queen, I delayed at that time to utter any part of that which now my conscience compelleth me to do. Your behaviour towards your wife is very offensive unto many godly: Her complaint is grievous, That ye altogether withdraw your conversation from her: If so, ye have great need to look well to your own state; for albeit that ye within your self felt no more repugnancie then any flesh this day on the earth, yet by promise made before God, are ye debtour unto her in all due benevolence. But if that ye burne on the one side, (albeit ye do no worse) and she in your default on the other, ye are not onely men sworn before God, but also doth what in you lieth, to kindle against your self his wrath and heavie displeasure. The words are sharp, and God is witnesse in dolour of heart I write them: But because they are true, and pronounced by God himself, I dare not but admonish you, perceiving you, as it were sleeping in sin. The proud stubbornnesse whereof your Lordship oft complained, will nothing excuse you before God; for if ye be not able to convince her of any fault, ye ought to bear with her imperfections, as that ye would she should bear with you likewise. In the bowells of Christ Jesus, I exhort you, my Lord, to have respect of your own salvation, and not to abuse the lenity and long-suf∣fering of God; for that is a fearfull treasure that ye heap up upon your own head, while that he calleth you to repentance, and ye obstinately continue in your own impiety; for impiety it is, that ye abstract your comfort and company from your lawfull wife. I write nothing in de∣fence of her misbehaviour towards your Lordship in any sort; but I say, If ye be not able to convince her of any fault committed since your last reconciliation, which was in my presence, that ye can never be excused before God, of this rude and strange usage of your wife. And if by you such impiety be committed as is bruted, then, before God, and unto your owne conscience, I say, That every moment of that filthy pleasure, shall turne to you, in a yeers displeasure; yea, it shall be the occasion and cause of everlasting damnation, unlesse speedily ye repent: and re∣pent ye cannot, except ye desist from that impiety. Call to minde, my Lord, That the servant knowing his masters will, and doing the contrary, shall be plagued with many plagues. Sin, my Lord, is sweet in drinking; but in digesting, more bitter then the gall. The Eternall move your heart earnestly to consider how fearfull a thing it is, ever to have God to be enemy. In the end, I pray your Lordship not to be absent from Edinburgh, the 19 of this instant, for such causes as I will not write. Thus much onely I warne your Lordship, that it will not be pro∣fitable for the common quietnesse of this Realme, that the Papists brag,

and Justice be mocked that day. And thus I cease further to trouble your Lordship, whom God assist.

In haste from Glasgow, the 7 of May, 1563.

Your Lordships to command in godlinesse, Sic subscribitur, JOHN KNOX.

THis Letter was not well accepted of the said Earle, and yet did he utter no part of his displeasure in publike, but contrarily shewed himself most familiar with the said Iohn Knox: He kept the Diet, and sate in Judgement himself, where the Bishop, and the rest of the Papists, were accused as after follows.

The Summons were directed against the Masse-mongers with expedi∣tion, and in the straitest forme: The day was appointed, the 19 of May, a day onely before the Parliament of Popes Knights appeared. The Bishop of Saint Androes, the Prior of Quinthorne, the Parson of Sangu∣hair, William Hamilton of Camskeneth, Iohn Gordon of Barskuch, with di∣vers others. The Protestants convened whole, to crave for Justice. The Queen asked counsell of the Bishop of Rosse, and of the old Laird of Le∣thington (for the younger was absent, and so the Protestants had fewer friends) who affirmed, That she must see her Laws kept, or else she would get no obedience: and so was preparations made for their accusations. The Bishop, and his band of the exempted sort, made nice to enter before the Earle of Argyle, who sate in Judgement; but at last he was com∣pelled to enter within the Barre. A merry man, who now sleeps with the Lord, Robert Horwell, instead of the Bishops Crosse, bore before him a Steel Hammer: Whereat the Bishop and his Band were not a little offend∣ed, because the Bishops priviledges were not then currant in Scotland (which day God grant our posterity may see of longer continuance then we possessed it.) The Bishop and his fellows, after much ado, and long drift of time, came in the Queens will, and were committed to Ward, some to one place, and some to another. The Lady Arskine got the Bi∣shops for her part. All this was done of a most deep craft, to abuse the simplicity of the Protestants, that they should not presse the Queen with any other thing concerning the matters of Religion.

At that Parliament, which began within two dayes thereafter, she ob∣tained of the Protestants whatsoever she desired; for this was the reason of many, We see what the Queen hath done, the like of this was never heard within this Realme; we will bear with the Queen, we doubt not but all shall be well. Others were of contrary judgement, and fore∣spake things, as after they came to passe; to wit, That nothing was meant but deceit; and that the Queen, how soon that ever the Parliament was past, should set the Papists at freedome: And therefore willed the No∣bility not to be abused. But because many had their private businesse to be handled at that Parliament, the common Cause was the lesse re∣garded.

The Earle of Huntley, whose Corps had been unburied till the time it was brought to the Tolbuith; he was accused his Arms rent off; him∣self, the Earle of Sutherland, and eleven Barons, and Earles, bearing the surname of Gordon, were that day forfeited; the Lady Huntley craftily protested and asked the support of a man of Law, or Counsellor.

Such stinking pride of women, as was seen at that Parliament, was never seen before in Scotland. Three sundry dayes the Queen rode to the Tolbuith; The first day she made a painted Oration, and there might have been heard amongst her flatteries, Vox Dianae, The voyce of a goddesse, for it could not be Dei, and not of a Woman: God save that sweet face; Was there ever Orator spake so properly and so sweet∣ly, &c.

All things misliked the Preachers; They spake boldly against the superfluities of their Cloathes, and against the rest of their vanitie, which they affirmed should provoke Gods vengeance, not onely against these foolish Women, but against the whole Realme; and especially a∣gainst those that maintained them in that odious abusing of things that might have been better bestowed. Articles were presented for orders to be taken for Apparrell, and for Reformation of other Enormities, but all was winked at.

The Earledome of Murray, needed confirmation, and many things were to be ratified that concerned the helpe of friends and servants; and therefore they might not urge the Queene, For if they so did, she would hold no Parliament; and what then should become of them that had medled with the slaughter of the Earle of Huntley, let that Parlia∣ment passe over; and when the Queene shall aske any thing of the No∣bilitie, as she must do before her marriage; then shall Religion be the first thing that shall be established. It was answered, That the Poets and Painters erred not altogether, that fained and painted Occasion with a bald Hind-head: For the first, when it is offered, being lost, is hard to be recovered againe. The matter fell so hot betwixt the Earl of Murray, and some others of the Court, and Iohn Knox, That familiarly after that time, they spake not together more then a yeer and a half; For the said Iohn by his Letter, gave a discharge to the said Earle of all further intro∣mission or care with his affaires. He made unto him a discourse of their first acquaintance, in what estate he was, when that first they spake toge∣ther in London, how God had promoted him, and that above mans judge∣ment, and in the end made this conclusion: But seeing that I perceive my self frustrate of my expectation, which was, That ye should ever have preferred God to your own affection, and the advancement of his Truth, to your owne commoditie, I commit you to your wit, and to the conducting of those which can better please you. I praise my God, I leave you this day victor of your enemies, promoted to great honour, and in credite and authority with your Soveraigne. If so yee long to continue, none shall be more glad then I shall be. But that after this, ye decay, (as I feare ye shall) then call to minde, by what means God ex∣alted you; which was neither by plying with impiety; neither yet by maintaining of pestilent Papists.

This Letter and discharge was so pleasing to the Flatterers of the said Earle, that they triumphed of it, and were glad to have gotten their oc∣casion; for some envyed, that so great familiaritie was betwixt them; and therefore from the time they got once that occasion to separate, they ceased not to cast Oyle in the burning Flame, which ceased not to burne, till that God by water of affliction began to slacken it, as we shall after heare. But least that they should altogether have been seen to have forsaken God, (as in very deed, both God and his Word was vey farre from the hearts of the most part of the Courtiers of that Age, a few excepted) they began a new Schift, to wit, To speak of the punishment of Adultery, of Witch∣craft, and to seek the restitution of Gleibes or Manses to the Minister of the Church, and of the reparation of the Churches; and thereby they thought to have pleased the Godly that were highly offended at their slacknesse.

The Act of Oblivion passed, because some of the Lords had entresse; but the Acts against adulterie, and for the Manses and Gleibes, were so modified, that no Law, and such a Law might stand in eodem predicamento; To speak plain, no Law and such Acts were both alike: The Acts are in Print, let wise men read, and then accuse us, if without cause we complain.

In the progresse of this corruption, and before the Parliament dissol∣ved, Iohn Knox in his Sermon before the most part of the Nobilitie, be∣gan to enter in a deep discourse of Gods mercies which that Realme had felt, and of that ingratitude which he espied in the whole multitude which God had marvellously delivered from the bondage and tyrannie both of body and soule: And now my Lords, (said he) I praise my God, through Jesus Christ, that in your own presence I may powre forth the sorrows of my heart; yea, your selves shall be witnesse if I make any lie in things by-past from the beginning of Gods mighty Works within this Realme: I have been with you in your most desperate temptations. Aske your own Consciences, and let them answer you before God, if that I (not I, but Gods Spirit by me) in your greatest extremity willed you not ever to de∣pend upon your God, and in his Name promised unto you victory and preservation from your enemies, so that onely ye would depend upon his protection, and preferre his glory before your lives and worldly commo∣ditie; in your most extreme danger I have been with you; Saint Iohnstou•• Cowper-More, and the charges of Edinburgh, are yet recent in my heart; yea, that dark and dolorous night wherein all you my Lords with shame and feare left this Town, is yet in my minde, and God forbid that ever I forget it: What was (I say) my Exhortation unto you? and what is fallen in vain of all that ever God promised unto you by my mouth, ye your selves live and testifie. There is not one of you against whom death and destruction was threatned, perished in that danger; and how many of your enemies hath God plagued before your eyes; shall this be the thankfulnesse that ye shall render unto your God? To betray his Cause when ye have it in your own hands, to establish it as you please? The Queen sayes you will not agree with us; aske ye of her that which by Gods Word ye may justly require, and if she will not agree with

you in God, you are not bound to agree with them in the Devill; Let her plainly understand so farre of your mindes, and steal not from your former stoutnesse in God, and he will prosper you in your en∣terprises: But I can see nothing but a recalling from Christ Jesus, that the man that first and most speedily fleeth from Christs Ensigne, holdeth himselfe most happy; yea, I hear some say, That we have nothing of our Religion Established, neither by Law nor Parliament; Albeit the malicious words of such can neither hurt the truth of God, nor yet us that thereupon depend; yet the speaker of this Treason, com∣mitted against God, and against this poore Common-wealth, deserves the Gallows; for our Religion being commanded, and so established by God, is received with this Realme in publike Parliament. And if they will say, That it was no Parliament, we must, and will say, and also prove, That that Parliament was also as lawfull as ever any that passed before it within this Realme. I say, if the King then li∣ving was King, and the Queen now in this Realm be lawfull Queen, that Parliament cannot be denyed.

And now my Lords to put end to all, I hear of the Queens mar∣riage, Dukes, Brethren to Emperours, and Kings strive all for the best gain; But this my Lords will (I say) note the day, and beare witnesse after, Whensoever the Nobilitie of Scotland who professe the Lord Jesus, consents that an Infidell (and all Papists are Infidels) shall be Head to our Soveraigne, ye do, so farre as in you lyeth, to ba∣nish Christ Jesus from this Realme, yea, to bring Gods vengeance up∣on the Countrey, a plague upon your selves, and perchance you shall do small comfort to your Soveraigne.

These words and this manner of speaking was judged intollerable, Papists and Protestants were both offended; yea, his most familiars disdained him for that speaking, Placeboes and Flatterers posted to the Court, to give advertisement, That Iohn Knox had spoken against the Queens Marriage. The Provest of Glencludan, Douglas by sirname, of Drumlangrig, was the man that gave the charge, That the said Iohn should present himselfe before the Queen, which he did imme∣diately after Dinner. The Lord Uchiltrie and divers of the faithfull bare him company to the Abbey, but none past in to the Queen with him in the Cabinet, but Iohn Arskin of Dun then super-intendent of Angus and Mernes.

The Queen in a vehement fume began to crie out, That never Prince was used as she was; I have (said she) born with you in all your rigorous manner of speaking, both against my selfe, and against my Uncles; yea, I have sought your favours by all possible means; I offered unto you pre∣sence and audience whensoever it pleased you to admonish me; and yet I cannot be quit of you; I Vow to God I shall be once reven∣ged: and with these words scarce could Marnocke, one of her Pa∣ges, get Handkirchiefs to hold her Eyes drie, for the Tears and the howling, besides womanly weeping stayed her Speech. The said Iohn did patiently abide all this fume, and at opportunitie answered; True it is Ma∣dame, your Majesty and I have been at divers controversies, into the which

I never perceived your Majestie to be offended at me; but when it shall please God to deliver you from that bondage of darknesse and errour, wherein ye have been nourished for the lack of true doctrine; your Majestie will finde the libertie of my tongue nothing offensive; without the preaching-place (Madame) I thinke few have occasion to be offended at me; and there (Madame) I am not Master of my selfe, but must obey him who commands me to speak plaine, and to flatter no flesh upon the face of the Earth.

But what have you to do (said she) with my marriage?

If it please your Majestie (said he) patiently to hear me, I shall shew the truth in plaine words. I grant your Majestie offered unto me more then ever I required, but my answer was then as it is now, That God hath not sent me to awaite upon the Courts of Princes, or upon the Chamber of Ladies, but I am sent to preach the Evangell of Jesus Christ, to such as please to hear; it hath two points, Repen∣tance and Faith: Now (Madame) in preaching repentance, of ne∣cessity it is that the sinnes of men be noted, that they may know where∣in they offend. But so it is that the most part of your Nobilitie, are so addicted to your affections, that neither Gods Word, nor yet their Common-wealth are rightly regarded; and therefore it becometh me to speake, that they may know their dutie.

What have you to do (said she) with my marriage, or what are you with∣in the Common-wealth?

A subject, borne within the same, (said hee) Madame; and albeit I be neither Earle, Lord, nor Barron within it, yet hath God made me, (how abject that ever I be in your eyes) a profitable and usefull Member within the same; Yea, Madame, to me it appertaineth no lesse to forewarne of such things as may hurt it, if I foresee them, then it doth to any one of the Nobility; for both my Vocati∣on and Office craveth plainnesse of me: and therefore (Madame) to your selfe I say, that which I spake in publick, Whensoever the No∣bilitie of this Realme shall be content, and consent that you be sub∣ject to an unlawfull husband, they doe as much as in them lieth, to renounce Christ, to banish the truth, to betray the freedome of this Realme, and perchance shall in the end doe small comfort to your selfe.

At these words howling was heard, and teares might have beene seene in greater abundance then the matter required: Iohn Arskin of Dun, a man of meeke and gentle spirit, stood beside, and did what he could to mittigate the anger, and gave unto her many pleasant words, Of her Bounty, of her Excellencie, and how that all the Princes in Europe would be glad to seek her favours; but all that was to cast Oyl into the fla∣ming fire. The said Iohn stood still, without any alteration of countenance for a long time, while that the Queen gave place to her in ordinate passions; and in the end he said, Madame, in Gods presence I speak, I never delighted in the weeping of any of Gods Creatures, yea, I can scarcely well abide the teares of mine own Boyes, when my own hands corrects them; much lesse can I rejoyce in your Majesties weeping; but seeing I have offered

unto you no just occasion to be offended, but have spoken the truth, as my Vocation craves of me: I must sustaine your Majesties teares, rather then I dare hurt my conscience, or betray the Com∣mon-wealth by silence. Herewith was the Queene more offended, and commanded the said Iohn to passe forth of the Cabinet, and to abide further of her pleasure in the Chamber.

The Laird of Dun tarried, and Lord Iohn of Coldinghame came into the Cabinet▪ and so they remained with her neere the space of one houre. The said Iohn stood in the Chamber, as one whom men had never seene (so were all afraid) except that the Lord Uchil∣trie bare him company; And therefore began he to make discourse with the Ladies who were there sitting in all their gorgeous appa∣rell: Which when he espied, he merrily said, Fair Ladies, How pleasant were this life of yours, if it should ever abide; and then in the end that we might passe to Heaven with this geare: But fie up∣on that knave, Death, that will come whether we will or not; and when he hath laid on the Arrest, then foule wormes will be busie with this flesh, be it never so faire and so tender. And the silly soule, I fear, shall be so feeble, that it can neither carry with it Gold, Garnishing, Targating, Pearle, nor precious Stones. And by such and the like discourse entertained he the Ladies, and past the time, till that the Laird of Dun willed him to depart to his house, till new advertisement.

The Queen would have had the sentiment of the Lords of the Articles, if that such manner of speaking deserved not punishment. But shee was counselled to desist; And so that storme quieted in ap∣pearance, but never in the heart.

Short after the Parliament, Lethington returned from his Nego∣tiation in England and France. GOD in the February before had stricken that bloodie Tyrant the Duke of Guise; which somewhat brake the heat of our Queene for a season: But short after the returning of Lethington, Pride and Malice began to shew them∣selves againe. The Queene set at liberty the Bishop of Saint An∣drewes, and the rest of the Papists that before were put in prison for violating of the Laws.

Lethington at his returning, shewed himselfe not a little of∣fended that any brute should have beene raised of the Queenes Marriage with the King of Spaine; for he took upon him to af∣firme, That any such thing had never entered into her heart: But how true that was, we shall hereafter heare. The end of his acquaintance and complaint was, To discredit Iohn Knox, who had affirmed, That such a Marriage was both proposed, and upon the part of the Queen, by the Cardinall accepted. Lethington in his absence had run into a very evil brute among the Nobility, for

too much serving the Queens affections against the Common-wealth: And therefore had he, as one that lacked not worldly wisedome, made provision both in England and Scotland; for in England he tra∣velled for the Freedome of the Earle Bothwell, and by that means obtain∣ed promise of his favour: He had there also taken order for the home coming of the Earle of Lenox, as we shall after hear. In Scotland he joyned with the Earle of Atholl; him he promoted, and set forward in Court; and so began the Earle of Murray to be defaced: And yet to the said Earle, Lethington at all times shewed a fair countenance. The rest of that Summer, the Queen spent in her Progresse thorow the West Coun∣trey, where in all Towns and Gentlemens places, she had her Masse; which coming to the ears of Iohn Knox, he began that forme of prayer which ordinarily he saith after thanks-giving at his Table: (1.) Deliver us, O Lord, from the bondage of Idolatry. (2.) Preserve and keep us from the tyranny of strangers. (3.) Continue us in Peace and Concord amongst our selves, if they good pleasure be, O Lord, for a season. Whilst that divers of the fa∣miliars of the said Iohn asked of him, Why he prayed for quietnesse to continue for a season, and not rather absolutely, that we should continue in quietnesse: His answer was, That he durst not pray, but in faith; and faith in Gods Word assured him, That constant quietnesse would not continue in that Realme, wherein Idolatry had been suppressed, and then was permitted to be erected againe.

From the West Countrey, the Queen past into Argyle to the Hunting, and after returned to Sterlin. The Earle of Murray, the Lord Robert of Halyrud-house, and Lord Iohn of Coldingham, past to the Northlands, where Justice Courts were holden. Theeves and Murtherers were pu∣nished: Two Witches were burnt; the eldest was so blinded with the de∣vill, that she affirmed, That no Judge had power over her. The same time Lord Iohn of Coldingham departed this life in Innernes: It was affirmed, That he commanded such as were beside him to say to the Queen, That unlesse she left her Idolatry, God would not fail to plague her: He asked God mercy that he had so far born with her in her impiety, and had maintained her in the same; and that no one thing did him more grief, then that he had flattered, fostered, and maintained in her fury against God and his servants. And in very deed, great cause had he to have la∣mented his wickednesse: For besides all his other infirmities, he in the end, for the Queens pleasure, became enemy to vertue, and all vertuous men, and a patron to impiety, to the uttermost of his power; yea, his ve∣nome was so kindled against God and his Word, that in his rage he burst∣ed forth these words; Do I see the Queens Majesty so troubled with the rail∣ing of these knaves? I shall leave the best of them sticked in the Pulpit. What further villany came forth of his stinking throat and mouth, modesty will not suffer us to write: whereof if he had grace unfainedly to repent, it is no small document of Gods mercies: But however God wrought with him, the Queen regarded his words as winde, or else thought them to have been forged by others, and not to have proceeded from himself; and af∣firmed plainly, They were invented by the Laird of Pittarrow, and Master Iohn Wood, both whom she hated, because they flattered her not in her

dancing, and other things. One thing in plain words she spoke. That God took alwayes from her those persons in whom she had greatest plea∣sure; and that she repented. But of farther sins no mention.

Whilst the Queen lay at Sterlin, with her Idolatry in her Chappell in the Palace of Halyrud-house, were left certain Duntiberis, and others of the French Menzie, who raised up their Masse more publikely then they had done at any time before: For upon the same Sundayes that the Church of Edinburgh had the Ministration of the Lords Table, the Papists in a great number went to the Abbey to their Abomination: Which understood, divers of the Brethren being sore offended, consulted how to redresse that enormity: And so were appointed certain of the most zealous, and most upright in Religion, to wait upon the Abbey, that they might note such persons as resorted to the Masse; and perceiving a great number to enter into the Chappell, some of the Brethren thrust in also: Whereat the Priest and French Dames being afraid, made the Showt to be sent to the Town; and Madame Baylie, Mistris to the Queens Dountibures (for maids that Court would not then well bear) posted on with all diligence to the Comptroller the Laird of Pittarrow, who then was in Saint Geills Church at the Sermon, and cryed for his assistance, to save her life, and to save the Queens Palace: Who, with greater haste then need required, obeyed her desire, and took with him the Provest and Baylies, and a great part of the faithfull; but when they came where the fear was bruted to have been, they found all things in quiet, except the tumult they brought with themselves, and peaceable men talking to the Papists, forbidding them to transgresse the Laws. True it is, a zealous brother, named Pa∣trick Cranston, past into the Chappell, and finding the Altar covered, and the Priest ready to go to his abominable Masse, said, The Queens Ma∣jesty is not here; How dare you then be so malapert, as openly to do against the Law? No further was done or said, and yet brute hereof was posted to the Queen (with such information as the Papists could give: Which found such credit as their hearts could have wished for) which was so haynous a crime in her eyes, that satisfaction for that sin was there none, without blood; And therefore without delay were summoned Androe Armstrong, and Patrick Cranston▪ to finde surety to under-lie the Law; for fore-thought Fellony, having made violent invasion into the Queens Palace, and for spoliation of the same. These Letters divulgate, and the extremity feared, the few Brethren that were within the Towne, con∣sulted upon the next remedy, and in the end concluded, That Iohn Knox (to whom the charge was given to make advertisements, whenso∣soever danger should appear) should write to the Brethren in all quar∣ters, giving information as the matter stood, and requiring their assistance, which he did, in manner as here ensueth.

The Superscription.

Wheresoever two or three are gathered together in my Name, there am I in the midst of them.

TIs not unknown unto you (dear brethren) what comfort and tran∣quility God gave unto us in times most dangerous, by our Christian Assemblies, and godly Conference, as oft as any danger appeared to any member or members of our own Body; And how that since we have neglected, or at least not frequented our Conventions and Assem∣blies, The adversaries of Christ Jesus his holy Evangell, have enterpri∣sed and boldned themselves, publikely and secretly to do many things odious in Gods presence, and most hurtfull to the true Religion, now of Gods great favour granted unto us: The holy Sacraments are abu∣sed by prophane Papists; Masses have been, and yet are said openly, and maintained: The blood of some of our dearest Ministers hath been shed, without fear of punishment or correction craved by us. And now last are two of our dear Brethren; Patrick Cranston, and Androe Arm∣strong, summoned to under-lie the Law in the Tolbuith of Edinburgh the four and twentieth of this instant of October, for a fore-thought Fellony, pretended Murther, and for invading of the Queens Majesties Palace of Halyrud-house, with unlawfull convocation, &c. These terrible Sum∣mons are directed against our Brethren, because that they, with two or more, passed to the Abbey, upon Sunday the five and twentieth of Au∣gust, to behold and note what persons repaired to the Masse. And because that upon the Sunday before (the Queen being absent) there resorted to that Idoll a rascall multitude, having openly the least devillish Ceremony (yea, even the conjuring of their accursed water) that ever they had in the time of greatest blindenesse: But because (I say) our said Brethren past, and that in most quiet manner, to note such abusers, these fearfull Summons are directed against them, to make, no doubt, a preparation upon a few, that a doore may be opened to execute cruelty upon a greater multitude. And if so it come to passe, God, no doubt, hath justly recompenced our former negligence and ingratitude towards him and his benefits, in our owne bosomes. God gave us a most notable Victory of his and our enemies: he brake their strength, and confound∣ed their counsells; he left us at freedome, and purged the Realme, for the most part, of open Idolatry; To the end that we, ever mindefull of so wondrous a deliverance, should have kept this Realme cleane from such vile filthinesse, and damnable Idolatry. But we, alas, preferring the pleasure of flesh and blood, to the Pleasure and Commandment of God, have suffered that Idoll the Masse publikely to be erected againe: And therefore justly suffers he us now to fall in that danger, That to look to an Idolater going to his Idolatry, shall be reputed a crime little inferiour to Treason; God grant that we fall not farther. And

now I, whom God of his mercy, hath made one amongst many, to travell in setting forward his true Religion within this Realme, seeing the same in danger of ruine, cannot but in conscience crave of you, my bre∣thren of all states, that have professed the truth, your presence, comfort, and assistance at the said day in the Town of Edinburgh, even as ye tender the advancement of Gods glory, the safety of your brethren, and your own assurance; together with the preservation of the Church, in these appearing dangers: It may be (perchance) that perswasions be made to the Coun∣trey, and that ye may be informed, that either your assembly is not neces∣sary, or else that it will offend the upper Powers, and my good hope is that neither flattery nor fear shall make you so farre to decline from Christ Jesus, as that against your publike promise, and solemne Band, you will leave your Brethren in so just a cause; and albeit there were no great dan∣ger, yet cannot our Assembly be unprofitable, for many things requiring consultation, which cannot be had unlesse the wisest and godliest con∣vene. And thus doubting nothing of the assistance of our God, if that we uniformly seek his glory, I cease farther to trouble you, committing you heartily to the protection of the Eternall.

JOHN KNOX.

From Edinburgh the eighth day of October. 1563.

THe Brethren advertised by this Letter, prepared themselves, so many as was thought expedient for every Towne and Province, to keep the day appointed; but by the means of some false brethren, the Letter came to the hands of the Queene, and the manner was this, It was read in the Towne of Ayre, where was present Master Robert Cunningham, stiled Mini∣ster of F••itfurd, who then was holden a professor of the Evangell, (by what meanes we know not) gat the said Letter, and sent it with his token to Master Henry Sincleare, then President of the Seat and Colledge of Ju∣stice, stiled Bishop of Rosse, a perfect Hypocrite, and a conjured Enemie to Christ Jesus, whom God after stroke according to his deservings. The said Master Henry being Enemy to all that unfainedly professed the Lord Jesus, but chiefly to Iohn Knox, for the libertie of his Tongue, for he had affirmed, as ever still he doth affirme, That a Bishop that receives profit and feeds not the Flock, (even by his owne labours) is both a Thiefe and a Murtherer: The said Master Henry (we say) thinking himselfe hap∣pie that he had found so good occasion to trouble him, whose life he ha∣ted, posted the said Letter, with his counsell, to the Queen, who then lay in Sterlin. The lettet being read, it was concluded by the Councell of the Cabinet, that is, by the most secret Councell. That it imported Treason; whereof the Queen did not a little rejoyce, for she thought once to be avenged of that her great Enemy. It was concluded, that the Nobilitie should be written for; that the condemnation should have the greater Au∣thoritie, the day was appointed, about the midst of December▪ which was kept of the whole Councell, and of divers others, such as the Master of Maxwell, the old Laird of Lethington, and the said President.

In the meane time the Earle of Murray returned from the North, to whom Secretary Lethington opened the matter, as best pleased him. The Master of Maxwell (after made Lord Heris) gave unto the said Iohn as it were a discharge of the familiaritie which before was great betwixt them, unlesse that he would satisfie the Queen at her own will. The answer of Iohn Knox was, that he knew no offence done by him to the Queens Majestie, and therefore he knew not what satisfaction to make. No offence, (said he) Have you not written Letters, desiring the brethren from all parts to convene, to Andro Armstrong and Patrick Cranstons? That I grant, (said the other) but therein I acknowledge no offence done by me. No offence (said he) to convocate the Queens Leidges. Not for a just cause (said the other) for greater things were reputed no offence within these two yeers. The time (said he) is now other, for then our Soveraigne was absent, and now she is present. It is neither the absence nor the pre∣sence of the Queen (said he) that rules my conscience, but God plainly speaking in his Word; what was lawfull to me the last yeer, is yet lawfull, because my God is unchangeable.

Well (said the Master) I have given you my counsell, doe as you list, but I think you shall repent it if you bow not unto the Queen.

I understand not (said he) what you meane; I never made my selfe an adverse partie unto the Queens Majestie, except in the point of Religion, and thereunto I think you will not desire me to bow.

Well (said he) you are wise enough, but you will not finde that men will beare with you in times to come, as they have done in times by past.

If God stand my friend, (said the other) as I am assured he of his mer∣cy will, so long as I depend upon his promise, and preferre his glory to my life and worldly profit, I little regard how men behave themselves to∣wards me, neither yet know I wherinto any one man hath born with me in times by-past, unlesse it be, that of my mouth they have heard the Word of God, which in time to come if they refuse, my heart will be perfect, and for a season I will lament; but the incommodity will be their owne. And after these words (hereunto the Laird of Lochinvar was witnesse) they departed, but unto this day, the seventeenth day of December, 1571. yea, never in this life met they in such familiarity as before.

The bruit of the accusation of Iohn Knox being devulgate, Master Iohn Spence of Condie Advocate, a man of gentle nature, and one that professed the doctrine of the Evangell, came as it were in secret to Iohn Knox, to en∣quire the cause of that great bruite; to whom the said Iohn was plain in all things, and shewed unto him the double of the Letter; which heard and considered, he said, I thank God, I came unto you with a fearfull and sorrowfull heart, fearing that you had done such a Crime as Lawes might have punished, which would have been no small trouble to the heart of all such as have received the Word of life which you have preached; but I depart greatly rejoyced, as well because I see your own comfort, even in the midst of the troubles, as that I clearly understand, that you have com∣mitted no such Crime as you are bruited with; you will be accused (said he) but God will assist you; and so he departed.

The Earle of Murray and the Secretary sent for the said Iohn to the Clerk of the Registers house, and began to lament that he had so highly offend∣ed the Queens Majestie, for the which they feared should come a great in∣convenience to him, if the businesse were not wisely foreseen; they shew what pains and travel they had taken to mittigate her anger, but they could finde nothing but extremity, unlesse that he himself would confesse his of∣fence, and put him in her Majesties will. To which Heads the said Iohn answered, as follows:

I praise my God through Jesus Christ, (said he) I have learned not to crie Conjuration and Treason at every thing that the godlesse multitude doth condemn, nether yet to fear the things that they fear; I have the te∣stimony of a good conscience, that I have given no occasion to the Queens Majestie to be offended with me, for I have done nothing but my duty, and so whatsoever shall thereof ensue, my good hope is, that my God will give me patience to bear it; but to confesse an offence where my Conscience witnesseth there is none, far be it from me. How can it be defended (said Le∣thington) have you not made a Convocation of the Queens Leiges? If I have not (said he) a just defence for my fact, let me smart for it. Let us hear (said they) your defences, for we would be glad that you might be found inno∣cent. Nay, (said the other) I am informed by divers, that even by you my Lord Secretary, I am already condemned, and my cause prejudged, there∣fore I might be reputed a fool, if I would make you privie to my Defences. At these words they seemed both offended, and so the Secretary departed, but the said Earle remained still, and would have entred into further dis∣course of the state of the Court with the said Iohn; who answered, My Lord, I understand more then I would of the state of the Court, and there∣fore it is not needfull that your Lordship trouble me with the recounting thereof; if you stand in good case, I am content, and if you do not, as I fear you do not already, or else you shall not do it ere it be long, blame not me, you have the Councellors whom you have chosen, my weak judgement both they and you despised: I can do nothing but behold the end, which I pray God it be other then my troubled heart feareth.

Within four dayes the said Iohn was called before the Queen and Coun∣cell, betwixt 6 and seven a Clock at night; the season of the year was the midst of December; the report rising in the towne, That I. Knox was sent for by the Queen. The Brethren of the Town followed in such number, that the inner Close was full, and all the Staires, even to the Chamber door where the Queen and Counsell sate, who had been reasoning amongst themselves before, but had not fully satisfied the Secretaries minde. And so was the Queen retired to her Cabbinet, and the Lords were talking one with another, as occasion served. But upon the entry of Iohn Knox they were desired to take their places, as they did, sitting as Councel∣lors one against another.

The Duke, according to his dignity, began the one side, upon the other side sate the Earle of Argile, and consequently followed the Earle of Murray, the Earle of Glencarne, the Earle of Mershall, the Lord Ruthven, the common Officers, Pittaro then Controller, the Ju∣stice Clerk, with Master Iohn Spence of Condie Advocate, and divers

others stood by; removed from the Table, sate old Lethington fa∣ther to the Secretary, Master Henry Sinclare then Bishop of Rosse, and Master Iames Makgill Clerke of the Register.

Things thus put in Order the Queen came forth, and that with no little worldly pompe, was placed in a Chaire having two faithfull Supporters, the Master of Maxwell upon the one Torre, and Secre∣tary Lethington upon the other Torre of the Chaire, whereon hee waited diligently; at the time of the Accusation, sometime the one was speaking in her Eare, and sometime the other: Her pompe lacked no∣thing of an womanly gravitie; for when she saw Iohn Knox standing at the other end of the Table bare-headed; at the first she smi∣led, and after gave a guaf of laughter; whereunto her Placebo•••• gave their Plaudite, assenting with like countenance.

This is a good beginning (she said) but know you whereat I laugh? Yon man caused me to crie, and shed never a Tear himself; I will see if I can cause him to grieve. At that word the Secretary whispered her in the Eare, and she him again, and with that gave him a Letter; after the inspection whereof, he directed his visage and speech to Iohn Knox in this manner.

The Queens Majesty is informed, That you have travelled to raise a Tumult of her Subjects against her; and for Certification thereof, there is presented to her your owne Letter, subscribed in your name: Yet because her Majesty will do nothing without good advertisement, she hath convened you before this part of the Nobilitie, that they may witnesse be∣twixt you and her.

Let him acknowledge (said she) his owne hand-writing, and then shall we judge of the Contents of the Letter; and so was the Lettet sent from hand to hand to Iohn Knox, who taking inspection of it, said, I ac∣knowledge this to be my hand-writing; and also I remember, that I in∣dited a Letter in the month of October, giving signification to the Brethren in divers Quarters, of such things as displeased me; and so good opinion have I of the fidelity of the Scribes, that willingly they would not adul∣terate my originall; albeit that I left divers blanks subscribed with them. And so I acknowledge both the Hand-writing, and the Dictatement.

You have done more (said Lethington) then I would have done. Charity (said the other) is not suspitious. Well, well, (said the Queen) read your own Letter, and then answer to such things as shall be demanded of you. I shall do the best I can (said the other) and so with a loud voice he began to reade, as before is expressed. After that the Letter was read, it was pre∣sented again to M. Iohn Spence her Advocate; for the Queen commanded him to accuse, as he did, but very gently. After (we say) that the Letter was read, the Queen beholding the whole Table, said, Heard you ever (my Lords) a more dispightfull and Treasonable Letter? While that no man gave answer, Lethington addressed himself to Iohn Knox, and said, M. Knox, are you not sorry from your heart, and do you not repent that such a Let∣ter hath passed your Pen, and from you hath come to the knowledge of others? I. Knox answered, My Lord Secretary, before I repent I must be taught of my offence. Offence, (said Lethington) if there were no

more but the vocation of the Queenes Leiges, the offence cannot be denyed. Remember your selfe (my Lord) said the other, there is a difference betwixt a lawfull Vocation and an unlawfull: If I have been guilty in this, I have oft offended since I came last in Scotland; for what Vocation of Brethren hath ever been this day, unto which my Pen hath not served? and before this no man laid it to my charge as a crime. Then was then, and now is now (said Lethington) we have no need of such Vocation, as sometimes we have had. Iohn Knox answered, The time that hath been, is even now before my eyes; for I see the poor Flock in no lesse danger, then it hath been at any time before, except that the devill hath gotten a Vizard upon his face: Before he came in with his own face, dis∣covered by open Tyranny, seeking the destruction of all that refused Ido∣latry; and then, I think, you will confesse the Brethren lawfully assembled themselves for defence of their lives: And now the devill comes, under the cloke of Justice, to do that which God would not suffer him to do by strength. What is this (said the Queen) methinks you trifle with him: Who gave you Authority to make Convocation of my Lieges? Is not that Treason? No, Madame (said the Lord Rnthuen) for he makes Con∣vocation of the people, to hear Prayer and Sermon, almost dayly: And what ever your Majestie or others thinke thereof, we think it no Treason. Hold your peace (said the Queen) let him answer for himself. I began Madame (said Iohn Knox) to reason with the Secretary (whom I take to be a better Dialectationer then your Majestie is) That all Convocation is not lawfull: And now my Lord Ruthuen hath given the instance; which if your Majestie will deny, I shall make my selfe ready for the proof. I will say nothing (said the Queen) against your Religion, nor against your convening to your Sermons: But what Authority have you to Convocate my subjects when you will, without any Commandment? I have no pleasure (said Iohn Knox) to decline from my former pur∣pose; And yet, Madame, to satisfie your Majesties two questions, I an∣swer, That at my will I never convened four persons in Scotland, but at the Order that the Brethren hath appointed, I have given divers Ad∣vertisements, and great multitudes have assembled thereupon. And if your Majestie complaineth, That this was done without your Majesties Commandment; I answer, So hath all that God hath blessed within this Realme, from the beginning of this action: And therefore, Ma∣dame, I must be convinced by a just Law, that I have done against the Duty of Gods Messenger, in writing of this Letter, before that I ei∣ther be sorry, or yet repent for the doing of it, as my Lord Secretary would perswade me; for what I have done, I have done at the Com∣mandment of the Generall Church of this Realme. And therefore I thinke I have done no wrong. You shall not escape so (said the Queene) Is it not Treason, my Lords, to accuse a Prince of cruel∣ty; I thinke there are Acts of Parliament to be found, against such Whisperers. This was granted to be true of many: But wherein (said Master Iohn Knox) can I be accused? Reade this part of your Letter (said the Queene) which began, This fearfull Summons is directed against them (to wit, the Brethren aforesaid) to make,

no doubt, a preparation upon a few, that a door may be opened to exe∣cute cruelty upon a greater multitude. Lord (said the Queen) What say you to that? While many doubted what the said Iohn should answer, he said unto the Queen, Is it lawfull for me, Madame, to answer for my self? Or shall I be condemned before I be heard? Say what you can (said she) for I thinke you have enough ado. I will first then desire (said he) of your Majestie, Madame, and of this Honourable audience, Whether if your Majestie knows not that the obstinate Papists are deadly enemies to all that professe the Evangel of Jesus Christ; And that they most earnest∣ly desire the extirpation of all them, and of the true Doctrine that is taught within this Realme? The Queen held her peace; but all the Lords with common consent and voyce, said, God forbid that either the life of the faithfull, or yet the staying of the Doctrine, stood in the power of the Papists; for just experience hath taught us what cruelty is in their hearts. I must proceed then (said Iohn Knox) seeing that I perceive that all will grant, That it were a barbarous cruelty to destroy such a multi∣tude as professed the Evangell of Jesus Christ within this Realme, which oftner then once or twice they attempted to do by force, as things done of late dayes do testifie: Whereof they being (by Gods providence) dis∣appointed, have invented more crafty and dangerous practices, to wit, To make the Prince party, under colour of Law; and so, what they could not do by open force, they shall performe by crafty deceit: For who thinks (my Lords) That the insatiable cruelty of the Papists (within this Realme, I mean) shall end in the murthering of those two, now unjustly summoned, and more unjustly to be accused? I thinke no man of judgement can so esteem, but rather the direct contrary; that is, By this few number, they intend to prepare a way to their bloody en∣terprise against the whole. And therefore (Madame) cast up when you list, the Acts of your Parliaments, I have offended nothing against them; For I accuse not in my Letter your Majestie, nor yet your nature, of cruelty: But I affirm yet again, That the pestilent Papists, who have enflamed your Majestie without cause against these poore men at this present, are the sons of the devill, and therefore must obey the desires of their father, who hath beene a Murtherer from the beginning. You forget your selfe (said one) you are not in the Pulpit. I am in the place (said the other) where I am commanded in my conscience to speak the truth; and therefore the truth I speak, impugne it who so lists: And hereunto I adde (Madame) that honest, meeke and gentle natures (in ap∣pearance) by wicked and corrupt Councellors, may be changed and altered to the direct contrary. Example we have of Nero, whom in the beginning of his Empire we finde, having some naturall shame; but af∣ter that his flatterers had encouraged him in all impiety, alleadging that nothing was either unhonest, or yet unlawfull in his Person, who was Emperour above others: When he had drunken of this Cup (I say) to what enormies he fell, the Histories beare witnesse. And now, Madame, to speak plain, Papists have your Majesties ear patent at all times; assure your Majestie, they are dangerous Councellors, and that your Mother found. As this was said, Lethington singled, and

spake secretly to the Queene in her eare, What it was, that the Table heard not: But immediately she addressed her visage and speech to Iohn Knox, and said, Well, you speak fair enough here, before my Lords, but the last time I spake with you secretly, you caused me to weep many tears, and said to me stubbornly, Ye cared not for my weeping. Madame, (said the other) because now the second time your Majesty hath burthened me with that crime, I must answer, lest for my silence I be holden guilty: If your Majestie be ripely remembred, the Laird of Dun, yet living to testifie the truth, was present at that time, whereof your Majesty com∣plaineth. Your Majesty accused me, That I had irreverently spoken of you in the Pulpit. That I denied. You said, What had I to do to speak of your Marriage? What was I, that I should meddle with such matters? I answered, As touching Nature, I was a worm of this earth; and yet a subject to this Common-wealth: But as touching the Office wherein it hath pleased God to place me, I was a Watch-men both over the Realme, and over the Church of God gathered within the same; by rea∣son whereof, I was bound in conscience to blow the Trumpet publikely, so oft as ever I saw any appearance of danger, either of the one, or of the other. But so it was, that a certaine brute affirmed, That a Traf∣fique of Marriage was betwixt your Majestie and the Spanish Allia. Whereunto I said, That if your Nobility and State did agree, unlesse that both you and your husband should be straitly bound, that neither of you might hurt the Common-wealth, nor yet the poor Church of God within the same; in that case I should pronounce, That the consenters were troublers of the Common-wealth, and enemies unto God, and un∣to his Truth planted within the same. At these words, I grant, your Majestie stormed, and burst forth in an unreasonable weeping: what miti∣gation the Laird of Dun would have made, I suppose your Majesty hath not forgot: But while that nothing was able to stay your weeping, I was compelled to say, I take God to witnesse, I never took pleasure to see your Majestie make such regret; But seeing I have offered to your Majestie no such occasion, I must rather suffer your Majestie to take your own pleasure, then I dare conceale the truth, and so both betray the Church, and the Common-wealth. These were the most extreme words I spake that day. After that the Secretary had conferred with the Queen, he said, Master Knox, you may returne to your house for this night. I thank God and the Queens Majesty (said the other.) And (Madame) I pray God to purge your heart from Papistry, and to preserve you from the counsell of flatterers; for how pleasant that ere they appear to your ear, and corrupt affections for the time, experience hath taught us in what perplexity they have brought famous Princes. Lethington, and the Ma∣ster of Maxwell, were that night the two stoups of her Chayre. Iohn Knox being departed, the Tables of the Lords, and others that were pre∣sent, were demanded every one their voyce, If Iohn Knox had not offended the Queens Majestie? The Lords voted uniformly, That they could finde no offence (the Queen was past to her Cabinet.) The flatterers of the Court (and principally Lethington) raged. The Queen was brought again, and placed in the Chayre: And they com∣manded

to vote over again: Which thing highly offended the whole Nobility, and began to speak in open audience, What? shall the Laird of Lethington have power to controll us? Or shall the presence of a woman cause us to offend God, and to condemne an innocent against our consciences, for the pleasure of any creature? And so the whole Nobility absolved Iohn Knox againe, and praised God for his modestie, and for his plain and sensible answers. Yet before the end, one thing is to be noted▪ to wit, That amongst so many Placeboes (we mean the flatterers of the Court) there was not one that plainly durst con∣demne the said poore man, that was accused; God ruling their tongues, that sometimes ruled the tongue of Balaam, when gladly he would have cursed Gods people.

This perceived, the Queen began to upbraid Master Henry Sinclare, then Bishop of Rosse, and said (hearing his vote to agree with the rest) Trouble not the barne, I pray you, trouble him not, for he is newly wakened out of his sleep; Why should not the old fool follow them that past before him? The Bishop answered coldly, Your Majesty may con∣sider, That it is neither affection to the man, nor love to his Profession, that moved me to absolve him, but the simple truth (which plainly appears in his defence) drawes me hereunto, albeit that others would have condemned him and it. This being said, the Lords and whole Assistants arose and departed. That night was neither dancing nor fid∣ling in the Court, for our Soveraigne was disappointed of her purpose; which was, To have had Iohn Knox in her will, by voice of her Nobi∣lity. Iohn Knox absolved by the greatest part of the Nobility, from the crime intended against him, even in the presence of the Queen, she raged, and her Placeboes stormed: And so began new assaults to be made at the hands of the said Iohn Knox, to confesse an offence, and to put him in the Queens will, and she should promise, That his greatest punishment should be, But to go within the Castle of Edinburgh, and immediately to returne to his own house: He answered, God forbid that my confession should condemne these Noble-men, who in their con∣science, and in displeasure of the Queen, have absolved me; And fur∣ther I am assured, ye will not in earnest desire me to confesse an offence, unlesse that therewith you would desire me to cease from Preaching: For how can I exhort others to Peace, and Christian quietnesse, if I confesse my self an author and mover of sedition.

The generall Assembly of the Church approached, which began the five and twentieth of December, 1563. But the just Petitions of the Mi∣nisters, and Commissioners of Churches, wer•• despised at the first, and that with these words; As Ministers will not follow our counsell, so will we suffer Ministers to labour for themselves, and see what speed they come. But then the whole Assembly said, If the Queen will not, we must; for both third and two parts are rigorously taken from us, and from our Tenants. If others (said one) will follow my counsell, the Guard and the Papists shall complaine, as long as our Ministers have done. At these words, the former sharpnesse was coloured, and the Speaker alleadged, That hee meant not of all Ministers:

Christopher Goodman answered, My Lord Secretary, if you can shew me what just Title either the Queene hath to the Third, or the Papists to the two parts, then I think I should resolve you whether she were Debtor to Ministers within Burgh, or not: But thereto he received this check for answer; Ne sit Peregrinus curiosus in aliena Republica; that is, Let not a Stranger be curious in a strange Common-wealth. The man of God answered, Albeit I be a Stranger in your policy, yet so am I not in the Church of God; and therefore the care doth no lesse appertain to me in Scotland, then if I were in the middest of England. Many wondred at the silence of Iohn Knox, for in all these quick reasonings he opened not his mouth; the cause thereof he himself expressed in these words:

I have travelled (Right Honourable and beloved Brethren) since my last arrivall within this Realme, in an upright conscience before my God, seeking nothing more (as he is witnesse) than the advancement of his glo∣ry, and the stability of his Church within this Realme; and of late dayes I have been accused as a seditious man, and as one that usurpeth to my selfe power that becometh me not: True it is that I have given advertisment unto the Brethren in divers Quarters, of the extremity intended against di∣vers faithfull, for looking to a Priest going to Masse, and for observing of those that transgresse against just Laws; but that therein I have usurped further power then is given me, till that by you I be condemned, I utter∣ly deny; for (I say) that by you, that is, By the charge of the Generall Assembly, I have all just power to advertise the Brethren from time to time of dangers appearing, as I have power to preach the Word of God in the Pulpit of Edinburgh; for by you was I appointed to the one, and to the other; and therefore in the Name of God I crave your judgements. The danger that appeared to me in my Accusation was not so fearfull, as the words that came to my Ears were dolorous to my heart; for these words were plainly spoken, and that by some Protestants, What can the Pope do more, then to send forth his Letters, and require them to be obey∣ed. Let me have your judgements therefore whether I have usurped any power to my self; or if I have obeyed your commandment.

The Flatterers of the Court (amongst whom the Justice Clerk then not the least) began to storme, and said, shall we be compelled to justifie the rash judgements of men; My Lord (said Iohn Knox) you shall speak your pleasure for the present, of you I crave nothing, but the if Church that is here present, do not either absolve me, or else condemne me, never shall I in publike or in private, as a publike Minister, open my mouth in doctrine or reasoning.

After long contention the said Iohn being removed, the whole Church found, that a charge was given unto him, To advertise the Brethren in all Quarters, as oft as ever danger appeared; and therefore avowed that fact not to be his onely, but the fact of the whole assembly. Thereat were the Queens Claw-backs more enraged then ever they were, for some of them had promised the Queen to get the said Iohn convinced, both by the Councell, and by the Church; and being frustrate of both, she and they thought themselves not a little disappointed.

In the very time of the generall Assembly there comes to publike know∣ledge,

or naynous murther committed in the Court, yea not far from the Queens Lap; for a French-woman that served in the Queens Chamber had played the Whore with the Queens own Apothecary; the woman conceived and bare a Childe, whom with common consent the father and the mother murthered; yet were the cries of a new borne Childe heard, search was made, the Childe and the Mother were both appre∣hended, and so was both the man and the woman condemned to be han∣ged in the publike Street of Edinburgh. The punishment was notable because the Crime was hainous. But yet was not the Court purged of Whores and Whoredoms, which was the fountaine of such enormities, for it was well known, that shame hasted Marriage, betwixt Iohn Sem∣pill called the Dancer, and Mary Leringston sirnamed the Lusty, what bruit the Maries and the rest of the Dancers of the Court had, the Ballads of that age did witnesse, which we for modesties sake omit, but this was the common complaint of all godly and wise men, That if they thought that such a Court should long continue, and if they looked for no better life to come, they would have wished their Sonnes and Daughters rather to have been brought up with Fidlers and Dancers, and to have been exer∣cised in flinging upon a Floore, and in the rest that thereof followes, then to have been exercised in the company of the godly, and exer∣cised in vertue, which in that Court was hated; and filthinesse not onely maintained, but also rewarded; witnesse the Abbacie of Abercone, the Ba∣rony of Anchvermuchtie, and divers others pertaining to the Patrimony of the Crowne given in heritage to Skippers, and Dancers, and Dalliers with D••mes. This was the beginning of the Regiment of Mary Queen of Scots, and these were the fruits that she brought forth of France. Lord lo••k upon our miseries, and deliver us from the wickednesse of this corrupt Court, for thy own Names sake.

God from Heaven, and from the face of the Earth did declare, that he was offended at the iniquitie committed within this Realme; for upon the twentieth day of Ianuary there fell rain in great abundance, which in the falling freezed so vehemently, that the earth was but a shot of Ice; the Fowls, both great and small freezed, and might not flie, many dyed, and some were taken and laid beside the fire, that their feathers might dissolve; and that same moneth the Sea stood still, (as was clearly ob∣served) and never ebbed nor flowed the space of foure and twenty hours: In the moneth of February, the fifteenth and eighteenth dayes thereof, there was seen in the Firmament battels arrayed, spears, and all other weapons, as it had been the joyning of two Armies: These things were not onely observed, but also spoken of and constantly affirmed by men of judgement, and credit. But the Queen and our Court made mer∣ry, there was banquetting upon banquetting; the Queen would banquet with the Lords; and that was done onely upon policy to remove her dis∣pleasure against them, because they would not at her devotion condemne Iohn Knox. To remove (we say) that jealousie, she made the Banquet to the whole Lords, whereat she would have the Duke amongst the rest. It behoved them to banquet her again; and so did banquetting continue till Lent ever after. But the poor Ministers were mocked, and reputed

as Monsters; the Guard, and the Affairs of the Kitchin were so gripping, that the Minsters stipends could not be had; and yet at the Assembly last past, solemne promise was made in the Queens Name, by the mouth of Secretary Lethington, in the audience of the Nobilitie, and of the whole Assembly, who affirmed that he had commandment of her Highnesse, to promise full content unto all the Ministers within the Realme, and of such Order to be kept in all times to come, that the whole body of the Prote∣stants should have occasion to stand content; The Earle of Murray af∣firmed the same, with many other faire promises given by writing, by Lethington himself; as in the Register of the Acts of the generall As∣sembly may be seene; but how that or yet any other thing promised in her name, to the Church of God, was observed, the world can witnesse.

The Ministers perceiving all things to tend to ruine, discharged their consciences in publike and in private, but they received for their labour hatred and indignation; and amongst others, that worthy servant of God Master Iohn Craig, speaking against the manifold corruption that then (without shame or fear declared it self, said, Sometimes was Hypocrites known by their noted habits, and we had men to be Monks, and wo∣men to be Nuns; but now all things are so changed, that we cannot dis∣cerne the Earle from the Abbot, nor the Nunne from him that would be esteemed the Nobleman; so that we have gotten a new order of Monkes and Nunnes; But, said he, seeing you are not ashamed of that unjust profit, would to God that you had therewith the Kowll, the Vaile and the Tayle joyned withall, that so you might appear in your own colours. This libertie did so provoke the choler of Lethington, that in open audi∣ence he gave himself to the Devill, If that after that day he should regard what became of the Ministers, but he would do what he could, that his companion should have a share with him: And let them bark and blow (said he) as loud as they list. And so that was the second time that he had given defiance unto the servants of God.

Whereupon arose whisperings and complaints, although the Flatterers of the Court, complaining that men were not charitably handled, might not since be reproved in generall, albeit men were not specially taxed, that all the world might know of whom the Preacher speakes; whereunto was this answer made, Let men be ashamed publikely to offend, and the Ministers shall abstain from specialities; but so long as Protestants are not ashamed manifestly to do against the Evangell of Jesus Christ, so long cannot the Ministers of God cease to crie, that God would be aven∣ged upon such abusers of his holy Word.

Thus had the servants of God a double battaile, fighting upon the one side against the Idolatry and the rest of the abominations mentio∣ned by the Court; and upon the other part, against the unthanke∣fulnesse of such as sometimes would have been esteemed the chief Pil∣lars of the Church within the Realme. The threatnings of Preachers was fearfull, but the Court thought it self in such security, that it could not miscarry.

The Queen after the Banquetting, kept a dyet (Monsieur Luserie a French∣man,

who had been accustomed with her malady before, being her Physi∣tian) and therefore she for the second time made her progresse in the North, and commanded to Ward in the Castle of Edinburgh, the Earle of Caithnes, for a Murther committed by his servants upon the Earle Mer∣shals men; he obeyed, but he was suddenly released; for such blood-thir∣sty men, and Papists (such as he is) are good subjects thought at Court. Thy Kingdom come (O Lord) for in this Realme is nothing amongst such as should punish vice and maintain vertue, bu•• abomination abound∣ing without Bridle. The Flatterers of the Court did daily enrage against the poor Preachers; happiest was he that could invent the most bitter taunts, and disdainfull mocking of the Ministers; and at length they began to jest at the Terme of Idolatry, affirming that men knew not what they spake when they called the Masse Idolatry; yea, some proceeded fur∣ther, and feared not at open Table to affirme, That they would su∣staine the Argument that the Masse was no Idolatry. These things co∣ming to the ears of the preachers, they were proclaimed in publike Pul∣pit of Edinbugh, with this complaint, directed by the speaker to his God;

O Lord, how long shal the wicked prevail against the just? how long wilt thou suffer thy Self and thy blessed Evangell to be despised of men? Of men (we say) that boast themselves Defenders of the truth; for of thy manifest and known Enemies we complain not, but of such as unto whom thou hast revealed thy light; for now it cometh to our Ears, that men (not Priests we say, but chief Protestants) will defend the Masse to be no Idolatry; if it so were, miserably have I been deceived, and mi∣serably (alas, O Lord) have I deceived thy people; which thou know∣est, (O Lord) I have ever more abhorred then a thousand deaths. But said he, (turning his face towards the Room where such men as had so af∣firmed, sate) If I be not able to prove the Masse to be the most abominable Idolatry that ever was used from the beginning of the world, I offer my self to suffer the punishment appointed by God to a false Preach∣er. And it appeareth unto me (saith the Preacher) that the Affir∣mers should be subject to the same Law; for it is the truth of God, that you persecute as a blasphemy; and it is the invention of the De∣vill, that obstinately against his Word you maintaine; whereat albeit you now flute and flyre, as if so be all that were spoken were but winde; yet am I all fully assured, as I am assured that my GOD liveth, That some that hear this your defection, and railing against the truth and the servants of God, shall see a part of Gods judgement powred forth upon this Realm, (and principally upon you that fast∣est cleave unto the favour of the Court;) for the abominations that are by you maintained. Albeit that such vehemency provoked tears from the eyes of some, yet these that knew themselves guilty, in a mocking manner, said, We must recant, and burne our Bill, for the Preach∣ers are angry.

The generall assembly holden in Iune, 1564. approached, unto the which a great part of the Nobilitie (of those that are called Protestants) conve∣ned, some for assistance of the Ministers, and some to accuse them, as we

shall after hear. A little before these troubles, which Sathan raised in the Body of the Church, began one David an Italian, to be great in the Court; the Queen used him for Secretary, for things that appertained to her secret affairs, or elsewhere: great men made suit unto him, and their suits were the better heard: But of his beginning and progresse, we delay now further to speak, and refer it unto another fitter occasion of time and place, because that his end will require the description of the whole. The first day of the generall Assembly, neither the Courtiers; nor the Lords that depended upon the Court, presented themselves in Session with their Brethren; whereat many wondred. One ancient and honourable man, the Laird of Lundie, said, Nay, I wonder not at their absence; but I won∣der that at our last Assembly they drew themselves apart, and joyned not with us, but drew from us some of our Ministers, and willed them to conclude such things as were never proposed to the publike Assembly, very prejudiciall to the Liberty of the Church; and therefore my judge∣ment is, That they shall be informed of this offence, which the whole Brethren have conceived of their former Fact; Humbly requiring, That if they be Brethren, that they would assist their Brethren with their pre∣sence and counsell, for we had never greater need: And if they be mind∣ed to fall back from us, it were better we knew it now, then afterwards. Thereto agreed the whole Assembly, and gave Commission to certaine Brethren, to signifie the mindes of the Assembly unto the Lords; which was done that same afternoon. The Courtiers at the first seemed a lit∣tle offended, that they should be as it were suspected of defection; yet neverthelesse upon the morning they joyned with the Assembly, and came unto it; but they drew themselves (like as they did before) apart, and entred into the inner Councell-House. They were the Duke, the Earls of Argyle, Murray, Mortoune, Glencarne, Mershall, Lord Rosse, the Master of Maxwell, Secretary Lethington, the Justice Clerk, the Clerk of the Register, and the Laird of Pittarrow Comptroller.

After a little consultation, they directed a Messenger, M. George Hay, the Minister of the Court, requiring the Superintendents, and some of the learned Ministers, to confer with them. The Assembly answered, They convened to deliberate upon the common affairs of the Church, and therefore that they could not lack their Superintendents, and chiefe Ministers, whose judgements were so necessary, that the rest should sit (as it were) idle, without them; And therefore willed them, as oft before, That if they acknowledged themselves Members of the Church, that they would joyn with their Brethren, and propose in publike such things as they pleased, and so they should have the assistance of the whole, in all things that might stand with Gods Commandment: But to send from themselves a portion of their company, they understood, That thereof hurt and slander might arise, rather then any profit or comfort to the Church; for they feared that all men should not stand content with the conclusion, where the conference and reasonings were heard but of a few.

This answer was not given without cause; for no small travell was made, to have drawn some Ministers to the faction of the Courtiers, and to have sustained their Arguments and Opinions: But when it was con∣ceived by the most politick amongst them, That they could not travell by that means, they prepared the matter in other termes, purging them∣selves, That they never meant to divide themselves from the Society of their Brethren, but because they had certain Heads to confer with certain Ministers. But the Assembly did still reply, That secret Conference would they not admit, in those Heads that should be concluded by gene∣rall Voice. The Lords promised, That no Conclusion should be taken, neither yet Vote required, till that both the Propositions and the Rea∣sons should be heard and considered by the whole Body; and upon that condition were directed unto them, with expresse charge, To conclude nothing, without the knowledge and advise of the Assembly, The Laird of Dun, Superintendent of Angus, the Superintendents of Lothain and Fyfe, Master Iohn Row, Master Iohn Craig, William Christieson, Ma∣ster David Lyndsay, Ministers; with the Rector of Saint Androes, and Ma∣ster George Hay, the Superintendent of Glasgow: Master Iohn Willock was Moderator, and Iohn Knox waited upon the Scribe; And so were they appointed to sit with the Brethren: And yet because the principall com∣plaint touched Iohn Knox, he was also called for.

Secretary Lethington began the Harangue, which contained these Heads; first, How much we are indebted unto God, by whose providence we have liberty of Religion, under the Queens Majestie, albeit that she is not perswaded in the same. Secondly, How necessary a thing it is, That the Queens Majestie by all good Offices of the part of the Church (so spake he) and of the Ministers principally should be retained in that con∣stant opinion, that they unfainedly favoured her advancement, and procu∣red her subjects to have a good opinion of her. And last, How danger∣ous a thing it is, That the Ministers should be noted one to disagree from another in form of Prayer for her Majestie: And in these two last Heads (said he) we desire you all to be circumspect: But especially, we most crave of you our Brother Iohn Knox, to moderate your selfe, as well in form of praying for the Queens Majesty, as in Doctrine that you pro∣pose, touching her State and Obedience: Neither shall ye take this (said he) as spoken to your reproach, quia mens pulchra, interdum in corpore pul∣chro; But because that others, by your example, may imitate the like li∣berty, albeit not with the same discretion and foresight; and what opinion that may engender in the peoples heads, wise men may foresee.

The said Iohn prepared himself for answer as follows: If such as fear God, have occasion to praise him, because that Idolatry is maintained, the servants of God despised, wicked men placed again in Honour and Authority (Master Henry Sinclare was of short time before, made Presi∣dent, who before durst not have sitten in Judgement) And finally, if we ought to praise God, because that vice and impiety over-floweth the whole Realm, without punishment, then we have occasion to rejoyce and praise God: But if these and the like, use to provoke Gods vengeance against Realms and Nations, then in my judgement, the godly within

Scotland ought to lament and mourn, and so to prevent Gods Judgements, lest that he finding all in a like security, strike in his hot indignation, be∣ginning, perchance, at such as think they offend not.

That is one Head (said Lethington) whereunto you and I never agreed; for how are you able to prove, That God ever struck or plagued any Nation or People for the iniquity of their Prince, if that they themselves lived godlily? I looked (said he) my Lord, to have audience till that I had absolved the other two parts: But seeing it pleaseth your Lordship to cut me off before the midst, I will answer to your question. The Scripture of God teacheth me, That Ierusalem and Iuda were punished for the sins of Manasses. And if you alleadge, That they were punished because they were wicked, and offended with their King, and not be∣cause their King was wicked; I answer, That albeit the Spirit of God makes for me, saying in expresse words, For the sins of Manasses, yet will I not be so obstinate, as to lay the whole sin, and plagues that thereof ensued, upon the King, and utterly absolve the people; but I will grant withall, That the whole people offended with their King; but how, and in what fashion, I fear that ye and I shall not agree: I doubt not but the great multitude accompanied him in all the abomination that he did; for Idolatry and false Religion, hath ever been, and will be, pleasing to the most part of men: But to affirm, That all Iudah committed really the acts of his impiety, is but to affirm that which neither hath certainty, nor yet appearance of any truth; for who can think it to be possible, That all those of Ierusalem should so shortly turn to Idolatry, considering the no∣table Reformation lately before had, in the dayes of Hezekias: But yet (sayes the Text) Manasses made Iuda, and all the inhabitants of Ierusalem to erre. True it is, the one part (as I have said) willingly followed him in his Idolatry, the other suffered him to defile Ierusalem and the Temple of God with all abominations, and so were they criminall of his sin; the one by act and deed, the other by suffering and permission, even as Scotland is this day guilty of the Queens Idolatry; and ye, my Lords, in speciall, above others. Well (said Lethington) that is the chief Head wherein we never agreed; but of that we shall speak hereafter: What will ye say as touching the moving of the people to have a good opinion of the Queens Majesty, and as concerning obedience to be given to her Authority? as al∣so of the form of Prayer which ye commonly use? My Lord (saith he) more earnestly to move the people, or yet otherwise to pray, then hereto∣fore I have done, a good conscience will not suffer me; for he who knows the secrets of hearts, knows, That privately and publikely I have called to God for her conversion, and have willed the people to do the same, shew∣ing unto them the dangerous state wherein not onely she her self stands, but also the whole Realm, by reason of her indurate blindnesse. That is (said Lethington) wherein we finde the greatest fault, your extremity against her Masse in particular, passeth measure; ye call her a slave to Sathan; ye affirm that Gods vengeance hangs over the Realm, by reason of her impi∣ety: And what is this else, but to raise up the hearts of the poeple against her Majesty, and against them that serve her. Then there was heard an ac∣clamation of the rest of the flatterers, that such extremity could not pro∣fit.

The Master of Maxwell said in plain words, If I were in the Queens Majesties place, I would not suffer such things as I hear. If the words of Preachers (said Iohn Knox) shall be alwayes wrested in the worst part, then will it be hard to speak any thing so circumspectly (providing that the truth be spoken) which shall not escape the censure of the calumniator. The most vehement (as ye speak) and most excessive manner of Prayer that I use in publike, is this: O Lord, if thy good pleasure be, purge the heart of the Queens Majestie from the venome of Idolatry, and deliver her from the bon∣dage and thraldom of Satan, into the which she hath been brought up, and yet re∣mains, for the lack of true Doctrine; and let her see, by the illumination of thy holy Spirit, That there is no means to please thee, but by Iesus Christ thy only Son; and that Iesus Christ cannot be found, but in thy holy Word; nor yet received, but as it prescribes, which is, To renounce our own wisedom, and preconceived opinion, and worship thee as it commands; that in so doing, she may avoid the eternall damnation which is ordained for all obstinate and impenitent to thee; and that this poor Realm may also escape that plague and vengeance which inevitably followeth Idolatry, maintained against thy manifest Word, and the light thereof. This (said he) is the form of common Prayer, as your selves can witnesse: Now what is worthy of reprehension in it, I would hear. There are three things in it (said Lethington) that never liked me; and the first is, Ye pray for the Queens Majesty with a condition, saying, Illuminate her heart, if thy good pleasure be; Wherein it may appear, That ye doubt of her conversion; Where have ye the example of such Prayer? Wheresoever the examples are (said the other) I am assured of the Rule, which is this, If we shall ask any thing ac∣cording to his Will, he shall grant us: And our Master Christ Jesus com∣mands us to pray unto our Father, Thy will be done. But (said Lethington) Where ever finde ye any of the Prophets so to have prayed? It sufficeth me (said the other) my Lord, that the Master and Teacher both of Pro∣phets and Apostles, hath taught me so to pray. But in so doing (said Le∣thington) ye put a doubt in the peoples heads of her conversion. Not I (said the other) but her own obstinate rebellion, causeth more then me to doubt of her conversion. Wherein (said he) rebells she against God? In all the actions of her life (said M. Knox) but in these two Heads especial∣ly; The former is, That she will not hear the Preaching of the blessed Evangel of Jesus Christ. 2. That she maintaineth that Idol the Masse. She thinks not that rebellion (said Lethington.) So thought they (said the other) that sometimes offered their children unto Molech; and yet the Spi∣rit of God affirms, That they offered them unto devils, and not unto God: And this day the Turks think they have a better Religion then the Papists have; and yet I think ye will excuse neither of both from committing re∣bellion against God; neither yet can ye do the Queen, unlesse ye will make God to be partiall. But (said Lethington) Why pray ye not for her, with∣out moving any doubt? Because (said the other) I have learned to pray in faith; now faith (ye know) depends upon the Word of God; and so it is that the Word teacheth me, That prayer profiteth the sons and daughters of Gods Election; of which number if she be one or not, I have just cause to doubt; and therefore I pray that God would illuminate her heart, if his good pleasure be so to do: But yet (said Lethington) ye can produce

the example of none that so hath prayed before you. Thereto I have already answered (said Iohn Knox) But yet for further declaration, I will demand a question, which is this, Whether ye think that the Apostles prayed themselves, as they commanded others to pray, or not? who doubts of that, said the company that were present. Well then, said Iohn Knox, I am assured, that Peter said these words to Simon Magus, Re∣pent therefore of this thy wickednesse, and pray God, That if it be possible, the thoughts of thy heart may be forgiven thee. Here we may cleerly see, That Peter joynes a condition with his Commandment, That Simon should re∣pent and pray; to wit, If it were possible that his sin might be forgiven, for he was not ignorant, that some sinnes are unto death, and so without all hope of repentance, or remission. And think ye not (my Lord Secre∣tary, said he) but that same doubt may touch my heart; as touching the Queens conversion, that then touched the heart of the Apostle; I would never (said Lethington) heare you, or any other call that in doubt: But your will (said the other) is no assurance to my conscience. And to speak freely, My Lord, I wonder if yee your self doubt not of the Queens conversion; for more evident signes of Induration have appeared, and do appear in her, then Peter outwardly could have espyed in Simon Magus; for albeit sometimes, he was a Sorcerer, yet joyned he with the Apo∣stles, beleeved, and was baptized. And albeit, That the venome of A∣varice remained in his heart, and that he would have bought the holy Ghost; yet, when he heard the fearfull threatnings of God pronounced against him, he trembled; desired the assistance of the Prayers of the Apostles; and so humbled himself, so farre as the judgement of man could peirce, like a true penitent; and yet we see that Peter doubts of his conversion; Why then may not all the godly, justly doubt of the con∣version of the Queen, who hath used Idolatry, which is also most odious in the sight of the most jealous God, and still continues in the same; yet she despises all threatnings, and refuseth all godly admonitions. Why say ye, That she refuseth admonition, (said Lethington) she will gladly hear any man: But what obedience (said the other) to God or to his word ensues of all that is spoken unto her, or when shall she be seen to give her presence to the publike Preaching; I think never (said Lething∣ton) so long as she is thus used. And so long (said the other) yee, and all others must be content, that I pray so, as I may be assured to be heard of my God; that is, That his good will may be done, either in making her comfortable to his Church; or if that he hath appointed her to be a scourge to the same, That we may have patience, and she may be brid∣led. Well, (said Lethington) Let us come to the second head? Where finde ye, that the Scriptures calls any the bond slaves of Satan, or that the Prophets of God spake of Kings and Princes, so irreverently. The Scripture, said Iohn Knox, saith, That by nature wee are all the sonnes of wrath: Our Master Christ affirmes, That such as doe sinne, are ser∣vants to sinne, and that it is the onely Sonne of God that sets men at freedome; now what difference there is betwixt the sonnes of wrath, the servants of sinne, &c. And the slaves of Satan, I understand not, except I be taught; And if the sharpnesse of the terme offend you, I

have not invented that phrase of speech, but have learned it out of Gods Scriptures; for these words I finde spoken unto Paul, Behold I send thee un∣to the Gentiles, to open their eyes, that they may turne from darknesse unto light, and from the power of Sathan unto God. Mark the words, my Lord, and stirre not at the speaking of the holy Ghost. And the same Apostle writing to his Scholler Timothius, sayes, Instruct with meeknesse those that are contrary minded, if that God at any time will give them repentance, that they may know the truth, and come to amendment out of the snare of the Devill, which are ta∣ken of him at his will. If your Lordship do rightly consider these sentences, you shall not onely finde my words to be the words of the holy Ghost, but also the condition which I use to adde, to have the assurance of Gods Scriptures.

But they speak nothing against Kings in Scripture in speciall (said Le∣thington) and your continuall crying is, The Queens Idolatry, The Queens Masse will provoke Gods vengeance.

In the former sentence (said the other) I hear not Kings and Queens ex∣cepted, but all unfaithfull are pronounced to stand in one rank, and to be in bondage to one Tyrant the Devill. But beleeve me, my Lord, you little regard the state wherein they stand, when you would have them so flatter∣ed, that the danger thereof should neither be knowne, neither yet declared to the people.

Where will you finde (said Lethington) that any of the Prophets did so use Kings, Queens, Rulers or Magistrates.

In more places then one, (said the other;) Ahab was a King, and Ie∣zabel a Queen, and yet what the Prophet Elias said to the one, and to the other I suppose you are not ignorant.

That was not cried out before the people, (said Lethington) to make them odious unto their subjects.

That Elias said, Doggs shall lick the blood of Ahab, (said Iohn Knox) and eate the flesh of Iezabell, the Scriptures assures me; but that it was whis∣pered in their Eares, or in a Corner, I read not; but the plain contrary ap∣pears to me, which is, that both the people and the Court understood well enough what the Prophet had promised; for so witnessed Iehu after that Gods vengeance had stricken Iezabell.

These were singular motions of the Spirit of God (said Lethington) and appertaineth nothing to our age.

Then hath the Scripture (said the other) deceived me, for Saint Paul teacheth me, that whatsoever is written within the holy Scriptures, the same is written for our instruction; And my Master saith, That every learned Scribe brings forth of his Treasure, both things old and things new; and the Prophet Ieremy affirmes, That every Realme or Citie that likewise offends, (as then did Ierusalem) should likewise be punished.

Why then, that the facts of ancient Prophets, and the fearfull judge∣ments of God, executed before us, upon the disobedient, appertain not unto our age, I neither see, nor yet can understand.

But now to put an end to this Head, my Lord, (saith he) the Prophets of God have not spared to rebuke Kings, as well to their faces as before the people and subjects; Elizeus feared not to say to King Iehoram, What have

I to doe with thee, get thee to the other Prophets of thy Mother; for as the Lord of Hostes liveth, in whose sight I stand▪ if it were not that I regard the presence of Iehosaphat, the King of Iudah, I would not have looked toward thee, nor seene thee? Plaine it is, that the Prophet was a Subject in the Kingdome of Israel, and yet how little reverence he giveth to the King; we heare Ieremy the Prophet was commanded to Cry to the King and Queene, and to say, Behave your selves lowly, execute justice, and judgement, &c. or else your Carcasses shall be casten to the heate of the day, and unto the frost of the night. Unto Conias, Sullim, and Zedekias, he speaketh in speciall, and shewes to them in his publike Sermons their miserable ends; and therefore yee ought not to thinke strange my Lord (said he) albeit the servants of God, taxe the vices of Kings and Queenes, even as well as of other offenders; and that because their sinnes be more noysome to the Common-wealth, then are the sinnes of inferiour persons.

The most part of this reasoning, Secretary Lethington leaned upon the Master of Maxwells Breast, who said, I am almost weary, I would some other would reason in the chief head, which is yet un∣touched.

Then the Earle of Mortoune, Chancellor, commanded Master George Hay to reason against Iohn Knox in the head of obedience due to Magistrates, who began so to doe; Unto whom Iohn Knox said, Brother, that ye shall reason in my contrary, I am well content, because I know you to be both a man of learning, and of modesty; but that you shall oppose your selfe unto the Trueth, whereof I suppose your owne conscience is no lesse perswaded, then is mine, I cannot well approve; for I would be sorry, that yee and I should be reputed to reason, as two Schollers of Pythagoras, to shew the quickenesse of our wit, as it were to reason on both parts: I protest here before God, That whatsoever I sustaine, I doe the same in conscience; yea, I dare no more sustaine a proposition, knowne to my selfe untrue, then I dare teach false Doctrine, in the publike place; And there∣fore Brother, if Conscience move you to oppose your selfe to that Doctrine which yee have heard out of my mouth, in that matter, doe it boldly, it shall never offend me; But that yee shall bee found to oppose your selfe unto mee, yee being perswaded in the same Trueth; I say yet againe, it pleaseth me not; for therein may be greater inconveniency, then either yee or I doe consider for the publike.

The said Master George answered, That I will not oppose my selfe unto you, as one willing to impugne or confute that Head of Do∣ctrine, which not onely yee, but many others; yea, and my selfe have affirmed, farre be it from me, for so should I be found contrari∣ous to my selfe; for my Lord Secretary knows, my judgement in that Head.

Marry, said the Secretary, you are (in my opinion) the worst of the two, for I remember that your Reasoning when the Queen was in Carricke.

Well said Iohn Knox, seeing Brother, God hath made you one to fill the chaire of verity; wherein I am assured, we agree in all principall Heads of Doctrine; Let it never be said, That we agree not in disputation. Iohn Knox was moved thus to speake, because he understood more of the craft then the other did. Well (said Lethington) I am somewhat better provided in this last Head, then I was in the other two: Master Knox, said he, yesterday we heard your Judgement upon the thirteenth to the Romanes; we heard the minde of the Apostle well opened; we heard the causes why God hath established powers upon the earth; we heard of the necessitie that mankinde hath of the same; and wee heard the dutie of Magistrates sufficiently declared; But in two things I was offended, as I thinke some other more of my Lords that were present: which was, Ye made difference betwixt the Ordinance of God, and the persons that were placed in Authoritie: And ye affirmed, That men might refuse the persons, and yet not offend against Gods Ordinance; This is one, the other yee had no time to explaine; but this me thought ye meant, That Subjects were not bound to obey their Princes, if they command unlawfull things, but that they might refuse their Princes; and that they were not ever bound to suffer.

In very deed, said the other, ye have rightly both marked my words, and understood my minde; for of that same Judgement I have long been, and yet so remaine.

How will ye prove your division and difference (said Lethington,) and that the persons placed in Authoritie, may be resisted, and the Ordinance of God not transgressed, seeing that the Apostle saith, He that resisteth, resisteth the Ordinance of God.

My Lord said he, The plaine words of the Apostle makes the diffe∣rence, and the facts of many approved by God, prove my affirmative. First the Apostle affirmes, That the powers are ordained of God, for the preservation of quiet and peaceable men, and for the punishment of malefactors; whereof it is plaine, That the Ordinance of God and the power given unto man, is one thing, and the person clad with the Authoritie, is another; For Gods Ordinance is the conservation of man∣kinde, The punishment of vice, and the maintenance of vertue, which in it self, is holy, just, constant, stable, and perpetuall; but men clad with the Authoritie, are commonly prophane and unjust; yee, they are mutable, transitory, and subject to corruption, as God threateneth by his Prophet David, saying, I have said yee are gods, and every one of you the sonnes of the most high; but yee shall dye as man, and the Princes shall fall like others. Here I am assured, That the persons, yee soule and body are threatned with death; I think that so ye will not affirm, is the Autho∣thority, the Ordinance, and the Power, wherewith God endeued such persons; for (as I have said) it is holy, so is the permanent will of God. And now, my Lord, that the Prince may be resisted, and yet the Ordi∣nance of God not violated: It is evident that the people resisted Saul, when he had sworn by the living God that Ionathan should die; The people (I say) swore in the contrary, and delivered Ionathan, so that a hair of his head fell not: Now Saul was the Anoynted Ki••g, and they

were his subjects, and yet they resisted him, that they made him no bet∣ter then men sworn. I doubt (said Lethington) That in so doing, the people did well. The Spirit of God (said the other) accuses them not of any crime, but rather praises them, and condemnes the King, as well for his foolish vow and Law made without God, as for his cruell minde, that so severely would have punished an innocent man: But herein will I not stand; this that followeth shall confirme the former. This same Saul commanded Abimelech and the Priests of the Lord to be slain, be∣cause they had committed Treason (as he alleadged) for intercommu∣ning with David: His Guard, and principall servants, would not obey his unjust commandment; But Doeg the flatterer put the Kings cruelty in ex∣ecution. I will not ask your judgement, Whether that the servants of the King, in not obeying his Commandment, resisted the Ordinance of God, or not; or, Whether Doeg, in murthering the Priests, gave obedi∣ence to a just Authority: For I have the Spirit of God, speaking by the mouth of David, for assurance, as well of the one, as of the other; for he in his 52. Psalme, condemnes that fact, as a most cruell murther; and af∣firms, That God would punish, not onely the commander, but also the mercilesse executer: And therefore I conclude, That they who gainstood his commandment, resisted not the Ordinance of God. And now (my Lord) to answer to the place of the Apostle, who affirms, That such as resist the Power, resist the Ordinance of God; I say, That the power in that place is not to be understood of unjust commandment of men, but of the just power wherewith God hath armed his Magistrates and Lieu∣tenants, to punish sin, and maintain vertue. And if any man should en∣terprise to take from the hands of the faithfull Judge a murtherer and adulterer, or any malefactor that deserved death, this same resisteth Gods Ordinance, and procureth to himself vengeance and damnation, because that he stayed Gods Sword from striking. But so it is, if men in the fear of God oppose themselves to the fury and blinde rage of Princes; for so they resist not God, but the devill, who abuses the Sword and Au∣thority of God. I understand sufficiently (said Lethington) what ye mean; unto the one part I will not oppose my self, but I doubt of the other; for if the Queen would command me to slay Iohn Knox, because she is offended at him, I would not obey her: But if she would command others to do it, or yet by colour of Justice take his life from him, I can∣not tell if I be bound to defend him against the Queen and her Officers. With protestation (said the other) That the auditors think not that I speak in favour of my self, I say, my Lord, That if ye be perswaded of my innocency, and if God have given unto you such power and credit as might deliver me, and yet suffered me to perish, that in so doing, ye should be criminall and guilty of my blood. Prove that, and win the play (said Lethington.) Well, my Lord (said the other) remember your promise, and I will be short in my probation: The Prophet Ie∣remy was apprehended by the Priests and Prophets (who were a part of the Authority within Ierusalem) and by the multitude of the people, and this sentence was pronounced against him, Thou shalt die the death; for thou hast said, This house shall be like Siloh, and this City shall be desolate,

without any Inhabitant, &c. The Princes hearing the uprore, came from the Kings house, and sate down in Judgement in the entry of the new Gate of the Lords House; And there the Priests and Prophets, before the Princes, and before all the people, intented their Accusation in these words; This man is worthy to die; for he hath prophesied against this City, and your eares have heard. Ieremiah answered, That whatso∣ever he had spoken, proceeded from God; and therefore said he; As for me, behold, I am in your hands, do with me as ye thinke good and right; But know ye for certaine, That if ye put me to death, ye shall surely bring innocent blood upon your soules, and upon this Citie, and upon the inhabitants thereof: For of a truth, the Lord hath sent me unto you to speake all these words. Now, my Lord, if the Princes and the whole people should have been guilty of the Prophets blood, How shall ye, or others, be judged innocent before God, if ye shall suffer the blood of such as have not deserved their blood to be shed, when ye may save it. The causes were nothing alike (said Lethington.) And I would learn (said the other) wherein the dissimilitude stands. First (said Lethington) the King had not condemned him to death; And next, The false Pro∣phets, the Priests, and the People, accused him without a cause, and therefore they could not be guilty of his blood. Neither of these (said Iohn Knox) fights against my argument; For albeit the King was neither present, nor yet had condemned him, yet were the Prin∣ces and chiefe Councellors there sitting in Judgement, who represent∣ed the Kings Authority, hearing the accusation laid unto the charge of the Prophet; And therefore he forewarns them of the danger, as before is said; to wit, That in case he should be condemned, and so put to death, That the King, the Councell, and the whole City of Ieru∣salem, should be guilty of his blood, because that he had committed no crime worthy of death: And if ye thinke that they all should have been criminall, onely because that they all accused him, the plain Text witnesseth the contrary; for the Princes defended him, and so (no doubt) did a great part of the People; and yet he boldly affirm∣ed, That they should be all guilty of his blood, if he should be put to death. And the Prophet Ezekiel gives a reason, Why all are guil∣ty of common corruption, Because (saith he) I sought a man amongst them, that should make up the hedge, and stand in the gap before me for the Land, that I should not destroy it, but I found none; Therefore have I poured forth my indignation upon them. Hereof, my Lord, (said he) it is plain, That God craves, not onely that man should do no iniquity in his owne person; but also that he oppose himself to all iniquity, so farre as in him lieth. Then will ye (said Lethington) make subjects to controll their Princes and Rulers. And what harme (said the other) should the Common-wealth receive, if the corrupt affections of igno∣rant Rulers were moderated, and so bridled by the wisedome and discretion of godly subjects, that they should do no wrong, nor no violence to any man. All this reasoning (said Lethington) is out of the purpose; For we reason as if the Queen should become such an enemy to our Religion, that she should persecute it, and put innocent

men to death; while I am assured, she never thought, nor never will do; For if I should see her begin at that end, yea, if I should suspect any such thing in her, I should be as farre forward in that argument, as ye, or any other within the Realme: But there is no such thing; Our Question is, Whether that ye may suppresse the Queens Masse; or, Whether that her Idolatry shall be laid to our charge. What ye may (said Iohn Knox) by force, I dispute not: But what ye may and ought to do by Gods expresse Commandment, that I can tell Idolatry ought not onely to be suppressed, but the Idolater also ought to die the death: But by whom? By the people of God (said the other) for the Commandment was given to Israel, as ye may reade, Heare Israel,, (sayes the Lord) the Statutes and the Ordinances of the Lord thy God, &c. Yea, a Commandment is given, that if it be heard that Idolatry is committed in any one City, inquisition shall be taken; and if it be found true, That then the whole Body of the People arise and destroy that City, sparing in it neither man, woman, nor childe. But there is no Commandment (said the Secretary) given to punish their King. If he be an Idolater, I finde no priviledge granted un∣to Kings (said the other) by God, more then unto the people, to offend Gods Majestie. I grant (said Lethington) but yet the people may not be judges to their King to punish him, albeit he be an Ido∣ter. God (said the other) is the Universall Judge, as well unto the King, as to the People: So that what his Word commands to be punished in the one, is not to be absolved in the other. We agree in that (said Lethington) But the people may not execute Gods Judgements, but mst leave it unto himselfe, who will either punish it by Death, by Warre, by Imprisonment, or by some other kinde of his Plagues.

I know (said Iohn Knox) the last part of the reason to be true: But for the first, That the people, yea, or a part of the people, may not execute Gods Judgements against their King, being an of∣fendor: I am assured ye have no other Warrant, except your own imaginations, and the opinion of such as more fear to offend their Prin∣ces then God.

Why say ye so (said Lethington) I have the judgement of the most famous men in Europe, and of such as ye your selfe will confesse both godly and learned.

And with that he called for his Papers, which produced by Ma∣ster Maitland, he bagan to reade with great gravity the Judge∣ments of Luther, Melancthon, the mindes of Bucer, Musculus, and Cal∣vin, how Christians should behave themselves in time of Persecution; yea, the Book of Baruc was not omitted, with this conclusion, The ga∣thering of those things (said he) hath cost me more travell then I thinke this seven yeers in reading Commentaries.

The more pity (said the other) and yet what you have profited your own cause, let others judge. But as for my argument, I am assured you have infirmed it in nothing; for your first two witnesses speak against the Anabaptists, who deny that Christians should be

subject to Magistrates; or yet that it is lawfull for a Christian to be a Magistrate: whose opinion, I no lesse abhor, then ye do, or any other that liveth. The others speak of Christians subject to Tyrants and Infidels, so dispersed, that they have no other force, but onely to sob unto God for deliverance; that such (indeed) should hazard any further then these godly men wills them, I cannot hastily be of counsell: But my argument hath another ground; for I speak of a people assembled in one Body of a Common-wealth, unto whom God hath given suffici∣ent force, not onely to resist, but also to suppresse all kinde of open Ido∣latry: And such a people yet again I affirme, are bound to keep their Land clean and unpolluted. And that this my division shall not appear strange unto you, ye shall understand that God required one thing of Abraham and of his Seed, when he and they were strangers and Pil∣grims in Egypt and Canaan; and another thing required he of them, when they were delivered from the Bondage of Egypt, and the possessi∣on of the Land of Canaan granted unto them: The first, and during the time of their Bondage, God craved no more, but that Abraham should not defile himselfe with their Idolatry; neither was he, nor his Posterity commanded to destroy the Idolls that were in Canaan, or in Egypt: But when God gave unto them possession of the Land, he gave unto them this strait Commandment, Beware that thou make not League or Confede∣racie with the inhabitants of this Land: give not thy sonnes unto their daugh∣ters, nor yet give thy daughters unto their sonnes, &c. But this ye shall do unto them, Cut down their Groves, destroy their Images, breake downe their Altars, and leave thou no kinde of remembrance of these Abomina∣tions which the Inhabitants of the Land used before; for thou art a holy Peo∣ple unto the Lord thy God; defile not thy selfe therefore with their gods, &c. To this Commandment, I say, are ye, my Lords, and all such as have professed the Lord within this Realme, bound; for God hath wrought no lesse miraculously upon you, both Spiritually and Corporally, then he did unto the Carnall Seed of Abraham: For in what state your Bodies, and this poor Realme were, within these seven yeers, your selves cannot be ignorant; you, and it were both in the Bondage of a strange Nation, and what Tyrants did raigne over your consciences, God per∣chance may yet again let you feel, because that ye do not rightly ac∣knowledge and esteeme the benefits received, when our poore Bre∣thren that were before us, gave up their bodies to the flames of fire, for the Testimony of Gods Truth. And when scarcely could be found ten in a Country that rightly knew God, it had been foolish∣nesse to have craved, either of the Nobility, or of the mean Subjects, the suppressing of Idolatry; for that had been nothing, but to have exposed the simple Sheep in a prey to the Wolves: But since that God hath multiplyed knowledge, yea, and hath given the victory to his Truth, even in the hands of his servants, if yee suffer the Land again to be defiled, yee, and your Princes shall both drinke the cup of Gods indig∣nation. The Queen, for her obstinate abiding in manifest Idolatry, in this great light of the Evangell of Jesus Christ; And ye, for your permission and maintaining her in the same. (Lethington said,) In that point we will never agree.

And where finde ye (I pray you) that ever any of the Prophets, or of the Apostles, taught such Doctrine, That the people should be plagued for the Idolatry of the Prince; or yet, That the Subjects might suppresse the Idolatry of the Rulers, or them for the same. What was the Commission given unto the Apostles? My Lord, (said he) we know it was to preach, and plant the Evangell of Jesus Christ where darknesse before had Dominion; And therefore it behoved them to let them see the light, before that they should will them, to put their hands to sup∣presse Idolatry: What precepts the Apostles gave unto the faithfull in particular, other then that they commanded, all to fly from Idolatry, I will not affirme: But I finde two things which the faithfull did; The one was, They assisted their Preachers, even against the Rulers and Magi∣strates; The other was, They suppressed Idolatry, wheresoever God gave unto them force; asking no leave of the Emperour, nor of his Deputies. Read the Ecclesiasticall Histories, and ye shall finde examples sufficient? And as to the Doctrine of the Prophets, we know they were Interpreters of the Law of God; and we know, They spake as well un∣to the Kings, as unto the People. I read that neither of both would heare them; and therefore came the plague of God upon both; but that they flattered the Kings, more then they did the people, I cannot be perswaded. Now Gods Law pronounces death (as before I have said) to Idolaters without exception of persons. Now, how the Prophets could rightly interpret the Law, and shew the cause of Gods Judge∣ments, which ever they threatned, should fall for Idolatry, and for the rest of the abhominations that did accompany it (for it is never alone, but still corrupt Religion brings with it, a filthy, and corrupt life.) How (I say) the Prophets could reprove the Vice, and not shew the people their duty, I understand not; And therefore, I constantly beleeve, That the Doctrine of the Prophets was so sensible, That the Kings understood their own abhominations; and the people understood, what they ought to have done in punishing and repressing them. But because that the most part of the People was no lesse Rebellious unto God, then were their Princes; Therefore the one, and the other, conjured against God, and against his servants. And yet my Lord, The facts of some Prophets are so evident, That thereby we may collect what Doctrine they taught; For it were no small absurdity to affirme, that their facts did repugne to their Doctrine. I think (said Lethington) ye meane of the History of Iehu, What will yee prove thereby? The chief head (said Iohn Knox) that ye deny, to wit, That the Prophets never taught, that it appertained to the people to punish the Idolatry of their Kings: The contrary whereof I affirme; and for the probation, I am ready to pro∣duce the fact of a Prophet. For ye know my Lord (said he) that Elizeus, sent one of the children of the Prophets to annoint Iehu, who gave him a commandment to destroy the house of his Master Achab for the Idola∣try committed by him; and for the innocent blood that Iezabell his wicked Wife had shed. While he obeyed and put in full execution (for the which) God promised unto him, the stability of the Kingdome, unto the fourth Generation.

Now (said he) here is the fact of a Prophet, that proves, that Subjects were commanded to execute Gods judgements upon their King and Prince. There is enough (said Lethington) to be answered thereto; For Iehu was a King before he put any thing in execution. And besides, That the fact is extraordinary, and ought not to be Imitate: My Lord (said the other) he was a meere Subject, and no King, when the Prophets ser∣vant came unto him; yea, and albeit that his fellow Captaines hearing of the Message, blew the Trumpet, and said, Iehu is King; yet I doubt not, but Iezabel both thought, and said, that he was a Traytor; and so did many others that were in Israel, and in Samaria.

And as touching, That ye alleadge, that the fact was extraordinary, and is not to be imitate: I say, That it had the ground of Gods ordinary judgement, which commandeth the Idolater to dye the death. And therefore, I yet againe affirme, That it is to be Imitate of all those that pre∣ferres the true Honour of the true Worship and Glory of God, to the affection of flesh, and wicked Princes. We are not bound (said Lething∣ton) to follow extraordinary examples, unlesse we have the like com∣mandment and assurance. I grant (said the other) if the example repugne to the Law; As if an avaritious and deceitfull man would borrow Silver, Rayment, or other necessaries from his Neighbour, and withhold the same; alleadging, that so he might do, and not offend God; because the Israelites at their departure forth of Egypt, did so to the Egyptians. The example served to no purpose, unlesse that they could produce the like cause, and the like commandment that the Israelites had; and that be∣cause their fact repugned to this Commandment of God, Thou shalt not steale: But where the example agrees with the Law, and is, as it were the execution of Gods judgement, expressed within the same; I say, That the example approved of God, stands to us in place of a Commandment; For as God in his Nature, is constant and immutable, so can he not con∣demne in the Ages subsequent, that which he hath approved in his servants before us; but in his servants before us, he by his own word confounds all such as crave further approbation of Gods will, then is already ex∣pressed within his Scriptures; For Abraham said, They have Moses and the Prophets, whom if they will not beleeve, neither will they be∣leeve, albeit that any of the dead should rise. Even so (I say) my Lord, that such as will not be taught what they ought to do by the Command∣ment of God once given, and once put in practise, will not beleeve nor obey, albeit, that God should send Angels from Heaven to instruct that Doctrine.

Yee have produced but one example (said Lethington) one sufficeth (said the other;) but yet God be praised we lacke not others; for the whole people conspired against Amasiah King of Iuda, after that he had turned away from the Lord, and followed him to Lachis, and slew him, and took Uzziah and annointed him King in steed of his father. The people had not altogether forgotten the League and Covenant, which was made betwixt their Kings and them, at the Inauguration of Iohas his Father; to wit, That the King and the People should be the People of the Lord, and then should they be his faithfull Subjects. From the

which Covenant when first the Father, and after the sonne had declined, they were both punished to death, Ioas by his own servants, and Ama∣sias by the whole people.

I doubt (said Lethington) whether they did well, or not.

It shall be free for you (said the other) to doubt as you please, but where I finde execution according to Gods Law, and God himselfe not to accuse the doers, I dare not doubt of the equity of their cause. And farther it appeareth to me, that God gave sufficient approbation and allowance of their fact, for he blessed them with victory, peace and prosperity the space of fiftie two yeers after.

But prosperity (said Lethington) does not alwayes prove that God ap∣proves the facts of men.

Yes, (said the other) when the facts of men agree with the Law of God, and are rewarded according to his owne promise expressed in his Law; I say, that the prosperitie succeeding the fact, is a most in∣fallible assurance that God hath approved that fact. Now so it is That God hath pronounced in his Law, That when the people shall exterminat and destroy such as decline from him, that hee will blesse them and multiplie them, as he hath promised unto their Fa∣thers. But so it is that Masiah turned from God (for so the Text doth witnesse, and plaine it is the people slew their King; and like plain it is, that God blessed them: Therefore yet againe conclude I, that God himselfe approved their fact, and so farre as it was done according to his commandement, it was blessed according to his promise.

Well, (said Lethington) I thinke not the ground so sure, as I durst build my Conscience thereupon.

I pray God (said the other) that your Conscience have no worse ground then this is whensoever you shall begin the like work which God in your owne eyes hath already blessed. And now, my Lord, (saith hee) I have but one example to produce, and then I will put an end to my reasoning, because I am weary longer to stand. Com∣mandment was given that he should sit downe; but he refused, and said, Melancholly reasons would have some mirth intermixed: My last example, (said he) my Lord is this, Uzziah the King not con∣tent with his Royall Estate, malapertly took upon him to enter with∣in the Temple of the Lord to burn Incense upon the Altar of In∣cense; and Azariah the Priest, went in after him, and with him fourscore Priests of the Lord, valiant men, and they withstood Uz∣ziah, and said unto him, It appertaineth not unto thee, (Uzziah) to burn Incense unto the Lord, but to the Priest•• the Sonnes of Aaron, that are consecrated to offer Incense; Goe forth of the Sanctuary, for thou hast trans∣gressed, and thou shalt have none honour of the Lord. Hereof, my Lords, I conclude, That Subjects not onely may, but also ought to with∣stand and resist their Princes, whensoever they doe any thing that ex∣pressely repugnes to God, his Law, or holy Ordinance.

They that withstood the King (said Lethington) were not simple sub∣jects, but were the Priests of the Lord, and figures of Christ, and

such Priests have we none this day to withstand Kings if they doe any wrong.

That the High Priest was the figure of Christ (said the other) I grant, but that he was not a subject, that I deny; for I am assured, that he in his Priesthood had no Prerogative above those that passed before him; now so it is, that Aaron was subject to Moses, and cal∣led him his Lord; Samuel being both P••ophet and Priest, subjected himselfe unto Saul after hee was inaugurated of the People; Sadoc bowed before David; and Abiathar was deposed from the Priesthood by Solomon, which all confessed themselves subjects to the Kings, al∣beit therewith they ceased not to be the figures of Christ. And where∣as you say, we have no such priests this day, I might answer, That neither have we such Kings this day as then were annointed by Gods commandment, and sate upon the seate of David, and were no lesse the figure of Christ Jesus in their just administration, then were the Priests in their appointed Office; and such kings (I am assured) we have not now no more then wee have such Priests; for Christ Jesus being annointed in our nature of God his Father, both King, Priest and Prophet, hath put end to all externall unction. And yet I thinke you will not say that God hath now diminished his graces from those whom he appoints Ambassadours betwixt him and his peo∣ple, then he doth from Kings and Princes; and therefore why the servants of Jesus Christ may not also justly withstand Kings and Princes that this day no lesse offend Gods Majestie then Uzziah did, I see not; unlesse that ye will not say, that we in the brightnesse of the Evangell, are not so straitly bound to regard Gods glory, nor his Commandments, as were the Fathers who lived under the dark sha∣dows of the Law.

Well (said Lethington) I will dip no farther in that Head; but how resisted the Priests the King, they onely spake unto him, without further violence intended.

That they withstood him (said the other) the Text assures me, but that they did nothing but speak, I cannot understand; for the plain Text affirms the contrary, to wit, That they caused him hastily to depart from the san∣ctuary, yea, and that he was compelled to depart; which manner of speak∣ing (I am assured) in the Hebrew Tongue, importeth more then exhorting, or commanding by word.

They did that (said Lethington) after he was espyed to be leprous.

They withstood him before, (said the other) but yet their last fact con∣firms my proposition so evidently, that such as will oppose themselves un∣to it, must needs oppose themselves unto God; for my assertion is, That Kings have no priviledge more then hath the people to offend Gods Maje∣stie, and if so they do, they are no more exempted from the punishment of the Law, then is any other subject; yea, and that subjects may not onely lawfully oppose themselves to their Kings, whensoever they do any thing that expresly oppugnes Gods Commandment, but also that they may execute judgement upon them, according to Gods Law; so that if the King be a Murtherer, Adulterer, or an Idolater, he should suffer

according to Gods Law, not as a King, but as an offender: And that the people may put Gods Law in execution, this History cleerly proveth; for how soon that the Leprosie appeared in his forehead, he was not one∣ly compelled to depart out of the Sanctuary, but also he was removed from all publike society and administration of the Kingdom, and was compelled to dwell in a house apart, even as the Law commanded; and gat no greater priviledge in that case, then any other of the people should have done: And this was executed by the people; for it was no doubt but more were witnesses of his Leprosie then the Priests alone; but we finde none oppose themselves to the sentence of God pronounced in his Law against the Leprosie: And therefore yet again I say, That the peo∣ple ought to execute Gods Law, even against their Princes, when that their open crimes by Gods Laws deserve punishment; but especially, when they are such as may infect the rest of the multitude. And now, my Lords, (said he) I will reason no longer, for I have spoken longer then I in∣tended.

And yet (said Lethington) I cannot tell what shall be the conclu∣sion.

Albeit ye cannot (said the other) yet I am assured what I have proved; to wit,

• 1. That subjects have delivered an innocent from the hands of their King, and therefore offended not God.
• 2. That subjects have refused to strike innocents, when a King commanded, and in so doing, denied no just Obedience.
• 2. That such as strook at the commandment of the King, were before God reputed mutherers.
• 4. That God hath not onely of a subject made a King, but also he armed sub∣jects against their naturall King, and commanded them to take vengeance upon them, according to his Law.
• 5. And lastly, That Gods people hath executed Gods Law against their King, having no further regard to him in that behalf, then if he had been the most simple subject within the Realme.

And therefore, albeit ye will not understand what should be concluded, yet I am assured, That not onely may Gods people, but also, That they are bound to do the same, where the like crimes are committed, and when he gives to them the like power.

Well (said Lethington) I think ye shall not have many learned men of your opinion.

My Lord, (said the other) the Truth ceaseth not to be Truth, howso∣ever it be, That men must either know it, or gainstand it. And yet (said he) I praise God, I lack not the consent and approbation of Gods servants in that Head. And with that he presented unto the Secretary

the Apologie of Magdeburgh, and willed him to reade the names of the Ministers, who had subscribed the defence of the Town to be a most just defence; and therewith added, That to resist a misled King, is not to resist God, nor yet his Ordinance, &c. Who when he had read, he stouped and said, Homines obscuri. The other answered, Dei tamen servi. And Lethington arose, and said, My Lords, ye have heard the reasons upon both parts; it becomes you now to decide, and to put an order unto Preachers, that they be uniform in Doctrine. May we (think ye) take the Queens Masse from her?

While that some began to give, as it were▪ their Votes (for some were appointed, as it were, leaders of the rest) Iohn Knox said; My Lords, I suppose you will not do contrary to your Lordships promise made to the whole Assembly, which was, That nothing should be voted in secret, till that first all matters should be debated in publike, and that then the Votes of the whole Assembly should put end to the controversie. Now have I onely sustained the argument, and have rather shewn my consci∣ence in most simple manner, then that I have insisted upon the force and vehemency of any one argument: And therefore I for my part utterly disassent from all voting, untill the whole Assembly have heard the Pro∣positions and the Reasons of both parties; for I unfainedly acknow∣ledge, That many in that company are more able to sustain the argu∣ment then I am.

Think ye it reasonable (said Lethington) That such a multitude as are now convened, should reason and vote in such heads and matters that concerns the Queens Majesties own Person and Affairs.

I think (said the other) That whatsoever should binde the multitude, the multitude should hear it; unlesse they have resigned their power to Commissioners, which they have not done, so far as I understand; for my Lord Justice Clerk heard them with one voyce say, That in no wise would they consent that any thing there should be voted or concluded.

I cannot tell (said Lethington) if my Lords that be here present, and that bear the burthen of such matters, should be bound to their will: What say ye, my Lords, (said he) will ye vote in this matter, or will ye not vote?

After long reasoning, some that were made for the purpose, said, Why may not the Lords vote, and then shew unto the Church whatsoever is done?

That appears to me (said Iohn Knox) not onely a backward order, but a tyranny usurped upon the Church: But for me, do as ye list (said he) for as I reason, so I wrote; yet protesting as before, That I disassent from all voting, till that the whole Assembly understand as well the que∣stions as the reasons.

Well (said Lethington) that cannot be done now, for too much time is spent; And therefore, my Lord Chancellor (said he) ask ye the votes, and take ever, one of the Ministers, and one of us.

And so was the Rector of Saint Androes commanded first to speak his conscience: Who said, I refer it to the Superintendent of Fyfe, for I think we are both of one judgement: and yet (said he) if ye will that I speake

first, my conscience is this, That if the Queen oppose her self to our Religion (which is the onely true Religion) that in that case the Nobili∣ty and States of this Realme, professors of the true Doctrine, may justly oppose themselves to her: But as concerning her Masse, I know it is Ido∣latry, but I am not yet resolved, Whether by violence we may take it from her, or not. The Superintendent of Fyfe said, That same is my conscience: And so affirmed some of the Nobility. But others voted frankly, and said, That as the Masse is abominable, so it is just and right that it should be suppressed; And that in so doing, men did no more hurt to the Queens Majesty, then they that should by force take from her a poysoned cup, when she were a going to drink in it. Last Master Iohn Craig, fellow Minister with Iohn Knox in the Church of Edinburgh, was required to give his judgement and vote; who said, I will gladly shew un∣to your Honours what I understand; but I greatly doubt, Whether my knowledge and conscience shall satisfie you, seeing you have heard so ma∣ny reasons, and are so little moved by them: But yet I will not conceale from you my judgement, adhering first to the Protestation of my Brother, to wit, That our voting prejudge not the Liberty of the Generall Assem∣bly. I was (said he) in the University of Bonnonia, in the yeer of our Lord 1554. where, in the place of the black-Friers of the same Town, I saw in the time of their Generall Assembly this Conclusion set forth; the same I heard reasoned, determined and concluded, to this sense.

Conclusion.

ALl Rulers, be they Supreme or Inferiour, may and ought to be reformed or bridled (to speak moderately) by them by whom they are chosen, confirmed or admitted to their Office, so oft as they break that promise made by Oath to their subjects; Because that the Prince is no lesse bound by Oath to the subjects, then are the subjects to their Princes; And therefore ought it to be kept and reformed equally, according to Law, and Condition of the Oath that is made of either party.

This Conclusion (my Lords) I heard sustained and concluded, as I have said, in a most notable Auditory. The sustainer was a learned man, Master Thomas de Finola, Rector of the University, a man famous in that Countrey: Master Vincentins de Placentia affirmed the Conclusion to be most true and certain, agreeable both with the Law of God and man. The occasion of this disputation and conclusion, was a certain disorder and tyranny that was attempted by the Popes Governours, who began to make Innovations in the Countrie against the Laws that were before esta∣blished, alleadging themselves not to be subject to such Laws, by reason that they were not instituted by the People, but by the Pope, who was King of that Countrey: And therefore they having full Commission and Authority of the Pope, may alter and change Statutes and Ordinan∣ces of the Countrey, without any consent of the people. Against this usurped Tyranny, the learned and the people opposed themselves: And when that all reasons which the Popes Governours could alleadge were

heard and consulted, the Pope himself was fain to take up the matter, and to promise, not onely to keep the Liberty of the people, but also that he should neither abrogate any Law nor Statute, neither yet make any new Law, without their owne consent: And therefore, my Lord, (said he) my Vote and my Conscience is, That Princes are not onely bound to keep Laws and Promises to their subjects; But also, That in case they fail, they justly may be bridled: For the Band betwixt the Prince and the People is reciprocall.

Then start up a claw-back of that corrupt Court, and said, Ye wot not what ye say; for ye tell us what was done in Bononia; we are a Kingdom, and they are a Common-wealth.

My Lord, (said he) my judgement is, That every Kingdom is, or at least should be a Common-wealth, albeit that every Common-wealth be not a Kingdom; And therefore I think that in a Kingdom no lesse diligence ought to be taken that Laws ought not to be violated, then they ought to be in a Common-wealth, because that the tyranny of Princes who conti∣nuing in a Kingdom, is more hurtfull to the subjects, then is the mis-go∣vernment of those that from yeer to yeer are changed, in free Common-wealths: But yet, my Lord, to assure you, and all others, that Head was disputed to the uttermost; and then in the end was concluded, That they spake not of such things as were done in divers Kingdoms and Nations, by Tyrannie and negligence of people: But we conclude (said they) what ought to be done in all Kingdoms and Common-wealths, according to the Law of God, and unto the just Laws of man: And if by the negli∣gence of the people, by the tyranny of Princes, contrary Laws have been made, yet may that same people, or their posterity, justly crave all things to be reformed according to the originall institution of Kings and Com∣mon-wealths; and such as will not so do, deserve to eat the fruit of their own foolishnesse.

M. Iames Markgow, then Clerk of the Register, perceiving the Votes to be different, and hearing the bold plainnesse of the foresaid servant of God, said, I remember that this same question was long debated on before in my house; and there, by reason we were not all of one minde, it was con∣cluded, That M. Knox in all our names, should have written to M. Calvin, for his jugement in the controversie. Nay, (said M. Knox) my Lord Secre∣tary would not consent that I should write, alleadging, That the greatest weight of the answer stood in the Narrative; and therefore promised, that he would write, and that I should see it: But when divers times I required him to remember his promise, I found nothing but delay. Whereunto the Secretary answered, True it is, I promised to write; and true it is, That M. Knox required me so to do; but when I had ripely advised, and deeply considered the weight of the matter, I found more doubts then I did be∣fore: And this is one, amongst others; How durst I, being a subject, and the Queens Majesties Secretary, take upon me to seek resolution of con∣troversies depending betwixt her Highnesse and her subjects, without her own knowledge and consent.

Then was an acclamation of the claw-backs of the Court, as if Apollo had given his Responce: It was wisely and faithfully done.

Well (said Iohn Knox) let worldly men praise worldly wisdome so highly as they please, I am assured, that by such shifts Idolatry is main∣tained, and the truth of Jesus Christ is betrayed, whereof God one day will be avenged.

At the and at the like sharpnesse were many offended, the Voting ceased, and every Faction began to speak as affection moved; then Iohn Knox in the end was commanded yet to write to Master Calvin, and to the learned in other Churches, to know their judgement in that Question; which he refused, shewing his Reason, I my self am not onely full resolved in con∣science, but also I have heard their judgements, in this and all other things that I have affirmed within this Realme, of the most godly and most learned that he knew in Europe; I came not to this Realme without their Resolution; and for my assurance I have the hand-writing of many: And therefore if I should now move the said Questions again, what should I do other, but either shew mine own ignorance and forgetfulnesse, or else inconstancy: And therefore it may please you to pardon me, in that I write not. But I will teach you the surer way, which is, That you write and complain upon me, That I teach publikely, and affirme constantly such doctrine which offends you; and so shall you know their plain mindes, and whether that they and I agree in judgement, or not.

Divers said the offer was good, but no man was found that would be the Secretary, and so did that Assembly and long reasoning break up; After the which time the Ministers (that were called precise) were holden as Monsters of all the Courtiers. In all that time the Earle of Murray was so frame and strange to Iohn Knox, that neither by word nor writ was there any Communication betwixt them, &c.

The end of the long reasoning betwixt John Knox and the Secretary, in the moneth of June, 1564.

The end of the fourth Book.

Notes

• Isaiah 40 31.
• A true ac∣knowledgment o•• mans weak∣nesse, to the glory of God; and as it was then, so hath it been in this last Reforma∣tion.
• As it was then, so it is now, by Gods mercies ••o that Nation.
• The first Peti∣tion of the Protestants of Scotland.
• Let this be no∣ted for exam∣ple.
• The cause of the trouble within Scotland, flowed from the Courtiers who seemed to professe the Evangell.
• He means the Lo••d Iames, Earle Murray.
• The corrupti∣on that entred the Queens Court.
• The Theolo∣gie of the Court, and their reason••.
• Wicked Coun∣cellors ••athers all th••ir mis∣chiev••us plots upon misled Princes, and causeth them to take all things upon them

  This was writ∣ten when the seco••d rank of the Lord•• was banished, Anno 1560 after Dan••••s s••augh∣ter.
• The Queens Arriva••l from France 156••
• T••••••le & lugubre Coelum.
• The Queens first ••••ace in despight of Religion.
• The Queens. first Masse.
• Lord Iames, notwithstand∣ing his sonner zeal to t••e Truth, com∣plying with Court, favou∣reth Idolatry.
• •• godly reso∣••••••••on.
• The end is not yet seen.
• The persw••s••¦ons of the Courtiers.
• The Lord Ar∣rans stout and godly Prote∣stati••n against the Qu••ens Masse.
• Good resolu∣tion, if fol∣lowed.
• Robert Campbell to the Lord Vchiltrie,
• The Queens practise at the first.
• The iudgment of Iohn Knox upon the suf∣fering of the Masse.
• The Cour∣tier making.
• Note diligent∣ly how wise and godly m••n are so mistaken oft, as to play after games: And this M. Knox doth ac∣knowledge here.
• The first rea∣soning betwixt the Queen and Iohn Knox.
• Note how that Princ••s are in¦formed against God•• servant.
• Let this be no∣ted diligently.
• Let the Prince note this.
• Let this wi••e reply be noted.
• Note this un∣dertaking.
• The Queens second Obje∣ction.
• Answer.
• Note this com∣parison.
• Blinde zeal, what it is.
• When this was written there was no appear∣ance of Maries imprisonment.
• The Queens Church.
• Strong Imagi∣nation, called conscience.
• Question.
• Note this.
• Iohn Knox his judgement of the Queen at the first, and ever since.
• The Queens first Progresse.
• Note the dis∣position of a misled soul.
• Bo••fours do∣ctrine.
• Note this dili∣gently.
• Yet in the Par∣liament holden 1563. there is an expresse Act for punishing of Adultery by death. It is the Act 74.
• The devil get∣ting entry to his little finger will screw in his whole arm.
• Note this.
• The Queenes first fray in Hallyrud-house.
• Division be∣tween the Lords and the Ministers.
• The Queen fain would have had all Assemblies discharged.
• Note this dili••gently.
• Note this dil••∣gently.
• Note this pas∣sage.
• Iohn Knox his judgement of the thirds.
• Let this be noted.
• That is, five old pieces.
• A proverb up∣on Pittaro, Controller.
• The right that Princes have to the Patri∣mony of the Church.
• Note.
• The marriage of the Earl of Murray.
• Note this dili∣gently.
• Note this dili∣gently.
• The Mask of Orleance.
• The Hamiltons against Both∣well and the Marquesse.
• The Earle of Bothwells com∣munication with Iohn Knox 1562.
• Note the com∣plement.
• Note dili∣gently.
• Reconciliation betwixt the Earle of Ar∣rane, and Earle of Bothwell.
• Note dili∣gently.
• Psal. 2.
• The second communing of Iohn Knox with the Queen.
• Note diligently
• Note.
• Note.
• Note diligently
• Note.
• Let Princes note this.
• Let Court-Chaplains and unthrifts of the time, note this.
• The Earle of Lennox, and his Lady im∣prisoned in the Tower of Lon∣don, for traffi∣quing with Papists.
• Sharp left preaching, and took him to the Laws.
• Note.
• This causeth the Qu••ens R••ligion to have many ••a∣vourers.
• Note.
• Note.
• Note d••li∣gently.
• Note.
• Note this for our times.
• Note this for our times.
• An answer to Lethington.
• Note this dili∣gently.
• Iohn Gordonne and Ogilvie.
• Bothwell brake the ward or prison.
• Note another wavering of the Hamiltons.
• A new Cove∣nant, 1562.
• Note.
• So was the Duke. the Earls of Ar∣gyle, Murray, and Glencarne, with all their Company after ter served.

  The day of Correthie field. Octob. 22. 1562
• The Earle of Huntlies prayer.
• Note.
• Corriethieburne, or Farabank.
• Secretary Le∣thingtons Ora∣tion.
• The Lady Forbesse her words.
• Let others that yet live mark this.
• Mens judge∣ment of the Queens Mar∣riage.
• Note this.
• The Preachers railed upon the Courtiers.
• The Preachers Admonition after the Earle of Huntlies death.
• Meaning of Huntley.
• The end de∣clared their words to be true.
• The defence of the Cour∣tiers.
• The Queens practise.
• The tryall of Pauls Meffanes fact.
• Chattelet and the Queen.
• The Queens desire concern∣ing Chattelet.
• The punish∣ment of God for maintaining and erecting of the Masse, death and fa∣mine.
• Iohn Knox sent for by the Queen.
• Reasoning be∣tween I. Knox and the Queen
• Note dili∣gently.
• The Queens judgement of the Bishop of Cathaes.
• The Lady Argile was na∣turall Sister to the Queen, as the Earle Mur∣ray was naturall Brother.
• The Clergie did pretend to be free from all Jurisdiction, save the Popes.
• The judgment of some.
• Huntley forfei∣ted.
• The pride of Women at that Parliament.
• Note diligent∣ly.
• And so was Religion and the Com∣mon-wealth, both neg∣lected.
• Occasion pain∣ted with a bald Hind-head.
• Variance be∣twixt the Earle of Murray and Iohn Knox.
• Iohn Knox dis∣charge to the Earl of Murray.
• God knowes if our times be better.
• The Speaker was the Dean of Restaruk.
• Iohn Knox his affirmation
• Let this serve for our times.
• Let the Pa∣pists judge this day 1567.
• Note Women.
• Lethingtons practice.
• Note diligently
• The last com∣mendation of Lord Iohn to the Queen.
• M. Rob. Font stricken in the head with a weapon by Cap. Lawder.
• Bond to a mu∣tuall defence in the cause of Religion.
• Note Pastors.
• The Master of Maxwells dis∣charge to Iohn Knox, and their reasoning to∣gether.
• Before they disdained not to come to his own house.
• Iohn Knox his answer.
• Note a wise Reply.
• This was the first time the Earle Murray spake with Iohn Knox after the Parliament
• Iohn Knox cal∣led before the Queen and Counsell in Decemb. 156••.
• Note this dili∣gently.
• Note.
• As the Irish Papists have done to Prote∣stants in Ire∣land.
• Let this be no∣ted for this day.
• Let the world judge what ensued.
• Note Pastors.
• Note diligently
• Note the craft of the Court.
• Note.
• I. Knox falsly reported of, his answer.
• Remark false brethren.
• Murther and Whoredome in the Court.
• Maries Regi∣ment.
• Great Wet and Frost in Ian. 1563.
• The Sea stood still, neither ebbed ••or flowed for 24 houres.
• Cucullus.
• Note how this agrees with our time.
• Lethingtons counte••••nce at the threat∣nings of the preacher.
• Let the world judge whether this hath come to passe, or not, what hath fal∣len since that time.
• Lethington his Harangue at the Assembly, Anno 1564.
• Iohn Knox his answer.
• Note diligent∣ly, ••nd see how the Bishops did forbid to pray for the conver∣sion of the Queen that now is in Britain.
• M. Maxwells words in the Assembly.
• Iohn Knox his prayer for the Queen.
• Note.
• 2 Tim. 2.
• Note.
• Note.
• Let this be no∣••ed diligently.
• Psal. 82.
• Note this.
• 1 Sam. 22.
• Note this Dis∣course dili∣gently.
• God craves of us, That we should oppose our selves to iniquity.
• Let this be no∣ted for our times.
• Whether this▪ hath come to passe or not, let the world judge.
• Note this dili∣gently.
• No••••.
• ••. Paral 25.
• When the Prince does serve God sin∣cerely in pri∣vate and pub∣like, and hath a care that the people do the same, then as∣suredly they are faithfull to him; but if he faile in these or in either of them, he findes disobedience in his people, be••ause he is not carefull to obey God, and to see him obeyed.
• Deut. 13. 2 Paral. 26.
• Let this be ap∣plyed to the late affairs of Scotland.
• 2 Paral. 26.
• Note.
• M. Iohn Dow∣gl••s Rector, his Vote.
• Master Iohn Craig his Vote.
• Note dil••gently
• Note deligently