The history of the houses of Douglas and Angus written by Master David Hume ...

THE HISTORY OF THE HOVSE and RACE of DOUGLAS and ANGUS.

Of SHOLTO DOUGLAS the first that bare the name of DOUGLAS, and of whom all that beare that name are descended.

TOuching the original of this illustrious Family and Name of Douglas, we must not looke for an exact and infallible demonstration; things of this nature are not capable of it. Great Antiqui∣ty is commonly accompanied with much incertainty, and the originalls even of Cities, Countries and Nati∣ons, are grounded (for the most part) upon no surer foundation, then conje∣cturall proofs, whose beginnings are more easily known, and better re∣membred then those of private fami∣lies. In such cases we use to take that for truth which comes neerest to it amongst diverse narrations; and must rest on that which is most proba∣ble and apparent. Quis rem tam veterem pro certo affirmet? sayes the Hi∣storian in a matter not unlike. And we will say with the same Authour, Cura non deesset, si qua ad verum via inquirentem ferret: nunc famae standum est, ubi certam derogat vetustas fidem. The beginning of our Nation, yea of both Nations (Scots and English) such as they now are, or of those that were before (Picts and Brittans) is not yet sufficiently cleared: neither is it as yet fully known from what people they are sprung, or how they got their name of Scots, English, Picts & Britans; although the learned have bestow∣ed their pains, andimploied their pens on this subject, to the wearying, but not satisfying of the Reader. As for Scotland, M^r Cambden grants so much, and mocks those that have laboured in it: yet hath he himself bestowed his time and pains to as small purpose in behalf of his countrey-men the Brittans: Neither hath he done any thing, save that by his fruitles attempt (notwithstanding all his bragging) he hath made it appear, that to go about it is but to labour in vain; he himself (after all his travell) remain∣ing no lesse Sceptick, (and to use his own words) Scotizing, then others.

And even Rome it self (the mistresse of the world) though the noon-tide of her Empire be clear and bright, like the Sunne in her strength, yet how misty is the morning and dawning thereof. Darknesse triumphs over the reigns and triumphs of her first kings; which are covered over with such uncertain obscuritie, or rather drowned in so profound and deep night of darknesse, that all her children (though they have beaten their brains, and spent much lamp-oyl in searching of it) could never clear their mothers nativity, or vindicate their father Romulus birth from the fable of the incestuous vestall, nor his nursing from being beholding to a she Wolf. Detur haec venia Antiquitati, ut miscendo humana divinis primordia urbium augustiora faciat. If he had said, that Writers must have leave to be ob∣scure or uncertain in setting down the originall of Cities, it could not well have been denied him; but for men to invent, and to thrust their in∣tentions upon others to be beleeved, because they know not what else to say Detur haec venia nobis, to beleeve no more then is pro∣bable. Neither will that serve his turn, Jam hoc gentes humanae pati∣antur aequo animo, ut imperium patiuntur. They may command our bo∣dies, who cannot command our soules, or our belief; and now we have shaken off the yoake of the one, and so we do reject the other. There is no lesse uncertainty in Plutarches Theseus and Numa. Wherefore we must be contented in the originall of a private family with what others are forced to content themselves in the beginnings of Cities, Nations, Kingdomes, and Empires; which are like to some rivers, whose streams and outlets are known, but their springs cannot be found out, as they report of Nilus. Yet this our Narration doth better deserve credit, then those of Romulus, Numa, Theseus, &c. seeing it contains nothing that is impossible, nothing that is fabulous or incredible: for here are neither gods for their fathers, nor ravening beasts their nurses. And albeit that the Chronicle of our Countrie now extant makes no mention of their beginning, yet what we find there doth rather confirm then confute our deduction thereof. And indeed it is no wonder that they are silent in this point; If we consider how Edward the first of England (surnamed Longshanks) whom his countrey men terme (Scotorum malleus) the hammer of the Scots, because that he deceiving the trust, and abusing the power of Arbitratour which was given him to decide the right to the Crown of Scotland between Bruce & Balioll, did so handle the matter, that setting the together by the ears, after they had well beaten and battered each other, he himself fell upon them both, and so hammered and bruised them, that he did thereby over-run all the low and plain champion Countrey. If we then consider, I say, how he had to make the Scots malleable and pli∣able to his unlimited ambition, after he had thus cut off the flowre of the Scottish Nobility, destroyed also all the lawes of the realm, both civil and ecclesiasticall, burnt the publike Registers, together with private Monu∣ments, Evidents, Charters, and Rights of lands; we shall have greater cause to wonder: that any thing escaped so powerfull a King, intending the full conquest of the Countrey; and who had so jealous an eye over any thing that might encourage his new vassals to rebells, then that we have no more left us. Nay although he had not done this of set purpose,

and with intention to root out all memorialls of Nobility out of the minds of the Scots, and to embase their spirits, by concealing from them their descent and qualities; yet even the common chance and accidents of war were enough to excuse this defect: for the Lord Douglas lands lying in the south parts of Scotland, hard upon the borders of England, this cala∣mity did chiefly afflict him, so that his houses were burnt, his castles razed, himself taken prisoner, and so all monuments of his originall lost or de∣stroyed. Let us remember also, besides all this, the quality and condition of those times, in which there was great scarsity of Writers, and learned men able to preserve the memory of things by their pens, all being set on war, unlesse it were some few cloystred Monks and Friers, who were both carelesse and illiterate droans. Notwithstanding all this, as no destru∣ction is so generall, and so far spread, but something doth escape the fury of it; and though all monuments had been defaced, yet some men being preserved, what was written in their minds and memories remain∣ing unblotted out, they remembred what they had heard from their pre∣decessours, and delivered it to posterity from age to age. By which means we have (as it were) some boords or planks preserved out of this ship∣wrack, which may perhaps keep us from being lost in this deepth of Antiquity, if it do not bring us safe to land.

According then to the constant and generall tradition of men, thus was their originall. During the reigne of Solvathius King of Scotland, one Donald Bane (that is, Donald the white, or fair) having possest himself of all the western Ilands (called Ebudes, or Hebrides) and intitling himself King thereof, aspired to set the crown of Scotland also upon his head. For effectuating whereof, he gathered a great army; wherein he confided so much, that he set foot on the nearest continent of Scotland, to wit, the province of Kintyre and Lorne. The Kings Lievetenants Duchal and Culen, governours of Athole and Argyle make head against him with such forces as they could assemble on the sudden. Donald trusting to the number of his men did bid them battell, and so prevailed at first, that he made the Kings army to give ground, and had now almost gained the day, and withall the Kingdome, that lay at stake both in his own conceit, and the estimation of his enemies. In the mean time a certain Noble man, disdaining to see so bad a cause have so good successe, out of his love to his Prince, and desire of honour, accompanied with his sons and follow∣ers, made an onset upon these prevailing rebels with such courage and resolution, that he brought them to a stand; and then heartning the dis∣couraged fliers both by word and example, he turnes the chace, and in stead of victory they got a defeat; for Donalds men being over∣thrown and fled, he himself was slain. This fact was so much the more noted, as the danger had been great, and the victory unexpe∣cted. Therefore the King being desirous to know of his Lievetenants the particulars of the fight, and inquiring for the Author of so valiant an act, the Nobleman being there in person, answer was made unto the King in the Irish tongue (which was then onely in use) Sholto Du glasse, that is to say, Behold yonder black, gray man, pointing at him with the finger, and designing him by his colour and complexion, without more ceremony or

addition of titles of honour. The King considering his service and merits in preserving his Crowne, and delighted with that homely designation, rewarded him royally with many great Lands, and imposed upon him∣selfe the name of Douglas, which hath continued with his posterity untill this day. And from him the Shire and County vvhich he got, is called stil Douglasdale, the River that vvatereth it, Douglas River, the Castle which he built therein, Douglasse castle. This narration, besides that it is gene∣rally received, and continued as a truth delivered from hand to hand, is al∣so confirmed by a certain manuscript of great antiquity, extant in our dayes in the hands of one Alexander Mackduffe of Tillysaul, who dwelt at Moore alehouse near Straboguie. There (at his dwelling house) William Earle of Angus (who died at Paris 1616) being confined to the North (in the year 1595) did see and peruse it. Neither doth this relation crosse or disagree with any thing set down in our Histories: for although they do not mention this man, nor his fact, yet they all speak of this usurper, and of his attempt and overthrow in the dayes of Solvathius (about the year 767.) Hollinshed and Beetius affirm, that this Donald was Captain or Governour of the Isle of Tyre. Some do call him Bane mack Donalde, but Buchana•…•… calleth him expressely Donaldus Banus, an easie errour in so great affinity of name. There is another of the same name called likewise Do∣nald Bane, who did also usurp the title of the Kingdome, and was in like manner defeated in the reigne of King Edgar (in the year 1000) but that being 333. years after this, and not much lesse after the Emperour Charles Le maigne, in whose time they had now propagated and spread them∣selves in Italy (as shall be shewed anone) It cannot agree either with this History of our Sholto, or with that Donald whom he defeated; this last seeming to be rightlier named Mack Donald, as descended, and come of the former, who was Donalde: wherefore there is nothing here either fa∣bulous, or monstrous; nothing incredible or contrary to it self or to rea∣son; but all things very harmoniously answering one unto another; our tradition with the manuscript, and both of these agreeing with our owne and forreign Histories. And thus concerning Sholto Douglas the root, and originall of the name and family.

Of Hugh Douglas, sonne to Sholto: And first of the name of Hugh.

TO Sholto succeeded his son Hugh, of whom we have nothing to write, but that he assisted his father at the overthrow of Donald Bane the usurper, there being nothing else recorded of him.

Of his son Hugh the second.

UNto the former Hugh did succeed his eldest son named also Hugh: for he had two sons, Hugh and William. Hugh the elder lived at home in his native countrey as a Noble man, borne to a great in∣heritance,

whose actions by the iniquitie of time are buried in silence, and therefore we will insist no longer thereon. His younger brother Wil∣liam (as is the custome of younger brothers) went abroad into forraine Countreys to seek adventures of armes, if so he might make himselfe a fortune that way. Of him therefore we will speake next.

Of William Douglas father of the honourable familie of the SCOTI in Italy.

THis William was son to the first Hugh, and grandchilde to Sholto, younger brother to the second Hugh: he it is that was father to the noble familie of the Scoti in Placenza in Italy, which fell out thus, as it is related by the Italian Historians, agreeing with ours.

Achaius king of Scotland having succeeded to Solvathius, did enter into league with Charlemaigne, which league hath continued betwixt the Scots and French without breach on either side ever since untill these our dayes; whereupon when the Emperour Charles went into Italy to re∣presse the insolencies of Desiderius King of the Lombards committed a∣gainst the Sea of Rome, Achaius as his confederate did send him foure thousand choice men under the conduct of his brother William, a pious and valarous young Prince.

Amongst other of his Captains that went with him, this William Dou∣glas was one of the chief, and had the leading of the men of armes. The Emperour having restored Pope Leo the third to the dignity of his Seat, as he returned through Tuscanie, amongst other his notable acts, he resto∣red also the Commonwealth of Florence to their former libertie; in which exploit the valour and actions of the Scottish Prince William were much remarked: the Florentines to shew their thankfulnesse to the Em∣perour took to their Armes the Red Lillie, a part of the French Armes, the colour only being changed: And in memorie of the valour of Prince William they did institute publike playes yearely, in which they crowned a Lion with great ceremonie and pomp, ordaining also that certain Lions should be kept upon the charges of the common Thesaurarie, because William had a Lion for his Armes, which is also the Armes of the Kings of Scotland. They have also a prophesie in Florence, which saith,

While crowned Lions live in Florence field, To forraine Armes their State shall never yeeld.

This Prince William, brother to Achaius King of Scotland, passed into Germanie, and gave himselfe wholly to the warres, where for his service by his sword, having obtained large Territories, he led a single life all his dayes, and thinking to make Christ his heire, he founded and doted fifteen Abbacies for those of the Scottish Nation. It is he (saith Major) who is named in songs made of him, Scottish Gilmore. Now while as the Empe∣rour and Prince William were in their returne from Italy towards France, William Douglas in his voyage through Plaisance did fall into a heavie dis∣ease,

and not being able to go along with the Emperour, stayed at Plai∣sance till he recovered his health. And then considering the toile and dan∣ger of so long a journey, as it would be into his own Countrey, he resol∣ved rather to remain there, then to hazzard his person any more, which such travell would have greatly endangered: wherefore to gain the good will of the Citizens of Plaisance, and to strengthen himselfe (being a stranger) by a good alliance, he took to wife a daughter of Antonio Sp•…•…∣no, one of the most eminent and honourable houses in that Citie: by her he had many children, of whom are descended those of the most noble Familie of the Scoti, who are so called by reason of this William, their Ancestour, who was a Scottishman, the name of his Country being bet∣ter knowne, and more remarkable, then either his own proper name, or the name of his Familie. This originall of the Scoti in Plaisance is colle∣cted and confirmed, 1. by the testimonie of the Italian Writers; 2. by the tree and genealogie of that familie; 3. and by their Coat of Arms which they give, being the same with the ancient Coat of the Douglasses, with some difference.

1 Touching our Authors, they are such as have written the Historie of Plaisance, which is followed forth by Umbertus Locatus, and Francis∣cus Sansovinus. This last (Sansovinus) in the first book of his Historie, De primo origine delle case illustri d' Italia, writeth thus: Quando Carolo Magno fece l' Impresa in Italia contra Desiderio Re de Longobardi (l' anno 779) hebbe per suo Conduttiere di huomini di armi un Gulielmo Scozzese della Familia di Conti di Duglasi, &c. as we have set down before. Onely he calls it the 779 year, which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Writers call 800, or 801. There he showes how this House was illustrious from the very first beginning thereof: And for their rank they held in that Citie, he declares that it was one of the foure Families which did distribute the Offices of the City, which were these; Scotta, Landra, Anguiscola, Fontona. And they grew at last so numerous, and so famous both for Letters and Armes, that having purchased many Rents, and great Lands and Territories, together with many Friends and Alliance, they acquired the Soveraignty of that Citie, and became abso∣lute Lords and Princes thereof. So that from them when they were Prin∣ces of Plaisance did spring the Counts or Earles of 1 Vegelino, 2 Agaza∣no, 3 and Sarmetti. They have beene allied with the chiefe Families in those Provinces, the 1 Rangoni, 2 Fieshi, 3 Ressi, 4 Pallavicini, 5 Lodroni, 6 Strozzi, 7 Conti d' Arco: and the like. Then he reckons divers particu∣lar persons, and namely (which doth serve to confirme this deduction) Donatus Scotio Bishop of Bobio, (who lived in the yeare 846, or 48. who built a Monasterie without the walls of Plaisance, which he dedicated to the memory and honour of Saint Bride (Patronesse of Douglas) in remem∣brance that hee was a Douglas, as is probable. He built also a Church within the walls, which he gave to the Friers of the Monasterie of Bobio, who were of Saint Colme (or Columbanus) Order, who was Abbot of I∣colm•…•…kill an Island amongst the Scottish Hebrides. And this he did (saith Sansovino) Non solamente per l' amor de Dio, ma anchora perche San Columba∣no fu di Hibernia Isola de Scotia: Not onely for the love of God, but be∣cause Saint Colme (or Columbanus) was of Ireland, an Island of Scotland,

so he thought being a forreigner, being the Scots and Irish are mutually descended each of other. Then comming to speak of their worth and va∣lour, he reckons up above six and twenty persons who were ever valorous in whatsoever fortune good or bad, and have been in great employments continually for the space of two hundred eighty five yeares together, un∣der the Emperour Henry the fourth, Charles the fourth, and Sigismund: Also under John King of Bohemia, and Duke John Maria, in divers pla∣ces, at Pavie, Candie, in Cyprus, in Albania, Famagusta, at the Isle of Thin against the Turks, in all which services they behaved themselves valarously, and discharged their places with credit and honour. There were some also famous for learning, as Christophero Doctor of the Lawes, and Bishop of Cavaillon (in Provence of France) and Fiderico an excellent Jurisconsult, and who hath written learnedly. At last he relates how they were overthrown by the Duke of Millain, who besieged Alberto Vochio, the elder, and forced him to render upon composition, by which he gave divers Castles, Lands, and Territories, and divers Jurisdictions, with a competent estate and means. And here he reckons up above ten or twelve Castles which they still possesse, all famous and honourable, with the greatest priviledges that can be.

2. As for the Tree and Genealogie of these Scoti, in it we have first this our 1 William Douglas, 2 then David, 3 Lanfrancus, who had foure sonnes, 1 Johannes, 2 Raynaldus, 3 Ruffinus, 4 Rollandus. Johannes had Alber•…•…s, who begat foure sons; 1 Petrus, of whom we finde no succes∣sion; 2 Nicholaus, of whom are descended the houses of Fombii, Guar∣damilii, and Cassaligii; 3 Franciscus, or Francus, of whom are the Counts of Volgolino, Angazano, and Sarmetto, and those of Gragnani; 4 Ja∣cobus, father of the Familie of the Castri sti Johannis. Lanfrancus second son Raynaldus was Progenitor to the Gravahi and Varsii. 3 Ruffinus his third son was Author of the Momaghi, Magnani, & domorum del Boscho. 4 Of Rollandus his fourth son are descended the Passano, and Aygveriae. These, with their off-spring, have multiplied and spread themselves into divers parts of Italie. Also they are found in the Marquisate of Salluce in France, in Guienne, and about Bourdeaux, where they are knowne by the names of Honglas, having corrupted the originall name, as strangers are wont to doe. There are also of these Scoti in the towne of Antwerp in Brabant, amongst which Petrus and Cornelius Scoti, inhabitants and mer∣chants there of the best sort, who being lately challenged and interrupted by the Magistrates thereof, for presuming to set up the Douglasses Armes upon the tombs of their fathers, did send over into Scotland, in the yeare 1619. a messenger of purpose (Alexander Seaton by name) with their seve∣rall letters signed with the names of Scoti, alias Douglassi, directed unto the Right Honourable William Earle of Angus, Lord Douglas, &c. acknow∣ledging their descent from his House, and intreating his Honours testi∣moniall thereupon. Upon which request, the said Earle having examined the matter by his Evidents, and other Records, found their claime to be just and right, was moved to send them by the same messenger an authen∣tick Patent of their Pedegree under the broad Seale of Scotland, as like∣wise under the hands and several seales of William Earle of Angus, William

Earl of Morton, dated the 16. day of March 1621. In which patent the said Petrus and Cornelius extraction from this William father of the Scoti, and grandchild to Sholto, is deduced particularly, as may be seen in the publike Register of Scotland. 3. As for the ancient armes of the house of Douglas, they were three mullets (or starres) onely in a field azure, un∣till good Sir James did adde the crowned Hart, because King Robert Bruce did concredit to him the carrying of his heart, and burying of it at Jerusa∣lem. The Italian Douglasses (or Scoti) having come off before him, kept the field coat unaltered, as may be seen in their Tombes and other Mo∣numents: for in Plaisance, in Saint Lawrence Church, where there are above twelve severall Monuments and Tombes of that Family (it being their buriall place) whereof some are of marble, surrounded with iron grates, there is an ancient Monument of a noble Lady near unto the high altar, bearing these three mullets, with this inscription, Margareta Scota Contessa de Burla: but now the Italian Douglasses, or Scoti, give but two mullets, and between two they have drawn a beam argent, which begins at the right hand, and ends at the left. The reason of this difference is given in this letter sent by the Conte de Agazano to this present Earle of Angus, which we wil set down in his own words and language, as he sent it written, and signed with his owne hand, and sealed with his seal.

Ill^mo Sigr mio Ess^mo,

QUando •…•…o hebbi l' honore de vedere in Orleans vuestra illustrissima sig∣noria gli promessi fargli havere l' Arbore de la famiglia Scota de Pi∣acenza discesa d' illustrissima casa di Douglas. Ma perche non ho fin 〈◊〉〈◊〉 havuto comodita sicura di mandarlo, non ho pagato primo questo debito. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dunque con l' occasione di un gentil. huomo, mio amico, qui passa in Inghilterra non ho voluto tardare piu a mandarle come faccio detto arbore o Genca loigia; pregando vs ill^ma honorarmi, come mi promisse dell' arbore de la casa. Douglas in Scotia, almeno quella parte che la rigidezza di tempi passati di guerri in quel regno havera permesso di poter conservare la memoria, et io gli ne restero obli∣gatissimo. L' arma antiqua di Scoti en Piaienza era conforme a L' an∣tiche de Douglasso, come se vedo in ditta citta ne la chiesa de santo 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Ma al tempo che Ghelfi, & Ghibellini guerregiavano in Italia: Li Scoti come partiali di Francesi furon elletti capi di Gelphi in Piabenza. Et perche tutte le cose d' numero non paro si intendevano Ghibellini, furono donque necessitati di rendere il numero delle tre stelle o vero a quattro o vero a due. Ma giudacando che accrescerne non conveniva: Si resolvettero Levarne un•…•…, a la piazza della quale per memoria missero. La sbarra bianca che commiciando de le parte de∣stra va a finire a la sinistra, che si la sbarra comminciasse a la sinistra, & finisse a la destra, saria Ghibellini. Il champo che solea essere rizo fu d' Arrigo. 4. Im∣peratore dato insieme col Cimere d' un Pellicano, il Cimere a quei Scoti soli che le Portano di presente, & il campo a tutta la familia generallmente. Ho giudi∣cato bene fare questa poca digressione, accio vs Ill_a ^m hebbi qualche notitia per∣che su seguita la mutatione. Mi sara caro ch' ella si compiaccia screvermi la ricevuta di detta Arbore, all arma del quale manca la corona sopra, che ci deve essere in loco del cimere. Et volendo mi honorare di suc lettere, in viandore all

Illustrissimo & Ess^mo S^r Duca di Nevers mio capitano sicure, & io ne tenero obligo particulare a vs ill^ma; a la quale per fine, insieme con Li Signori suoi fratelli, & figlioli bacio le mani, conpiegarle da N. S. ogni prosperita▪

Di Paris le 8. Maggio. 1622.

Di vs ill^ma Devotissimo Ser∣vit^re & parente Il Conte Marc Antonio Scoto d' Agazano

My honourable Lord, William Douglas.

WHen I had the honour to see you at Orleans, I promised to send you the Tree of the Family of the Scoti of Plaisance; which is descended of the illustrious house of Douglas: But because I have not hi∣therto had a convenient opportunity of sending it safely, I have not yet paid this debt: Now therefore having found the occasion of this Gentle∣man my friend▪ who was to go into England I would delay no longer to send, the Tree or Genealogie: which I have done, beseeching your Lordship as you promised me to honour me with the Tree of the house of Douglas in Scotland; at least, so much of it as the iniquitie of times past, and the wars in that kingdome have suffered to remain undefaced, and undestroyed, and I shall rest your Lordships obliged for this fa∣vour.

The old armes of the Scoti in Plaisance, were conformed to the old armes of the Douglas, as may be seen in the foresaid Citie, in the Church of Saint Lawrance. But when the Ghelfs, and Ghibellins did warre one against another in Italy, the Scoti as partners of the French, were chosen to be heads of the Ghelfs in Plaisance. And because all things of an odde or unequall number were taken for Ghibelline, they were constrained to change the number of three starres, into either foure or two. But esteem∣ing that it was not fit to increase the number, they resolved to take one from them: in the place of which (in memory of it) they put a white or argent bar, which beginning at the right hand is drawn along, and ends at the left: for if it had begun at the left, and ended at the right hand, it had been Ghibelline. The field which was given by the Emperour Henry the fourth, together with a Pelican for the crest, which is the Crest of the Scoti onely, who carry it at this houre, and the field of the whole Family generally.

I have thought good to make this short digression, that your Lordship might have some knowledge wherfore this change was made in our coat:

your Lordship should do me a singular favour if you would be pleased to write unto me of the receit of this Tree, in the armes of which the Co∣ronet is wanting, because the Crest is the place where it should be, and to honour me with your letters which you may send to my noble Cap∣tain the Duke of Nivers, and so they shall come safe to me; for which favour I shall be particularly obliged to your Lordship. So kissing your Lordships hands, together with these of your brethren and children, I pray the Lord to blesse you with all happinesse and prosperity.

Paris 8. May 1622.

Your Lordships humble servant and Cousen, Mark Antonio Scoto Counte d' Agazano.

This Tree was received by the Earle of Angus, who did also send to him the Tree of the house of Douglas.

Now besides all this which we have said, the Evidents and Monu∣ments, Charters and Writs of priviledge of their house, do witnesse the same: for in the priviledges granted to them by the Emperour Henry the fourth, and Sigismond, as also by Giovanni Maria Duke of Millain, the surname of Douglas is expresly inserted with the titles of Earles given to three severall persons of that house, first Francisco created Conte de vigo∣lino; Giovanni (his brother) Conte d' Agazano, by the said Duke, and to Alberto expressely intituled Conte de Douglas & Vigolino, by Sigismond the Emperour.

Now after all this, I hope we may justly say with John Leslie Bishop of Rosse; Unde certissimâ conjecturâ assequimur illam perantiquam familiam quibus (Scoti cognomen) confirmabit jam usus loquendi, Placentiae florentem ex nobilissimâ nostrorum Duglassiorum comitum prosapiâ oriundam fuisse: that the Scoti in Plaisance are come of the Douglasses in Scotland. And thus much for William the second, sonne to Hugh the first, and grandchilde to Sholto.

Of William the first Lord, created Lord of Douglas at the Parliament of Forfaire.

NOw to return home again to the Scotish Douglasses, we finde that King Malcolme Kenmore in a Parliament held at Forfair in An∣gus, in the yeare 1057. as the manuscript, Major and Bucha∣nan have it, but according to Boetius, 1061. did create many Earles, Ba∣rons (or Lords) and Knights, amongst whom there is Gulielmus a Dou∣glas,

who was made a Barron: the words are these: Malcolmus Scotorum Rex 86〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 anno 1061. Inde Forfarum generale indixit Concilium, v•…•…lens ut 〈◊〉〈◊〉 quod antea non fuerat, aliarum more gentium à praedis suis cognomina caperent: quosdam vero etiam comites (vulgo Earles) quosdam 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (vulg Lords) alios Milites, aut Equites Auratos (vulgo martiall Knights) creavit Makduffum Fifae Thanum, Fifae Comitem, Patritium Dumba∣rum, Marchiarum comitem: alios quoque viros praestantes, Montethiae, Atho∣liae, Marriae, Cathanesiae, Rossiae, Angusiae, dixit comites. Johannem Sou∣les, Davidem Dardier ab Abernethie, Simonem a Tueddell, Gulielmum a Douglas, Gillespium Cameron, Davidem Bri•…•…hen, Hugonem a Caldella, Baro∣nes, cum diversis aliis, Equites Auratos, perplures pauci vero Thani relicti. In English thus, Malcolme the 86^t. King of Scots, being crowned at Scone in the year 1061, conveened a Parliament at Forfaire, where, according to the custome of other Nations, he ordained that Noblemen should have their titles to be distinguished by their possessions, and lands, which had not been the custome of this Countrey in former times. And so he created some Countes or Earles, others Barons or Lords, and others Cavalliers or Martiall Knights: he made Mackdusfe Earle of Fife, who had been Thane of Fife; Pàtrick Dumbarre, Earle of Marche: he made also others of the Nobility Earles of Monteeth, Athole, Marre, Murray Cathnes, Rosse, Anguse. John Souls, David Dardier of Abernethie, Simon of Tweddale, William of Douglas, Gilespie Cameron, David Briechen, Hugh of Calder, were made Barons or Lords: others more he knighted like∣wise a great many, so that few Thanes were left. This note of these very words were extracted out of the Register and Monuments of Icolmekill, and sent to George Buchanan, when he was in writing his history of Scot∣land; whereof John Read, (Buchanans servitour, and amanuensis) having reserved a copy, did communicate it to diverse afterward. Now here this William being ranked amongst the Nobility, who were chosen out to receive these new honours, could be no mean man: but in all likely∣hood, the chief and principall of that name; and so the eldest descended of Sholto, and his sonne Hugh the first, and his grandchilde Hugh the se∣cond, by lineall succession. This is al we have of him, save that it is a received generall report and tradition, that his two sons, John and Willi∣am, were Knights at the same Parliament, which is an argument that he hath been a man of good esteem, and eminent place.

Of John, the second Lord of Douglas.

WIlliam did leave behind him two sonnes, John and William, both Knights: The eldest was Sir John of Douglasburn, which is a parcell of ground and mannour lying betwixt Ettrick forrest, and Peebles. The other was William of Glendinning, which is about the upmost parts of West-Teviotdale neere to Ewesdale. Now whether this John did succeed to his father in the Lordship, as being his eldest son and heire, who was designed (during his fathers life time onely) by the title of Douglasburn, or whether he had an elder brother, and so both he and Sir

William were but cadets of the house of Douglas, we cannot affirm: But thus much they say, that these two brothers were men of great power and authority, and very worthy and valiant gentlemen. They affirm also that Sir William of Glendinning had two sonnes, Alexander and William, of whom are descended those of Cressewall, Strabrock, Pompherston, Pittendrigh, and Calder-Cleer.

Of William the second of that name, and third Lord of Douglas.

WE have but little mention of this man, onely in a Charter granted to the town of Aire by King David, first sonne to King Malcolme Kenmore, he is inserted a witnesse without any other title or designation: Then Gulielmus de Douglas, William of Douglas. This Charter was given the 25. or 27. yeare of his Reigne, the yeare of God 1151. two yeares before his death, which was 1153.

Of Archbald the fourth Lord of Douglas, and first of that name.

THere is as little mention made of this Archbald, as of the former William: we find him onely inserted witnesse in a second Charter granted to the town of Aire, by Alexander the second sonne to King William, in the 22. of his reigne, and of our redemption, 1236.

Of the third William, and fifth Lord of Douglas, maker of the Indenture with the Lord Abernethie.

THis VVilliam is found in an Indenture made betwixt him, and the Lord Abernethie, which the Earles of Angus have yet extant, amongst their other evidents and rights of their lands. The date of this Indenture is on Palmesunday, in the yeare 1259.. in the reigne of Alexander the third: the place, the Castle of Edinburgh: It is a contract of marriage, in which the father called there VVilliam Lord Douglas, doth contract his sonne Hugh Douglas to Marjory Abernethie, sister to Hugh Lord Abernethie, The summe and contents thereof, are that the marriage shall be solemnized on Pasche day, that all things may be perfected be∣fore Ascension day. The conditions are these, for the Lord Abernethies part, that he shall give with his sister to Hugh Douglas, viginti carictas terrae (perhaps it should be Carrucatas terrae) twenty plough gate of land in the towne of Glencors. And for the Lord Douglas part, that he shall give to his son Hugh Douglas and Marjory his wife 20. Carrucatas in feudo de Douglas, twenty plough gate of land in the few of Douglas. The witnes∣ses are Alexander Cumine, Earle of Buchan, Raynold Cumin, John of Dundie-Moore, and one Douglas, whose Christian name was worn away,

and could not be read. This should seem to be that Indenture which Sir Richard Metellane of Lithington, father to Iohn Lord of Thirlestane, sometime Chancellour of Scotland, of worthy memory, doth mention in his manuscript, where he hath carefully collected some memories of the house of Douglas. He sayes that Sir John Ballandine of Achnoute Knight, did show to John Lesly Bishop of Rosse, one Indenture that makes mention of Douglassas 80. yeares before that Lord William (the Hardie) who was contemporary with William Wallace, and this Indenture is very neare so long before his time. But he saith that the Lord Aberne∣thie, who doth there indenture with the Lord Douglas, was father to Mar∣jory, and our Indenture •…•…akes him brother to her. It may be there have been two Indentures; one before this made by her father, which not being accomplished during his life, hath been renewed by his sonne or brother, or that they have mistaken it, for there is no other save this one∣ly (which doth clearly call him her brother) amongst their writs and evidents. Upon this there was drawn up a Charter without date of either time or place; onely it appears by the tenour thereof, that it was made after the Indenture. The giver is the same Lord William to Hugh his son and heire: the lands disposed to him are, Glaspen, Hartwood, Kennox and Carmackhope, and Leholme; together with the lands sayes he, (quae sunt in calumnta inter me & haeredes Johannis Crawford) that are in suit of law betwixt me and the heirs of John Crawforde, without any detriment. Then the cause of his giving is set down, that they may be a dowry to Marjorie Abernethie his sonnes wife, and sister to Hugh Lord Abernethie. Ever after this he intitles his sonne, Dominus Hugo de Douglas, Sir Hugh of Douglas. It hath an expresse caveat, that if after the marriage be so∣lemnized, the said Sir Hugh of Douglasdale shall happen to die, or if he shall (aliquo malo suo genio) through some devillish or wicked disposition abstain from copulation with her, she shall brook and injoy these lands, although the said Lord VVilliam should be alive: And if the said Mar∣jory shall outlive the said Lord VVilliam, thought her husband Hugh should die before him, yet he shall have the third part of his lands in Douglasdale, excepting the third of so much as the said Lord VVilliam shall leave to his wife. There is in it another very strange point, and as it were a provision in case of divorcement, or not consummating the marri∣age: viz. that if the said Sir Hugh, or Lord Hugh (Dominus Hugo) be then (after his fathers death) living lord and heir, or have an heire by any other wife, the said Marjory shall possesse the lands notwithstanding, all the dayes of the said Hughs life. Now he could not have an heire by another wife, unlesse he were first divorced from her. There is also one clause more touching her security, That if the Lord Abernethie, or his counsell shall desire any other security reasonable by Charter or hand∣write, that they shall cause make the conveyance as they think good, and Lord VVilliam shall signe it, and set his seal to it. The seal at this is lon∣ger then broad, fashioned like a heart, the letters thereon are worn away, and not discernable save onely (W ^ll) and the armes seeme to be three Starres or Mullets at the upper end thereof: but I cannot be bold to say absolutely they were so. This I have set down the more particularly

and punctually, that by these circumstances the truth may be more clear and free from all suspition of forgery and invention. I have done it also, that though every one be not curious or taken with these things, such as are (of which number I prefesse my self to be one) may find something to please their harmelesse desire of the not unpleasant, and some way pro∣fitable knowledge of Antiquity.

By this Indenture it is cleare that this William is not the same with VVilliam Hardie, who died in prison, and was father to good Sir James, because his name was VVilliam, and had a sonne Hugh, as the other also had: for if we do but suppose that Hugh contracted to Marjory Aberne∣thie were 25. yeares of age at the making of the •…•…ndenture (1259.) and that his father Lord VVilliam were twenty five yeares elder then his son Hugh, fiftie in all: then must he have been when he married the young English Lady (by whom he had divers children) and when he assisted VVilliam VVallace, when he surprised the Castles of Sanquhaire and Dis∣deir, and performed other warlike exploits, being still in action till the 1300. about 90. or 100. years of age, which carries no likelihood with it that one so old, should be so able of his body. Besides this Lord VVil∣liam the Authour of this Indenture had for his eldest sonne and heire this Hugh contracted to Marjory Abernethie, but the eldest sonne and heire to that Lord VVilliam wanted good Sir James, who died in Spain: for all our Histories do tell how that the Bishop of Saint Andrews did sute King Edward for good Sir James to restore him to his fathers lands and inheritance, but King Edward refused to do it: and in a Charter given by King Robert Bruce in the fifteenth yeare of his reigne, Bervici super Twedam, at Berwick upon Tweed, of the Lordship of Douglas, these ex∣presse words are contained, Jacobo Domino de Douglas, Filio & Heredi Guliclmi de Douglas. This good Sir James dying without heire male law∣fully gotten of his own body, his brother Hugh succeeded to him in the yeare 1342. in which year the same Hugh doth give a Charter of the said lands and Lordship, to wit, Douglasdale, together with the lands of Car∣michel, Selkrick, &c. To his Nephew William son to Archbald his brother, which VVilliam did succeed to Hugh, he having no heires male, he was afterward Earle of Douglas. Now it is against all reason to think that he that was contracted to Marjory Abernethy (1259.) should be the same with this Hugh who gives this Charter (1342.) seeing he must be now 106. or 107. years of age, which is not probable.

This VVilliam had to wife Martha sister of Alexander Earle of Carrict, who bare to him two sonnes, Hugh his eldest, and VVilliam the Hardie: by their alliance with the house of Carrick, besides that he was not a lit∣tle strengthned, they being great men and powerfull, it fell out that his posterity became of kindred to King Robert Bruce: for Fergus Lord of Galloway had two sonnes; the elder Gilbert, and Ethred the younger. At his death he ordained that the Lordship of Galloway should be divided betwixt them, which was done accordingly; and the division was rati∣fied and confirmed by King William, who did then reigne: but the King being afterward taken prisoner at Anwick be the English, Gilbert nothing contented with the division, having got Ethred his brother into his

hands, caused put out his eyes, and possessed himself of the whole Lord∣ship, and kept it till he died, which was before the Kings return out of England, before which Ethred also was dead. These two brothers left each of them a sonne behind him; Gilbert left Alexander, and Ethred Rowland. This Rowland finding his faction the stronger, thrust out his cousen Alexander, and seized upon the whole estate himself alone, and at the Kings return took a new gift thereof of the King, who gave also to Alexander, Gilberts sonne, in recompense and lieu thereof, the Earle∣dome of Carrick: This Alexander had but one sister named Martha, who was married to this Lord William Douglas, he went into Syria with Edward Prince of Wales, who was brother in law to King Alexander, the third, sent by the King and State at the Popes request, to fight against the Sarasins. There went with him the Earle of Athole, and ma∣ny brave Knights and Gentlemen: in which expedition he died; leaving onely one daughter his heire, Martha Countesse of Carrick. She was married to Robert Bruce, sonne to Robert Bruce (who is known by the name of Robert the Noble) and to Isabel second daughter to David Earle of Huntington. To this Robert, the Countesse of Carrick bare Ro∣bert Bruce, who was afterwards King of Scotland. So then we see how Martha Countesse of Carrick, and William the Hardie were Cousin ger∣mans; and her sonne King Robert Bruce, and good Sir James Cousins once removed: so that not onely the thralled liberties of Scotland, and his private losses, did oblige Sir James to fide with King Robert, and to stick so constantly to him, but this tie of bloud and consanguinity also, being so near a kinsman. We are also to observe here, that Martha Coun∣tesse of Carrick, was also the nearest, just and rightfull heire to the Lordship of Galloway, being descended of the elder brother Gilbert, and therefore to be preferred before Allane, who was descended of the younger brother Ethred by Rowland his •…•…ather: and after her and her heires, her fathers sister married to this Lord William was next heire to both the Earledome of Carrict, and Lordship of Galloway. Whether this title did move the Douglasses to seek the Lordship of Galloway, as they did afterward, and helped them to obtain it the more easily of the King, or of others descended of Allane, and of his heires, I leave it to be considered. How ever that be, we may see by the matching with this honourable house of Carrick, Galloway and Abernethy, the chief Peers in this Realme as then, that the house of Douglas was of no small esteem and account long before good Sir James, and that they mistake things farre, and are but ill versed in Antiquity that thinke he was the first that did raise that name to Nobility or greatnesse, this Williams marriage ha∣ving preceded his time 80. yeares at least.

Of Sir Hugh (the third of that name) and sixth Lord of Douglas.

WIlliam had to his eldest sonne and lawfull successour, Sir Hugh Douglas, who as we have said was married to Marjorie Aberne∣thie, daughter to Alexander, and sister to Hugh Lord of Aber∣nethie.

This house of Abernethie were friends and followers of the Cum∣mins, and did assist and party them in all their enterprises, as we may see by their joyning with them at Kinrosse when they took King Alexander the third. Their credit and favour with their Princes appears by this; That Lord William Abernethie got of King William the Abacie of Aber∣brothock, or (as it may be thought rather, for the writing was dimme and hard to discern) the Collegiate Church lands of Abernethie, paying thence yearely twenty pound. This Hugh Abernethie obtained also of King Alexander the third, a Charter of the lands of Lenrie, and a pensi∣on of fiftie pound sterling by yeare: likewise he got from the same King a confirmation of the lands of Hulkstone and Lilestone. In these gifts the Cummins still are witnesses, and with them stiled Patrick Earle of Dumbarre. We finde also a gift of twenty pound land granted by Isabell Countesse of Stratherne Relict of Walter Cummin, and her husband John Russell. In the dayes of Balioll this house was so powerfull, that thy were able to make their party good against the Earle of Fife, whom they slew, and were winked at by Balioll: with this house did Sir Hugh match, as his father had done with Carrict and Galloway, which as it was an ho∣nourable alliance for him, so doth it also argue that the house of Douglas even then was noble and honourable, and in the rank amongst the great∣est, as we have said.

How long this Sir Hugh Lord Douglas did live after his contract and marriage, we cannot finde: but it is clear that he had no children that survived and outlived their father, because his brother William was his heire and successour. Neither can we relate any his particular actions; one∣ly fame and tradition have given him a received testimony of activitie, watchfulnesse and diligence, by terming him good Sir Hugh Douglas, whom his foes found never sleeping. He with his wife are buried in Saint Brides Church in Douglas.

Of William the Hardie (or Long legge) the fourth William and seventh Lord of Douglas.

TO Hugh did succeed his brother VVilliam, who for his valour and courage is distinguished by the addition of VVilliam the hardie; he is named also William long legge, by reason of his tall and goodly; stature, having beene a very personable man. Hee was twice married: first to the Lord Keeths sister, by whom he had two sonnes, Iames and Hugh, as is evident by a Charter of re•…•…ignation made by his son Hugh to his nephew VVilliam the first Earle of Douglas: his next wife was an English Lady called Ferrar, or Ferrais, of which name we finde the Earls of Darbie to have beene in the dayes of King Henry the third: She bare also two sons, Archbald Lord of Galloway, and Iohn, of whom are de∣scended the Lords of Dalkeith, Maines, and Loghleven.

Concerning himselfe, we finde in the English Chronicle, that when King Edward the first took in the town of Berwick (in the yeare 1295.) he was Captain of the Castle there, and not being able to resist and hold

out, the Towne being in the enemies hands, he rendred the place, with himselfe also a prisoner, where he remained untill the warres were ended, by the yeelding of Iohn Balioll to King Edward. During the time of his captivitie he was to marry this English Lady, that so he might be drawn to favour the Kings pretensions in conquering of Scotland. But his matching did not alter his affection towards his native Countrey, nor brake his constancie in performing his dutie to it.

Wherefore when he heard that VVilliam VVallace was risen up, and had taken open banner against the English, he joyned with him, by which accession of forces, Wallace Army was much increased and strengthened; yet they were not alwayes together, but according to the occasion, and as opportunity did offer, they did divide their companies; and went to se∣verall places, where they hoped to get best advantage of the enemie, and where there needed no great Armie, but some few companies at once. In these adventures Lord William recovered from the English the Castles of Disdiere and Sanwheire. The manner of his taking the Castle of San∣wheire is said to have beene thus: There was one Anderson that served the Castle, and furnished them with wood and fewell, who had dayly ac∣cesse to it upon that occasion. The Lord Douglas directs one of his trusti∣est and stoutest servants to him to deale with him, to finde some meane to betray the Castle to him, and to bring him within the gates onely. Anderson either perswaded by entreatie, or corrupted for money, gave my Lords servant (called Thomas Dickson) his apparell and carriages, who comming to the Castle, was let in by the Porter for Anderson. Dickson presently stabbed the Porter, and giving the signall to his Lord who lay neere by with his Companies, set open the gates, and received them into the court. They being entred, killed the Captaine, and the whole Eng∣lish Garrison, and so remained masters of the place. The Captains name was Beuford, a kinsman to his own Ladie Ferrais, who had oppressed the Countrey that lay near to him very insolently. One of the English that had been in the Castle escaping, went to the other garrisons that were in other Castles and Townes adjacent, and told them what had befallen his fellowes, and withall informed them how the Castle might be recover∣ed▪ whereupon joyning their forces together, they came and besieged it. The Lord Douglas finding himself straightned, and unprovided of neces∣saries for his defence, did secretly convey his man Dickson out at a po∣stern or some hidden passage, and sent him to William Willace for aid: Wallace was then in the Lennox, and hearing of the danger Douglas was in, made all the haste he could to come to his relief. The English having notice of Wallace approach, left the siege, and retired toward England; yet not so quickly but that Wallace accompanied with Sir John Grahame, did overtake them, and killed 500. of their number, ere they could passe Dalswynton. By these and such like means Wallace with his assistance having beaten out the English from most part of their strengths in Scot∣land, did commit the care and custody of the whole Countrey, from Drumlenrigge to Aire, to the charge of the Lord Douglas. Now how∣beit there be no mention of these things in our Chronicle, yet seeing the book of Wallace (which is more particular in many things) speakes of

them, and the Charter of the house of Siminton descended lineally of the said Thomas Dickson, who for this and his other like services done to this Lord, and afterward to his sonne good sir James, got the 20. mark land of Hisleside, which his posterity doth enjoy still, holding of the Lords of Douglas and Angus, and there is no doubt to be made, but he hath done much more in his assistance he gave Wallace, then is recorded or extant any where, there being no likelihood that in those so busie times, these so valiant and brave warriers did lie idle, though the particu∣lars lie buried in deep silence. And certainly it was not for nought that his lands were burnt by Robert Bruce himself, his wife and children taken prisoners, and brought to the King of England: his wife and children were taken by Bruce himself, by the Lord Clifford. King Edward required him to take his oath of fidelity to the Crown of England, and become his subject, which he utterly refusing to do, his lands were given to the Lord Clifford, and himself committed prisoner, and so he continued to the houre of his death. During which time he never abated any thing of his magnanimous courage and constancie, but shewed himself worthy of his noble progenitours, and no wayes short of whatever worth either they had, or fame hath bestowed on them: So did he also well deserve to be predecessour to such successours, and father to such posterity; who (as we shall heare hereafter) did follow this vertuous example and pat∣tern. How praiseworthy is it in him, that neither the danger of his own person (being in the hands and power of his enemy) nor the example of so many as did yeeld to the victorious Conquerour, there being few or none beside William Wallace that stood out against him, no not the despe∣rate case and estate of his Countrey brought to so low an ebbe, could break his resolution to remain firme to his native soyl: Notwithstand∣ing, that by all appearance all was irrecoverably lost, so that his standing out against the King could bring no help to it, and certain enmity (for ought could be seen) to himself and his posterity for ever.

Setting aside all these regards (which are so common, and so highly accounted of in this our last age) not measuring dutie by profit, or com∣moditie, nor following the common rules of that wisedome which now reignes in the world, which is to respect and preferre our particular be∣fore all other things; but weighing matters in another ballance, and squa∣ring his actions by what was generous and right, rather then that which was gainfull and advantagious for himself: he hath left an example of true wisedome, vertue and honesty▪ and▪ of true magnanimitie unto others: he dieth a free man in despite of his enemies, though a prisoner, and bear∣eth witnesse of the liberty of his Countrey, that it did not serve, but was oppressed, convincing the Tyrant of that time of violence, and the Ad∣vocates and Proctors, which either he then had, or since have pleaded for him in that debate, of most impudent and manifest lying. And there are some even in our dayes scarce yet ashamed of so shamefull an asserti∣on, as to affirm that Scotland, and some of their Kings have yeelded obe∣dience, and homage, to a forrain Prince, acknowledging him for their Soveraigne. But the truth hereof is, that it hath been oppressed, but ne∣ver served; it hath been overcome, and overrunne, but it never yeelded:

And in the owne time through constancy and courage, did at last over∣come the overcomer, and shake off the yoake of forrainers in spight of all their force and fraud; whereof as the Lord Douglas in this catastrophe of his life is a pregnant witnesse, so hath he left behind him an honoura∣ble memory of an invincible mind, and a lesson for tyrants to teach, and let them see how weake a thing tyranny is, and how small power and force it hath when it meets with true courage, though it were but of one man, who overcomes their force and falshood, with truth and constancy: And certainly this Lords vertue and merits are such, as, how ever those that come after him did fall into more happy times, and had better occa∣sions to show themselves, and to make their actions more conspicuous towards their Countrey: yet, there is no reason why he should be thought inferiour to any one of them, because his fortune was harder then theirs: Nay, he ought rather to be preferred so much the more, as he was more assailed, and compassed about with difficulties, and did wrastle with the necessities of the times without shrinking, or succumbing under the bur∣den: Besides it was he that planted and laid the foundation, upon which they builded so honorable interprises, & did perfect what they had begun.

Some write that he being cited by King Edward, with others of this Countrie, appeared upon the citation, and that he was not apprehended by fraud or force, but came of his own accord to Berwick: which if he did, it hath not been to confesse, or acknowledge any servitude, or ho∣mage, as due to Edward, or the English, but to plead for the liberty of his Countrey, and to protest and testifie against his usurpation. Others say, that he and the Bishop of Glasgow being

(to avoid the imputation of disloyaltie and treason, of which he would not be partaker) he came and yeelded himself to the King, which if it be true, was a very honourable and generous fact, remarkable and rare to be found, that no love of his Countrey, nor hatred of tyranny (so strong and powerfull motives) could draw him to be partaker of any dishonest acti∣on, though against his enemy. Methinks such noble carriage might have procured more noble dealing at King Edwards hands, and have wrung more favour from him, which since it did not, it may be taken as an ar∣gument, as want of goodnesse in himself, who had neither judgement to discern in vertue, nor a heart to honour it in others: But for my owne part I thinke it most likely that hee was taken by one means or other, and brought in against his will; but whether hee were brought in with his will, or came in against his will, that word of yeelding (which they ascribe to him) is either very impertinent, or else very warily to be understood; to wit, for the yielding of his person onely, not of the liberty of his Countrie, which he never yeelded: neither for the ac∣knowledging of any English authority over it or himself which he never would do, but choose rather to die in prison in Hogs towre in Berwick. There are that say he was sent from Barwick to Newcastle, and from thence carried to Yorke, in the Castle whereof he died, and was buried in a little Chappell at the south end of the bridge which is now altoge∣ther decayed. His death (which is reckned of some to have fallen out in

the yeare 1307.) must have been sooner in the year 1302. for his sonne Sir James returned into Scotland in the yeare 1303. when Edward was at Stirling, where the Bishop of Saint Andrewes did recommend him to the King: Now Sir James came not home till he heard newes of his fathers death. It is also said of this Lord, that he had the Isle of Man, whether as heritable possessour, or as Governour onely it is not known; but it is well known that this Island belonged to the Crown of Scotland, and that the Douglasses have had more then an ordinary interest therein; Douglas Ca∣stle, and Douglas Haven, which carry their names to this day, do beare sufficient witnesse. But whether from this man or some other, is not so easie to determine peremptorily.

Of good Sir James, the first James, and, eighth Lord of Douglas.

THe next is James, commonly called good Sir James, whom men account as the first, of whom the house of Douglas received the beginning of their greatnesse, which came at last to exceed o∣thers so farre, that it did almost passe the bounds of private subjects. He was as we have said already, sonne to the same William by his first wife the Lord Keeths sister: his education in his youth is said to have been in vertue and letters; first at Glasgowe, aftetwards at Paris: for his father being encombred with warres, and last imprisoned, his uncle Robert Keeth conveyed him away to Paris in the time of Philip le •…•…ll, where he remain∣ed exercising himself in all vertuous exercise, and profited so well, that he became the most complete, and best accomplished young noble man in the Countrey, or elsewhere. Being certified of his fathers death, the love of his native soile made him to return into Scotland, to order the course of his life, by the counsell and advice of his friends. But when he came home, finding his patrimony disposed by King Edward to the Lord Clifford, and his friends scattered and dispersed, having by his mother some relation of kindred to William Lambert Archbishop of Saint An∣drewes, he addressed himself to him, who did receive him kindly, and entertain him nobly▪ And when King Edward the first was come to Stir∣ling in his last journey (at what time he in a manner overanne all Scot∣land, and destroyed the monuments thereof) the Archbishop going thi∣ther to salute him, carried this young man along with him: and taking his opportunity, presented him to King Edward, humbly intreating him to take him into his protection, and to restore him into his fathers inheri∣tance, and imploy him in his service, as a youth of great hope and expe∣ctation, and such as might be usefull and stedable if he should be pleased to use him. The King demanded what he was, and having understood what his name and lineage was, and that he was sonne to Lord William, did absolutely refuse to do him any courtesie, or favour, nay he could not abstain from reproachfull and contumelious words against the obstinacy and treason (so was he pleased to nickname vertue) of his father, saying, that he had no service for him, nor for any such traitours son as his father was; that he had given his lands to better men then himselfe, and those

that had done him better service then he was able to doe; and though they had not been given, yet would he never have given them to him. So implacable he was, and such pride had he conceived, with contempt of the deprest estate of this supplicant, little remembring the variablenesse of the estate of man; and little knowing or considering, what weight and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 may be in one man alone, in whatsoever condition, to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sometimes, and to help even to disappoint and overthrow the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Monarchs. It came even so to passe in this man, who did this Kings sonne and successour such a piece of shrewd service, as he had never the like in all his life: which had been more shrewd, if the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of his horses, and the undutifulnesse of some Scots, that received him into their Castle of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, when he fled from Bannockburne, had not stood him in better steed, then all his huge Hoast and rich King∣dome, wherewith he was so puffed up. Whereby Princes and great men may learne, not to despise the meannesse and most afflicted state of any, nor to loose the reins neither to unjust actions, or reproachfull words.

Sir James being thus rebuked, what could he do against a King, a Mo∣narch, a victorious and triumphant King? to whom all had yeelded, with whom all went right well, in his ruffe, in his highest pitch, in his gran∣dor, compassed about with his guards, with his armies: to controll him, he was not able; to plead for justice, it would avail him nothing; to reply, could profit him lesse: a Prince, his victors word is a law, nay more then a law for the time. There was no contesting, no contradicting, were his speeches never so unjust: he behoved to swallow this pill (how bitter soever) there was no remedy but patience. Nay, the Archbishop must be silent also, and dares not mutter one word, wherefore home he goes with this scorn, to expect a better time of replying: not in words, but deeds, and of showing what service he was able to have done to him. The occasion of which though it were over long in coming in respect of his desire, yet did fall out, not very long after: for within two or three years (1305.) Robert Bruce came into Scotland, not yet a King (save in courage) but having right to be King of the Countrey, whom Edward had served in the same kind, and who had received the like answer and scorn in a Petition not unlike, for both did crave their fathers inheritance, Sir James onely a Lordship, and the Bruce a whole Kingdome, which was but his due, and he had done him better service then Sir James. He had fought against his own Countrey for him, spent the bloud of his friends, and his owne, in hope of it; with great losse to himself, and example to others not to do the like. But neither duety, nor desert, nor promise could oversway his ambition, and master it so farre, as to suffer him to perform what he had promised: and not content to have fed this Prince with the food of fools, faire hopes, and after so much imployment and many notable services, to frustrate him, he must needs also embitter all, with a flouting answer to his demand. To such a height of pride had prosperity raised him, that no modesty could keep him from loosing the reins to an unbridled tongue, which doth never beseem a man, much lesse a Prince: wherefore as hatred and despight did animate him against Sir James, for his fathers refusing to serve him: so ambition did work the same affecti∣on

in him against Robert, though he had served him; both were refused of their suits, both their petitions were rejected; the one with spight, the other with derision. What (saith King Edward, being urged with his promise of giving the Kingdome of Scotland to Bruce) N'avons nous antr•…•… chose a faire, que de conquerir des royaumes pour vous? speaking in French, Have we nothing else to do, but to conquer Kingdomes for you? Kings, Potentates, Victors, should not be pressed with their promises: So they think, and so men say; lawes are not made for them, which they leap over at their pleasure. And it might be thought so perhaps, if their power were perfect, and if there were not a more absolute and over ruling power, that is able to range them under reason. We shall finde it so even in this parti∣cular in the owne time, although this were no time for him to reply: no more then it had been for Sir James at Stirling. But the time being now come in the yeare 1305. as said is.

But the time being now come, though not so fit as he could have wished, yet as it was he behoved to use it, and make vertue of necessitie. And so withdrawing himself secretly out of England, he came to Dum∣freis, and there slew John Cummin his greatest enemy, determining from thenceforth to behave and carry himself as King of this Realme. And here by the way, we may observe Gods providence towards this King∣dome, in preserving the liberties thereof, who had before stirred up Willi∣am Wallace like another Sampson to vindicate it out of the hand of the English. Now that he is gone, he sends home our lawfull Prince, and righteous successour to the Crown, to fight our battles for us, and to perfect the work which the other had begun; onely for so much as about this time, John Monteeth under colour of friendship, had betrayed Willi∣am Wallace into the hands of the English for money; and he being taken and carried to London, was by King Edwards command, tortured and put to death with great cruelty; and his armes, and legs, and head, hung up in the most eminent places and Cities both of England and Scotland. Of which fact of Edwards we will say no more, but onely set down thesaid Wallaces Epitaph, which is perfixed to that book that is written of his ex∣ploits in Scots rime. The Epitaph is in latine verse, but the Authour is incertain, and the more is the pity, sor he deserves to have been better known. Thus it is,

Invida morstristi Gulielmum funere vallam, Quae cuncta collit, Sustulit Et tanto pro cive, cinis; pro finibus urna est, Frigusque pro loricâ, obit. Ille licet terras loca se inferiora, reliquit: At fata factis supprimens, Parte sui meliore solum, Coelumque perrerat Hoc spiritu, illud gloria. At tibi si inscriptum generoso pectus honesto Fuisset, hostis proditi Artibus, Angle, tuis in poenas parcior esses, Nec oppidatim spargeres

Membra viri sacranda adytis, sed scin quid in ista Immanitate viceris Ut vallae in cunctas oras spargantur & horas Laudes, tuumque dedecus.

A verse, whereof Buchanan needed not to have been ashamed▪

Envious Death, who ruines all, Hath wrought the sad lamented fall Of Wallace, and no more remains Of him, then what an Urn contains, Ashes for our Heroe we have, He for his armour a cold grave. He left the earth too low a state, And by his worth o're came his fate. His soul death had no power to kill, His noble deeds the world doth fill With lasting Trophies of his name. O! hadst thou vertue loved, or fame; Thou couldst not have insulted so Over a brave betraid dead foe, Edward, nor seen those limbs expos'd To publick shame, fit to be clos'd As Reliques, in a holy shrine; But now the infamy is thine. His end crownes him with glorious bayes, And stains the brightest of thy praise.

But to return to our Sir James: he is no sooner advertised of the Bruces arrivall into Scotland, and of the Cummins slaughter, when without either summons or intreaty (save of his own mind in that common case simpa∣thising with the other) he resolves to try his fortune in that course with him. But what could he do (poore Gentleman) being in such necessity, and destitute of all help: he had neither horse, nor armour; nor followers for such a businesse: all was gone, and violently taken from him by the iniquity of the times, and the prevailing of the enemie. There was nei∣ther friend nor mean left for his provision. Shall he burden Archbishop Lambert? what could a Prelate do? what could he, especially being un∣der the beasts feet, as we say, and subject to King Edward? It is better sometimes to force a friend, then to indanger him. Compulsion may be used where there is perill in the consenting: chiefly if the party be not unwilling, the ground right, and the cause good: otherwise, violence is never to be attempted, neither is iniquity, fraud or falsehood, (evill and hurtfull courses) either against private men, or the publick state to be warranted by this example. To it he goes, and robs Lambert of what he durst not give him: he inticeth his servants; whose hearts did serve them to serve him in that hazard, whom their Lord durst not command to go with him: he takes also some gold from him, and provides himself a

horse and armour, and that all might seem to bee done by the strong hand; and violence might plead for the Bishop at King Edwards hands, he beats the rest of the servants that were left behind, and so goes away with the prey: An honourable robber, and just spoiler! He meets Robert Bruce at Arickstone in the head of Anandale. If he were welcome or not, I leave it to the consideration of the Reader: he was received as his Cou∣sin, and used as a companion, and continued a faithfull Friend and loyall Subject, so long as their dayes continued, without variance, emulation or jealousie, or grudge on either side. A happy King by such a servant! A happy servant by such a Prince! A happy Countrey by such a society and pair of worthy friends! (So it is where vertues encounter, begetting mutuall affection, and produce notable effects.) The Bishop of Rosse John Leslie sayes, that he carried this money to Bruce from the Archbi∣shop, and makes no mention of any force, whose commendation of this James is not amisse to be here inserted. Hoc tempore quidam Jacobus Du∣glasius, altissimi animi, & ad quaevis pericula subeunda paratissimi adolescens, dum cum animo suo rep•…•…tat Robertum (omnibus virtutum ornamentis excultum) injustis Anglorum armis vexari, & iniquis belli telis configi, ab Episcopo Sancto Andreapolitano, in cujus suit comitatu, pecuniam grandem ad Roberti causam labantem sustentandam impetravit; illam{que} illi quam celerrime tulit. Cui in bello strenuam, in pace liberam, in adversis sidelem, in prosperis j•…•…cun∣dam 〈◊〉〈◊〉 per reliquum vitae curriculum semper post ea navavit. Ab hoc Jacobo clarissima Duglasiorum familia primum suae Nobilitatis nomen acce∣pisse perhibetur. In English thus: At this time one James Douglas, a youth of high spirit, and ready to undergo whatsoever perill, considering with himself how Robert Bruce (a man adorned with all vertues) was vexed with the unjust armes of the English, and pursued with warre against all equity: obtained of the Bishop of Saint Andrews (in whose company he was) a great summe of money, to uphold the now declining cause of Robert; which money he carried to him with all diligence, and ever after aided him in his warres valiantly: in peace he was free and upright, plea∣sant in prosperity, and faithfull in adversity, during all the dayes of his life. From this James the noble family of the Douglasses is counted to have taken the beginning of greatnesse: so farre John Lesley.

To return: their efforts at first were of exceeding hard successe. Robert Bruce was crowned at Scone in the yeare 1306. in April, at which Sir James assisted, casting into a heape, as others did, a quantity of earth of his lands of Douglas, which making a little hill, it is called yet Omnis terra. This was the custome of those times, by which homage they that held the King of Scotland Supreme under God, were distinguished from others. Some moneths after the coronation, about the 19. of June, they were defeated in a conflict at Methven by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 de Valence Earle of Pembroke, but without any great losse of men: for they being few in number, and perceiving their inequalitie, fled betimes, while their men were yet in breath and unwearied, having adventured so far rather to trie their fortune, what it was like to prove in their maine intentions, then in hope of victorie, where there was so great odds every way. There were taken at this battell Sir Thomas Randulph a young ftripling, Sir Alexander

Fraser, Sir David Barclay, Insh Mairtin, Hugh de la Hay, or Hugh 〈◊〉〈◊〉, So∣mervale, and some others, whom▪ Sir Aimer Valence caused to promise fe∣alty to the King of England, and on that condition saved their lives: e∣specially Randulph, who is remarked after this to have beene very for∣ward for the King of England, till he was taken againe by Sir James Dou∣glas, as we shall heare hereafter. After this battell they retired to the Ca∣stle of Kildrummie, where the Queene and divers other Ladies remained in great scarcitie of vivers, being susta•…•…ned most part by what Sir James Douglas tooke by hunting and fishing. Not long after, as they went by Athole into Argyle, Athole having intelligence of them, invaded them, together with Lorne his sisters, and constrained them to fight at a place called Dalree (which is to say, The Kings field) about the twelfth of Au∣gust; their fortune was no better then it had beene before, the day was lost, some but not many of their men slaine, they themselves put to flight, and by flight faine to save their lives by lurking amongst the hils for a season in a most desert place, living upon roots and herbs, and lying in the open fields on the bare ground, or among the heath, sometimes but with one, other times with none to attend them, being uncertaine whom to trust, in that frowning of fortune, when commonly there are but few that remain friends, and many become enemies, base minds seeking thereby either to avoid harm, or to gain favour of the stronger. At last finding that they were hotly hunted after, and hardly followed, they thought it their safest way to go to the Western Isles. Lochlowmond lay in their way, whether being come, and having found an old boat, Sir James (however expert in that Art before) having learned so much by that great Schoolmaster Necessity, rowed his King over this Lake in a night and half a day. Thus saith the manuscript, but it seemeth rather to have been some other Lake then Lochlowmond, or rather some inlet of the Sea (which are called sometimes Lakes) between the main Land and the Isle in which they lurked: because Lochlowmond is of no such breadth, as that it should be esteemed a great matter to row over it in that space: and besides they did row to an Isle where they did rest amongst our Ae∣budes, to none of which Lochlowmond is adjacent. The Bruces book saith not that they rowed through the Lake to the Isle, but through the Lake to the next land, and then passed to the Sea side where they provi∣ded boats in which they sailed to the Isles. It attributes also this rowing to others, then Sir James, though hee were the first finder of the old boate.

Thus it went with them, and to such an exigent was the hope of our Countrey brought. Thus we see these great minds, and (afterwards) great men in a base, poore, and perillous, but never miserable estate (which vertue is not capable of) desolate in it self, destitute of friends, and their first attempts dasht by the mean under Captains of their great enemy King Edward. But ere they have done; they shall make his successour to flie in the like sort in a small fisher boat, poorely accompanied to save his owne person, after the losse of his army. On such moments do the hopes and fears of mortall men depend, and such vicissitude is the estate of those glorious crowns subject unto, which men do so much affect, with •…•…uch

travell and turmoil; as for them, it was not the Crowne onely, but their libertty also, that they suffered for: and not their owne liberty alone, but the freedome o•…•… their Countrie and Patriots, which they sought to main∣tain against injustice, fraud and violence. Wherefore we never heare that they fainted at any time, or dispaired any time in the midst of dispair: such force hath a good cause in a good heart, the Authour of goodnesse, no doubt sitting at the rudder of that boat, and preserving the old sheards of it, so that they gave no place to the violence of the waves, and their hearts from yeelding to that despair that every way did assault them, un∣till he had finished that work he had to do with them; for recovering the liberty of their Countrey, and beating down the pride of tyranny, that hee might in all this show his own might and prerogative, in casting down and setting up at his pleasure. Such hard beginnings have often∣times the greatest works, and so little ought either hope or dispaire bee grounded on the first successe.

Being landed in this little Isle, which the Bruces book calls Rachrine, (other Authours name it not) they remained a while hidden there with a speciall friend of King Roberts; both the Isle and the man being worthy of more expresse honour, and a perpetuall memory of their names: he for his faithfull friendship, the Isle for its safe receit, and harbouring so good guests, and their good luck after this receit, their efforts from hence for∣ward having been almost ever prosperous. Their safety was (most part) in this, that men believed they were not safe; ceasing to seek those whom (they thought) had ceased to be, taking them to have perished, because they appeared no where to the view of the world. Like example is long since recorded of Masinissa King of Numidia: and their lurking doth bring forth the like fruit and effects.

But it was not fit for them to lurk too long: their friends might so have been discouraged, and losing hope, have forsaken the cause, where∣by the work would have been the more difficult, if not impossible. There∣fore to begin again afresh, the King obtains from his good friend some small company of men, and Sir James with fourty of these (which hee got of the King) went and tooke in the Castle of Arane by a stratagem. A small, but happy flourishing of a better spring time, after that their tempestuous winter, which shall yeeld a full harvest, and bring forth the ripe fruit of liberty to their Countrey, and the settling of the Kingdome to his master, and his posterity, untill these our dayes, and we hope for ever. Thither came the King also within two dayes (and hearing of them) Malcolme Earle of Lennox. These sailed from thence into Carrict, where they tooke a Castle of the Kings proper inheritance, but the Writers do not name it.

And here indeed the course of the Kings misfortunes begins to make some halt and stay, by thus much prosperous successe in his own person; but more in the person of Sir James, by the re-conquests of his owne Ca∣stles, and Countries: from hence he went into Douglasdale, where by the means of his fathers old servant Thomas Dickson he tooke in the Castle of Douglas, and not being able to keep it, he caused burn it, contenting him∣self with this, that his enemies had one strength fewer in that Countrey

than before. The manner of his taking of it is said to have beene thus: Sir James taking onely with him two of his servants, went to Thomas Dickson, of whom he was received with tears, after he had revealed him∣selfe to him, for the good old man knew him not at first, being in meane and homely apparell. There he kept him secretly in a quiet chamber, and brought unto him such as had beene trusty servants to his father, not all at once, but apart and by one and one, for feare of discoverie. Their ad∣vice was, that on Palmsunday, when the English would come forth to the Church, being a solemne Holiday, he with his two servants should come thither apparelled like countrey taskers, with mantles to cover their armour, and when he should perceive that the English were in the Church, and his partners were conveened, that then he should give the word, and cry the Douglas slogan, and presently set upon them that should happen to be there, who being dispatched, the Castle might be taken ea∣sily. This being concluded, and they come, so soone as the English wer•…•… entred into the Church with Palmes in their hands (according to the cu∣stome of that day) little suspecting or fearing any such thing; Sir James, according to their appointment, cryed too soone (a Douglas, a Douglas) which being heard in the Church (this was Saint Brides Church of Dou∣glas) Thomas Dickson, supposing he had beene hard at hand, drew out his sword, and ran upon them, having none to second him, but an other man, so that oppressed with the multitude of his enemies, he was beaten downe, and slaine. In the meane time Sir James being come, the English that were in the Chancel kept off the Scots, and having the advantage of the strait and narrow entrie, defended themselves manfully. But Sir James encouraging his men, not so much by words, as by deeds and good example, and having slain the boldest resisters, prevailed at last, and en∣tring the place, flew some 26 of their number, and tooke the rest, about 10. or 12. persons, intending by them to get the Castle upon compositi∣on, or to enter with them when the gates should be opened to let them in: but it needed not, for they of the Castle were so secure, that there was none left to keepe it save the porter and the cooke, who knowing nothing of what had hapned at the Church, which stood a large quarter of a mile from thence, had left the gate wide open, the porter standing without, and the Cooke dressing the dinner within. They entred without resistance, and meat being ready, and the cloth laid, they shut the gates, and tooke their refection at good leasure.

Now that he had gotten the Castle into his hands, considering with himselfe (as he was a man no lesse advised then valiant) that it was hard for him to keep it, the English being as yet the stronger in that Countrey, who if they should besiege him, he knew of no reliefe; he thought better to carry away such things as be most easily transported, gold, silver, and apparell, with ammunition and armour, whereof he had greatest use and need, and to destroy the rest of the provision, together with the Castle it selfe, then to diminish the number of his followers, for a garrison there where they could do no good. And so he caused carrie the meale and malt, and other cornes and graine, into the Cellar, and layd all together in one heape: then he took the prisoners and slew them, to revenge the

death of his trustie and valiant servant Thomas Dickson, mingling the vi∣ctuals with their bloud, and burying their carcasses in the heap of corne: after 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 struck out the heads of the barrells and puncheons, and let the drink runne through all, and then he cast the carkasses of dead ho•…•…ses and other carrion amongst it, throwing the salt above all, so to make al∣together unusefull to the enemie; and this Cellar is called yet the D•…•…∣glas Lairder. Last of all, he set the house on fire, and burnt all the timber, and what else the fire could overcome, leaving nothing but the scorched walls behind him. And this seemes to be the first taking of the Castle of Douglas, for it is supposed that •…•…e took it twice. For this service, and o∣thers done to Lord William his father, Sir James gave unto Thomas Dick∣son the lands of Hisleside, which hath beene given him before the Castle was taken, as an encouragement to whet him on, and not after, for he was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the Church: which was both liberally and wisely done of him, thus to hearten and draw men to his service by such a noble begin∣ning. The Castle being burnt, Sir James retired▪ and p•…•…ting his men in∣to divers companies, so as they might be most secret he caused cure such as were wounded in the fight, and he himselfe kept as close as he could, waiting ever for an occasion to enterprise something against the enemie. So soone as he was gone, the Lord Clifford being advertised of what had happened, came himselfe in person to Douglas, and caused re-edifie and repair the C•…•…le in a very short time, unto which he also added a Tower, which is yet called Harries Tower, from him, and so returned into Eng∣land, l•…•…ving one Thruswall to •…•…e Captain thereof.

Sir James his men being cured of their wounds, and refreshed with rest, he returned again to the King, at what time he was ready to fight with Sir Aymore 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the Lord of Lorne, and Sir Thomas Randulph, at Cumnock. The King had not above 400. men, so that being almost en∣com•…•…ed by the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he was aware, he was forced to forsake the field, having lost his Banner, which was taken by Sir Thomas Randulph, •…•…y which he got great credit with King Edward. King Robert in his flight, or retreat, divided his men into three companies, that went severall wayes, that so the enemie being uncertaine in what company he himself were, and not knowing which to pursue rathest, he might the better e∣sc•…•…e. When the•…•… were all come againe to the place of their rendezvous, which the King had appointed when he divided them, Sir James Douglas perswaded the King to set upon a company of the enemies, who were very securely lying by themselves farre from the body of the Army, without feare of any danger which the King did, and having slaine 200. of them, he scattered the rest.

After this, Sir Aymore Valence (being then Warden for King Edward in Scotland, and residing himselfe at Bothwell) sent Sir Philip Mowbray with a company of men, about 100. into Coile and Cunninghame, to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Inhabitants in their obedience to England, whereof when Sir James Douglas had notice, and knowing the way by which they must go (called 〈◊〉〈◊〉 way) he lay in a straight foord betweene two mari∣shes, called 〈◊〉〈◊〉, accompanied with some 40, choice men, and there rising up of a sudden, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sir Philip was aware, they routed his men,

and chased himselfe, who did escape very narrowly, for he left his sword with them, and fled alone to Kilmarnock and Kilwinnin, the rest back to Bothwell. This was before the battell of Lowdoun hill, where both the King and Sir James were present, at which they defeated Sir Aymore Va∣lence and 3000. men, they having onely 500. which Sir Aymore tooke so to heart, that he retired himselfe into England, where he gave over his charge of Warden, and never returned into Scotland againe with any command, except it were when the King came in person. The English Chronicle sayes that the King discharged Sir Aymore who was Earle of Penbrooke, and placed John de Britton in his office, and made him Earle of Richmond. These particulars I cannot ghesse why they should have beene omitted by our Writers, being so remarkable defeats, where dili∣gence, dexteritie, and valour, have beene used with wisedome and judge∣ment. However, upon this withdrawing and departure of Sir Aymore Va∣lence, King Robert being rid of the greatest danger, makes toward Inner∣nesse, leaving Sir James behinde him, to recover such places as were still in the enemies hands. He therefore getting him into Douglasdale, did use this stratagem against Thruswall Captaine of the Castle of Douglas, under the Lord Clifford: hee caused some of his folkes drive away the cattell that fed neare unto the Castle, and when the Captaine of the gar∣rison followed to rescue, gave order to his men to leave them, and to flee away. This he did often, to make the Captaine to slight such frayes, and to make him secure, that he might not suspect any further end to be in it: which when he had wrought sufficiently (as he thought) he laid some men in ambuscado, and sent others away to drive away such beasts as they should finde in the view of the Castle, as if they had been theeves and robbers, as they had done often before. The Captaine hearing of it, and supposing there was no greater danger now then had beene before, issued forth of the Castle, and followed after them with such haste, that his men (running who should be first) were disordered and out of their ranks. The drivers also fled as fast as they could, till they had drawne the Captaine a little beyond the place of the ambuscado; which when they perceived, rising quickly out of their covert, set fiercely upon him, and his companie, and so slew himselfe, and chased his men back to the Castle, some of which were overtaken and slaine, others got into the Castle, and so were saved; Sir James not being able to force the house, took what bootie he could get without in the fields, and so departed. By this means, and such other exploits, he so affrighted the enemie, that it was counted a matter of great jeopardie to keepe this Castle, which began to be called the adventurous (or hazzardous) Castle of Douglas: whereupon Sir John Walton being in suit of an English Lady, she wrote to him, that when he had kept the adventurous Castle of Douglas seven yeares, then he might thinke himselfe worthy to be a sutor to her. Upon this occasion Walton tooke upon him the keeping of it, and succeeded to Thruswall, but he ran the same fortune with the rest that were before him.

For sir James, having first dressed an ambuscado neare unto the place, he made fourteen of his men take so many sacks, and fil them with grasse, as though it had been corn, which they carried in the way toward La∣nerik,

the chief market town in that County: so hoping to draw forth the Captain by that bait, and either to take him, or the Castle, or both.

Neither was this expectation frustrate, for the Captain did bite, and came forth to have taken this victuall (as he supposed.) But ere he could reach these carriers, Sir James with his company had gotten between the Castle and him: and these disguised carriers, seeing the Captain fol∣lowing after them, did quickly cast off their upper garments, wherein they had masked themselves, and throwing off their sacks, mounted them∣selves on horseback, and met the Captain with a sharp encounter, being so much the more amazed, as it was unlooked for: wherefore when he saw these carriers metamorphosed into warriours, & ready to assault him, fearing that which was, that there was some train laid for them, he turned about to have retired to the Castle, but there also hee met with his ene∣mies; between which two companies, he and his whole followers were slain, so that none escaped; the Captain afterwards being searched, they found (as it is reported) his mistresse letter about him. Then hee went and tooke in the Castle, but it is uncertain (say our writers) whether by force, or composition; but it seems that the Constable, and those that were within have yeelded it up without force; in regard that hee used them so gently, which he would not have done if he had taken it at utte∣rance. For he sent them all safe home to the Lord Clifford, and gave them also provision and mony for their entertainment by the way. The Castle which he had burnt onely before, now he razeth, and casts down the walls thereof to the ground. By these and the like proceedings, within a short while he freed Douglasdale, Atrick forrest, and Jedward forrest, of the English garrisons and subjection.

But Thomas Randulph, Alexander Stuart Lord of Bonckle, and Adam Gordone, being Englized Scots, concluded to gather together their forces, and to expulse him out of those parts. Now it fell so out, that Sir James, intending to lodge at a certain house upon the water of Line, and being come hither for that purpose, by chance all these three were lodged in the same house before he came, which drew on a skirmish betwixt them, in which Alexander Stuart Lord of Bonckle, and Thomas Randulph, were taken prisoners, and Adam Gordone saved himself by flight. This peece of service was of no small importance, in regard of the good service done to the king by Thomas Randulph, both while the King lived, and af∣ter his death when he was regent, which all may be ascribed to Sir James, who conquered Randulph to the Kings side. With these his prisoners he went into the North, as farre as the Mernes, where he met the King re∣turning from Innernesse, of whom he was heartily welcomed, both for his owne sake, and because he had brought him his Nephew Randulph, whom the King did chide exceedingly. And he again reproved the King out of his youthfulnesse and rash humour, as though he did defend the Crowne by flying, and not by fighting; wherefore hee was committed to prison, thereafter pardoned; and being made Earle of Murray, he was imployed in the Kings service. This is related in the Bruces book, and hath nothing fabulous or improbable in it: and therefore it ought not to •…•…e flighted: Especially seeing, as I am informed, the Book was 〈◊〉〈◊〉

by a man of good knowledge and learning, named master John Barbour; Archdeacon of Aberdene; for which work he had a yearely pension out of the Exchequer during his life, which he gave to the Hospitall of that Towne, to which it is allowed and paid still in our dayes. He lived in the reigne of David the second sonne, and successour to King Robert Bruce.

Sir James was with the King at Inverourie (ten miles from Aberdene) against John Cummine Earle of Buchan, who was there defeated on As•…•…en∣sion day, in the yeare 1308. From thence Sir James went with him when he recovered Argyle; the Lord whereof had once comed in to the King, but was now revolted to the English side. And likewise at many more journeyes and roads, both in Scotland, and England, Sir James did ever more accompany him.

In the year 1313. hee tooke in the Castle of Roxburgh, called then Marchmouth, whilest the King was busie about Dumfrees, Lanrick, Aire, and others; and while Sir Thomas Randulph was lying at the Castle of Edinburgh: The manner of his taking of it was thus; about Shrovetide which is a time of feasting and revelling, he with sixty more, having co∣vered their armour with black, that they might not be discovered by the glittering thereof, went in the forenight toward the Castle; & when they came neare to it they lay along, and crept upon their hands, and feet, through a bushie piece of ground, till they were come close to the foot of the wall. Those that did watch upon the Castle wall espied them; but the night being dark, and by reason of their creeping they tooke them to have been cattell: for they at the foot of the wall heard the watchmen, (there being two of them) saying the one to the other, my neighbour such an one (naming him by his name) means to make good chear to night, that he hath no care of his cattell, but leaves them thus in the fields all the night: to whom the other replied, hee may make good chear this night, but if the Douglas come at them, he will fair the worse hereafter; and with this discourse they went their way. Sir James and his men having heard this conference, were very well pleased withall, and glad to be so mistaken: they laddered the walls with ladders of cords, made by one Simon of the Leadhouse, who was also the first that adven∣tured to scale with them himself alone, both to trie how they would hold unbroken, and to view what guard and watch was kept above. The man that stood sentinall saw him well enough, but because there were no more with him, he gave no alarum, but stood watching to have catched him on the top of the ladder, thinking to have knockt him down, or to have tumbled him headlong over the wall: but the other prevented the danger, and leaping in nimbly upon him ere he was aware, stabbed him with a knife, and threw him over the wall amongst his fellowes, to whom he called to make haste up, assuring them the coast was clear: but ere they could come up, another of the watch coming about, and perceiving a man standing on the wall, made towards him, but Simon dispatched him also. And now the rest of his companions were got up also, who marching towards the hall, they found the English at their shroving, eat∣ing, and drinking, and piping, and dancing. They entred the hall, he had but easie work of it, to do with them what he listed, being most of them

drunke, and all of them unarmed: Onely the Captain (Guillaum de fer∣mes) fled into the great tower being dangerously hurt with the shot of an arrow, where he remained safe all that night, but the next morning hee yeelded himself because of his wound, upon condition that his life should be safe, and his person safely set on English ground, which was willing∣ly granted, and faithfully performed. But hee lived not long after, his wound being deadly and uncurable.

Thus was the wheel of worldly affairs (vvhich men call fortune) so vvhirled about by the King, and his partners, that in this yeare 1313. be∣ing the seaventh from his Coronation, and the fifth or sixth from the beginning of the course of his victories, there vvas not one strength re∣maining in the possession, or povver of the English, save Dumbartane Castle (which was afterward yeelded up by John Monteeth upon com∣position) and Stirling, which at this present was besieged by Edward Bruce the Kings brother. To relieve Stirling, and to raise the siege thereof, King Edward the second came in proper person, and thereon insued the battell of Bannockburn; a battell so famous and memorable, as few the like have happened in any age; where there were two Kings present, the ods so great, and the defeat so notable. The English King did bring into the field all that he was able to make, not onely of English, but of his be∣yond sea dominions; neither of those that were his owne Subjects onely, but hee was also aided and assisted by his friends and confederates, in Flanders, Holland, Zeland, Brabant, Picardie, Gascony, Normandy, Guien, Bullonois, and Burdeaux; of these and his owne Countreymen, he had in all 150000. fighting men, to place them in the middle number, which some say was but half the number, and that he had 300000 of the whole, in equall proportion of foot and horse; intending to have extermi∣nated the whole nation of Scots, with so confident a presumption of vi∣ctory, that he brought with him a Carmelite frier (a Poet according to the time) to commit his triumphs to writing: he was defeated by 30000 or 35000 at the most (as all agree) and that in a plain and open field, where there was slain of his men 50000. It was fought the 22 of June, 1314.

Sir James being present at this Battell, did carry himselfe so before the fight, in the fight, and after it, as that his behaviour is not to be slight∣ly slipped over with a dry foot (as we say) but particularly to be noted▪ both for his owne honour (for it is indeed worthy of perpetuall honour and praise) and for a patterne to be followed by others, especially by all such as set their hear•…•…s and minds to follow vertue, and to seek true glory, which ariseth from vertue. Before the battell, we have his kindnesse, love, and care of his friend, or (as some will have him to be) his emulous Competitor, joyned with true magnanimitie in his demeanour towards Thomas Randulph: for King Robert having sent Randulph with 500. horse to oppose the Lord Clifford with 800. who was making toward the Ca∣stle of Stirling; Sir James carefull for his friend in respect of this ods in number, first very orderly sought leave of the King to go to his succours, but after the King had refused him, he went out without leave; which though it were a kinde of breach of militarie discipline, yet it shewes

how dearly he loved the man, that for his sake he would thus tran•…•…gresse the order of the warre, and to take his hazzard of the Kings displeasure, rather then to fo•…•…sake him in this great danger, as he took it to be. And as he shewed his love and kindnesse in this (a vertue of great price, and greatly to be commended) so did he also his modestie, courtesie, and mag∣nanimitie (all three concurring in one fact, and much more commendable) in that hee seeing his friend to have the better of the enemie, stood aloofe as a spectator, for feare to impaire his glory in that victorie▪ by being a sharer with him therein. Weake mindes seeke to participate of other mens glory, and for want of worth in themselves thrust in with others. Base and meane spirits are wont to lessen and diminish the actions of o∣thers, because they have no hope to equall them. Malignant dispositions envie them, and approve of nothing but what is their owne, and would have it thought that they onely are able to do all things, and that none besides them can do any thing. As these vices were here farre from this man, so should they be as farre from all others: and as the contrary ver∣tues did shine in him, so let them also doe in us. And thus he behaved himselfe before the Battell.

In the Battell he with Randulph had the leading of the Vantguard, wherein he discharged himselfe so well, that for his good service he was knighted in the field. This honour in those dayes was given for desert, and was a badge and seale of valour, not of favour or riches, as now it is for the most part: neither was it so ordinary and common as now it is, and by commonnesse prostitute as it were, and dis-esteemed. But that it was in great esteeme of old it appeares by this, that notwithstanding this mans predecessours, and himselfe also (as his evidents do witnesse) were Barons and Lords, yet he thinks it no disparagement to be knighted, and did choose rather to be known and designed by that title, than the other; so as he was commonly called Sir James Douglas, rather then Lord Dou∣glas. And indeed we have found that even Princes and Kings have taken upon them this order, not as any diminution of their place, but an addi∣tion of honour, seeing by it they were received into the number and rank of military men and Warriours; their other titles shewing more their do∣minion and power, or place, then their valour and courage. Wherefore we reade how Edward Prince of Wales was knighted when he was sent against King Bruce: So Henry the second, being then Prince of England, received the honour of Knighthood from David King of Scotland, his grand Uncle, as from one that was the best and worthiest man in his time. Then it was that he tooke his oath, that he should never take from the Crowne of Scotland, the Counties of Northumberland, Westmoreland, Cumberland, and Huntingdon. This cremonie vvas performed vvith great solemnitie and pomp in those dayes, as our Writers observe: so ho∣nourable vvas it then; and of late it vvas thought so too: for the Earle of Clanrikart (chiefe of the Bourks in Ireland) having done a piece of no∣table service to Queene Elisabeth at the siege of Kinsoile, and at an en∣counter betvvene the Lord Deputies Army vvith the Irish Rebels, vvas knighted by the Lord Mon•…•…joy, then Generall Lieutenant for the Queene. Neither should any abuse discredit it novv. Nor can it diminish the

honourablenesse thereof in our Sir James, who is able to honour it rather by his worth.

After the battell he is as diligent (as he was both diligent and valorous) in it. This is a vertue which hath been wanting in great Commanders, and hath been marked as a great defect in them. It was told Hanniball that great Carthaginian to his face: Thou canst obtain, but not use a vi∣ctory, nor prosecute it to thy best advantage. Sir James did not so, but as farre as he was able, with such companies as hee could gather together, and with as much speed as was possible for him, hee followed King Ed∣ward to have done him service, though his father Edward the first would have none of it, and set it at nought. But he was gone ere Sir James ser∣vice came to the best: Now hee would gladly have showne what it was worth to his sonne and successour (the second Edward) in most humble sort, though it had been to have pulled off his boots (no question) but his Majestie had no mind to stay for him, who notwithstanding made all the haste he could to have overtaken him, and followed him with foure hundred horse more then fourty miles from Bannockburne, to Dumbarre Castle, into which hee was received, and so escaped. The next was to wait upon him in his way to Berwicke, which he did; but the King no∣thing well pleased with the service hee had done, and expecting rather worse then better, seeing his importunity, and that other wayes he could not be rid of him, went by sea to Berwicke in a small fishers boat or two, with a very thinne train to attend him: not unlike unto Xerxes who a little before was so proud of his huge army, is now become the scorne of his contemned and threatned enemies, a spectacle of pride, and an example of presumptuous confidence unto all ages. Wee told before hovv his fa∣ther had driven King Robert and Sir James to the like shifts and straits, but theirs vvas not so shamefull. A Christenmasse feast may be quit at Easter, sayes our Proverb, vvhich they do here verefie by this requitall: And this vvas all the service Sir James could do to King Edward at this time: but aftervvards vve shall heare vvhat service he shall do, if not to himself, yet to his sonne, Edward the third, at Stanhop Parke some few yeares af∣ter this.

In the mean time let us behold our Scots, enjoying there renowned and honourable victory, which cannot bee denied to have been such, nor cannot be by envy it self. Their spoil and prey was great and rich, their prisoners many, and their ransomes proportionable. The Queen (King Roberts wife) was restored by exchange, and for her an English No∣bleman set free without ransome: And as their joy was great, and their gaining not small, so was both the grief of the English, their shame and their losses. Their were slain of note in the field 200 Knights, together with the Earle of Glocester, and Sir Giles of Argentine (whose death was lamented by King Robert very much) and of prisoners very nere as many, of which the chief were the Earle of Hartford, who fled to Both∣well, and was received by Sir Gilbert Gilbaston captain thereof, (as the Bruces booke sayes) Sir John Segrave, John Clattengrave (perhaps Catte∣grave) William Latimer, Sir Robert Northbrooke (Lord keeper of the broad seal) and Sir Ralph Mortimer, who had married the Kings sister. Mortimer

was dimitted ransome-free, and obtained the Kings broad Seale at Bruces hands. These and many other prisoners of divers nations thus dismissed, are as many witnesses of the Scottish valour in the fight, and of their mild∣nesse and humanitie after it, who used these their so spightfull enemies no worse, who if they had overcome, would have used another kinde of cruelty, as they had both determined and threatned unto them.

Amongst other Forreiners, there were two Holland Knights, who be∣ing in King Edwards Army before the battell, and hearing the bravery and brags of the English, and their spightfull railings against King Robert, had wished him good luck. These were turned out of the English Camp, and sent unto the Scottish, bidden in scorne to go and fight with them whom they wished so well, with a price set upon their heads to him that should either kill or take them prisoners in the battell. Their heads never∣thelesse were safe, and themselves did partake of the good fortune they had wished; and when they came home into their owne Countrey, they built a lodging, naming it Scotland, upon which they set up the Scottish Armes, and King Roberts statue in Antwerp, as a monument of that no∣table victorie; which remained there many yeares after. The Carmelite also changed his note, singing their victorie, whose overthrow he came to set forth; and chaunting their discomfiture, whose praises he was hired to proclaime. Thus he began his Ditty.

De planctu cudo metrum cum carmine nudo, Risum detrudo, dum tali themate ludo.

In English thus:

With barren verse this mournfull rime I make, And am but laught at, while such theme I take.

Let us here consider the meanes and wayes of both sides, we shal finde on the one side confidence of their power, and a contempt and slighting of the enemie, which seldome falls well, because from thence there ari∣seth commonly sloth, negligence, disorder, and confusion▪ on the other side we may see carefulnesse, diligence, order, and exhortation, all possi∣ble meanes used both humane and divine: wisedome joyned with religi∣on, and prayer, and what pious formes were then in use. They digged trenches and ditches, which they covered with greene turfe, for the horse∣men to fall into, and did knit together and twist as it were a net of crosse ropes to entangle the footmen: which stratagems being seconded with true courage, resolution, and valour of the common souldiers and Com∣manders, together with the device of those that were set to keep the bag∣gage, the sculs, and grooms, who made showes and musters, as if they had beene another armie (of their owne head, without the direction of any) were the chiefe meanes of the victorie. For the first was the overthrow of the men at armes, and barbed horses, and the second the bane of the middle battell of the English, who seeing this trap laid for them, fled pre∣sently, and turned their backs. But above all these, the principall and

prime cause was even the Lord of hosts, who guided all these, and gave successe unto them. Let no mortall man ever think other of any his enter∣prises, or that any man, however wise, provident, or valorous, can use his wisedome providence, or valour, or whatever other vertue he hath, to any purpose, or succesfully, unlesse it be given him in the very instant of using it. A lesson much inculcat, but little learned; often approved by experience, but seldome marked▪ or soone forgotten; at least little ap∣pearing by our practice, and which doth produce no other effect but a su∣perficiall acknowledgement, and slender confession thereof.

But to returne to our Douglas: though the King himselfe did thus e∣scape his service, yet out of all doubt he hath beene imployed against his subjects, seeing our Historians doe tell us, that after this battell there were divers incursions made into England, for which they never stirred, but sate quiet for 2. or 3. yeares: howbeit there are no particulars set downe.

In the yeare 1316. King Robert Bruce went into Ireland to support his brother Edward Bruce made King of Ireland; and King Edward of Eng∣land thinking this a fit opportunity for him to be revenged on the Scots, did levie a great Armie, and came to the borders of Scotland, hoping to doe some notable exploit now in the Kings absence. But many things faile that are intended, and princes as well as others may be disappointed of their purposes, and frustrate of their hopes. It seemes he had forgot∣ten, or not well considered what a Lieutenant he had left behinde him, and how good a second Sir James had alwayes beene to his master the King. But howbeit he knew it not perhaps, or would not take any notice of him, yet King Robert knew it full well, and put such trust and confi∣dence in his well knowne worth and sufficiencie, that he durst go abroad out of his owne Kingdome, and hazzard himselfe and the flower of the youth in Ireland, concrediting the Countrey unto his care and conduct, leaving him Governour in his absence, and entailing the Crowne unto him next unto Thomas Randulph, by making him Protectour of the young King during his minority, if he himselfe should happen to die in that voyage, as the blacke booke of Scone doth witnesse. And indeed Sir James did not deceive the Kings expectation and trust, neither did King Edward finde him asleepe, but watchfull and diligent in his charge, as be∣came a good Governour: for he raised an Army to give him battell, and put both him and his people to flight, slew three notable Captains with his owne hand, Sir Edward Lillow a Gascoine, Captaine of Berwick; o∣thers call him Callock, and say that he was slaine at the rescue of a bootie which he had taken in the Merse and Tivedale; which narration agreeth with the Bruces booke, which calls him Edmond de Callock. The second was Sir Robert Nevill, and the third a Nobleman whom they doe not name, onely they say that Sir James slew him with his owne hand: but the Bruces booke calls him John de Richmond, and sayes he slew him in Jedward Forrest, in the midst of his Armie, Sir James having very few with him, not above fiftie horse, and some Archers, in a strait Cleugh or Valley, betweene two hills, which he had of purpose taken as a place of advantage; and tying together the young birk trees by their boughs in

the way by which the English were to passe, the horsemen being entan∣gled in the thickets, he set upon them and defeated them. From hence it is that some think the Earls of Douglas and Angus have stakes & rice in their Coat of Armes; yet such points of Heraldrie are hard to interpret and give a reason for them. This was the second peece of service that he did to King Edward himselfe (say some others) but others say that the King was not there in person, but sent a great Army commanded by divers Captains, with whom Sir James fought in three severall battells, at three sundry times, and slew all their Chieftains, with most part of their com∣panies. Others againe a•…•…irme that in every one of those battels he slew the Commander with his owne hand in sight of both Armies, the which whatsoever way it was, the victorie was notable and glorious. And thus did he governe in the Kings absence.

He had beene a good subject before when the King was present, now we see how well he governes when he is absent, and at his returne laying downe his authoritie, and returning to his former subjection, he proves as good a companion and colleague unto Thomas Randulph (then made Earle of Murray) with whom the King did joyne him for the prosecuting of the warres. It is seldome found that these vertues are so happily link∣ed together in one person, abilitie to governe, and willingnesse to be sub∣ordinate, and obey; excellencie of parts, and patient enduring of an equ•…•…ll and companion. I have often observed and admired it in these two (the ground whereof seemes chiefly to have beene in Sir James his love and modestie, as we observe in his carriage towards this man at Bannock∣burne) that in all their joynt-services, being equall in authority, and both commanding in chiefe, we never heare of any question, controversie, or debate, of any grudging or heart-burning betweene them, but find them ever agree and concurre, without any dissention or variance, with one heart and minde (as if they had beene one man) in all businesse what∣sover.

Their first association (after the Kings returne out of Ireland) was when they went and burnt Northallerton and Burrowbrigs, and spoyled Rip∣pon, where they spared the Church, onely they caused those that fled thither to pay 5000. marks sterling to be free. They burnt also Scarbo∣rough towne, and hearing that the people had fled into the woods with their goods and cattell, they went and searched them out, and brought away a great bootie. Then returning home by Skipton in Craven, they spoyled the Towne, and after burnt it without resistance. This was in the yeare 1318. in May.

The next was in the year following. 1319. when King Edward having gathered an army lay before Berwick. These two entred England as farre as Milton, which is within 12. miles of York, where the Archbishop of Yorke, and the Bishop of Ely Chancellour, made head against them; in which conflict there were foure thousand English slain, amongst whom was the Major of Yorke, and a thousand drowned in the water of Swail, and if the night had not come in too soon, the battell being joyned in the afternoon, few or none of them had escaped as it is thought. It is cal∣led the battell of Milton or Swail, or the white battell, because there were

a number of Priests slain at it, belike they have been apparelled in their surplices.

Hollinshed in his Chronicle of England, relateth the manner how it was done: He sayes that as the English men passedover the water of Swale, the Scots set fire upon certain stacks of hay, the smoke whereof was so huge, that the English might not see where the Scots lay. And when the English were once gotten over the water, the Scots came upon them with a wing in good order of battell in fashion like to a shield, ea∣gerly assailing their enemies who were easily beaten down, and discom∣fited. Many were drowned by reason that the Scots had gotten betwixt the English and the bridge, so that the English fled betwixt that wing of the Scots, and the main battell, which had compassed about the English on the one side▪ as the wing did upon the other. The King of England informed of this overthrow, brake up his siege incontinently, and retur∣ned to Yorke, and the Scots home into their Countrey of Scotland.

Their third expedition was that same yeare at Hallowtide, when the Northern borders of England had gotten in their cornes, and their barns were well stuffed with grain, which was their provision for the whole yeare. They entred England and burnt Gilsland, tooke divers prisoners, and drave away all the cattell they could finde. Then they went to Brough under Stanmoore, and returned by Westmooreland, and Cum∣berland, with great booty and spoil, none offering to make head against them.

The fourth was in the yeare 1322. when the King of England grieved with these invasions, having complained to the Pope, had purchased a Legate to be sent into Scotland, to admonish King Robert to desist from further disquieting the Realme of England, and because he would not o∣bey, he with Sir James Douglas, and Thomas Randulph, were accursed by the two Cardinalls, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and York, and all the Priests in England, every day thrice at Masse. These two, Sir James Douglas and Randulph (some say the King himself) following the Legate at the heels (as it were) entred England, little regarding their cursings, and wasted the Countrey to the Redcrosse, and coming to Darlington at the feast of Epiphanie, stayed there a while for gathering of booty, and de∣stroying the Countrey: The Lord Douglas on the one hand, and the Lord Stuart of Scotland on the other; the one going towards Hartelpool and Caveland, and the other towards Richmond. The inhabitants of Rich∣mond-shire, having no Captains to defend them, gave a great summe of money (as at other times they had done) to have their Countrey saved from fire and spoil. These adventurers stayed 15, dayes in England, and returned without battell. It is said that the Knights of the North came to the Duke of Lancaster, then lying at Pomphret, and offered to go into the field with him against the Scots, but he refused; whether by reason of the discord between him and K. Edward, or for some other occasion I know not.

At this time it is, that the King gives to Sir James Douglas a bounding Charter of Douglasdale, dated apud Bervicum super Tuedam anno Regni nostri decimo quinto, which is either the yeare 1320. or 1322. the first of

April. It bears Jacobo de Douglas, filio & haeredi Gulielmi Douglas, mili∣tis, which decides the question of his age, and his brother Hughes, who outlived Sir James 12. or 13. years, and calls himself his heire, as shall be showne. It hath also this clause, Volumus insuper, &c. wee will also, and grant for us and our heires, that the said James and his heires shall have the said lands free, ab omnibus prisiis, & petitionibus quibuscunque ita quod nullus ministrorum nostrorum in aliquo se intromittat infra dictas divisas; nisi tantum de articulis specialiter ad coronam nostram pertinentibus.

To return, King Edward conceived such discontent, and was so grie∣ved at this so wasting of his Kingdome, that he gave order to levie an army of 100000▪ to enter Scotland at Lammas: whereof K. Robert be∣ing advertised, entred England neare to Carlile; and burnt some towns which belonged to King Edwards own inheritance, spoyled the Mona∣stery of Holme, where his fathers corps were interred. Hither the Earle of Murray, and Sir James Douglas came to him with another army, whereupon marching further Southward, they came to Preston in An∣dernesse, and burnt all that towne also, except the Colledge of the Mino∣rites. This was fourescore miles within England from the Borders of Scotland. Then they returned with their prisoners and booty to Carlile, where they stayed some fourteen dayes, wasting and destroying all about with fire and sword, and so they returned into Scotland on Saint James day, having remained within England three weeks, and three dayes, with∣out any opposition or resistance. They were not long at home when K. Edward entred into Scotland with his army, and passed to Edinburgh, but for want of victualls (which were conveyed out of the way of purpose by King Roberts command and direction) he was forced to make a retreat, and goe home the way he came, having discharged his choller with what he could meet with in his return. But hee was quickly followed by the two Colleagues, Sir James and Randulph, who entred England, burnt North-Allerton, with other townes and villages as farre as Yorke; and overtaking the King at the Abbey of Biland, gave him battell, and de∣feated him. There was taken John Britton Earle of Richmond, who had also the Earledome of Lancaster: he being ransomed for a great summe of money, passed over into France, where he remained, and never came back again into England. The English Chronicle to excuse this defeat, layes the blame hereof upon Andrew Barkeley Earle of Carlile, whom (they say) Sir James Douglas corrupted with money, upon which pretext Barkeley was executed, suffering (good Gentleman) to cover other mens faults. It doth me good to heare Master John Major answer the English Writers in his round and substantiall manner: It is but a dream (saith he) and spoken without all likelihood, for neither were the Scots ever so flush and well stored with moneyes as to corrupt the English, neither was that the custome of good Sir James Douglas, a valiant Warriour, who did what he did, not with gold but with another mettell, sharpe steele. The Earle of Carlile also died without confessing any such thing. Some write that King Robert was there in person, but it is more likely that he was not, but sent these two, of whom we have spoken: however, if he were there, these two were with him. At this battell Sir James tooke three French

Knights, Robert Bartrame, William Bartarhome, Elye Anyallage, with their vallats; for whose relief the K. of France requested K. Robert, and hee willing to pleasure him, transacted with Sir James to give him for their ransome foure thousand markes starling, for payment of a part of which summe, the K. giveth to him the next yeare appearently.)

Indictamenta Latrociniorum, & Ministrationem eorundem in omnibus, in∣fra omnes terras suas subscriptas: Scilicet infra. 1. Baroniam de Douglas. 2. Forrestiam nostram de Selkirk, de qua est officiarius noster. 3. Constabu∣larium de Lauderio. 4. Forrestiam de Jedworth cum Benjedworth. 5. Baroniam de Batherewle. 6. Boroniam de Wester-Calder. 7. Baroniam de Stabilgorthane. 8. Baroniam de Romanok. Then in generall, Et infra suas terras quascunque, infra regnum nostrum, cum pertinentibus, quas de nobis tenet in capite.

Then followes the Privelledge.

Etsi a•…•…qui de hominibus suis, infra praedictas terras, fuerint judicati per Ju∣stitiarium nostrum; volumus quod dictus Jacobus, & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sui, & eorum ministri habeant Liberationem, & liberam eorundem ministrationem, salvis no∣bis, & haeredibus nostris omnibus aliis particulis ad homicidium & coronam no∣stram pertinentibus. Tenenda, & habenda praedicta indictamenta, cum admi∣nistratione eorundem, & cum omnibus libertatibus commoditatibus ad praedicta indictamenta, & administrationem eorundem 〈◊〉〈◊〉, praefato Jacobo, & haeredibus suis in feudo & haereditate in perpetuum de nobis & haeredibus nostris.

Volumus insuper & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pro nobis & haeredibus nostris, quod praefa∣tus Jacobus & haeredes sui, & eorum homines infra praedictas terras manentes Libri sint infuturum, de sectis curiae, de omnibus terris supradictis, & de War∣dis castrorum, nec non de omnibus presis; talliagiis curiagiis & captionibus qui∣buscunque ad opus nostrum, & haeredum nostrorum, salvo tantum communi auxilio pro defensione regni nostri contingente.

Et ut praesens charta robur firmitatis obtineat in perpetuum, manum ejus∣dem Jacobi, annulo, cum quodam lapide qui dicitur (Emeraudus) eidem Jaco∣bo, & haeredibus suis nomine Sasinae in memoriale permansuro in futurum ex 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nostra personaliter invectimus. Apud Bervicum super Twedam 〈◊〉〈◊〉 die mensis Novembris anno regni nostri nono decimo, anno Domini. 1325.

Then there is a precept directed to Bernard Abbot of Arbrothock, Chancellour, to cause make a Charter thereof under the broad seal, and deliver it to the said James. This I thought good to set down in the owne words, because of the singularity, in that it is the promise of a King ful∣filled to his subject, not for any proper debt, or money disburst, but for the ransome of prisoners. 2 It is singular also in respect of the thing gi∣ven, Inditements, Immunities, Liberties and Priviledges. 3. The forme and manner of it is not ordinary, to hold in feudo, and inheritance with∣out any duty, or reddendo, as they speake. 4 And last of all, the manner of infeftment and seasing; not by earth and stone, but by pu•…•…ting a ring on his finger with the Kings owne hand, and thereby 〈◊〉〈◊〉 both him∣self and his heires (as it should seem) in this one action without reitera∣ting. All which things how our Lawyers will allow of considering their

formalities; and what their opinion will be of the validitie hereof, I know not; but we finde here plaine and square dealing, and honourable meaning: whatsoever the subtilties and quirks of Law be, we see an upright and lo∣ving Prince, a liberall and bountifull King, willing to honour a princely loyall subject.

This and the former Charter given foure yeares before, and such o∣thers as may be thought to have beene given after to corroborate or in∣crease (perhaps) these freedomes and priviledges, •…•…s it whereunto Arch∣bald the fourth and his successors have leaned and trusted to, in contemn∣ing Crighton and Levingston, at what time they told them they would preserve their owne rights and priviledges, and not suffer them to be in∣fringed. And this also hath beene the ground upon which the Bailies of William the eighth Earle, he being himselfe in Italie, would not suffer the Kings Officers to meddle with these priviledged things in his bounds; which men that know not their immunities particularly account treason and rebellion: and so their enemies did terme it, to incense the King against them.

This battell at Biland was the last piece of service that Sir James did to Edward Carnarvan, who having found fortune so froward to him in chance of warre against the Scots, was thereby taught to doubt the tri∣all thereof any further, and therefore he sued for peace, which was con∣cluded at Newcastle to last for certaine yeares. In this time of peace, al∣though all occasion of Warlike action was cut off, yet Sir James was not idle, but did good offices for his King and Countrey. K. Robert did esteeme so well of him, and had so good opinion of his prudencie and fidelitie, and did so confide in his love, that he entrusted and employed him in the greatest businesse that ever he could have to doe, which con∣cerned no lesse than the settling of his Crowne, and his title to the king∣dome, which Sir James performed dexterously and happily.

For being sent into France to John Balliol of Hercourte to procure his resigning all title and right to the Crowne in King Roberts favour, he sail∣ed into Normandie, and having declared his Commission, and delivered his message, he found Balliol very tractable, contrary to all mens expecta∣tion; for he plainly and ingeniously confessed that he had been deserved∣ly rejected and debouted, being no wise usefull nor profitable for the good of Scotland. He said likewise that it was Gods especiall and favou∣rable providence, that had advanced K. Robert thereunto, and therefore he did not repine nor grudge, to see the Kingdome in the hands of his Cousin, by whose high vertue, singular felicity, and great travell, it was restored to the ancient liberty, splendour, and magnificence, but rather rejoyced thereat. And chiefly for that they by whom he was deceived, did not injoy the hoped fruits of their fraud. And calling together his friends and kinsmen in presence of them all, hee did freely resigne unto Robert, and to his heires, all right and title, that he, or any from, or by him, had or might have to the Crown of Scotland, renouncing all interest and claim whatsoever that could be alledged or pretended for any cause, or consideration, from the beginning of the world unto that present day. This being done, Sir James returned into Scotland. This King Robert

thought fit to be done, not because his owne title was not good enough before, for it was good already and sufficient, and so found to bee by a better judge then King Edward of England, to wit, the Estates of the Realme, who are the rightest judges in controversies of this nature, and who had power to have made it good, if it had not been so, & might have helped any defect that had been in it, seeing Balliol by his owne fact had disabled himself, by giving it over to King Edward, especially seeing it was prejudiciall, and against the common liberty, and good of the King∣dome, to accept of him who had betrayed these, and was not able to defend them. Wherefore King Robert being in possession, and the King∣dome being confirmed to him, and to his posteritie, he needed no further right from Balliol: Notwithstanding of this, to cut away all pretences of quarrells and calumnies, that malicious men might surmise thereabout afterwards, he thought good to have a renunciation from Balliol of his title, and consolidate that with his owne: whereupon esteeming none fit∣ter for the purpose then Sir James, as well for the honourable place he held, as for his sufficiency to discharge the Commission, not without some consideration of his kindred with Balliol, by the house of Galloway: he laid the charge upon him, which he performed as we have heard.

Sir James being thus returned out of France, King Robert being very glad that his businesse had succeeded so well, called a Parliament at Cam∣buskenneth, in the which the right of succession to the Crowne was re∣newed to King Roberts heirs, and namely (failing his sonne David) to Marjorie Bruce his daughter, and Robert Stuart his sonne. This the No∣bility did enact, and confirme by oath in the yeare (1325. or 1326.) and before the sending of Sir James Douglas, as some Authours record.

Not long after King Robert fell sick, and partly for that cause, partly in regard of his age, not being able to ride abroad and endure travel him∣self, he committed the managing of all businesse of weight both in peace and warre to the two Friends and Colleagues, Sir James and Randulph, two of the most noble Knights, and bravest Captains that were in their dayes, as our Writers do say. And now Edward the second was dead, and Edward the third had succeeded to him, to whom Sir James laboureth to do as good service, as he had done to his father. This Edward sent Am∣bassadours to King Robert to treat of peace, but being discovered to have no sincere meaning, and to deal fraudfully, in stead of peace they carried home warre. So due preparation being made on both sides, our two Commanders assembled to the number of 20000. all horse men: (some say 20000. horse, and 5000. foot) and entred into England with reso∣lution not to fight but at their advantage and pleasure, which was the reason they took all or most part horse men, and few or no foote men. A∣gainst these King Edward came in person with a great Army of 100000. men, (as Froysard writes) 80000. horse, 24000. archers, having brought with him the Lord Beaumont out of the Low-Countries with 700. or 500 horse. The English souldiers of this Army were cloathed in coats, and hoods, embroydered with flowers and branches, and did use to nourish their beards; wherefore the Scots in derision thereof, made this rime, and fastned it upon the Church doore of Saint Peter in the Canongate,

beards hartlesse, painted hoods witlesse, gay coat gracelesse, make England thrift∣lesse. He fortified the Townes of Carlile and Berwick, and furnished them with men to stay the Scots passages. But they little regarding either his fortifications, or his forces, passed the water of Tine at knowne Foords, and made him first know of their arrivall by smoake and fire: whereup∣on putting his men in order, he marched directly towards those places that were smoaking, to have given them battell; but not finding them there, and not knowing how to force them to fight, his resolution was to passe Tine, and there to entercept them at their returne, and to give them battell in those fields where the ground was more levell and even, and so fitter for his Armie. Thither then he goeth with great trouble and tur∣moiling both of men and horse, by reason of the great raine that fell, as also for scarcitie of victuall; and after he had lien there eight dayes wait∣ing for them, he could heare no newes of them: wherefore he chose out about sixteene able young men, whom he sent abroad into the Countrey to search for them, promising a great reward to him that should first bring him word where they were. They having roaved up and downe the Countrey, at last one of them fell into the hands of the Scots, who when he had told how K. Edward had sent him to search for them, they let him goe, and withall bid him tell the King, that they had beene eight dayes as uncertain of him, as he had bin of them, and that now they were come within 3. miles of him, where they would stay for him, and abide him battell, being as desirous to fight as he was. When the young man told the King this, he was rewarded with Knigthood, being made such by his owne hand; and besides that he got 150. pound land to maintain his dignity. Then he gave order that his Army should march towards them; but when they came neare, they found them so strongly encamp∣ed upon a hill, having steepe rocks at the one side, and a river on the o∣ther, called by Hollinshed the water of Weire, that they durst not adven∣ture to assaile them at so great disadvantage: wherefore they sent a trum∣pet to them, and desired them to come downe to the plaine ground, and •…•…o to fight with true vertue, for honour and empire, and not to sit on the tops of the hils, where no body could come at them. The Scots answer∣ed with derision, that they would not fight how and when it pleased their enemie, but at their owne pleasure; telling him withall, that they were come into his Countrey, and had done as he knew, if any thing that they had done did grieve him, he might come and seeke his revenge: they would stay there as long as they thought meet and expedient for them, and if any should assaile them, they would do what they could doe to de∣fend themselves, and make their enemies smart. So they stayed there three dayes in his view, but he not thinking it sase to assaile them in that place, after some few skirmishes at their watering place, the Scots remo∣ved their C•…•…mp to another place that was stronger and harder of accesse, which Hollinshed calls Stanhop parke, whither the English also followed them. While they lay there encamped the one over against the other, Sir James Douglas (who was a provident and watchfull Captaine) percei∣ving that the English watches were somewhat negligently kept (either because they despised the small number of the Scots, or for that they

thought they had no mind to fight, but to retire) adventured upon a haz∣zardous but hardie and worthy enterprise: he did choose out two hun∣dred of the choicest of his men, and passing the river in the night season, a little off from the English Camp, he entred the enemies Trenches on that side they least expected, and approached the Kings Tent, thinking either to have taken or to have slaine him; but the Kings Chaplaine being awake, discovered him, whom he slew with his owne hand for his paines: and now the alarme was given, and the whole Armie was up against him: wherefore having only cut the Kings Tent∣roapes, he returned safe in spite of them, leaving 300. of them slaine in the place, who offered to hinder his retreat. Upon this show and omen of successe and good fortune, Thomas Randulph would have given them battell in the plaine fields, but Sir James advised him otherwayes, show∣ing him how it was not for them, being so few in number, to deale with so great an Armie in the open and plaine fields, but that their onely way was to use slights and stratagems, and to keepe themselves in places of strength and advantage. To which purpose he told him the Apologue of the Fox, whom a Fisherman finding in his Lodge carrying away a Sal∣mond to his denne for his young Cubs, he drew his sword, and stood in the doore to kill him, knowing he had no other way to get out. The Fox being thus straitned, went and tooke hold of the Fishers mantle (which lay by) and went toward the fire to cast it into it and burne it: the Fisher to save his mantle, ranne to the fire, and left the doore free, so that the Fox escaped out at the door, and in his way catched hold of the Salmond, and went cleare away withall, to the fishers great griefe, who had his mantle burnt, his Salmond lost, and the Fox escaped. Even so, sayes Sir James, it fares with us; we have done these men harme, and they think they have us in the nouse, and in a mouse-trap, but I have espied a way, by which, though it may seeme somewhat hard and troublesome, we shall escape safe without the losse of a man.

They continued still in the same place certaine dayes after this, with∣out doing any thing of note or moment on either side; for the English warned by their late danger, kept better watch then they had done be∣fore: and now having taken a Scottish prisoner, they were informed by him, that the host of the Scots was commanded to be in readinesse against the third watch to follow Sir James his standard. This put them to no small businesse, so that they presently armed, and stood all night ranked in order of battell, supposing that the Scots intended to make an onset, and assaile them in their Trenches, and therefore their Watches and Sen∣tinels were doubled, and the Foords strongly guarded. But the Scots by this time were risen and departed, passing through a Mosse or Bogue two miles long, which was never passed before, especially by horsemen: but they had provided flaikes and hurdles, upon which they made the horse to passe without sinking, leading them in their hands, and walking on foot by them. About the breake of day two Scottish Trumpeters were brought to K. Edward, who were taken by his Scouts, and being come before him, told that they were commanded to suffer themselves to be taken thus, that they might tell him that the Scots were gone home, and

that if he had a minde to be revenged on them for any thing they had done, he should follow them. But he considering of the matter, and weighing all things, and with what men he had to doe, being both vali∣ant, and able to endure so much hardship, thought it his best to let them goe, and so he returned to London, having seene his Kingdome burnt and spoiled under his nose, for all his great Armie, and himselfe in the midst thereof in danger of his life, or of taking: which effronts he was forced to pack up at this time, not without great griefe and anger without all doubt. And this is the third piece of service done by that so despised man to the posterity of his despiser; to his sonne before, and now to his grand∣childe in the yeare 1327. or 28. neare unto Stanhop park; which because it cannot be denied, Caxton alledgeth that it came to passe by the treason of Mortimer Earle of March, who being corrupted by the Scots with money, would not suffer (saith he) the Earle of Lancaster to passe the wa∣ter, not very deep at that part to invade them, by which means they esca∣ped. But our Major doth justly scorn that point of corrupting and bri∣bing with money, and doth further affirme, that they had not any con∣ference at all with Mortimer. So that it is likely, that what Mortimer spake in that matter of not following, or invading the Scots at their de∣parture, he hath spoken it out of judgement, and not partiality; and per∣haps more prudently, then they that counselled the contrary. However they confesse that the King missed of his purpose, and being very pensive therefore, broke up his army and returned to London. Amongst other things, they tell that after the Scots were dislodged, some of the English went to view their Camp, partly to see their customes and manner of li∣ving, and what provision they had, partly to seek some spoil; when they were come there, they found onely five hundreth carcasses of red and fal∣low Deare, a thousand paire of Highland showes called rullions, made of raw and untand leather, three hundreth hides of beasts set on stakes, which served for Caldrons to seethe their meat. There were also five English men who had their legs broken, and were bound naked to trees, whom they loosed and gave them to Chirurgions to bee cured. When they saw these things, and judged hereby how painfull and able to endure the Scottishmen were, they found that counsell to have been good and sound, which was given to their King not to follow them, whether it were Mortimers or some others.

The English Writers upon this scarcitie and penury here found, and upon such other passages (as when Edward the second entred Scotland, and was forced to returne for want of victualls, the King having caused remove all things out of his way) take occasion to speake contemptu∣ously of the Scots, as though they had not defended their Countrey by vertue and prowesse against England (between it and which they think there is no comparison) but partly by cold and hunger, partly be∣cause the English Kings did slight it, and were not desirous to conquer it: as also for the English forces were almost imployed in France, so that they had no leisure to bend their whole power against Scotland, which if they had done, they might easily (as they think) have mastered it. Im∣puting hereby the cause of their failing to do it, they having so great ods

in number of men and warlike appointment, to want of will, and their hinderance by France, and the poverty of our Countrey, together with the roughnesse thereof (being so Mountainous, and full of heaths and wasts, harder enemies then the inhabitants) giving no place to the vertue and valour of the people, very absurdly and maliciously: for as touching the first, that they have had no desire of it, it is a childish alledgeance, when they see they cannot get a thing, to deny that they desire it. The great means they have used, the many attempts they have made, and that common and proverbiall speech so ordinary in their owne mouthes, and devised amongst themselves, (Qui la France veut gagner, a l' Escosse faut commencer) do testifie the contrary. And above all, their often intending a full conquest of it, as their owne Histories beare record. And as for the hinderance by France, their aides to Scotland have not been very great, nor very frequent; yea, it may bee said justly, that France hath received more help then ever it gave: for since the league with Charlemaigne, it may be truely said without any poeticall hyperbole, nulla unquam Fran∣cis fulsit victoria castris, sine milite Scoto; that the French armies never wanted Scottish souldiers, but the Scots have but very seldome had Frenchmen to helpe them. And if the Kings of England have sometimes bended their forces towards France, yet they did it not alwayes, but have made more warre in Scotland, when they had peace with France. And it is amongst the complaints of our Nation, that France have cast them into warres with England, when they might have had peace: Like as when they had advantage by warre, France did often wring their wea∣pons out of their hands, and forced them to a disadvantagious peace, which was commonly the greatest fruits of their friendship and league. Now as for the difficulties of hills, hunger, &c. These are not so great as they talke of; for neither is it altogether so poore, nor so hilly, and moun∣tanous, as they would have it beleeved to bee; and if King Robert at this time or any other at any time have caused spoil and waste in the Coun∣trey at some times, thereby to famish or straiten the enemy, or have cho∣sen to vexe or trouble them with a Camp volante to eschew the hazzard of a battell (as Douglas and Randulph did at this time) it hath been the practice of all warriours of all Nations: but neither hath it been, neither could it have been, the onely mean of conserving this Countrey in free∣dome, except manhood and valour had been joyned with it, and that in a great measure; whereof sufferance and hardnesse to endure great straits, want, scant, cold, hunger, and travell is no little part. As on the con∣trary, not to be able to endure these, is effeminatenesse, the ordinary con∣sequent of riches, wealth, ease, abundance and delicacie, all reprochfull to men. Even as the other (I confesse) are oft the consequences of po∣vertie, and are helps to harden the bodies, and whet the courages of men.

Wherefore if they had meant nothing else, but that the poverty of Scotland did preserve the liberty thereof, because it kept the inhabitants in continuall exercise both of body and minde, and did not suffer them to grow tender, delicate and effeminate, but hardned their bodies against want, and their minds and courages against perills and dangers, which

they imployed for the defence of their Countrey, and by the which (as the chief means under God) they did defend it, we could well admit of it, and acknowledge as much poverty, (that is to say, want of superfluity) and vanity, invented by soft and womenly minds, and covered under the maske of civility, as hath begotten in them valour and temperance, as it is said to have done in many people before; the Romanes, Macedoni∣ans, Turks, Parthians, Scythians, &c. But since that is not their meaning, but even to detract from their valour, they exprobrate their poverty, and casts it up for a reproach, to breed contempt of them in others, and to ascribe to it what is due to their worth; to wit, the liberty, and preserva∣tion of their Countrey from all forrain enemies: we may say justly that it hath not been the immediate cause of their being preserved against Eng∣land, Danes, or whatsoever enemy; but that there hath been as much suffi∣ciency of things necessary (call it riches, or by what other name you list) as hath moved other Nations (especially England) to covet it, and cove∣ting to invade it, and when they had done their best, they were driven from it; not so much by the barrennesse and roughnesse of the soyle, as by many and sad stroakes of the inhabitants thereof; and by such acts and deeds, as became wife, valiant and couragious men. Touching all which, this one example will serve to confute whatsoever hath been, or can bee said in this kind, then which we need no other proof, and that is this same huge and great army raised by this King (Edward the third) and intend∣ing to have come into Scotland, if hee had not been thus affronted by Sir James and Randulph: and before in his fathers time at Biland, (and which admitteth for no exception) at Bannockburne. In all which there is no colour of want of will; he showed it, he professed it, and presumed to devoure them in an instant▪ No want of forces, having gathered from all Countreyes not onely his subjects, but his friends also: no scarcitie of victuall, hee had abundance of all things: no hills nor mountains, they met in the plain fields: no forrain aid on the Scots side that we heare of, besides the two Brabanders, that King Edward sent to help them. And so again whatsoever progresse, or appearance of conquest the English have made of Scotland, it was never by their valour and armes, but by the advantage of an intestine warre, they siding with the one party, and at last overcoming both, as did Edward the first, in the dayes of Balliol; wherefore they make a wrong account, and much mistake the matter, that thinke the liberty of this Kingdome hath been maintained more by the wants of our soyle, want of will in our enemies, or of leasure in the English, then by the worth of our predecessours, if wee weigh things rightly. But the true way, and mean, by which our Countrey and liber∣ty thereof have stood, and by which they have relieved and vindicated it, when it was thralled, are these we have spoken of; by which also they procured peace at all times, and now also at this time.

For the same yeare, in March Ambassadours came from Edward to treat of perpetuall peace, which the next yeare was concluded by the Parlia∣ment of England held at Northhampton: unto this Parliament for treat∣ing of Articles of peace, King Robert sent Sir James, with some Prelates, where it was concluded on these conditions: That the King of England

should renounce all title and claime that he and his predecessours had •…•…aid to the Crowne of Scotland, and deliver unto them whatsoever Bonds, Contracts, Writs or Evidents, they had for their pretended Title there∣to. And should leave that Kingdome as free as it had been in the dayes, and at the death of King Alexander the third, from all bondage and ser∣vitude for time to come. That the Scots should also resigne to the Eng∣lish, all lands and possessions, which sometimes they had in England, or held of England in fealty, as beneficiars thereof, and that the Marches between the two Kingdomes should bee Cumberland and Northumber∣land, unto Stone-moore: That David sonne to King Robert should marry Jane, King Edwards sister, called by some Jane of the Tower, and by the Scots, Jane make peace, (in derision) and that King Robert should pay to Edward three thousand marks sterling, for the dammage done to his peo∣ple in the late warres, by Sir James and Randulph, Earle of Murray. The first of these articles was presently performed, and the King of England delivered all the Writs and Evidents which hee had concerning his al∣ledged superiority of Scotland, and amongst them an Indenture which they called Ragman (saith Hollinshed) and certain Jewels won from the Kings of Scotland, amongst which the blacke Crosiere or Rood was one. This peace the same Authour calleth unprofitable, and dishonourable, done by evil and naughty counsell. If it were dishonourable for England, it was so much the more honourable for the Scots that gave the peace. But the dishonour hee meaneth is the renunciation of his title to the Crowne of Scotland, whereof he had fair claiming. King Robert and the Scots had driven him out of his usurpation, and vindicated their liberty by force of armes. And as for his right and title in Law, the world knowes what small account Scotland ever made of his pretensions; ha∣ving never been subject unto any but to their owne King. Wherefore it was onely to take away all occasion of cavilling, and the better to keep peace with their neighbours, that they desired this surrender, as they had done before with Balliol, whose right notwithstanding carried a greater show of equity and reason, and truly it is not so much to be wondered at, that King Edward condescended to these Articles; as it is that King Ro∣bert should have yeelded to them, being more unprofitable for him, then for the other: and a man would think it very strange that he should part with Northumberland, or give any moneys to recompense any dammage done in a just warre: and that there should not rather money have been given unto him, as a dowrie or portion with his daughter in law. But the time answereth it, hee was now of a good age, and unmeet for travel, and warres, being wearied with battells, and cloyed with vi∣ctories, and ceased by sicknesse, he longed for peace to himself, and to his posteritie, but with what fidelity, and how little it was kept by King Ed∣ward, we shall heare hereafter. No aliance, nor bond of amity (which ought but seldome doth tie Princes and great men) could keep him from breaking of this peace. The marriage was solemnized at Berwick, with all the pompe that might bee, after which King Robert lived not a full yeare.

A little before his death being at Cardrois, which stands over against

Dumbarton on the other side of the water of Levin: whether hee had withdrawne himselfe by reason of his age and sicknesse, to live a private, and quiet life; hee called his friends together, and made his last Will and Testament, in which having ordered all his other affaires, hee called to minde a vow that he had made to go into Syria, and there to fight against the common enemy of the Christian name: but because his warres be∣fore, and now his age and sicknesse would not suffer him to performe it in his owne person, hee recommended the performing of it to Sir James Douglas, requesting him earnestly to go and do it for him; and withall, to carry his heart to Hierusalem, and there to bury it neare the holy Grave. This was esteemed a great honour in those dayes, both by Sir James him∣self and others, and withall a cleare and honourable testimony of the Kings affection towards him; and so he interpreted it. Wherefore King Robert dying the 7. of July 1329. hee made himself ready, and prepared all things for his voyage very diligently; yet there were some of the most judicious in those times, who tooke it to have a deeper reach; and that (however he did also respect Sir James, and thinke him the fittest for this businesse:) his main designe was to prevent all dissention, which might have risen between these two great Captains, Douglas and Murray, Randulph to obviate the which, they thinke he devised to send Sir James out of the Countrey upon this honourable pretext. But there bee Au∣thours that say, the King did not particularly designe Sir James by name, but desired his Nobles to choose one of his most noble Captains in the Realme for that effect, and that they after his decease laid it upon Sir James with one consent, who most willingly accepted thereof, as one (who during King Roberts life) had served the body wherein the heart had lodged. But whether the King desired him by name, or the Nobili∣ty did interpret the Kings meaning to be such (under the title and descrip∣tion of the most noble Captain) or that they themselves did deem him to be so (as indeed he was most worthy) so it was, that the charge was committed unto him, and he most gladly undertook it, when his presence was very needfull for the Countrey.

For before he tooke journey, their fell out a matter that occasioned great troubles afterwards by Edward Balliol. One Lawrence Twine an Eng∣lish man borne, and one of those who had obtained lands in Scotland for reward of his service in the warres, a man well borne, but of a vitious life. This man after King Roberts death presuming of inpunite in respect of K. Davids youth, loosed the reignes to his licentious lewdnesse; and being often taken in adultery, and admonished by the officiall of Glasgow when he would not abstain from his wickednesse, he was excommunica∣ted; wherewith being i•…•…censed, he tooke the officiall as he was riding to the towne of Aire, and kept him prisoner till hee was forced to redeeme his liberty with a summe of money. Sir James Douglas highly offended with this enormity, caused seek him, that he might be punished; which Twine understanding, and fearing that he should not long escape his hands if he stayed within the Countrey, fled into France, and addressing him∣self unto Edward Balliol, he perswaded him to enterprise against the King of Scotland, and recover that which he had so good right to, and so faire

an opportunity, which Balliol did in Sir James his absence, by his voyage, or after his slaughter in his voyage. And no question his absence was a strong inducement both to this Edward, and to Edward of England, to at∣tempt the subduing of Scotland; which he did thinke would prove 〈◊〉〈◊〉, by making Randulph away (which he sought to have done by poyson) Sir James being absent. So that either the Kings devotion (if it were indeed devotion or his pollicy, (if it were but pollicie) in sending of him out of the Countrey, is greatly condemned by our Writers. And to speake the truth it deserves to be condemned, having by so doing sent away so fit and usefull a man, denuding the Countrey of such a Captain in so doubt∣full times; whereas a Prelate or some other Churchman had been fitter for that imployment. And hee ought to have considered that England would be still aiming at the Crown of Scotland, notwithstanding of the late alliance: neither needed he to feare any emulation between Randulph and Sir James, there being such intire love in Sir James towards Randulph, that howsoever he contended with him in vertue, yet his contention was but in vertue, and ever within the bounds of modestie, love, and friend∣ship, behaving himself to him as to his Comrade and Brother in armes, whereof hee had ever given in all the joynt services so evident proofe, especially at Bannockburne, where his love drew him out to have suc∣coured him if there had been need, and the same love and candor (so to call it) or courtesie and modesty joyned with true magnanimitie, stayed him from going forward, that he might not arrogate to himself one share or parcell of that victory, whereby the others glory had been eclipsed. And when hee had gotten the victory, hee accompanied him joyfully unto the Camp, no lesse glad then if he had been victorious himself, farre from any hatefull or envious emulation: so that there was small reason to looke for any harme from such a disposition, or any inconvenience from such emulation, but rather to have expected much good from that his so well knowne affection and constancie both towards Randulph, and his native Countrey: however, hee out of his own worthie and good na∣ture taking all in good part, hee passed on with his journey, taking with him two hundred Gentlemen of note, and (as it is reported) seaven hun∣dred others. Amongst the Gentlemen of good qualitie, there was Sir William Sinclaire of Rosline, Sir Robert Logane of Rastaslrig, and Sir William Keith. De Froysard (in his 20. Chapter) reporteth that after his imbarking in Scotland he arrived at the Sluce, and stayed there some 12 dayes, where he kept such state and port, as if he had been King of Scotland: That he had in company with him, a Knight Banneret, and 7 other Knights of Scotland, and was served by twenty sixe young Squires and Gentlemen of good sort, all his vessels being of gold or silver: That all that came to see him of all sorts of people were (according to their ranks) well and plentifully served with all manner of vivers, wines and spices, the best that could be had. He saith also that in his return from Jerusalem, he ar∣rived at the port of Valence the great in Spain, where indeavouring to assist Alphonsus the king thereof, who warred against the King of Grana∣do, then a Saracen, he was there inclosed by an ambush of the enemie, and so lost his life.

He carried with him to Hierusalem the Kings heart embalmed and put into a box of gold, which he solemnely buried before the high Altar there: and this is the reason why the Douglas beare the crowned Heart in their coat of Armes ever since. When he had performed this service to his dead Master, he went with such company as he had brought with him, and joyned himself unto such other Christian Princes, as at that time were gathered with great power out of sundry parts of Christendome, to warre against the Infidels; where he did so notable service, that by his frequent victories, he wan great honour to the Christian name. At last, having accomplished things in those parts with no lesse fame and glory, then Princely Magnificence, he embarked for Scotland, but was cast by storme of weather upon the Coast of Spain, and forced to go a shore on the borders of Granado, where at the same time hee found the King of Arragon fighting against the Saracens that inhabited these parts: Sir James offered to the King to serve him in those warres, and so fought a∣gainst the enemy valiantly, and with great successe at divers times; till at last having conceived too great contempt of the enemy, esteeming them no Warriours, he became somewhat too carelesse and secure, so that he was inclosed in an ambush, and slain, with all that were about him: his bones were embalmed and sent home to Scotland, and buried in the Church of Douglas, called Saint Brides Kirk.

And thus he died in the yeare 1330. the 20. of August, the next yeare after King Roberts decease. As for his vertues, his actions have declared him sufficiently, yet these in speciall are to be observed: In his youth he was carefull to inable and fit himselfe for imployment, by the study and exercise of letters, and all good and commendable arts, whereby his mind contracting a good habit, was solidly fixed upon the vertues of modesty and sobernesse, and emptied of all envie; which hardly and very seldome are joyned with these great vertues of courage and magnanimity in a Mi∣litary spirit and life, which commonly do hinder another. In his riper years we may see his perfect practice of them against the enemy, and to∣wards his friends: In action he was bold, resolute, couragious, strong, diligent, and advised; and such every way as a stout Souldier or worthy Commander ought to be. Out of action, and in private converse, he was toward, affable, gentle, and courteous unto all: hee was loving to his Countrey, loyall, faithfull and obedient to his Soveraigne; he contend∣ed in vertue with his equalls, free from envie and hatred against any, and through the course of his whole life, without stain or blemish that wee heare of.

He is reckoned to have been in battells and incounters against the Eng∣lish fiftie seaven times, against the Saracens and other Infidels thirteene times ever victorious; thrice as often as hee had been yeares in action, which were about twenty foure from King Roberts Coronation. 1306. untill the time of his death in 1330. which if it be so, wee may see how many things were omitted by our Writers, all that are set down being farre short of that number. Wherefore it is no marvell, if in such a con∣tinuall course of victories, some confidence crept upon him; and if accu∣stomed to so hard enemies, and good warriours, as the English, and Scots

that sided with them (as commonly those are, who are born and bred in in the Northern parts of the world) he disesteemed and slighted the Sa∣racens and Southern softnesse, weaknesse and effeminacie in respect thereof, whereby he fell into this Ambush, which was his death. Now as in these respects it is somewat to be pardoned, so is this use to be made of it, that we despise no enemy however inferiour, and to eschew too much confidence and presumption in whatsoever advantage, which hath been the ruine and losse of many worthy men. He is said to have been of a black and swart complexion, and to have lisped somewhat in his speech. We heare nothing either in History, or Monument, or otherwise of his marriage: he had two base or naturall sonnes, William Lord of Liddes∣dale (of whom we shall speake hereafter) and one Archbald, whom the Lord of Liddesdale made Captain of the Castle of Edinburgh, when hee tooke it in. To conclude, let this bee observed, that Sir James is never mentioned by any either English or Scottish Writer whatsoever, but with honour and commendation, as worthy, valiant, noble, good, or some such Epithete; and confessed to have beene one of the most valiant that lived in his dayes. Such is the force of vertue, and so prevalent is it, even with enemies. We will not omit here (to shut up all) the judgement of those times concerning him, in an old rude verse indeed, yet such as beareth witnesse of his true magnanimity, and invincible mind in either fortune, good or bad.

Good Sir James Douglas (who wise, and wight, and worthy was) Was never overglad for no winning, nor yet over sad for no tineing, Good fortune and evil chance, he weighed both in one ballance.

Jacobus Duglassius Brucii Regis socius omnium laborum in Hispania coesus a Saracenis, 1330.

Quicquid sors potuit mortali in pectore ferre Vel facere, hoc didici perficere, atque pati. Prima ubi luctando vici, sors affuit ausis Omnibus, & quid non pro patria ausus eram? Hosti terror ego: nullus me terruit hostis: Consiliis junxi robora dura meis. Proelia quot numerat, titulos, actos{que} triumphos Brucius, hinc totidem pene trophaea mihi. Quo jam signa feram? major quaerendus & orbis Atque hostis; famam non capit iste meam. Arma Saraceno objeci prope littora calpes Herculeae, hic tellus me male fausta tegit. Herculeae Graecis memoretur Gloria laudis, Fallor an Herculeis stant potiora mea.

In English thus,

What ever weight in furious Fortune laid On weak mans breast, I suffered undismaid,

Nor lesse my active force; and when I tri'd Her power in warre, propitious fate deny'd No help; whiles my endeavours well did prove How much I dared for my Countreys love. A terrour to my foes; I knew no feare, Wisedome and valour both united were In me. And looke what triumphs great Bruce gain'd, As many Trophies were by me obtain'd. What more remaineth to increase my name? The world appears too little for my fame. To Spain my aid I gave, and did oppose The Saracen, there was the fatall close Of my brave life, wher't may be questioned much If Hercules his Monuments were such.

Of Hugh the fourth and ninth Lord of Douglas.

UNto this Sir James his brother germane Hugh Douglas did suc∣ceed, the ninth Lord, and fourth of that name. Of this man, whe∣ther it was by reason of the dulnesse of his minde, or infirmity of his body, or through whatsoever occasion else, wee have no mention at all in History of any of his actions, onely it is certain that he succeeded, and was Lord of Douglas, which he demitted (in favour of his brother Archbald, slain at Halidoun hill) to his sonne William, who was the first Earle of Douglas, as shall be showne in his life. The honour of the name and dignity of the house was upheld by his brother Archbald Lord of Galloway, of whom therefore we are now to speake. This Hugh lived after the death of his brother Archbald (which was 1333.) some nine or ten years, till the 1343▪ as the Charter of resignation of the Lordship to his nephew doth witnesse. He died without children, and was never married.

Of Archbald Douglas Lord of Galloway, Governour of Scotland, third brother to Sir James.

BEfore we proceed to speak of the next Lord Douglas, the time, and order of the History requireth that we speake of Archbald Douglas Lord of Galloway; and Governour of Scotland: he was third bro∣ther to good Sir James, as Boetius affirmeth in these words; Archibaldus Duglasius Germanus Jacobi de Douglas, quem nuperrime in hispania interiisse scripsimus. This Archbald did outlive Sir James not above three yeares, as we shall show hereafter. Neither is the losse of the battell wherein he died, imputed to his youth, but to his haste and indignation. And in the battell of Annand, he shewed wisedome and advisednesse sufficiently. Touching his education, there is no mention thereof in History: he mar∣ried

Dornagilla daughter to Red John Cummin, whom King Robert slew at Dumfrees. This John Cummin was stiled Lord of Galloway, having married a daughter of Allane Lord of Galloway, called Mary, whose elder sister Dornagilla, John Balliol had married: and there∣fore he is also stiled Lord of Galloway. There was also a third of these daughters married (as our Writers say) to the Earle of Abermale: it seem∣eth the lands of Galloway (Lord Allane dying without heires male) have been divided among the three sisters: as for his third wee finde nothing else of her. This Archbald having married John Cummins daughter, the inheritrix of the lands of Galloway, was imployed in the warre against Edward Balliol, whom he defeated and chased to Roxburgh, whereupon for this service, and also by another title which hee claimed as nearest to the house of Galloway by his Grandmother, the Earle of Carricts sister, (which right wee have deduced at large in the life of Lord William the third maker of the Indenture) Balliol being forfaulted, hee obtains the lands of Galloway, as Evidents and Histories beare record, stiling him Archibald Lord of Galloway, which continued in his posterity untill the forfeiture of the Earles of Douglas. Some alledge that Red John Cummin did not marry the Lord of Gallowayes daughter Marie, but a daughter of John Balliol of Harcourt in Normandy, called Adama, whom he begot on his wife Dornagilla, who was daughter to Allane Lord of Galloway: but how came Red John to stile himself Lord of Galloway, seeing his wife was Adama Balliol, who had brothers, at least one, to wit, John Bal∣liol that was Competitor with Bruce. However it was, Archbald Douglas having chased Edward Balliol, and Balliol being forfeited, was made Lord of Galloway.

This Archibald had by his wife, Dornagilla Cummin, two sons, William, who succeeded to his Uncle Hugh in the Lordship of Douglas, and was created Earle of Douglas, and Archibald after Lord of Galloway: hee had also a daughter called Marjory married to Thomas Earle of Marre.

We have heard in the life of good Sir James, how King Robert Bruce before his death had taken all pains for establishing the Kingdome to his posterity, and to leave it peaceablie unto them, and had done for that ef∣fect what the wit of man could devise: he had beaten out his enemies by armes, he had ratified and confirmed his right by the Lawes and Act of Parliament, he had obtained a renunciation of all title and claim he could pretend, from John Balliol his Competitor: he had gotten also the like re∣nunciation of the King of England, and all Evidents, Writs, and Monu∣ments concerning his pretences delivered up unto him▪ discharged and cancelled, and declared to be null, and of no value, by consent of the English Parliament, and (to be the surer of King Edwards friendship) he had married his sonne David to Jane his sister. He had cut off the rebel∣lions that were springing up against him, by executing such as were guil∣tie, established Randulph Tutor and Protector to his sonne, and Gover∣nour of the Countrey, hee had removed all occasion of emulation, that might have falne out therein, and setled all with good advice, good pre∣cepts, good councell in his Testament, both for peace among themselves, and warre against the enemy. But what is the wit of man, and how weak

a thing are his devices! or what bonds will bind whom duety can∣not binde?

This same Balliol, whose father had renounced his right (nothing re∣garding what his father had done) renewed his claim to the Crown. This same King of England, who had himself solemnly renounced, who had bound up friendship with the most sure and strongest bonds that can bee amongst men, regarding neither his resignation made, nor his affinity and alliance, nor any dutie towards God, or faith and promise to man, used all means to strip his brother-in-law (by consequent his sister) out of the Kingdome of Scotland; as if nothing were unlawfull, that could fill up the bottomlesse gulf of his ambition. First, he caused an English Monke (under colour of giving Physick for the gravell) to poyson the Governor Thomas Randulph Earle of Murray; and afterward aided Edward Balliol with 6000. English, upon condition that Balliol should hold the Crowne of him. Edward Balliol entering Scotland with these forces, and being as∣sisted by the male-contents in Scotland, prevailed so, that having wonne a battell at Duplin (13•…•…2. the 22. of September, the third yeare after the death of King Robert, and about one yeare after the death of Randulph) in which many were slain, to the number of 3000. together with Duncane or Donald Earle of Marre, the Governour; hee was Crowned at Scone, and these of the Bruces side constrained to send their King (David Bruce with his wife) into France, having no safe place at home to keep him in.

After his Coronation, having taken in divers places that stood out a∣gainst him, he went at last to Annand, receiving such as would acknow∣ledge him, and taking their oath of Allegeance and Fidelitie. Whereupon Andrew Murray Earle of Bothwell (chosen Governour after Marres death) sent Archbald Lord of Galloway to see what hee could do against Balliol in these quarters: he taking with him his nephew William Douglas Lord of Liddesdale, and John Randulph (the Governour Randulphs sonne) to∣gether with Simeon Fraser, having in company with them a thousand horse, went first to Mophet, and having there understood of Balliols care∣lesse discipline and securitie, departing from thence in the night, he came so suddenly to Annand where Balliol lay, that he escaped very narrowly, being halfe naked (not having leasure to put on his cloathes) and riding upon a barme horse unsadled, and unbridled, till he came to Carlile. O∣thers write, that howbeit he came very quietly to have surprised the ene∣my at unawares in the night time, yet they had notice of his coming, and issued forth of the Towne with a great army, where they fought long, and stoutly, till at last Balliol was overthrowne, and fled. There were slain many of his friends, and amongst these, Henry Balliol (who behaved him∣selfe very manfully) John Mowbray, Walter Cummin, Richard Kirbie. Ro∣bert (or Alexander) Bruce Earle of Carrict, (and sonne to Edward King of Ireland) was taken prisoner, and obtained pardon by the intercession of his Cousin John Randulph.

Hollinshed writeth, that somewhat before this time the friends of Da∣vid Bruce understanding that Balliol did sojourne within the Towne of Perth, had besieged it, but that they were constrained to raise the siege, because of the men of Galloway, who having bin sometimes the Balliols

dependers, invaded the besiegers lands under the conduct of Eustac•…•… Maxwell; whereupon hee saith, Archbald Lord of Galloway, with the Earle of March and Murray, invaded Galloway with fire and sword, and brought away great booties, but slew not many men, because they got them out of the way, for feare of that terrible invasion. This narration may bee true in the last part thereof concerning their invasion, but the cause of this invasion is not probable: that the men of Galloway should invade mens lands that lay so farre from them, as they behoved to be, that did besiege Saint Johnston; for in all liklihood it was besieged by these that were nearest to it, being in kinne, and friends to those that were slain in Duplin; and both •…•…ollinhed himself, and others, write that it was recovered in Balliols absence about the same time, while he sojour∣ned in Annand, by those that lay neare to it, without mentioning any o∣ther siege before that at which it was taken.

This battell at Annand so changed the case, that hee who even now was Crowned King (in September) who had farre prevailed, to whom all men (even King Davids nearest friends and kinsmen) had yeelded, (des∣pairing of his estate) was by this act of Archbald Lord of Galloway turn∣ed quite out of his Kingdome and Countrey, and compelled to fly into England, to save his life, the 25. of December the same yeare, about three moneths after his Coronation, and was compelled to keep his Christmas at Carlile in the house of the Friers Minors. A notable example of the inconstancy of worldly affairs, and constancy of an honest heart in the Douglas, not abandoning his Princes cause, when others had forsaken it, and also a proof of his good service, and usefull; for which as he deserved perpetuall praise and favour of his rightfull Prince, so did he incurre great hatred of his enemie, the usurping Balliol; who the next day after (the 26 of December) going into Westmoreland, and there being honourably re∣ceived by the Lord Clifford, gave unto him the whole lands of Douglas∣dale, which the said Lord Cliffords grandfather had before in the dayes of King Edward the first. So proudly did he presume, to give that which was not in his power: And so little had he learned the lesson of the uncer∣taintie of humane affairs, grounded on whatsoever power, appearance, or even successe: and so difficult a lesson it is to learne, where there re∣mains means so great as hee trusted to, the power of the King, and King∣dome of England, with his owne particular friendship and faction with∣in the Countrie of Scotland, which shall indeed have power to trouble the State a while, but not to establish either the Kingdome to himselfe, or any part of Douglasdale to the Lord Clifford.

The next yeare, 1333. K. Edward of England having shaken off all co∣lour of duty to his brother-in-law K. David, made open warre to be pro∣claimed betweene the two Countreyes, which turned on all hands to the disadvantage of Scotland, even upon both the Marches. For the Lord of Liddisdale was taken prisoner on the West hand, he having the charge of that quarter: and Murray the Governour on the middle March was taken likewise at the Castle of Roxburgh, by pursuing the victorie too farre on the bridge, and so excluded from his owne. King Edward took openly upon him the protection of Balliol, having caused him to sweare

homage to him, and so with a great Army both of his owne subjects and forreiners, came in person and sate downe before Berwick, and besieged it, both by sea and land. Hereupon the Nobility of Scotland choose Archbald Douglas Lord of Galloway to be Governour, and Generall of the Army, advising him to enter England, and to spoile it with fire and sword, so to force K. Edward to rise from before Berwick, and leave the siege. And this whilest he was about to have done, he is advertised from within the Towne, that Sir Alexander Seaton Governour thereof had made a paction with K. Edward to render th•…•… Towne, if he were not suc∣coured by the Scots before the first of August next, and for performance thereof had given him his sonne and heire in pledge and hostage. Here∣upon the Lord Governour changeth his purpose, fearing the losse of the Towne, and against the opinion of the wisest of his Armie, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 directly towards Berwick, and the third day after he set forth, he came within the sight both of his friends and foes. Before this King Edward (besides Thomas Seaton, who was given him in pledge) had taken also A∣lexander Seaton, another son of the Governour of Berwick (whilest at a sally out of the Towne he followed upon the enemy too eagerly) and had now both the brothers in his power, the one a pledge, the other a priso∣ner. He therefore seeing now that the Towne was like to be relieved, sent to the Captaine, certifying him plainly, that unlesse he did render the towne forthwith into his hands, both his sons should be hanged im∣mediately upon a gibbet in •…•…ight of the Towne before his eyes. The Captaine returned him answer, that the dayes of Truce were not yet ex∣pired, and therefore desired him either to keep the covenant he had made, or else deliver the Hostages, and be at his advantage. When the King could not prevaile with him, nor breake him off his resolute constancie (to which his vertuous and generous Lady did also notably encourage him) he was as good as his word, and performed indeed what he had threatned, against the law of Nations, and against all humanitie, hanging them up almost in the very sight of their Parents, who bore it patiently and constantly for the good of their Countrey, and thought their chil∣drens lives well bestowed in that regard: onely that they might not be beholders of so heavie a spectacle, they retired themselves to their cham∣ber apart.

This strange, tyrannicall, barbarous, and monstrous fact is suppressed in the Histories of England, and buried in silence, not unwisely, it being capable neither of defence nor excuse; and yet is contrary to the lawes of Histories, and the duty of an Historian, who ought (according to the oath of witnesses) to tell all the truth, and nothing but the truth; seeing where the truth is either adulterated or suppressed, the life of History is lost, which consists in particular circumstances, truly related. Neither do I see how this same King (in the end of his life) can pertinently and just∣ly be called courteous and gentile, after such a fact, whereof few the like have fallen into the hands of the cruellest Tyrants that ever were recor∣ded in story. And for my part I think certainly, that it is not possible that one who is of a nature truly gentile and courteous, should commit and be guilty of so foule a crime. It is a perpetuall blot and unexcusable, and such

as no wit can wash away. So it is still, and so let it ever be branded and detested. So it was by our Governour the Lord of Galloway, and so much did it move him, and so farre stirre up his noble indignation, that he thought he could never be exonered with credit, without avenging of it, or spending his life in the quarrell, and so being resolved to fight, he would never give eare to any counsell on the contrary, nor alter his de∣termination for any difficulty that could be proposed. And now K. Ed∣ward (after that unpleasant spectacle, detested even by the English them∣selves) had drawne up his Army, and taken a hill to the west of Berwick, called Halidoun hill, a place very advantageous for him; and the Scottish Army did stand over against them in battell aray. The Governour com∣manded to march up the hill, and to invade the English where they stood, altogether against the counsell of the best advised, who both before, con∣sidering the inequalities of the Armies, both in number (they being but few in respect of the English) and in experience (being for the most part young and raw souldiers, not yet trained) had disswaded him from fight∣ing any at all, and now seeing the odds, and inequality of ground, would gladly have opposed themselves thereunto. But all was in vaine: he was so incensed with that so detestable fact, that boiling with anger, and desi∣ring of revenge, and trusting to the goodnesse of his cause, and to the for∣wardnesse of his Armie, who being inflamed in the like anger, upon the same occasion, were very desirous to joyne battell, esteeming that their earnestnesse of minde would supply their want of skill, and overcome all other difficulties, and thinking in himself, that if having bin a spectator of that vile and cruell murther, he should turne his backe without fighting, it would be accounted cowardise; he prosecuted his resolution, and com∣manded to march forward, which was accordingly performed. They were first to descend and go down from a little hill on which they stood, then through a valley, and so to climbe up another hill so steepe that one man may (as Major saith) keepe downe foure, such is the scituation thereof on the west side. Wherefore the Scots, ere they could come to stroakes, were almost overwhelmed with shot and stones; when they were come up, being quite out of breath, and charged from the higher ground, they were borne downe with violence, and slaine. Some write that the first joyning of the battell was at the foot of the hill, upon more even ground, but that the English gave somewhat back towards the side and ascent of the hill, and having gotten that advantage of the rising of the hill, made a fierce onset upon the Scots, who pursued them too rash∣ly, supposing the English had fled, by which meane they were utterly overthrowne.

There died of the Scots in this battell 10000. others say 14000. the English writers say 30000. A rare hoast amongst the Scots, though the Countrey had not been divided in it selfe: and there were but few more then 30000. when they overthrew the King of England with his invinci∣ble Army at the renowned battel of Bannockburn: but such is the custome and forme of their Writers, to extoll their owne facts, and to lessen their neighbours, for they say there were slaine onely at Bannockburne of the English 10000. and at this battell but 15. how apparently let the Reader

judge. Our Writers say there was no small number of them slain, and that it was fought with great courage, neverthelesse of this inequality: neither did the Scots turne their backs, or give ground, untill their Gene∣rall (fighting valiantly in the midst of them) was slaine. There died with him John, James, and Allane Stuarts, sons to Walter Stuart, in his owne battell, the Earle of Rosse, to whom he had committed the Vauntguard, with Kenneth Earle of Sutherland, Alexander Bruce Earle of Carrict, An∣drew, James, and Simon Frasers. Few were taken prisoners, and such as were taken, by the commandment of K. Edward were beheaded the next day, against the law of armes: some few were saved by their keepers, who were more covetous of their ransome, then of their bloud. Such cruelty did this gentile nature practise before the battell (upon the Seatons) in the the chase (upon the flyers) and after the battell (upon the prisoners) in cold bloud. But his aime was to make a full conquest of Scotland, which did faile him notwithstanding. This battell was fought July 22. 1333. called Magdalens day, accounted, by the superstition of the people, un∣fortunate for Scotland.

Thus died Archbald Douglas Lord of Galloway fighting for his Coun∣trey: his love thereof, his indignation against so inhumane a fact is com∣mendable: his magnanimitie likewise and valour is such as became his house: his conduct is blamed, and the cause thereof, whether it were an∣ger or errour: his anger or desire of revenge, though the cause be never so just, should have beene bridled and tempered, and so governed, with such wisedome as might have effected a due punishment indeed, and not so headie, as to have precipitated himselfe and the Countrey into ex∣treme danger and ruine, whilest he sought revenge. Or if it were errour, and too much relying upon the forwardnesse of his Army, that indeed is a thing not to be neglected, but to be taken hold of, and made use of, yet it ought not to be so farre trusted, but well imployed, and managed with judgement, as a good addition to other meanes and helps, but not that the whole hope of the victorie should be grounded and hang upon it alone; farre lesse ought it to be made use of when there is too great odds. In which case it serves but for a spurre to set us on to our more speedy ruine. If it were feare that he should be thought a coward if he did not fight that moved him, his feare was needlesse: he had given good proofe of it before, and might have given more thereafter: he should have remem∣bred that he was a Generall, and Leader, in whom want of wisedome and government were as much to be blamed as fearefulnesse. He was also a Governour, in whose safety the Kingdome was interessed, and who ought to have regarded the good thereof. In this ballance he should have weigh∣ed things, and should have done according to it, though with hazzard of a sinister report for a while, which might easily have beene recovered in the owne time. Concerning which, and all idle fame, and vaine opinion of ignorant people, we have that notable example of that worthy Fabius Maximus, the Romane Captaine, who neither by the provocation of the enemie, nor importunitie of the souldiers, nor disgracefull rumours scattered among the people, as if he durst not have fought, or had collu∣ded with Hanniball, and other such slanders, could be moved to fight but

at a convenient time. Nay rather then he would doe it, he suffered the halfe of his Armie to be taken from him, and given to his Lieutenant, as the hardier man than he, who both durst, and would fight, as he bragged. And so he did indeed upon the first occasion, but with such foole-hardi∣nesse, as that he had both lost himselfe, and his whole Army, if Fabius had not come in time to his rescue; who at that fit time of fighting shew∣ed in effect both what he durst in manhood, and what he could do in wisedome; and easily made those fond rumours to vanish, to his perpe∣tuall glory, the confuting and confounding of his Competitour, and con∣fession and acknowledgment of his worth from those who had blamed him before. Not unlike to this was the saying of great Scipio the Afri∣cane, who being reproached by a certain man that he was not so forward a fighter as he could have wished (though in very deed he was forward enough) daigned him with no other answer, but that his mother had borne him to be Commander, not a fighter; thinking that a Captaines chiese honour is to command well, and to choose fit times, places, and meanes for fighting. And not to goe any farther; we heard before in good Sir James his life, how little he was moved at the English Heralds demands, who desired (in the Kings name) that he would fight him on the plaine field, upon equall ground, if he had either vertue or honour. Sir James sent him away with derision, as one that had made a foolish request, telling him, that a good Captaine should account it his honour not tofight for his enemies request, but as he found most expedient and convenient for himselfe, in wisedome, choosing the forme, the field, the time, the place, and all for the advantage of his Army, and giving no ad∣vantage to the enemy whereof he could possibly hinder him. And this I have insisted upon so much the more, because many that are of good spi∣rits otherwise, do oftentimes erre in this false opinion, and thereby doe both lose themselves and their honours. So that while they affectate to be called hardie fighters, doe prove indeed to be foolish Captains, and ill Commanders, and so doe not eschew reproach, but incurre it. Neither get they the honour of valour, which they seeke, but the blame of temeritie and rashnesse, which they should avoid. So that the Writers speaking of this fact, doe all of them condemne it, and brand it with a note of ill conduct; and some of them say in expresse termes, Archbald Lord of Galloway was not valiant (in this case) but temerarious and foo∣lish; very truly and wisely, to warne others to take heed, and beware of failing in the like kinde; very soberly and respectively, restricting it to this particular onely, and in this case leaving him his due praise and commendation in his other actions, as ye have heard hee very well de∣served.

This defeat drew on with it the surrendring of the Towne of Berwick (the next day after) by Sir Alexander Seaton, and of the Castleby Patrick Dumbarre Earle of March, lives and goods safe, themselves giving their Oath of allegeance and fealty to the K. of England. He commanded the Earle of March to re-edifie the Castle of Dumbarre, which he, being not able to keepe it, had demolished, that it might not be a receit to the Eng∣lish. And within a short time this overthrow had wellnigh overthrowne

the Kingdome, and the cause: for the greatest part of the Nobilitie, that were not dead before, being slain in this conflict, the rest flying to save themselves, to strengths & desa•…•…ts; Balliol assisted by Robert Talbot (a Noble man of England, whom the King had left with him, with a few English bands) being aided by his Favourers in Scotland, made himself once more King, and was confirmed by Parliament, within half a yeare after he had been driven out. All yeelded obedience to him, save onely foure Castles, to wit, Loch-leven, Dumbarton, Kildrummie, Urwhart and Lowdon peele, seated on a little lake; so that no man in Scotland durst call David Bruce their King, except young children in their playes: so far were matters altered by this check! Where it is to be marked, that as by the wise and wary government of the same Archbald, his Countrey and lawfull King were defended, and Balliol chased out of his usurped King∣dome: So by the same mans oversight in government, both the usur∣ping Edwards (English and Scots) are repossessed again therein, and his Countrey plunged into misery, and the rightfull King and his part∣ners brought to great extremitie.

Of so great efficacie is good, or evill government: therefore it is so much the more circumspectly to bee looked to, and to bee exercised ac∣cording to the rules of wisedome, and not after the opinions of men, fame, and reports, anger, or whatsoever other cause doth make men stray from the right and strait course of reason. This was the lamentable condition of our Countrey: But let us have patience a while, and wee shall shortly have better newes. Both these usurpers shall ere long bee driven to let go their hold, and at last be utterly disappointed of all their hopes and projects; God conserving the liberty of this Countrey, and the Crowne thereof to the rightfull heire, and the Bruces bloud, in whose posterity it shall yet prosper. In which work no little part shall bee the valiant and faithfull efforts of the Douglasses. Amongst whom it were requisite to speake of the next Lord Douglas: But the order of time draws me another way: it being long before his turne come in, even tenne or twelve, or perhaps twentie yeares, as shall be seen in the owne p ace, for hee hath been young (it should seeme,) and abroad out of the Countrey, but in his absence some other of the Douglasses must not be idle.

Archibaldus Duglasius ad Hali∣donem coesus, 1333.

Non potuit perferre nefas, foedamque Tyranni Perfidiam. Et quisnam sustinuisse queat? Ergo furens animi, at{que} accenso pectore inardet Praelia, & ingratas increpat usque moras. Poscimus aut aequo (dixit) certamine Martem, Aut certum est fatis cedere velle tuis. Ah nimis! ah properant! Non illis ignea virtus Defuerat: nocuit praecipetasse nimis. Nec te victorem jactes, temeraria virtus Sic nocuit. Vinci vis animosa nequit.

In English thus,

He was not patient enough to see The Tyrants faithlesse fact (and who could be) Hence his enflamed breast with anger sweld, Enrag'd at such impediments as held His hand from just revenge. Come let us trie Our chance, and winne the field, or bravely die, If fate will have it so, he said: and all With too much haste obey'd their Generall. No courage wanted, but the hard event Prov'd the act rash, and lose the punishment Of ill rul'd valour. Thou didst nothing gain. Who to his passion yeelds commands in vain.

Of William Douglas Lord of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, called the flowre of Chevalrie.

BEfore we proceed to the rest of the Lords of Douglas, the order of the History requires, that wee speake something of William, not Lord of Douglas, but Lord of Liddesdale, and a worthy member of the house and name of Douglas. The first mention of him, and his acti∣ons, is at the battle of Annand, where hee was with Archbald, Lord of Galloway. The last of his actions of importance are in the beginning of the first Earle William, before the battle of Durham the space of thirteen yeares or thereby: which time hee imployed for his lawfull King and Countrey against the usurpers, so diligently as shall bee deduced in the progresse of this Story. Writers call him naturall sonne to Sir James slain in Spain, which is truth: But they erre when they say that John Lord Dalkeith was brother to William Lord of Liddesdale, hee being Liddes∣dales uncle, and Sir James brother, so master John Major hath Davidis, for Gulielmi, and Hollinshed, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 William for Archbald, who was made Captain of the castle of Edinburgh, by this same William. But it is so clear and manifest whom they mean of, that there is no question to be made of it. However it be, he hath so honoured and nobilitated himself by his ver∣tue, that no posteritie needs to enquire of his birth. We finde that he was married to a daughter of Sir John Grahame, Lord of Abercorne, called Margaret Grahame, by whom he got the lands of Liddesdale, he had but one onely daughter (Mar•…•…) who was married to Sir James of Lowden, who after the Lord Liddesdales his death, and Marga•…•…t Grahames, got the lands of Liddesdale.

His first appearing, to wit, at the battell of Annand, hath been spoken of: after that hee was for his wisedome and manhood accounted worthy to have the custody and government of the West Marches, •…•…s the charge of the East Marches was committed to Patrick Du•…•…. Being Wairden there, hee had his residence at Annand, where at a certain skirmish with

the English, his men were scattered, himself was hurt and taken prisoner, about that same time that Regent Murray was taken at Roxbrough, to wit, in the yeare 1332. before the battell of Halidoun hill, which was the oc∣casion that he was not there with his uncle Archbald, Lord of Galloway. He continued a prisoner untill 1335. and then he and Murray were both set at libertie, having payed a great summe of gold for their ransome. It is strange that these two great Politicians (the two Edwards I mean) in∣tending a conquest of Scotland, should have suffered such men to bee set at liberty at any rate, without making them sure to their side; considering that the detaining of them would greatly have facilitate their designes: and their liberty, being enemies, hinder and annoy them, as we shall heare it did not a little. It was apparently the pride of their hearts in that good successe, which made them carelesse and secure, not fearing any danger from these or any else. So doth successe and pride growing thereupon commonly blind men: or so doth God blinde the▪ wisedome of unjust men, when hee hath a work to do against them. But before wee come to the rest of the deeds of this valorous Lord, we must take a view of the estate of things at that time, that the circumstances (which are the life of History, and light of actions) being knowne, the actions themselves may be the better considered.

We have heard how desperately things went on the Brucian (which was the onely right) side: hee that was lawfull King durst not bee named, nor there was none that durst do so much as once offer to call him King, but the little children in their play, who still stiled him so; whether by a naturall inclination to their rightfull Prince, or by some spark of Divine inspiration joyned therewith, who can tell? or who knowes these things? what motions will either remain of old or spread of new in the hearts of men, where Gods work is to be done? wise men keep silence, and there∣fore the stones behoved to cry out, and foolish simple babes beare wit∣nesse that the Bruce was King, for all the usurpers confidence and cruel∣tie: no doubt, it was with great derision, and contempt of the hearers, but the event did justifie it, that it had a secret mover. No man saw the means how it could come to passe, but means will not be wanting, where a work is to be done. This ought to be a heartning to good subjects in their law∣full Princes quarrell, and for good men in all good causes, not to de∣spaire for want of means. Let men do their best, means will come from whence they least dream on: Perhaps it will fall out so here in this case: Out from among the midst of the enemies the first glimpse of de∣liverance doth arise.

There were that conspired against the Bruce to wrack him, and the Countrey, England and the Balliols faction in Scotland, and those had overrunne all. There comes a blink of favour, and hope from Rome, by the procuring of France. The Pope sends to King Edward of England, to desist from invading of Scotland, but that evanished without effect: pride had so farre prepossessed his heart, that he thought himselfe sure to make a conquest of Scotland, pleasing himself in his owne conceit, and suppo∣sing Scotland neither durst, nor could ever make head against him here∣after: wherefore he will not do so much as give the Ambassadours leave

to come into his sight. A manifest contempt, not so much of the people, as of the voyce of equity and reason: But he called it reason what he had ability to doe: (Stat pro ratione volu•…•…as) is the voyce of Tyrannie, and indeed a change being to come, pride behoved to go before; bùt the working of this is obscure, and not perceived at first openly: di•…•…ention amongst the conspirators doth arise upon a light occasion, a gnats wing (as the Proverb is) but it growes to a Mountain. Talbot an English man was appointed with Balliol (as hath been said) for to govern Scotland, his co-adjutors for re-conquering of it were (amongst other Scots Englized) David Cummin Earle of Athole, Henry of Beaumont, John Mowbray an old favourer of that faction, from the time of Edward the first, of whom he had received diverse lands for ill service to his Countrey, which Edward esteemed to bee good; as indeed it was profitable to him. This John Mowbray was dead, and had left his lands to be divided between his two daughters, and his brother Alexander, or rather as a bone, and a matter of debate amongst the whole faction: for his daughters claiming it as heires of line, his brother by heire-male as entail, the Case was brought to judgement. Henry of Beaumont had married one of the daughters, he therefore was fracker froward that way, as one that was interessed. Tal∣bot and Cummin swayed this way; Edward Balliol enclined to the other party, and gave sentence for Alexander the brother. Hereupon dissention ariseth; they grudge and murmure against the judgement, they complain of it in their open discourse, and speaches, as unjust: they withdrew them∣selves from Court, as mal-contents. Talbot goes into England (perhaps to complain to the King) and as he came thorow Lowthian, hee is taken by some of King Bruces party (who began to show their heads upon this occasion) and carried to Dumbarton where hee died: Beaumont put hand to work, and without so much as acquainting the King withall, takes Dun∣gard a strong Castle in Buchan, and the rest of the lands that were in plea, hee ceaseth them, and makes them his owne by the law of the strongest. Cummin gets him into Athole and there fortifies himself against whosoever should assail him. This terrifies Balliol so, that he retreats his sentence, and turnes his coat; agreeth with those two, granting unto Beau∣mont the lands which he had adjudged from him, and giving Cummin di∣verse other good lands which belonged to Robert Stuart, who shall reigne afterward, to shew upon what ill ground that gift was founded. But is he the better for this injustice? for injustice it must be either first, or last, he is not so much the better, as in likelihood he should have been; for inju∣stice is never profitable. If hee gain one, he losseth another: hee winnes Cummin and Beaumont, but he loseth Alexander Mowbray: who thereupon joins himself to the other party. And thus was this usurpers faction brang∣led, then bound up again, and after divided again by want of worth in Balliol their head. But this is not all, for it seems that Cummins mind hath not been so much soundly reconciled to Balliol, as it hath been onely plai∣stered over, which may appea•…•…e to bee probably collected out of the Hi∣story, which they say is thus. Edward of England came with 50000. men into Scotland; to what purpose so many? was there warre? None saith he, nor rebellion greatly, that appeared any where, what doth hee then?

doth he fight with any man? doth he fortifie Castles? we heare no word of any such matter. What hath been his intention then? wherefore came he, and with so huge an Army? they tell not. But let actions speake, they will tell: All agree in this, that he tooke away Balliol into England; there is one point: Then hee hath been jealous of him, and hath feared per∣haps that he would not continue long his vassall, as his Grandfather had proofe, in Balliols father: but what doth he more? hee leaves Cummin to guide the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Scotland; there is another point: Hee makes him Viceroy in Scotland for Balliol, and Balliol in effect prisoner in England. Of which course Edward of England is the Authour, let it bee so; who will purge Cummin of having been a Counseller, a suggester of information for his owne advancement? he being a man that did ever hunt after pre∣ferment, which he made the scope of his actions, and compasse, by which he ever sailed, being also of an aspiring mind, and of a fickle and various disposition and nature. However it be, this is another division in that so∣ciety between the Edwards, the usurping Kings. And thus much of the estate of their faction.

Concerning the other partie that stuck to the lawfull King Robert Stuart, that afterward was King, had escaped Balliols ambush: being but fifteen yeares of age, and by the help of his friends, was conveyed to the Castle of Dumbarton, where hee was received by Malcolm Fleeming Captain thereof. Now both the Edwards being absent, and he having a particular spleen against Cummin, who possessed his private inheritance; the said Ro∣bert with the help of Colin or Duncan Campbell in Argyle (from whom he obtained an aid of foure hundreth men) had taken the Castle of Dunholm in Coile, and destroyed the English Garrison there, whereupon the men of Boote (which was his private inheritance) had taken armes, slain Al∣lane Lyle there Captain, and Sheriffe, who was placed there by Balliol and Cummin, and were come home very joyfull to their old master the Stu∣arts. Upon this Thomas Bruce Earle of Carrict with his friends, and neigh∣bours of Coile, and Cunninghame, and William Karrudise of Annandale (who had ever refused the English yoake) coming forth out of the place where they had lurked, resorted to him also. John Randulph Earle of Mur∣ray was returned from France, and did incourage them with hopes of forreign help of Jefferey or Godfrey Rosse (Sheriffe of Aire) had drawne Coile, Carrict, and Cunningham to be of the partie; Ranfrow was also re∣turned tò the Stuarts. By their example, the dependers of Andrew Murray had drawne all Cliddesdale to them, partly by faire means, partly by force. These under the command and leading of Robert Stuart, and John Randulph had passed into the North parts, chaised David Cummin, Gover∣nour for the English to Lochaber, and compelled him to yeeld, and swear obedience to David Bruce: Notwithstanding, that the enemy had com∣mitted to him so great a charge, as to bee Lieutenant for him in those parts.

About this time or a little before, William Lord of Liddesda•…•…e returns from his captivity, having been three yeares in prison: And hee is no sooner returned, but that presently he begins to serve his King and Coun∣trey faithfully, and diligently against both their enemies, Scots and Eng∣lized

usurpers; recompencing his long imprisonment with his enemies losses, especially in Lowthian: for the more easie performance hereof, and that hee might annoy them that were in the Castle of Edinburgh, (which was then held by the English) and them that went toward it, hee lay in wait in Pentland-hills. To him John Randulph, after that he had left David Cummin Earle of Athole Lieutenant for him in the North parts (Randulph and Robert Stuart were chosen Governours by the Kings party) did adjoyn himself as to his old and fast friend: from thence they both went to Perth, to a Convention of the States, the 2. of Aprill 1335. But there was nothing done at that meeting, because of the enmity be∣twixt the Lord Liddesdale, and David Cummin Earle of Athole. The oc∣casion was, the Lord of Liddesdale alledged that hee was detained longer in prison, then other wayes he would have been, by the means of the the Earle of Athole, who (no doubt) did thinke it meet for Balliol and the English faction, and therefore advised them to keep him. And certainly he was wiser in that point, then they that set him at libertie for ransome: Now under the colour and pretext of this ill will between him and Lid∣desdale, Athole was so strongly accompanied with his servants and de∣penders, that the rest being jealous of his disposition, and fearing his present power did conclude no matter of importance, Robert Stuart encli∣ned toward him, but all the rest favoured the Lord Liddesdale. Robert was young, and knew not the disp•…•…sition of Athole, which the rest knew better, and what ods was between them in fidelitie, which was not long in discovering. For King Edward of England came with a great army, both by Sea and Land, and brought Balliol with him. So soone as he came to Perth, Athole being solicited to defection from Bruce, he was not very hard to wooe, whereas Liddesdale did still his uttermost endevours for him. One of the Governours (to wit, Robert Stuart) being sick, and the other (John Randulph) thinking it too heavie a burden for him alone to fight, divided his forces, that so he might the more annoy the King. Now word was brought to him, that there was a great army of the Guelders coming through England, to joyne with Edward, and help him against the Scots. Wherefore Randulph passeth over into Lowthian, to try if he could conveniently intercept them, and cut them off ere they should joyn with the King. There came hither to assist Randulph (the Governour) Patrick Earle of Marche, William Lord Liddesdale, and Alexander Ramsay of Dalhousie, and others. These being assembled together, lay in wait for them near Edinburgh in the Borrow moore: and so soon as they came in sight one of the other, without any delay of either side they joyned battell, and after a great conflict, the Guelders were put to rout, and chased to a little hill, where was a ruinous Castle. There they were besieged all that night, and the next day, they rendered themselves, lives safe.

Others write that they fled to the Castle hill of Edinburgh, up Saint Ma∣ries wind or lane, defending themselves valiantly through the high street till they came to that place, where they slew their horses, and made (as it were) a rampart of their carcasses, and so saved themselves. There they stayed all that night, and having neither meat nor drink, nor convenient

lodging, opprest with hunger, and cold, and thirst, yeelded themselves on the morrow. This narration seems not to bee so probable, as the for∣mer; for if it had been at the Castle of Edinburgh, it might have made them more support, atleast releeved the Duke, and have saved him. Be∣sides that, the town of Edinburgh should suffer strangers to passe through the midst of them, and neither aid them if they were friends, nor as•…•…ail them if they were enemies, nor shut their gates if they were neutrall, for fear of some danger to come to their towne thereby, but suffer both par∣ties to have free accesse into their chief street and to stand as lookers on, it hath no great likelihood. They ascribe also the winning of the field, to the Lord of Liddesdale, who was not (as Hollinshed sayes) present at their first joyning battell, but came to it from Pentland-hills in so conveni∣ent time; that if he had not come, the Guelders who fought exceeding well, had got the day. Others make no mention of Randulph, but of the Lord Liddesdale, and Alexander Ramsay with him.

Those that write of this battell, tell of a huge and wonderfull stroake given by Sir David Annand in his fury, hee being hurt, stroke his enemy on the shoulder with a Pole-axe, and clave him and his horse down to the hard pavement, in which, the force of the stroake left a great mark long after. And no lesse memorable is the valour of a woman in the Guelders army, who at the beginning of the battell stept forth before her compa∣ny, and encountred in a single combat or duell a Scotish Squire, named Robert Sha•…•…▪ whom she slew, and afterwards beat downe her enemies on each side, till at last after a good time shee was compassed about, and so slain. The Duke of Guelder their Captain having yeelded, was courte∣ously, and honourably used, his stuffe and baggage was restored to him, and himself set free. The reason of this was, because G•…•…y Earle of Murray, having been bred in France, knew that the French King did af∣fect him; and therefore to gratifie him, he shewed him this •…•…avour to let him go without any other hurt or dammage; onely he made him sweare, hee should never aid the English again against the Scots. This same Au∣thor sayes that this was not the Duke of Guelders, but the Earle of Na∣murs called G•…•…y contrary to all our Writers, who with one consent af∣firme that it was. And if it were G•…•…y of Namurs, he had alwayes been an enemy, and received greater courtesie then enemies 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and more fa∣vour then was expedient for the Countrey. Nay, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was not con∣tent to dismisse him free onely, but would needs for his safety, accompa∣ny him to England, in which journey they were suddenly set upon by the Lord 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and the Englized Scots, who had dressed an ambuscado for them, and there Randulph was taken, and the Lord Liddesdale hurt in the leg. The Governour was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the two Edwards that lay before Perth, which towne was thereupon soone after rendr•…•…d unto him.

Upon this successe of the usurpers faction, A•…•…hole very glad of what had 〈◊〉〈◊〉 out, accounting the prize now 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and following forth his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pollicie revolted again to the usurping Kings▪ thinking it safest to side with the stronger, and did now clearly show, how worthy he was of that favour bestowed on him by Robert Stuart, who at the Convention at Perth had appeared on his side against the Lord 〈◊〉〈◊〉. And not

onely did Cummin come in to them, but undertakes also the government of Scotland once more as Lieutenant for the English, promising to root out all these of the contrary part that should stand out, and would not ac∣knowledge their authoritie. The King of England partly for lack of vi∣ctuals (which were put out of the way by the Governour) partly because of his journey into France, which he was then projecting, returned into his owne Countrey, and took along with him Balliol, who had the name of a King, but was indeed a very slave to another mans affection, for a vain and empty title; a just reward for his foolish trusting to a stranger in prejudice of his Countrey.

Athole being willing to doe what hee had said to the Edwards, that he might approve his service and fidelity unto them (whereby hee proved also false to his lawfull King, and late benefactours; his so friendly ene∣mies, who had not onely pardoned him so lately, and saved his life, but trusted him so far, and committed so much to him) left no kind of crueltie unpractised, that he could against his Countrey, so far, as that almost the whole Nobilitie relented, and became slack and remisse againsthim, or did yeeld unto him, having forgotten their duty. But behold the reward of such wisedom, and the due fruit of such seed as he had sown; a fruit that is often reaped of such seed, if men would beleeve, & observe it: though the present appearance, the first buds and blossomes of things do blinde their eyes, & make them choose that which should not be chosen, which is un∣acceptable to man, and not past over by God, as is seen in this man before the yeare be fully expired. For Robert Stuart being sick, and Randulph a pri∣soner, there were left but three Noble men who stuck fast, and were faith∣full to their King, and Countrey. These were William Lord Liddesdale, Patrick Earle of March, and Andrew Murray who had been Gover∣nour. They were so constant, that no promises could corrupt their fide∣litie, nor no threatning nor danger could quail their courage so, as to bow their hearts to any English servitude. Some adde unto these the Earle of Rosse, and William Lord Keith. These did greatly hate his unnaturall dealing against his Countrey, and treachery against his promise, and cru∣eltie joyned withall: three things ever odious and hatefull to honest minds. Wherefore understanding that hee lay at the siege of the Ca∣stell of Kildrummie, they levied such companies and number of men as they could get, and marched towards him. Cummin being advertised hereof, raiseth the siege, and meeteth them in the fields within the For∣rest of Kilblane: There they fought it very hardly, and Cummin being more in number, had overthrown them (as it is thought) but that John Craig Captain of Kildrummie, issuing forth with three hundreth fresh men, re∣stored the battell which was almost lost, and gave them an undoubted victory, which when Cummin perceived (being conscious of his owne ill deserving) that he might not fall into his enemies hands alive, he rushed into the midst of the battell, and so was slain: Sir Robert Minyeis fled to the Castle of Kenmure (saith Boetius) who saith also that Alexander Gordon was he that slew Athole; but others attribute it to the Lord Liddesdale himself, who for that cause, and for the slaughter of Sir Thomas Minyeis (it may be they mean Sir Robert) at the Castle of Lochindors, in the Sheriffe∣dome

Sheriffedome of Bamfe, was rewarded with the Earledome of Athole, and is so stiled in the resignation by which hee surrenders it again some foure yeares after (to wit, 1341) the 16 of February in favour of Robert Stuart, Great Stuart of Scotland, whereof the evident is yet extant in the Register. There died in this battell besides Athole, Walter Braid, and Ro∣bert Cummin, and a great number of others both Gentlemen and Com∣mons. Sir Thomas Cummin was taken prisoner, and the next day (being the 1. of January) he was beheaded. They were not above 1000. or (as some write) 500. choice men against 3000. yet the event was (as wee have said) favourable to the just and right cause. This battell was fought the last of December, 1337. By this blink of fair weather in such a storme of forrain assaults, things were again somewhat changed, and the Bruci∣ans encouraged: wherefore that they might have some face of a settled estate and government, they choose Andrew Murray Regent as hee had been before his captivitie. He went into the North, and in the mean time the Lord of Liddesdale with a company of chosen men passeth over into Fyffe, and besieged the Castle of Saint Andrews, Falkland, and Luchers, all which he tooke in with small difficulty, by his wisedome, and man∣hood, though they were strongly manned, and well fortified, and furni∣shed with munition, and victuall. Major re•…•…erreth this to the time after the Governour came backe out of the North. After this, he returned in∣to Lowthian to his old haunt in Pentland-hills to wait his time, and watch the English that lay in Edinburgh Castle, that hee might slip no occasion of troubling, and molesting them. At last this occasion did hap∣pen; the Towne being full stuft with a great number of Souldiers, both English and Scots: There was a scottish man amongst them of a stout sto∣mack, named Robert Phanderghest whose lot was fallen to be on that side, but his heart was with the other party, and hee carried no great good will to the English. This being perceived he was the worse entreated by them, so that one day his head was broken by the Marshall Thomas Kneveton, whereat taking indignation, hee sought all means to bee avenged thereof, and so brought it to passe that he shortly after slew him; and to avoid the danger of punishment, fled to the Lord Liddesdale, whom having infor∣med of the negligence that was growne amongst the English; he perswa∣ded him to take advantage of their sloath, he nothing slack in a businesse of that nature, went secretly in the night to the Towne, and slew foure hundreth of them in their sleep, and drunkennesse, before they could make any resistance.

About this time Murray the Regent dieth, after he had brought back all the Northerne parts of Scotland to his Princes obedience excepting Perth, a great losse for his Countrey, and hee greatly regrated; But no losse is without some gain. Robert Stuart had now recovered his health, who was the other Governour; (and as some write) hee assumed the Lord Liddesdale for his collegue, whether that were so or not, and what ever his place and name was, hee was a notable adjunct to Robert Stuart, and under his authority performed much good service, and profitable to King and Countrey with great hazard of his life, by receiving of many wounds; while he did assail and vanquish greater numbers with far fewer:

So that by his prowesse and singular valour hee reduced Tivedale, Nid∣desdale, Annandale and Cliddesdale (except the Hermitage) to the Kings obedience, having expulsed from thence all the English. These lands and strengths were lost again after the battell of Durham, and recovered a∣gain the second time, by VVilliam the first Earle of Douglas, which wee have inserted here, lest men inconsiderately should confound, and mistake the one VVilliam for the other.

By these doings his name came to bee spred throughout the whole Island, insomuch that Henry Lancaster Earle of Darbie hearing thereof, and being himself a valiant man, and desirous of glory, provoked him to fight with him hand to hand on horseback: but at their first encounter, the Lord of Liddesdale his hand was so sore wounded with his owne speare (which brake hard at his hand) that hee was not able to prosecute the combate, whereupon it was delayed. Major maketh mention of his justing, and joyneth Alexander Ramsay with him at Berwick: hee telleth also of one Patrick Grahame, who being provoked and challenged by an English man into the field, told him he was content; but wished him to dine well, for •…•…ee would send him to suppe in Paradise, which hee also did: hereupon hee condemns these justs and duels in time of peace; so that it should seeme there have been some peace or truce. But wee heare not of any, I doe rather thinke there hath been some assurance at that time.

That same yeare, the King of England sent a very valiant Knight na∣med Sir Thomas Barcklay into Scotland with a great power of men to assist their faction: Robert Stuart and the Lord Liddesdale goe against him, and gave him battell at Blackburne; where the Lord of Liddesdale fought so eagerly, that all his men being slain, he and Robert Stuart having one∣ly three left with them, continued still fighting, and defended themselves till night, which being come on, by favour thereof they escaped, and sa∣ved themselves by flight.

It was not long ere he recompensed this losse, by the defeating of John Stirline and his company. This Stirline with five hundreth men assailed the Lord Liddesdale at unawares, at a place called Cragens, having but fourtie in his company, as he was journeying without any feare or suspi∣cion of an enemy. This did put him into a great feare at first, but he recol∣lecting himselfe out of that sudden affrightment, fought so valiantly that hee defeated Stirline, slew fiftie of his men, and tooke fouretie pri∣soners.

Afterward the English that lay at Creighton, made divers onsets and incursions upon him, in one of which he was runne through the body with a speare, and was thereby disabled to doe any service for a sea∣son.

So soone as he was recovered, being accompanied with twenty men onely, he set upon sixty English, at a place called The blacke Shaw, and having wisely taken the advantage of the ground, which was fitter for foot then horsemen, he slew and took them every one.

In the same year 1338. the 24. of December, or as others, the 2. of No∣vember, he set upon the convoy of the English that were carrying vivers

to the Castle of Hermitage, as they were in Melrosse, or neare to it, and defeated them, but not without gre•…•…t slaughter of his owne men: and so having got the victuals, he went and besieged the Castle of Hermitage, •…•…ooke it, and did victuall it with the same victuall which he had taken at Melrosse.

He vanquished also Lawrence Vauch (alias Rolland Vauch) a very valiant man, with a great company of Englishmen.

And in the yeare following (1339) he fought five times in one day with Lawrence (or William) Abernethie, a Leader under Balliol, and having beene p•…•…t to the worse foure times, saith Hollinshed, Boetius, five times, at the sixth time vanquished him, and slew all his men, and took himselfe prisoner, and thereafter presented him to Robert Stuart, who sent him to the Castle of Dumbartan. For these and such other exploits atchieved by him, he was highly esteemed of all men, and got the name which is commonly used of him, The flowre of Chivalrie.

He was after this sent Ambassadour into France to informe King Da∣vid of the estate of the Realme, and to conferre with him about weighty matters, being either chosen for his worth, or only sent by Robert Stuart as his Collegue, and so fittest for that employment. While he was there he obtained pardon of the K. of France, and peace for one Hugh Hambell a famous Pirate.

During his absence in France, Robert Stuart had laid siege to St. John∣stoun in the yeare 1339. and had divided his Army into foure squadrons, under foure chiefe Captaines (each Captaine commanding a part) of which he himselfe was one, the Earle of March another, William Earle of Rosse the third, and Magnus Mowbray Lord of Cliddesdale the fourth. It was divers times assaulted, but they were repulsed with losse, it being va∣liantly defended by the English that were within. They had lien at it ten weekes without doing any good, and were now almost quite out of hope to take it; so that they began to thinke of leaving off, when in the very meane time the Lord Liddesdale arrives on Tay, having brought with him out of France Hambell the Pyrate, with five ships well furnished with men, munition, and weapons. These men the Lord Liddesdale had hi∣red in France of purpose for this businesse; amongst them were two Knights of the family of Castle Galliard, and two Esquires, •…•…iles de la Hayes, and John de Breise, He landed a part of the souldiers, and left the rest in the Ships to keepe the mouth of the river, and he himselfe march∣ed to Cowper in Fife to take it. It had beene deserted by the Englishmen for want of vivers in the time of Murray the Governour, and now againe it was seized by the Englized Scots for the use of the English. Their Captaine at this time was one William Bullock an English Priest, but a va∣liant man, who was also Treasurer for them and the faction. The Lord Liddesdale deales with him, that seeing there was no hope of succour from England, and that the Scots Garrison was not to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to, he would forsake the English faction, and enter into King Davids ser∣vice, promising to procure him lands in Scotland. Bullock accept∣ed his offer, and having obtained his promised lands, hee did much service afterward to the King and the Lord of Liddesdale. Having by

this meanes recovered Cowper, he returned to the siege of Saint John∣stoun, where (as he was ever forward) he was hurt in the leg with the shot of a Crosbow going to the Scalade. Neverthelesse, he departed not till the Towne was taken, or given up by the Governour thereof Thomas U∣thred. The manner of the taking of it was this: when the siege had lasted foure moneths, and was like to have continued longer, the Earle of Rosse by digging of Mines drew away the water, and dried up the Fous•…•…es and Ditches, so that the Souldiers going to the assault upon dry ground, and approaching the walls without any let or difficultie, beat the defenders from off the walls, especially by shooting of darts and arrowes out of the Engines which they had caused make: And so they rendred, and depart∣ed with bag and baggage in the yeare 1340.

Within foure dayes after Stirline was also besieged, and rendred on the same conditions.

After the siege of Saint Johnstoun was ended, the Lord Liddesdale re∣warded the Frenchmen very liberally, and sent them backe into France well contented. He caused also restore to Hugh Hambell one of his best Ships, which was taken by the enemie during the siege. For Hambell ha∣ving adventured to approach the Towne with his Ships to give an as∣sault, one of them was taken by the English, and now was restored.

Thus K. Davids party did flourish by the faithfull valour of these his good and notable subjects, and prevaile against the pretended K. Balliol: who seeing such successe in K. Davids affaires, durst show his face no longer▪ but having lurked a while in Galloway, by changing and shifting places for feare of being intercepted, and wearying of that kinde of life, he returnes into England now the second time after his conquest; he did not possesse his Kingdome long, and but with little ease or contentment, what by the Scots chasing of him, what by the King of England (his good Master) detaining of him little better then a captive. A shadow of a king∣dome, or slaverie rather; being miserable indeed, yet sees he not his mi∣serie, but seeketh it againe, and loseth it againe.

But let us returne to our Lord of Liddesdale, who desists not here from doing of good service to his King and Countrey. Edinburgh Castle is yet in the possession of the English: it was too strong to force, wisedome must supply, which was not lacking in him, no more then valour; a good harmonie, and happy conjunction, which were ever to be wished! There was one Walter Towers (of whom are descended the Towers of Innerleith) a man of his acquaintance, and a follower of him, had (by chance) a Ship laden with victuall in the Firth of T•…•…y beside Dundie. Liddesdale causeth him to bring about his Ship to Forth, where (as he was instructed) feign∣ing himselfe to be an English Merchant, and sending some flagons of ve∣ry fine wine to the Captaine of the Castle, he prayed him to take him in∣to his protection, and that he would give such order as the rest of his vi∣ctuall might be free from all danger and perill of his souldiers, and of the enemie; promising that if the Garrision in the Castle had need of any thing, he should command any thing that was in his power, so •…•…arre as it could reach. The Captaine desired him to send some hogsheads of the same wine, and some bisket bread, and promised him accesse when he

pleased: he further warned him that he should come timely in the morn∣ing for feare of the Scots, that did make frequent onsets and incursions in those parts. The Lord of Liddesdale being advertised hereof, chooseth out 12. of his best men, and the same night goeth out to Walter Towers ship, and he and his men having borrowed the Mariners apparell, did put it on above their Armour, and so went to the Castle, carrying the wine and victuall with them: he had before placed the rest of his men as neare as he could, that they might be in readinesse, upon a signe given them, to come to the Castle to his aid. Liddisdale himselfe, with Simeon Fraser, and William Bullock (say our Writers, but his name was Sir John Bullock) went a little before, and the rest followed a certaine space after. When they were let in within the Bulwarke, perceiving the keyes of the Castle hanging upon the Porters arme, they slew him, and without noise opened the gate, and presently gave the signall, by winding of a horne. This sound gave warning both to his friends and enemies, that the Castle was taken. Both made haste, the one to defend, the other to pursue; but the Scots having a steep hill to ascend, behoved to come forward the more slowly: for that cause (lest their Lord should be excluded from his men) they cast down the carriage in the gate to keep it open, and having fought a sharp fight, at last they that were within gave place: the Captaine with six more were taken, the rest were all slaine. And having thus wonne the Castle, he made his brother William Douglas (say they, but should call him Archbald) Keeper and Captain thereof.

This same yeare or the next (1342. the 30. of March) Alexander Ram∣say tooke Roxburgh in Tividale, and sone after John Randulph was set at liberty in exchange for John Montague taken in France (saith Major) and tooke in his owne Castle of Lochma-bene in Annandale.

So that by the industrie and efforts of these three Wairdens, the Lord Liddesdale in the middle March, Alexander Ramsay in the East, and John Randulph in the West: the English were wholy expelled out of Scotland beyond the Borders, which fell out in the time of Edward the third: nei∣ther did the English men possesse one foote of Scottish ground, excepting the towne of Berwick. Such good service did these Noblemen, with the other good Nobilitie, in the minoritie and absence of their Prince from his Countrey, against the great force of England, and a great part of their owne Countrey of Scotland, being unfaithfull Subjects, unnaturall Scot∣tishmen. And this these Nobles did even for the love they bore to King Robert, this Davids father, bearing the heat of the day for him, while he is at ease and securitie, with watching, hunger, thirst, cold and great effusion of their bloud, to make the Kingdome peaceable to him, choosing to adventure their lands, their lives, and whatsoever worldly thing is deare unto men, rather then to abandon him, and follow his enemies with ease and quietnesse, under whom they might have lived a peaceable life; if they would set aside regard unto their honour and duetie.

Such is the force of the love of Subjects, beyond all strength of men, and riches of treasures, onely able to bide a stresse, and hold out: As may bee seen by this example to bee remarked greatly by subjects, and enter∣tained above all treasure by Soveraignes, and to be accounted a chiefe, yea

almost the onely point of true policy, to love and make much of all men, and most specially their Nobilitie; that they may in such their Princes straits (when they shall happen) endure the better as these men did, which they could not have done, if they had not had authority and de∣pendance, and so been respected by their inferiours: who so would dimi∣nish this authority in Noblemen; abasing them too farre, and making them suspect to Princes, and not safe for them, they erre greatly in poli∣cie, and unadvisedly cut the props of the Princes standing, which being brangled but a little, his Kingdome is easily bereft him, all authoritie go∣ing away with his owne person: It fell well out with King David Bruce, that these Noblemen were not so, and therefore the more able to doe so great things for him.

After these things, they sent Ambassadours to desire King David to come home, and so hee did the 2▪ of June that same yeare. His first Act was carefully to inquire for, and gratefully to reward such as had suffered in his service, a prudent Act; But allas (the mal heur) it falleth often out that Princes know not all things, and ere they be informed, they many times conclude. The cause of many errours and much mischief hath hap∣pened thereby, as it fell out here. We have heard how the Lord of Liddes∣dale (amongst many his notable services) had in speciall expelled the English out of Tividale, and diverse other places, by his wisedome and valour, and was therefore rewarded with the same lands, which he injoy∣ed afterwards as his rightfull inheritance▪ from thenceforth he so used it, as in a manner conquered by himself. He was Wairden, and so defended it: defending ministred justice, and discharged the place and office of Sheriffe, having wonne it from the enemy. This hee did with the tacite consent of the Countrey, and by allowance of those that were in au∣thoritie.

Thus being in possession, and trusting to his deserving towards King and Countrey, and the Nobilitie of his bloud, and potencie of that house he was come of; he looked for no competitour in that which he had ta∣ken from the enemy. And not knowing or not caring for the Law (as is customable to Martiall men) or perhaps being prevented, being slower in going to King David, or on some such like occasion: the Sheriffe-ship is given from him to another. Alexander Ramsay was amongst the first that welcomed King David at his return, and was received kindly as hee had merited, and much made of by him, who for his service gave him the keeping of the Castle of Roxbrough, and together with it (whether of the Kings owne free and mere motion, or any other suggestion, or by Ram∣sayes procurement) the Sheriffe-ship of Tividale, very unadvisedly if hee knew Liddesdales interesse, very ill formed, if he knew it not. Very im∣prudently (say our Writers) who blame the Kings indiscretion, for giving it from William Douglas Lord of Liddesdale, to Alexander Ramsay; and for withdrawing of it from so worthy a man, so well deserving to whom∣soever, for that was to make a division among his owne: so it proved, for VVilliam Douglas of Liddesdale tooke it very highly that Alexander Ram∣say, should be preferred before him to that office. But hee was chiefly in∣censed against the taker of it, as having done him a great indignitie, which

makes it apparant that hee hath not onely accepted of it, but sued for it: therefore set altogether on revenge, he suppressed his ire for that present. But after some three moneths, as Alexander Ramsay was exercising the of∣fice in Hawick, and looked for no such thing: hee set upon him, and ha∣ving slain three of his men that stood to the defence of their master, hee hurt himself, and casting him on a horse, carried him to the Hermitage, where hee died of famine, according to the testimony of sundry of our Writers, and the black booke of S•…•…ne, where it is showen that hee was taken the 20. of June, and keeped seventeene dayes without meat, save that some few grains of corne, which falling downe out of a corne loft which was above him, were gathered by him and eaten.

Such is the unbridlednesse of anger (justly called fury) to be greatly blamed in him, yet they marke the cause thereof, the Kings unadvised∣nesse in procuring thereby the losse and ruine of so worthy a man of war, farre from his fathers prudencie and probitie. The King (not acquainted yet with military dispositions) was marvellously moved therewith, and purposed to have punished it exemplarily to deterre others from doing the like, and therefore caused search very diligently to have apprehended Liddesdale, but in vain: for hee withdrew himself to the mountains, and desert places▪ and in time obtained pardon by the sute of his friends, of whom he had purchased good store by his worthy acts for the liberty of his Countrey; Among whom Robert Stuart the Kings sisters sonne was his speciall good friend. That which most effectually served to procure him favour, was the magnificke, but true commemoration of the great exploits atchieved by him, the consideration of the time, in respect whereof (the peace being uncertain without, and things not very quiet at home) military men were to bee entertained, and used with all favour. By this occasion he did not onely obtain pardon for his fault, but hee got also the gift of keeping of the Castle of Roxbrough, and Sheriffeship of Tivedale (and all other his lands in Tivedale, or elsewhere restored to him) which the other had, and which were the cause of the slaughter. This clemencie of King David was (perhaps profitable for that time, but pernicious in example.) This fell out (as hath been said) three moneths after the Kings coming home, and therefore in October, or (perhaps in September) at the head Court in Hawick. His pardon was obtained, and his peace made with the King a little before the battell of Durham, which was in the yeare 1346. the 17. of October: So as hee hath beene three or foure yeares a banished man.

After his returne from banishment, finding the King bent upon his journey against England, he wisely and earnestly disswaded him, and did exhort him first to take order with the discorders at home, and before all things to settle them. For the Earle of Rosse had slain the Lord of the Isles, whereby a great party of the Kings army was diminished, the Lord of the Isles men lying back for want of a head; and so the Lord Rosse, and his men for feare of punishment. So did also many others that lay neare them, retire and go home, fearing least they should suffer in their absence by their neighbourhood to those disagreeing Lords, and be some way endamaged; wherefore they thought good to provide in time, the

best they could against all perrills that might happen. For this cause hee councelled the King, first to settle peace amongst his owne subjects be∣fore he enterprised a forraign war; that peace being settled, and his army united, he might the more strongly, and with better successe invade Eng∣land. But the King contemning his good and wholsome counsell, (his French friendship prevailing more with him, then either his owne good, or the good of his Countrey) hee raised an army wherewith hee entred England, and was encountred by the English at Durham, where the Scots were defeated, King David Bruce taken prisoner, and with him (beside o∣thers) VVilliam Earle of Douglas, and the Lord of Liddesdale, who were shortly after ransomed or dismissed so much the more easily, for that they had the King, and so cared the lesse for others. This fell out in the yeare 1346. October the 17. as hath been said.

While the Lord Liddesdale is a prisoner amongst his enemies, he for∣getteth not his friends at home. Sir David Barcklay had slain one John Douglas, brother to Sir VVilliam, and father to Sir James of Dalkeith (say our Writers) beside Horsewood: but they should say rather, brother to Sir William, (for there Sir William is the same Lord of Liddesdale, of whom wee now speake, sonne naturall to good Sir James) neither was John Douglas slain in Horsewood, but in Kinrosher, by Loch-leven. This Barcklay also had taken Sir John Bullock at the Kings command, and put him in prison in Lindores, where hee died of hunger almost in the same sort that Sir Alexander Ramsay died. The Writers lay the blame on the Nobilitie that envied so worthy a man, and accused him falsely to the King of unsaithfulnesse; but they tell not in what point. They themselves call him a worthy Chaplain of great wisedome, singular prudencie, and eloquence, beyond any in his time, who had been Chamberlain to Ed∣ward Balliol, Treasurer to the rest of the Englishmen in Scotland, and last∣ly, Chamberlain to King David, and amongst the chief of his Counsel∣lers reputed as another Chussay. Neverthelesse, thus was he delated, and taken away, having done divers good offices in the Common-wealth, and being very necessary unto it. The Lord of Liddesdale had drawne him from the English faction to King Davids party, and he had used him in good services, whereof hee was not forgetfull, ever remaining one of his speciall friends. This giveth men matter of suspition, that his death was for ill will to the Lord of Liddesdale by the King incensed against him, never digesting in heart the death of Sir Alexander Ramsay, whereby the King is blamed, as counseller or follower thereof; and that Sir David Barcklay enemy to him, did execute it willingly, or did procure the Kings command thereto. The taking of the Castle of Edinburgh, in the yeare 1341. by the Lord of Liddesdale, was plotted by Sir John Bullock, say the Writers, who in quicknesse of wit, and sharpnesse of invention past all men in his dayes. In revenge of this, Liddesdale causeth slay Sir David Barcklay, by the hands of Sir John Saint Michaell (say they) but they should have said Carmichaell in Aberdene. A just fact, but not justly done; the matter was good, the forme ill, being besides and against all order, but who could wait for order in so disordered a Countrey? when should hee by order of law have obtained justice, his Prince being in

captivitie; his duetie to his friends defendeth the fact, the estate of the Countrey excuseth the forme. God looketh not so upon things: hee had before (as wee heard) slain Sir Alexander Ramsay, he must not want his owne share, but who durst doe it? The avenger of bloud finds the means. Such is the estate of man, what can they lean to on earth? ere he do not pay that debt of bloud, the Earle of Douglas shall exact it; his Chief, his Cousin, and to adde that also his owne sonne in Baptisme (as the Lord Liddesdale was to the Earle of Douglas, for the black book of Scone calleth him his spirituall father) and thus it came to passe.

The Lord of Liddesdale being at his pastime, hunting in Attrick For∣rest, is beset by William Earle of Douglas, and such as hee had ordained for that purpose, and there assailed, wounded and slain beside Galsewood in the yeare 1353. upon a jealousie that the Earle had conceived of him with his Lady, as the report goeth, for so sayes the old song.

The Countesse of Douglas, out of her Boure she came, And loudly there that she did call; It is for the Lord of Liddesdale, That I let all these teares downe fall.

The song also declareth how shee did write her love letters to Liddis∣dale, to disswade him from that hunting. It tells likewise the manner of the taking of his men, and his owne killing at Galsewood, and how hee was carried the first night to Lindin Kirk, a mile from Selkirk, and was buried within the Abbacie of Melrosse.

The cause pretended, or the cause of this slaughter, is by our Writers alledged to be the killing of this Alexander Ramsay, and Sir David Barklay, and some other grudges, and so the Earle said himself, as they say, and so it was indeed, if we looke unto God; but who doth beleeve him, that it was on his part? no Writers, no report, no opinion of men doth beleeve it, not untill this day. They lay the cause on his ambition, on his envie of Liddesdales honour, and jealousie of his greatnesse. Reason swaies to the same side, and brings great if not necessary arguments: for what had hee to doe with Alexander Ramsay, that he should for his sake dippe his hands in his owne bloud? farre lesse for Sir David Barcklay, on whom he him∣self should have taken avengement, if the Lord Liddesdale had not done it; this John Douglas whom Barcklay slew, being so neare to himselfe; but something must bee said to colour things. But this will not colour this blemish, though in a faire body indeed as we shall see hereafter. Doth ambition spring from a great minde? Doth envie, of vertue? jealousie, of hatred? Let noble hearts eschew them; it is the basest thought that can fall into a mans mind. Right minds love vertue, even in strangers, even in enemies; generous minds strive to do better, not to hinder such as do well. It is a strange maxime and ill grounded, a wicked wisedome and perverse policy, to keep backe ones friend in whom vertue appeares. It is of follies the greatest folly, to hinder their growth, for fear they should overgrow our greatnesse; the which when we doe, it comes to passe that wee are outgrowne by strangers, and often by our enemies: yea under∣mined

oftentimes, while our friends (thus kept under) are unable to un∣derprop us, as they both should and would do: a just reward of so unjust wisedome. But for themselves to put hand in them for their worth, I can finde no name to it. I must wish this Nobleman had beene free from so foul a blot, and I would fain vindicate him, and some small appearance there is, that it was not his fact. But the current of witnesses lay it upon him, and who can contend against all the world. Wherefore let us regrate it and not allow it, eschew it and not excuse it, or follow it, as we are too ready to follow evill examples.

To returne, thus he lived, and thus hee died, for whose Elogium short, but worthie; let it be said (as it was then blazed in the mouthes of men, and cited by the manuscript) He was terrible and fearefull in armes; meek, milde and gentle, in peace; the scourge of England, and sure buckler and wall of Scotland, whom neither hard successe could make slack, nor prosperous sloathfull. Hee is stiled by the Writers a second to none, and by consent of that age and voyce of the people, the flowre of Chivalrie: he was of∣ten wounded, thrice a prisoner, and ever ready to fight again, what man∣hood? what wisedome behoved it to be? with fifty men, to overcome five hundreth: with twenty, to take and slay sixtie. What invincible minde was it, that being defeated five times in one day, hee had the cou∣rage to fight and overcome the sixth time. Let Hanniball wonder at Marcellus, that neither overcoming, nor overcome, would suffer him to rest: yet was he not thus restlesse that we reade of, a worthy branch of such a stock, a true member of such a house, well retaining that naturall sappe sucked from his Predecessours, of valour, and of love to his Coun∣trey. And thus farre concerning the name of Douglas in this branch there∣of, in the time of the minority or absence of the chief. Now let us return to the Principall stock, the Earle of Douglas himself.

Gulielmus Douglassius Liddalianus, 1333. caesus

Omnia quando habeas, quae Mars dedit omnibus unus Ut Mars Marte ferox fulminet alta tuo, Hoc putes ut patiare parem; tibi Defuit unum hoc: Quin age posce hostem caetera solus eris.

Johns Heroes.

In English thus.

Whiles thou alone all valour didst enjoy, Mars doth bestow on those he would imploy, One onely vertue wanting, doth appeare To make thee excellent, thou couldst not beare An equall, bate this pride, and thou shalt have This honour never souldier was more brave.

Of William the fifth of that Name, the tenth Lord, and first Earle of Douglas.

UNto Hugh the ninth Lord of Douglas, did succeed his nephew William sonne to Archbald Lord of Galloway, and Governour of Scotland, who was slain at Hallidon hill. Of this William the other great branch of Douglasses doth spring; to wit, the house of An∣gus, which overtoppeth the rest, and at last succeedeth unto the place of the stock. Hee it is also that raiseth the house to the dignitie of an Earle∣dome, and doth greatly increase the state thereof. That he was sonne to Archbald, and not to Sir James (as some doe mistake it) it is cleare by divers confirmations, in which Sir James is expresly termed his uncle, and Archbald his father. And so doth the Charter witnesse, upon which the confirmation proceeds. The Charter is given by Hugh Lord Douglas brother and heire to the late Sir James Douglas, to William sonne and heire to Archbald brother to good Sir James Douglas. It is dated at Aberdene the 28. of May. 1342. The Kings Charter likewise cleareth it, bearing David dei gratiae, &. Sciatis nos concessisse, &. Gulielmo de Douglas (saith the one) Confirmasse dilecto, & sideli nostro Gulielmo de Deuglas militi (saith the other) Omnes terras reditus, & possessiones per totum regnum no∣strorum, de quibus quondam Jacobus dominus de Douglas avunculus suus, & Archibaldus de Douglas Pater suus milites obierunt vestiti.

Touching his marriage, we finde that hee had three wives! The first was Margaret, daughter to the Earle of Dumbarre and March; by whom he had gotten two sonnes; James slain at Otterburn, and Archbald called the grimme Lord of Galloway, and afterward Earle of Douglas: and one daughter married to the Lord of Montgomerie. His second wife was Mar∣garet Marre, daughter to Donald or Duncan Earle of Marre, and after∣wards heire, and inheritrix of that Earledome: for this Duncan had but one sonne named Thomas and this Margaret, Thomas twise married: by his first marriage he had one onely son named Thomas also: This second Thomas was married to Marjorie sister to this William Earle of Douglas, but died without issue: his father Thomas married a second wife, Mar∣garet Stuart, who was inheritrix of the Earledome of Angus, but he had no children by her: so that there being none left now of Duncans race, but this Margaret Marre, married to the Earle of Douglas: we finde him stiled Earle of Marre in his wives right in the yeare 1378. whereof divers Monuments and Evidents yet extant do beare witnesse. By this Margaret Marre, he had one onely daughter Isabell Douglas, who did succeed to the Earledome of Marre. She was twice married, First to Malcome Lord Drummond, by whom shee had no children. Secondly, to Alexander Stuart, sonne to the Earle of Buchan, brother to King Robert the third, but had no children by him neither, yet she did resigne the Earledome in his favour, as a Charter given thereupon by King Robert the third to him and his heires, which falling unto her and her heires. Thirdly, the Earle of Douglas after the decease of Margaret Marre, tooke to his third wife Margaret Stuart daughter to Thomas Stuart Earle of Angus, and his heire

and inheretrix of the lands, & Earldome of Angus. This Thomas was son to John Stuart, & brother to Walter Stuart the great Stuart of Scotland, who married Marjorie Bruce, daughter to King Robert Bruce. Now this Margaret had a brother who died without issue, and a sister called Elizabeth, mar∣ried to Alexander Hamilton of Cadyow. Margaret Stuart herselfe was first married to Thomas Marre Earle of the same, and sonne to Duncan or Do∣nald, but had no children by him. Then shee was married to this William Earle of Douglas, by whom she had a sonne named George. This George succeeded to her in the Earledome of Angus, and by gift of his sister Isa∣bel Douglas inheritrix of Marre, he got the lands that she had gotten from her father: which disposition Isabel made to her brother George, and not to James or Archbald, for good considerations to be related at large here∣after, when we shall come to treat of the house of Douglas.

And so we see him very fortunate and honourable in his marriage, in his purchases, and in his children: his honourable minde appeares in his deportment to his sister Uterine, whom the Writers call Elconora de Bruce, to whom he gives no lesse then the Baronie of Wester Calder in marita∣gium to her and her heires whatsoever, with her husband Sir James San∣dilands, as the transumpt of the Charter beares, extracted by James Dou∣glas Lord Dalkeith 1420. April 4. The Charter it selfe is not dated, but the giver is cleare, Gul•…•…elmus Douglas Dominus loci ejusdem, and Sir James his entaile doth cleare it, in which he is called Earle of Douglas and Marre. This El•…•…onora Bruce had to her father Robert Bruce (some call him Alexander) son to Edward flaine in Ireland, and Cousin Germane with K. Robert. He was Earle of Carrict, and after the death of Archbald Lord of Galloway, he married his relict this Earles mother, and had by her this Lady Elionora, who (as we have said) was married to Sir James San∣dilands. In regard of this marriage, and the Donation of these lands, that house of Sandilands gave the coat of the house of Douglas, a Heart, and three mullets, which none else hath besides him, except those of the name of Douglas.

This Earle William was bred in France, and as the manuscript beareth, most part in the warres; his first returne to Scotland was before the bat∣tell of Durham some few yeares, which appears by the forenamed Char∣ter given him by his uncle in the year 1342. Touching his actions after his return, the first was a hard entry at the battell of Durham, where the King made many Knights to stirre them up to fight valiantly; and first he cre∣ated William Lord Douglas an Earle. In the morning, being Warden, he is sent to view the English Camp, and engaged among them ere he was aware, he had a number of his men slaine, and himselfe also narrowly escaped. In the battell (being Leader of the Foreward) he was taken, and the King himselfe likewise, with divers others. But his successe after is more fortunate: for the better understanding whereof, let us remember the estate of affaires of the Countrey of Scotland at that time.

After King David Bruce was taken prisoner at the field of Durham, the English repossessed themselves of the Merse, Tivedale, Liddesdale, and Lawderdale: so that their Marches were Cockburnspath and Sawtray, and from that to Carnilops, and the Corse-cave. Balliol had gotten again

his old inheritance in Galloway, and wasted Annandale, Nidisdale and Cliddisdale, with fire and sword, and had also with Percie overrun Low∣thian: neither could there be an army made up in Scotland to resist him for some few yeares, so that Balliol behaved himselfe again as King: but we heare that no obedience hee got by the good will of the people. The Scots had chosen Robert Stuart (who was King afterward) to bee Gover∣nour in the Kings absence, but no great action is recorded, that hee was able to take in hand at such a time, and in such estate of his Countrey. The Earle of Douglas being ransomed or dismist, the more easily for that they had the King in their power, returned home. Thereafter there fell out a matter very greatly to bee lamented, that it should have fallen into the hands of so worthy a person, the killing of the Lord of Liddesdale by the Earle: let me never excuse such a fact, I may well bee sory for it. But I wonder at this, that the Earle after his slaughter, should have obtained his whole estate: not onely that which hee did acquire for his owne ver∣tue and valour in the Borders, as Liddesdale with the Sherifship of Rox∣brough, or Tweddale, but also those lands which hee had gotten by his wife, as Dalkeith, Newlands, Kilbugho, &c. But being rightly conside∣red it seemes not so strange, for after the Lord of Liddesdale had slain Sir Alexander Ramsay, the King apparantly hath never pardoned from his heart. But being still incensed against him (as may appeare in that action the King allowed, or rather moved of Sir David Barcklay in taking and slaying Sir John Bullock a speciall freind of the Lord of Liddesdale, and for ill will and spite of him (say our Writers) and that his anger be∣ing renewed, and increased by the killing of Sir David Barcklay: It is possible the King hath beene well pleased to heare and know of his ru∣ine, whereupon the Earle of Douglas there being none so able to do it as he, being his Chief and kinsman, having his owne particular grudge, was incouraged to make him away, and having done it, hath obtained his lands the more easily. Our Histories testifie that the house and name of Douglas was divided against it self, pursuing each other for many yeares together with much bloudshed, and all upon this occasion. Belike the marriage of the Lord Liddesdales daughter, to Sir James Douglas of Low∣den, Kincavell, and Calder-cleere, hath beene or should have been made in his owne time, which hath moved the Douglas of Dalkeith, Calder∣cleere, and them of Strabrock to make head against the Earle, as those who did most resent that slaughter. But at last the Earle (as common∣ly remorse cometh after bloud) repenting, or at the intercession of friends, gives the lands of Dalkeith, Newlands, and Kilbugho, to Mary daughter to the Lord of Liddesdale, by resignation in favour of her (as is extant in our publick Register) to regain the favour and dependance of his friends, that were alienated from him; retaining Liddesdale and his other Border∣lands and Offices in his owne person: for we finde in the Register James Douglas sonne to William Earle of Douglas, and Marre, stiled Lord of Liddesdale in a letter of pension of 200 marks sterling granted to him by King Robert the first of the Stuarts.

His first care was to deliver his own inheritance from the English bon∣dage, for which purpose having gathered together a company of his

friends. He recovered Douglasdale from them, having slain and chased them every man out of it: then encouraged with this successe, the favour of his countrey people increasing towards him, and greater companies drawing to him: he expelled them also out of Attrick Forrest and Tued∣dale, and the greater part of Tivedale.

At that time John Copland (I know not whether it were hee) that had taken King David at the battell of Durham, or some other of that same name, was Captain of the Castle of Roxbrough, and seeing that the Earle of Douglas did so prevail against his countrey men, gathered together a great company of them, and went forth to oppose him, but was quickly put to flight, and constrained to retire to the said Castle again.

Thus having repressed and ejected the English out of those parts of Scotland, he not contented therewith resolveth to invade them in their owne Countrey: wherefore he accompanied with the Earle of March (his owne father in law) and having gathered together a great power of men, as privately, and as secretly as hee could, hee marched towards England. They sent VVilliam Ramsay of Dalhousie before, and gave him order to burn Norame, and to spoil the Countrey about, to draw the English upon their hoast, which lay in ambuscade at a place called Nisbet-moore. Ramsay having done his part very dexterously as he was injoyned, having gathered together a great bootie of cattell, made as if hee would drive them into Scotland. The English to recover their goods, pursued him eagerly, and he slying of purpose drew them into the ambushment, where the Scots arising suddenly, set upon them fiercely, and put them to flight with great slaughter. There were taken prisoners, Thomas Gray and his sonne, with John Darcy a Noble man, and many others, even the greatest part of them.

After this (being encouraged by their former successe) they did enter∣prise against the towne of Berwick, and took it in by scalade, not without great opposition and resistance, having been discovered by the watches. They had in their company Eugenie Garrantiers, with some fouretie Frenchmen more, whom John King of France had sent into Scotland a little before, with foure thousand crownes to wage souldiers therewith, and this was all excepting fair promises, a weake support in so great a strait! and let it bee well marked, that men may see how farre they erre from the truth, that alledge that our Countrey and the liberty thereof hath been maintained and upheld by support from France, and not by the valour and industry of the inhabitants. The Nobility tooke the mo∣ney, and divided it amongst themselves, prosecuting the warre in their owne manner by frequent incursions and inrodes. These fouretie were present at this exploit, and at other occasions where they behaved them∣selves valorously. It is said by some, that Thomas Stuart Earle of Angus was present at these surprises, and that he had a chiefe hand in it, as being the man that first broached it, and drew the rest to it by his perswasion: But most Authours mention onely the two former. There were slaine within the towne of Berwick, Alexander Ogle, Governour thereof, Tho∣mas Percie brother to the Earle of Northumberland, and Edward Gray with others: but they could not winne the Castle which he held against

them: whereupon King Edward coming to rescue it; they being not able to keep the towne, rifled it, and then burnt it, and razed the walls thereof, in the yeare 1355. King Edward caused repair it again, and while that was in doing, he went himself to Roxbrough, where he kept his residence for that time: Thither came Balliol, and being wearied (as may be supposed) of his titular Kingdome, resigned all that hee had, which was a show and pretense to it. The King of England requesting instantly that hee would avenge him of the injuries done to him by the Scots, who would not ac∣knowledge nor obey him, but had expelled him out of his Kingdome: King Edward heard him very willingly, and upon that pretext invaded Lowthian by sea and land: but his Navie was dispersed and broken by storme of weather, and by land the victuall was put out of the way, so as he was constrained to retire home again, after he had powred out his fury upon Edinburgh, Hadington, and other townes in Lowthian which lay in his way. He being gone, the Earle of Douglas passed into Galloway, and partly by force, partly by perswasion and entreatie, hee reduced that whole Countie to the Kings obedience; and caused Donald Mackdowgall one of the principall men in Galloway, to take his oath of allegiance and fidelitie in the Church of Cumnock. Hollinshed attributeth this to the Lord of Niddisdale his brothers sonne, naturall sonne to the Lord of Galloway: he tooke also by force the Castle of Dalswinton and Carla∣verock, and razed them. Some Histories say they were razed by compo∣sition, and upon agreement by King David himself after his returne. At this time also John Stuart sonne to Robert the Governour recovers An∣nandale from the enemy, and Roger Kilpatricke took in Disdeir. And even as before in their Kings minority they had done: so now during his cap∣tivitie, these his faithfull subjects made his enemies to reap but small pro∣fit of all the pains, having now again delivered this Countrey from them almost every where. Let it be remarked (as wee said before) to the end that Kings and Princes may think it the best policy that can bee to pro∣cure and entertain the love and heartie affection of his subjects, and more specially of his faithfull Nobilitie.

Shortly after this they write, that the Earle of Douglas went into France with 3000. men, and was made Knight of the chiefest order in that Kingdome: he was present at the battell of Poictiers; where the field being lost, and John King of France taken prisoner by Edward the black Prince (son to King Edward the third) the Earle of Douglas esca∣ped very hardly, being rescued by his own men, of whom there was slain Andrew Stuart, Robert Gordon, Andrew Haliburton, and Andrew Vasse Knights. Archbald Douglas, son naturall to good Sir James, and brother to the Lord Liddisdale was taken prisoner, and with him William Ramsay of Colluthie. Archbald was known for a man of qualitie, but the other not known to be a man of any estate, and they perceiving it, the more to deceive their taker, Archbald used him as his serving-man, making him to pul off his boots, and do such other drudgerie, by which means he was set at libertie for a small ransome.

Now, as these actions of warre do shew his valour and love to his Countrey, so likewise there fell out an occasion at home in matter of

State Policie, which did no lesse manifest his prudencie, magnanimitie, and affection to his native soile; which was this: King David being re∣turned from his captivity, after he had spent some five years in settling of the troubles and affairs of his Kingdome, after he had fined such as had fled first at the battell of Durham, and composed such broiles and dis∣orders as were amongst his subjects, at last in the year 1363▪ he kept a Par∣liament. There he propounded unto the Estates, that they would give way to the uniting of the two Kingdomes of Scotland and England; and seeing he himself had no children, be contented to give way, that King Edward of England, or his son, might be his Successour. Whether he made this proposition, because he did judge it▪ indeed to be most profi∣table for both Kingdomes, so to end all their quarrells, and warres, or that he had taken a great liking of the King of Englands son, or else that he had been constrained to promise and sweare to do it by King Edward, when he was in his power, or some other occasion, it is uncertain. But the motion was so ill taken by all that were there present, that they had no patience to stay till every mans vote were asked in his turn, but altoge∣ther with one voice did cry out with a confused noise and clamour, dete∣sting it, and protesting, that so long as they were able to bear armes, they would never give their consent thereunto; that they had one of age to be heir already, whensoever God should call him. Especially the Earle of Douglas took it so to heart, that he entred into League with Robert Stuart Earle of Stratherne, (who was next heir, and was chiefly prejudiced here∣by) with Patrick Earle of March, George Earle of Murray his brother, John Stuart of Kile, (afterward Robert the third) and Robert Stuart of Monteith (after Duke of Albanie) to withstand and oppose this businesse to the uttermost of their powers, in case the King should prosecute it, and to defend themselves if he would use violence against them. And they were so forward herein, and went so farre on in it, that it had al∣most come to an open rebellion. Neither were they reconciled untill the King changed his purpose; And then by the mediation of the Prelats of the Realm, they desisted, and gave their oath of fidelitie to him again in the year 1366. having been at variance and jealousie the space of two or three years. The English Writers would make it seem to have been but collusion, and that the King did but propound it for exoneration of his promise to King Edward, and was glad of the refusall, for that he was not to labour further in it. But our Histories signifie no such thing, and say directly that he did it sincerely, and was highly offended with the deniall for the time, and that those who had refused, looked for the worst, and set themselves for defence; yea, that they went so farre, that some of them made incursions upon the towns and villages in the Countrey, to terrifie the King (saith Major) and that he might learne to know, that the whole Kingdome did not altogether depend upon him, but upon the good counsell, and mature advice of the Nobility. And Boetius writes, that the convention being dissolved, there followed rebellion of some of the Nobility: whilest they feared that they had offended the King with their free speeches, determining to enterprise and do somewhat before they should be caused to suffer. Such is the force of jealousie when it en∣tereth

into mens breasts. And therefore it is to be eschewed with great care, and the occasions thereof cut off betimes: For it cometh often to passe, that upon such suspitions, when neither partie have had an ill mea∣ning, but have been afraid of ill, and sought to prevent it, such inconveni∣ences have followed, as would not have fallen out otherwise. And there∣fore above all things assurance should be given to Counsellours, and free voters, that in their free delivering of their opinions, they shall not offend there; or if they do suspect they have offended him, the suspition should be removed betimes, and they put in securitie. And this King David did in this matter, as the most judicious of our Writers say. They that had carried out against it most freely (saith he) hearing that the King was an∣gry, were about to have made defection, whose fear when the King un∣derstood, he remitting all wrath, received them immediatly into favour. By this wise government and modestie on all sides suspition was taken a∣way, and howbeit he was offended for the time, because they did not yeeld to his desire, yet afterward he rejoyced greatly (as certainly he had great cause) to see the true and heartie affections of his subjects to their Countrey, to his own bloud, and the house of Bruce, the uprightnesse, sin∣cerity, and magnanimitie (vertues requisite and necessary for Counsel∣lours) in resisting even himself for himself, for his own honour and good, which were both greatly interessed by this his desire, if he had ob∣tained it; being so prejudiciall to his sister, and her off-spring, who have happily succeeded yet since, besides the breach of oath to his father, the servitude of his Countrey, subjecting it to strangers, and the stain of his honour for ever, to have been the authour of so unworthie a fact. And without all doubt, it was greatly against the security of his own Person, in regard of the ambition of his designed Successour and Heir (King Ed∣ward) and his impatiencie to abide Gods leasure, who in a colder hope, had used indirect means to make away Thomas Randulph. What would not that man have attempted for a certain possession? And what mise∣rable case had the Person of this good King been in, if he had gotten his own will? if his will had been accounted as a Law by these his subjects? A notable example to Counsellours, of freedome, where their Princes good, and the good of their Countrey doth require it: to Princes of mo∣destie in opposition made to that which may be their will for a time, and whereunto for the present appearance they may be verie bent. A happy King that can so dispole himself not to be wedded to his own affections onely! Or if not so, yet happy is hee that hath such Counsellers, who will resolutely remonstrate the right, and stand to it, by which means he may be brought to examine his own affections, to see the errours of them, and rejoyce thereafter that he did not what he most desired. Cer∣tainly, this King hath rejoyced at it all the rest of his dayes, living in great quietnesse some foure or five yeares. There was not any grudge, heart∣burning or suspition after this between him and any of them: such was the integritie of heart on both sides, and so it should be in reconcilements; otherwise enmities must be perpetuall, or would be so, if it were not ho∣ped that the reconciliation would bee sincere, and entire. Nay, where it is not so, that peace is worse then any warre, and nothing else but a snare

to entrap men. King David died in the Castle of Edinburgh in the Towre which he himself had caused build, and is called from his name Davids Towre, in the yeare 1370. the nine and thirtieth yeare of his reigne, and was buried at Holyrood-house.

After his de•…•…rease there was a Convention of the States at Linlithgow, to have Crowned Robert Stuart son to Marjorie Bruce King Roberts daugh∣ter. Thither went the Earle of Douglas, and did claime the Crowne; where he was so strongly accompanied, that they feared hee would have taken it by force, if it were not given him voluntarily. He alledged that he was to be preferred before Robert Stuart, because his right was derived both from Balliol and Cummin. Now for the better understanding of the ground of his claime, wee must remember that King Alexander the third dying without heires, the title of the Crowne was devolved to David Earle of Huntington, brother to the said Alexanders Grandfather, King VVilliam. This David of Huntington (as Histories relate) had three daughters, Margaret, Isabel, and Alda or Ada. The eldest (Margaret) was married to Allane Lord of Galloway; Isabel the second, to Robert Bruce, called commonly Robert the Noble; the third, Alda or Ada, to Henry Hastings, whose Posteritie doth still yet happily with good report possesse the Earledome of Huntington. This Alane Lord of Galloway had by his wife Margaret (eldest daughter to David) two daughters (as is most commonly reported) Dornagilla and Mary. Dornagilla his eldest daughter was married to John Balliol, father to that John Balliol who was afterward Crowned King of Scotland. Mary his second daughter was married to John Cummin Earle of Marre, and (by her) Lord of Galloway, called Read John Cummin slain by King Robert Bruce at Dumfrees. Some write that this Alane had three daughters, and that the eldest was mar∣ried to one Roger Earle of Winton, of whom seeing we have no mention in pretension to the Kingdome, it is apparent that either there hath been no such woman, or that she hath died without children. Buchanan sayes he had three daughters at his death in the life of Alexander the second. Also Boetius (in his thirteenth book, fol. 294.) saith the same, and calleth this man Roger Quincie Earle of Winton, who (saith he) was made Con∣stable for his father in law Alane, and continued in that Office untill the dayes of King Robert Bruce, and then being forfeited for treason, the Of∣fice of Constable was given to Hay Earle of Arrall: hee sayes also that John Cummin did not marry one of Alanes daughters, but one of this Quincies Earle of Winton, who had married the said Alanes eldest daugh∣ter, which is carefully to bee marked. Hollinshed sayes the same in his Chronicle of Scotland, and calleth him Roger Quincie. John Cummin had by Mary his wife one onely daughter, called Dornagilla, who was marri∣ed to Archbald Douglas slain at Halidon hill, father to this Earle William, of whom wee now speake; whereby hee was Grandchild to Mary, and great Grandchilde to Margaret (David of Huntingtons eldest daughter) and by consequent reckoning from David of Huntington his daughter, 1 Margaret, 2 her daughter Mary, 3 Martes daughter, 4 this Earle Wil∣liam is the fourth person. On the other side, for Robert Stuart, reckoning likewise from the said David of Huntington; his daughter 1 Isabel, her

sonne, 2 Robert Bruce Earle of Carrict, 3 his sonne King Robert, 4 his daughter Marjory. 5 her sonne Robert Stuart is the fifth person, which is a degree further then the Earle of Douglas, who was in equall degree with Marjory his mother. This reckoning is not unlike that whereby Robert Earle of Carrict did claim it before when he contended with Balliol; for Bruce was a Male and a degree neerer, equall with Balliols mother, and this Earle was also the Male, and a degree neerer then Stuart, equall with his Mother; and besides all this, he was come of the eldest of Davids daugh∣ters, which Bruce was not. This was the ground of his claim; but find∣ing his pretension evill taken, and disliked by all the Nobility, and dispu∣ting that which had been decided long before in favour of King Robert Bruce, who had been confirmed King, and to whom Balliol had renoun∣ced whatsoever right he could claim; to whom also and to his posterity they all, and Earle Williams owne predecessours, had sworn obedience, and continued it the whole time of his life, and of his sonne David the space of 64. yeares.

To which Robert Bruce, and not to David of Huntington, Robert Stuart was to succeed; wherefore the Earles chiefest friends George and John Dumbars, Earles of March and Murray, his brothers in law by his first wife, and Robert Ereskene his assured friend, keeper of the three principall Castles in Scotland, Dumbartan, Stirlin and Edinburgh, disswaded him from it: And so he was contented to desist, and joyning very willingly with the rest of the Nobilitie, accompanied him to Scone, and assisted at his Coronation; being no lesse acceptable and commended for his mo∣dest acquiescing, then he had been before displeasing for his unseasonable motion. For the which in token of his good will, and that hee might so much the more tie the Earle to him, the new King bestowes two very ho∣nourable gifts upon him: His eldest daughter Euphane on the Earles son James, that failing heires Male, the Crowne might so fall to his house. The other benefit was bestowed upon the Earle himselfe, the marriage of Margaret Stuart Countesse of Marre and Angus, daughter and heire to Earle Thomas: This Countesse of Marre and Angus did beare to this Earle, George Earle of Angus, that was married to one of King Robert the thirds daughters; as we shall see in the house of Angus. It is knowne that these two lived after from thenceforth in good friendship, as Prince and Subject without suspition, grudge, or eye▪list on either partie; for neither did the King remember it as an aspiring, whereby to hold a con∣tinuall suspicious eye over him; neither did he feare the King as jealous of it, or as esteeming that he had suffered vvrong in the repulse, nor seek∣king any means to prosecute it further, laying aside all quarrells vvith the cause in sinceritie on both sides.

This should be the practice of all honest hearts, and is the onely mean to end all debates, entertain peace, and keepe humane society: farre con∣trary to this novv called vvisedome of diffidence, distrust, jealousie, curb∣ing and keeping under those vvith vvhom vvee have had any difference, vvhich is the onely vvay to foster variance, and to make enmitie eternall. For trust deserveth truth, and moves a man to deserve that trust, and to be vvorthy of it. Time vvins and allures even the wildest minds of men,

and also of beasts, even of fierce lions, if it bee not a monster in natu•…•…e, or worse then a monster, one amongst a thousand, which is the onely true and solid policie, that makes the hearts of men ours; for men must be led by their hearts, and by no other way, and so imployed, or else let no man thinke ever to make any great use of them.

King Robert after his Coronation made divers Earles and Barons (or Lords) and Knights; amongst whom James Lindsay of Glenaske was made Earle of Crawford. This same yeare the peace with England was broken, which had been made with King David at his releasing from cap∣tivitie for foureteene yeares, and had now continued not above foure or five yeares onely. The occasion of it was this: there is a yearely Faire in Roxbrough, and some of the Earle of Marches servants going thither, were slain by the English that kept the Castle thereof. When the Earle of March craved justice, and could not obtain it, the next yeare when the Faire day came again, hee having gathered a sufficient power of men, in∣vaded the Towne, slew all the Males of any yeares, and having rifled it, and taken a great •…•…poil and booty, he burnt it to the ground.

We reade that a good while after this, the Earle of Northumberland and Nottingham set forward toward Scotland with an army of three thousand men at armes, and seaven thousand archers, and sent forth Sir Thomas Musgrave with three hundreth speares, and three hundreth arch∣ers to Melrosse, to trie what hee could learne of the Scots in those parts, with whom the Earle of Douglas encountring, tooke Sir Thomas himself, a hundreth and twentie prisoners, besides those that were slain.

The same yeare (1380.) the Earle Douglas entred England with twentie thousand men, and went to the Faire of Pennure; and having taken all the goods that were there, he burnt the Towne. Hollinshed in his Eng∣lish Chronicle speaking of that journey (in all likelihood) saith they brought away fouretie thousand cattell, and were assaulted by the way, but came into Scotland with the prey, having lost some few of their men; he sayes the occasion of it was, because the men of Newcastle had taken a Scottish ship well known to be a Pirate, but very rich, worth seaventy thousand pound, whereat the Scots being angry, and offended, made this incursion.

About this time the Earle of Douglas intreateth for mercy to James Lindsay Earle of Crawford, who had been banished a certain time before for killing of John Lyon, sonne in law to the King, and Chancellour (as some call him) or Secretary as others: hee was the first of the name of Lyon, of whom the house of Glammes is descended. This Lyon was a young man endued with all the naturall gifts of body and minde that could be. Hee was comely in personage, well bred, and of a good carri∣age, & winning behaviour, which made him to be wel liked of of all men, and in speciall by this James Lindsay, who received him into his traine, and made him his Secretarie. By this occasion being often at Court, the King tooke notice of him, and liking his deportment, and upon Crawfords commendation, tooke him into his service, and made him his Domestick Secretary. It fell so out at last, that the Kings daughter (by Elizabeth Moore) fell in love with him, and was made with childe by him; which

he revealed to the Earle of Crawford. The Earle fearing that the King would take the matter heavily and hainously, and use the young man hardly, devised this way for his safetie: hee causeth another Gentleman of his acquaintance to take the blame on him, and to absent himselfe as guilty; and then being very familiar with the King, deals with him to bestow his daughter (seeing shee had thus falne) on John Lyon, and to give him the lands of Glams with her; which was done accordingly. He got also for his coat of Armes, the flowre de-luce, field argent, and a Lion azure, with a double treasure, and a womans head for his Crest. What unthankfulnesse the Earle of Crawford did finde in him afterwards, or did apprehend and conceive, it is not particularly set downe; but finding his owne credit with the King to decrease, and John Lyons to increase, and taking Lyon to be the cause thereof, esteeming it great ingratitude after so great benefits he tooke it so highly, and with such indignation, that find∣ing him accidentally in his way a little from Forfaire, he slew him very cruelly, and fearing the Kings wrath, fled into a voluntary exile: and so he remained certain yeares, untill (at the Earle of Douglas intercession) the King suffered himself to be so farre entreated, as that he was restored, obtained pardon, and received into the Kings favour. What interest the Earl of Douglas had in it, and what friendship with the Earl of Crawford, or what pitie of his afflicted estate, or commiseration of him; or weighing the cause that drew him to so hard a fact (as great men will regard one a∣nother, where they think they have been evill requited by them to whom they have been beneficiall) or how necessary the presence of so worthy a man was for the King and Countries present estate, it is hard to conje∣cture: but this is cleare, that the Earle of Douglas hath beene not a little respected and accounted of at that time, seeing at his sute the King con∣sented to forgive the murther of his owne sonne in Law, and to receive the Authour thereof into favour.

The yeare following, (which was 1381.) there ensued a truce between the two Countries for three yeares. There met for concluding of this truce John of Gant Duke of Lancaster, who was Uncle to King Richard the second, with some other Lords of the English side: and for the Scots, the Earle of Douglas and March. In the very time of their meeting and treatie, both parties were informed of the insurrection made by Jack Straw in England, and both dissembled the matter untill the truce were agreed upon. Then when all was ended, the Earle of Douglas with a ge∣nerous wisedome (farre from that which is now in vogue and request) addrest himself to the Duke of Lancaster, and told him, that from the very first beginning of their conference, hee was not ignorant in what e∣state the affaires in England were; but that they were so farre from catch∣ing hold of any advantage of the time, and from making either of peace or warre accordingly, that they had the rather consented to the truce, be∣cause of the troubles in England. And for your selfe (saith he) if it please you, you may remain here in Scotland, untill these tumults bee setled, or if you had rather return home, you shall have 500. horse to accompany you, and to set you safe in what place in England you please. The Duke thanked them for their courtesie, but thinking that hee needed it not at

that time, made no use of either of their offers. But afterwards being on his journey home, when he found that they shut the gates of Berwick a∣gainst him, and would not receive him into the Towne, he came backe againe, and was conveyed to Haliroodhouse by the Earle of Douglas and his brother Archbald Lord of Galloway, and remained there till matters were composed in England.

After the truce was expired, Archbald Lord of Galloway, assisted by his brother the Earle of Douglas, and by the Earle of March, wonne the Castle of Lochmabane, as we shall heare in the life of the said Arch∣bald.

Upon this the Duke of Lancaster by way of revenge made an incursi∣on upon Scotland, in which having rifled Edinburgh, and wasted the Countrey, he returned home. And he being gone, the Earle of Douglas tooke in all the Castles and houses of strength in Tivedale, which the English had kept since the battell of Durham, Roxbrough onely excep∣ted, and purged that Countrey of Brigands and Robbers, who had in time of the warre beene very licentious and bold.

This was the last work of this Nobleman, worthy (say our Writers) of his house and Predecessours, for he died soone after of a Fever in the Castle of Douglas, and was buried in Melrosse in the Abbey, in the year 1384. as they reckon, and is likely: for his sonne James is stiled Earle in the yeare 1385. March 20. Of what age he was at his death it cannot be certainly collected: but from his fathers death at Halidoun hill we have 51 yeares after he began to come upon the stage, and appeare in businesse, and the affaires of his Countrey: 30. yeares at least or 40. since we ac∣count that he came home before the battell of Durham.

He was a man (without question) of exceeding great valour, whom even the English Writers spare not to call one of the most valiant perso∣nages in his dayes, within the Realme of Scotland: And certainly his actions beare no lesse, even as they are summarily set downe. But if all had beene particularly described, with the full circumstances, it would have beene farre more cleare. And not onely his valour would have ap∣peared, but his wisedome also, travell, and diligence, which he must needs have used in recovering of so many Countreyes and Castles, as he is recorded to have wonne, and in so many yeares, as he was employed in continuall action, ever victorious, without mention of any repulse, o∣verthrow, or evill successe, where himselfe was Conductor, and we may say, nor elsewhere, safe at the battell of Durham. Now all is involved in generall, and rowled up in grosse, expressing little or nothing of the accidents, or particular wa•…•…es of his exploits, onely they tell us this road he made, and these Castles he wonne, and tell the event indeed to have beene successefull, but no more. This good fortune (as men call it) though it be commended, and commendable in Leaders, yet it is seldome alone, but accompanied with vertue, to which it gives the lustre, and without which he could never have atchieved such enterprises.

The love he carried to his Countrey, and to the libertie thereof, needs no declaration. Those his travells declare it, which could have no other end, chiefly that act of withstanding King David in bringing in a forraine

King, with such resolution, even to the discontentment of his Soveraign, to whom otherwayes he had beene ever most obedient, with the hazzard∣ing of his person and estate. In which opposition, if we weigh it nar∣rowly, how many vertues doe appeare? An unspeakable love to his Countrey, with such hazzard, freedome of minde, and uprightnesse farre from flatterie, or any dissimulation; not following his Princes humour, or soothing him in his present disposition, but regarding vvhat vvas most for his good and honour, vvhat best for his Countrey, and vvhat the King vvas like to acknovvledge best for him, vvhen he should be out of that fit. We may also see in it a strange magnanimitie and courage, in his resolving (as he did vvithout all doubt) to part vvith all that the vvorld could affoord, and vvhatsoever is deare to men in the vvorld, rather then not to maintaine that vvhich he accounted to be right, his life, lands, dignities, honours, and all such things, both for himselfe and his posteri∣tie. For what was that banding for it, but a plaine opposing himselfe to the power of both the Kings (Scottish and English) the S•…•…iter, and for whom it was suited; who questionlesse would both have concurred in that cause: and what could the consequent of opposing then be other, then the losse of his life, lands, and all? or what other hope could he have? and what meanes to double it out? The more is his constancie remarkable that never yeelded up that disposition. As for his wisedome, it is included in all these things, and doth shine in all his actions, which without it could not have beene performed. Likewise in that favour which was borne unto him by men, the causes of favour are employed, and such qualities and vertues are apt to gaine and procure affection, to wit, gentle∣nesse, meeknesse, sobernesse, liberality, and the like; his gen•…•…rosity and courteous humility in his speech, which are the true and onely meanes of acquiring the good will and hearts of men: his generous minde and courteousnesse appeared in his speech and carriage towards the Duke of Lancaster, his justice in pacifying the Countrey, and purging out the theeves: a worthy catastrophe of so well an acted life.

Some may think him ambitious in standing for the Crowne, but if he thought he had right, what could he doe lesse? it was no ambition to seek what was his due. And there was as great appearance of right on his side, as might have deceived a better Lawer than he was. Yet let it be his ambition, and that he was not so ignorant but that he knew where the title was: have not many dispenced with great duties in that case? And is it not thought halfe dutie, not to be over precise in dutie; and half justice, not to look too narrowly to justice? Si violandum est jus, &c. If law or lawfulnesse should be broken, where should it rather be broken, then for a Kingdome? which is not so much the saying of one man, as the tacite opinion of almost all men, as appeares by the approbation of themselves, and all others after they have gotten it. It were to be wished that errour were away, and men saw as well the inward thornes, as the outward pearles of the Diademe, that they might let it lye at their foot, and not take it up, though they might have it for the lifting: but that will be called a Stoicall Philosophy, and even the Stoicks are thought to have much adoe to keepe themselves in that moderation. Neither doe men

beleeve them when they say they doe it in lesser matters, where they may attaine them: and what they lack is thought to be for want of power and dexteritie to compasse and obtaine, not of judgement to contemne or neglect. What could the Earle Douglas then doe, who was not so well school'd or skill'd? who had honour and glory for the great objects of his intentions, which is the objects of these great spirits, and many think it should be so. So that in regard of this common opinion of men, and the instructions of that age, yea of all ages, even of this age almost, in such military men, or politicke wise men, who are not pedants (as they call them) or Theologues (to give them the best name men terme them with) I thinke it not so strange that he insisted, as I marvell that he de∣sisted so soone, and easily: neither can I so much dispraise his motion, as I have reason to commend his modestie. For his motion, belike, hath not beene immodestly moved, or too vehemently pressed, that he gave it soone over; farre from the unbridlednesse of turbulent mindes, that would rather have moved heaven and earth (as we say) to have come to their purpose, and have cast themselves, their Countrey, and all, into con∣fused broillerie and into forraine hands and power: nay (which is more and worse then meerely forraine) into English, our enemies, which would be flat slaverie, as both the Balliols (John and Edward) had done before him, and the last of them on no better, nay not so good a ground. Where∣fore if we will needs call it ambition, yet certainly it hath not beene of the worst sort thereof, neither unruly, nor immoderate, but by the con∣trary, very sober and temperate, and such as may well fall, and often doth fall into the best and greatest spirits, that are not brought up and deeply instructed in the inmost and profound points of humane and divine Phi∣losophie Of which sort how few be there? and how meanly are they ac∣counted of? Let us either think better of them, or finde the lesse fault with him. Certainly, if he cannot be fully excused, yet can he not be o∣ver hardly censured, neither condemned: yea, no more condemned for the moving, then praised for his speedy leaving off, and yeelding, truly acquiescing, and sincerely obeying in all times thereafter.

Of James, the second of that name, the eleventh Lord, and second Earle of Douglas, slaine at Otterburne.

UNto William the first Earle his son James did succeed, a man in all kinde of vertue worthy of so great a father, and honourable place; who was no whit inferiour to him either in courage or for∣tunatenesse, unlesse we account him lesse fortunate for that he lived but few yeares: wherefore wee shall heare his owne judgement at his death.

He had two wives, Euphane eldest daughter to the King (as we have said) by his wife the Earle of Rosses daughter: yet the genealogie of the Kings in the Acts of Parliament sayes that she was daughter to Eliza∣beth Moore, and not the Earle of Rosses daughter. He had a son by her, who lived not halfe a yeare: he had also two base sons, William (of

whom is descended the house of Drumlanrig, as evidents do witnes given by Jacobus Douglas Comes de Douglas silio nostro) and Archbald of whom is come the house Cavers and Sheriffes of Tivedale, who if they had beene lawfull, had been sonnes to the Kings daughter, and had succeeded to the Earledome before his brother Archbald the Grimme, who did suc∣ceed to him. But though they did not succeed, yet have they shewed themselves very worthy, and amongst the chief great men of the land. Of this William also are descended the houses of Coshogle, Pinyerie, Da∣veine, and others in Niddisdale: for Archbald Douglas the first of Cosho∣gle, was second sonne to this William of Drumlanrigge, and was married to one Pringle of the house of Galasheiles, who bore to him twelve sonnes, and after his death shee was married to one Carnel Wallace, and bore twelve more to him also.

Touching Earle James his actions, which were done in his fathers daies, one thing we have spoken of them in his fathers life, as most proper: there is one thing more, besides what hath been said, recorded of him by some; that during his fathers life he was sent into France, for renewing t•…•…e ancient League with that Kingdome; in which Ambassage were joyned with him Walter Wardlaw, Cardinall and Bishop of Glasgow, and his Un∣cle Archbald, Lord of Galloway. This is said to have been in the yeare 1381. which is the eleventh yeare of the reigne of Robert Stuart. The oc∣casion of it was a message that came out of France from Charles the sixth, who desired to have it so.

After his returne in September, hee recovered the towne of Berwick from the English; and entring England with a competent power, burnt and spoyled all the Countrey about as farre as Newcastle.

About the time of his fathers decease (in the yeare 1384.) there was a Truce concluded between France and England, to last a yeare, in which Scotland was also comprehended. This treatie was at Boloigne, or at Lil∣legham (as others write) and for intimation hereof, some French men were directed to come into Scotland: but while they prepare themselves too negligently, the Earles of Northumberland and Nottingham, with such as lay nearest to the Scottish Marches, laying hold of this opportu∣nitie to annoy Scotland, so that the Scots should have no time to revenge it before the truce were proclaimed, entered Scotland with an Army of 20000. or (as others say) 10000. horse, and 6000. Archers and Bow∣men, and spoyled the Countrey farre and wide; especially the lands per∣taining to the Douglasses, and Lindsayes. The Scots who trusting to the brute of the truce dreamed of no such thing, finding themselves thus used, were greatly grieved with their owne sloth, and no lesse incensed at the fra•…•…d and falsehood of England, and resolved to avenge the same. In the mean time the report of the English incursion coming to the eares of the French, who had the charge to intimate the assurance, admonished them of their slownesse: wherefore to make amends (though somewhat too late) they hasten over to London in the very time that the English Army was in Scotland. There they were very chearefully received, and mag∣nificently entertained with feasting and banquetting, and under this co∣lour cunningly detained, untill it was knowne that the English Army

was come home and dismissed: then being suffered to depart, they came into Scotland, and shew their Commission. The greatest part of the No∣bility, but chiefly the Earle of Douglas and such as with him had recei∣ved great losse by that expedition, cried out against the craft of the Eng∣lish, that this their fraud and manifest ludification was no way to be suffe∣red. The King went about to pacifie them, and shewed plainly that hee meant to receive and keep the truce, which they perceiving, drew out the matter at length by reasoning and arguing to and fro, untill such time as they had gathered together quietly 15000. horsemen; then Douglas, Dumbarre and Lindsay, withdrew themselves from Court without noise, at a day appointed; and joyning their companies at the place of rende∣vous, enter England with displayed banners, waste and spoile Northum∣berland to Newcastle. Then they doe the like to the Earle of Notting∣hams lands, and the Mowbrayes, and so returne home with a huge prey of men and cattell. Straight after their returne the truce was proclaimed meeting fraud, not with fraud, but with open force, by a just and honest recompence and retalliation. Neither were the English discontented for all this to accept the truce, acknowledging that the Scots had reason to doe what they did, or confessing their owne weaknesse and want of abi∣lity to avenge it at this time, or both, by their sitting still and acceptation: for neither could right (though weake) have had patience in so great an injury, neither would force (if it had thought it selfe sufficient) have been bridled with reason onely in so manifest an affront, and so great dam∣mage. How ever it be, they stirred not, and so the truce was kept till it expired of it selfe.

When it was runne out, John de vienne a Burgundian, a very valiant man, Admirall of France, and Earle of Valentinois, arrived in Scotland, and brought with him 2000. men, amongst whom were 100. men at Armes. He brought also 400. Curiasses, and 400. halfe long swords to be distributed amongst the Scots, and (as some write) 50000. Crownes. Before their coming James Earle of Douglas entred into England with a new Armie; and upon their arrival was called back to Court, where they attended his coming. Then having consulted of their businesse, and the Army being ready, they accompanied him into England, where they tooke in the Castles of Wark, Foord and Cornewall, and spoyled and burnt the Country between Berwick and Newcastle. But when they inten∣ded to goe on further, the continuall rain that fell in great abundance (being in Autumne) did so spoile the wayes, and raise the waters, and wet the Souldiers with their armour, that they were forced to retire home again into Scotland. In the mean time King Richard greatly moved that the Scots must bring in strangers to waste his Countrey, entereth Scotland with an Army of 60000. foot, and 8000. horse, and used all sort of Hostilitie in the Merse and Lowthian, not sparing the religious hou∣ses and persons, such as Newbotle, Melrosse and Dribrough, with the Monkes thereof. The French Admirall better remembring, and more carefull of his Masters directions, then considering what was fit to bee done, dealt earnestly with the Earle of Douglas to give him battell. But the Earle knowing better, and regarding more the good of his Countrey,

and weighing with judgement the English power and forces, would no wayes listen to him: he told him it was not for want of affection to doe the King of France service that he refused to fight, but in respect of the unequall number and appointment of the Armies at that time. And that he might the better see the English forces, he tooke him up to a hill, from whence they might have a reasonable view of them as they passed by in order; which when the Admirall had seen, and considered thereof, hee easily yeelded to the Earles opinion. Hollinshed setteth downe the oddes, saying, that the Scots and French were not above 8000. speares, and 30000. of all other sorts, and the most part of those not well armed: where he reckoneth of English 6000. horse, and 60000. Archers, which are 2000. horses fewer then our Histories do reckon. In this inequalitie therefore being no lesse a wise Conductour, then a valiant Warriour, he resolved not to hazard a battell, but determined to take another course, which he did, for he entered England on that quarter, which was furthest distant from the English Army, and wasted Cumberland and the adja∣cent Countrey neare to it. The King of England being advertised here∣of, purposed to have followed him, and forced him to fight, but being better advised, and put in mind (no question) of what had be•…•…allen his Grandfather (Edward the third) at Stanhope Parke against good Sir James, he altered his purpose, and marched the readiest way home. And so both Armies having spoiled and wasted each others Countreyes, they returned without encountring or fight of other.

In the return the Earle Douglas perswaded them to besiege Roxbrough Castle, making full account that the King of England would not raise a new Army before the next Spring, and so they sat downe before it; but it did not continue eight dayes ere they raised the siege. The cause was a reasonlesse demand of the Frenchmen, who would needs have the Ca∣stle to bee given to them, and to belong to the King of France, when it were wonne from the enemy. This demand did so offend the Scots, that they could by no means heare of it, and so the enterprise was deserted upon this occasion, but chiefly by the Frenchmens insolent and licentious behaviour and carriage in the warres; who rob and steal, and use all man∣ner of force and violence: there arose many times great strife, and many quarrells between the Country people, and them: for the Country peo∣ple watched them when they were alone, or but few together, and some∣times robbed them of their horses, sometimes of their valises and lug∣gage: sometimes they hurt, and at other times slew of them. The French Commanders complained to the Kings Councell, and the common peo∣ple answered, that they had received more losse and hurt by the French, who professed themselves to be friends, then they had done by the Eng∣lish, who were sworne enemies. And therefore they said it were reason that the French should no wayes be suffered to goe home, untill they had satisfied for the wrongs they had done. The Earle Douglas in this hard case seeing they were strangers that came to aide Scotland, was willing partly to bear with their faults, as proceeding from an evill custome and form used at home in France, and therefore interposed himself to have mi∣tigated the people, but could hardly pacifie them, yet at last with great in∣stancy

and entreatie, being greatly favoured, and generally well beloved and popular, hee obtained that the common Souldiers, and the Army should be suffered to returne into France, and that their Captains and Commanders should be retained still untill satisfaction were made for the losse they had sustained. And so the King of Frances desire was satisfied, who had then sent for them, and withall order taken with the dammage done by them.

This was the aide, and this was the successe of the help received from France now the second time. It was very small before, and it is now to very little purpose: more hurtfull and troublesome to the Countrey, then of importance against the enemy. A•…•…ter their embarking the Scots re∣mained still in England the space of two moneths, and then the English having withdrawne and conveighed all the victuall out of the way, they returned into Scotland. And hereby they did show clearly how little they leaned to forrain aid, without which there greater enterprises were ever performed: neither was there ever either by these, or by others be∣fore or since (though we looke over all Histories) any great exploit at∣chieved. All the help they ever got was onely in the besieging of some Townes at some happening times, and some such trifles scarce worth the naming, in respect of the whole power of the body and state of the Coun∣trey which I remark again, and commend to the Reader to be truely con∣sidered for vindicating the valour and worth of the inhabitants, from that obloquie and unequall judgement of such as diminish and impair it: who cannot but know that it was never forraine forces (as is wrongfully sur∣mised) but the vertue and valour of their Predecessours that hath preser∣ved the honour and liberty of their Countrey, all manner of wayes: and that any one man amongst diverse of the name of Douglas hath done more in that cause, then the force of France (if it were put all together) did ever to this houre.

The yeare following, the Earle of Douglas with Robert Stuart Earle of Fife, and Archbald Douglas Lord of Galloway his Uncle, entered into England with an Army of three thousand men, passing the water of Sol∣way so secretly, that they were at Cocket-mouth on such a sudden, that the people had no leasure to convey their goods out of the way. Where∣fore having for the space of three dayes gathered together a rich bootie, they returned home through Cumberland, Westmerland, and Northum∣berland, into Scotland again without any encounter.

Not long after Archbald Lord of Galloway in company of the same Earle of Fife, made a road into England, in revenge whereof the King of England sent an Army into Scotland, which did great harm in the Merse, and occasioned that notable battell of Otterburn.

For the Scots irritated herewith boyled with de•…•…ire of revenge, being at that time very flourishing with strong youth, and never better furnished with Commanders. But King Robert a man by nature given to quietnesse, farre stricken in yeares (seaventy three yeares old) was become slacker, and seemed not to make so great account of the publique injuries. His eldest sonne John was dull of nature, and having received a hurt by a stroake of a horse, which pertained to James Douglas Lord of Dalkeith,

was thereby lame of a legge, and halted, and so unfit for the travell of warre. Therefore they have their recourse to the Kings next sonne the Earle of Fife, and do easily agr•…•…e with him, resolving to avenge the hurt and dammage they had lately received. So every man promising his best endeavour, appointment is made to conveen in August, or (as some say) in July, but so covertly, as it should not come to the knowledge of either of the two Kings, lest the King of Scotland should hinder them, or the King of England prevent them▪ yet when they had used all the expedi∣tion and secresie they could▪ The English had notice of it, and were in∣formed of both the day and place of their meeting. Wherefore that they might entrap them and take them at unawares, they advertised one ano∣ther, and the Noblemen commanded the Commons to be in a readinesse against the next advertisement, without appointing any certain day, for feare that the Scots should heare of it. These things thus ordered when they heard that the Scots were conveened in Tivedale not farre from the March to the number of 30000. or (as Froysard saith) 40000. men, not daring to joyne battell with such a multitude, they concluded not to stir or appeare before the coming of the enemy, but that every man should ramain in his owne bounds, till they saw on what coast and quarter the tempest would light, and then to take the best course they could accord∣ing as occasion should offer, and if they could doe no more, to invade Scotland on another hand farre from the enemy, as the Scots had done to them the yeare before, and so to recompense losse with losse: In the mean time they sent a spie to the Scots camp, who might bring them more certain report of all things; desirous to know not onely their inten∣tion, but even their particular speeches and actions. Hee who was sent (being nothing different from the rest in language, apparell, or armour, did easily passe for a Scot, and by that mean having been in the company undiscovered, and having observed sufficiently all that was needfull to be knowne) as he returned to his horse to be gone, which he had bound to a tree, he found that he was taken away, whereupon taking him to his feet with his cloake, boots and spurres, and his other riding equipage; he was perceived, suspected, taken and examined what he was, whence he came, and whither hee went: and being found to vary in his answers, hee was brought before the Generall of the Army, where being threatned with the rack, he confessed all, and revealed the English mens intentions, and purposes. Upon this the Scots altered their purpose, and whereas they were before minded to have gone all together in one Hoast, they now divided themselves in two; so that the greatest part of the Army should passe in at Carlile, led by the Kings two sonnes, the Earles of Fi•…•…e and Stratherne, together with Archbald Douglas Lord of Galloway, Uncle to the Earle. The other part of the Army was committed to the Earle of Douglas, and with him George and John Dumbars Earles of March and Murray (his Uncles) William or James Lindsay Earle of Crawford, the Earle of Arolle Constable, the Lord Montgomry, and Patrick Hepburn of Hales with his sonne: the number of his company is not agreed up∣on. Some say that he had the halfe of the Army, 15000. others but 2000. foote, and 300. horse, with as many foote men waiting on the horse men,

who were lightly armed and able to fight, and almost equalling the horse men in speedy expedition. Some say they were foure thousand chosen horsemen in all, which is most apparent by the great diligence and haste he made: with his company he entred England on the East hand, and crossing the river of Tine with great celerity, hee was past Durham, before ever the enemy was advertised or knew of his coming, till he him∣selfe made it knowne by fire and smoake, in burning the Countrey.

The Earle of Northumberland hearing of him, himselfe being a man of great yeares, sent his two sonnes Henrie and Ralph (hardy and valiant young men) to Newcastle, commanding the rest of the Countrey also to resort thither, that they might intercept the Earle of Douglas in his returne: but hee having spoyled the Countrey about Durham, and got∣ten a great bootie, passeth Tine again, about three miles above Newca∣stle; and being desirous of glory, and encouraged by this successe, esteem∣ing it but small honour for him to spoil the villages, and not to dare to looke upon the townes, marched towards Newcastle, and did make of∣fer to have assaulted it, and (as some write) did assault it, having first fil∣led the ditches with hay and faggots, hoping thereby to have drawne out the enemy to the open fields, having stayed there two dayes; there passed some light skirmishes amongst them every day: And at last, Hen∣rie Percie eldest sonne to the Earle of Northumberland (called Hotspurre) being desirous to trie his valour, either provoking the Earle Douglas, or provoked by him; the combate was offered, and accepted betwixt them. They mounted on two faire steeds, and ran together with sharp ground spears at outrance; in which encounter the Earle Douglas bore Percie out of his saddle. But the English that were by did rescue him so that hee could not come at himself, but he snatched away his spear with his guid∣don or witter; and holding it aloft, and shaking it, he cried out aloud, that hee would carry that into Scotland as his spoil. Hollinshed saith (out of F•…•…oysard) that they did not runne on horseback, but that in an assault at the Barriers without the gate, Douglas by chance being matched hand to hand with Percie, by force pluckt his Pennon from him, and holding it up on high, said, he would carry it for his sake into Scotland.

There was then at Newcastle a great number of people, for besides the indwellers, there were all the choice men from York to the borders, as the Writers relate. Wherefore Earle Douglas (in respect of his small number) caused keep strait watch; and on the morrow removing his Camp, he marched toward Scotland a slow pace, being loden with boo∣tie. Then sending it away before, hee assaulted, tooke, and demolished a certain Castle and Towne, that was in their way, called Pouclane, where∣of Sir Aymer of Alpholl was Lord, whom he tooke within the Castle and made him a prisoner. Then marching forward, they came to a place cal∣led Otterburn, about twelve miles from Newcastle, where they pitched downe their tents, that the Souldiers might take some rest, and refresh themselves after their great travell, as not having rested that day, nor the night before, nor much any where since their entrie into England. There they consulted about the rest of their journey, and the most part advised to march toward Carlile, that they might joyne with the other Army,

that so they might observe the order given them, which was not to fight at all, till both Hoasts were joyned t•…•…gether. But the Earle Douglas thought best to stay there some three or four daies that they might refell the Percies bragging, who had affirmed that they should not carry his speare into Scotland, and that the Souldiers might not be idle the while, they might be taking in the Castles, and Gentlemens houses about, that lay neare. To this opinion the others did yeeld for his sake, howsoever it seemed not to be the most expedient: so they fortified and strengthned their Camp as well as they could on that side where it was weake, being fensed with Marishes on the other sid•…•…: they went and besieged a certain Castle, called Combure. Percie would fain have followed them present∣ly upon their retreat, but he was hindered by the better advised, for fear of an ambush: for they thought it was not likely, that the Scots being so fevv in number vvould have assaulted 〈◊〉〈◊〉 strong a Towne, unlesse they had knovvne of some greater povver to succour and aid them.

Having therefore searched diligently that day, and the next, and un∣derstanding that the other great Army wat not to bee feared, as being far from the Earle Douglas; Percie marched towards him with 10000. strong, not staying for the Bishop of Durham, who was said to be at Newcastle that same night, esteeming his present forces sufficient to overthrow his enemies, who were fewer in number by the one halfe at least. The avant∣curriers of the English Hoast were come in sight, whilest the Scots were some at supper, and others gone to rest▪ being wearied with assaulting the Castle. Hereupon the alarum was given, and the English approaching, assail them fiercely, and were received valiantly by a part of the foote∣men, and the lackies, and the groomes; who having the advantage of the Fortification which had been made, sustained the charge till the rest were armed and ready. At their first encamping when they viewed the fields, they had espied a little hill which they meant to make use of if the enemy should follow and assaile them, (as they did certainly expect) and now it stood the horsemen in very good stead: for whiles the English assaulted the entrie of the Camp, the horse men fetching a compasse about this hill, charged them in flank at the farre side, in which charge many were slain, and the whole Army was filled with tumult and fears. But by the coming of fresh supplies, the English abounding in number, the battell was resto∣red, and their ranks ordered as before: yet this profit it brought to the Scots, that the fight being slaked at the entrie of the Camp, they had space to go forth, and to put their men in array. In the mean time night drew on, which was troublesome, and unwelcome to both; but being short (as in the Northern parts it useth to be in July) and the season faire, the Moon light did serve them in stead of Day light, and the fight was continued very hard as amongst noble men on both sides, who did e∣steem more of glory, then life, Percie strove to repair the foil he had got∣ten at Newcastle, and the Earle Douglas did as much labour to keep the honour he had wonne: So in unequall number, but both equally eager in mind, they continued fighting a great part of the night. At last a Cloud covering the face of the Moone, not being able to discerne friend from foe, they tooke some respite for a while; but so soone as the Cloud was

gone, the English gave so hard a charge, that the Scots were put back in such sort, that the Douglas Standard was in great perill to have been lost. This did so irritate him, that hee himselfe in the one wing, and the two Hepburnes (father and sonne) in the other, pressing through the rankes of their owne men, and advancing to the place where the greatest perill ap∣peared, renewed a hard conflict, and by giving and receiving many wounds, they restored their men into the place from whence they had been beaten, and continued the fight untill the next day at noone. The Earle Douglas not being satisfied, nor contenting himselfe with that, that he had renewed the battell, but himselfe with two companions, Robert Hart, and Simon Glendining, rushed into▪ the midst of the enemies, and equalling the courage of his minde with the strength of his body, what∣soever way he set himself he made great havock of the enemies. It was a wonder to see the great vassallage that he wrought: Major in descri∣bing them can make no end, nor satisfie himselfe: his comparisons are high, like a Lion of Lybia: his description of his body is, that it was faire and well compacted, his strength huge, which hee yet amplifieth with greater hugenesse, saying that he fought with a Mace of iron, which two ordinary men were not able to lift, which notwithstanding hee did weild easily, making a great lane round about him wheresoever hee went: his courage and confidence appeareth in his so valiant insisting, as though he would have slaine the whole English Army himselfe alone: and seeking to finde Henry Percie amongst the midst of them, hee was entered farre within the rankes of the enemies. Hollinshed confesseth, that with a great Mace in his hand he laid such sad strokes about him, that none came with∣in his reach but he went downe to the ground. And Boetius saith plainly hee fought with a mase heavier then any man is able to beare in those dayes, and that rushing into the midst of his enemies, hee made such a slaughter, that it was chiefly attributed to his vertue, that the Scots wan the field.

But whiles he is thus fighting in the midst of them, before his friends could come at him, though they pressed forward to have seconded and assisted him with all the force and speed that might be, they found him lying on the ground with three deadly wounds. There was lying dead by him Robert Hart; and the Priest called Richard Lundie (who was after made Arch Dean of Aberdene) that had ever stood fast by his side, defended his fainting body with a halbert from injury: he being in this estate, his kins∣men James Lindsay, and John and Walter Sinclairs came to him, and asked him how he did: I do well (saith he) dying as my Predecessours have done before; not in a bed of languishing sicknesse, but in the field. These things I require of you as my last Petitions, First, that yee keep my death close both from our owne folke, and from the enemy; then that ye suffer not my Standard to be lost, or cast downe; and last, that ye avenge my death, and bury me at Melrosse with my Father. If I could hope for these things, I should die with the greater contentment, for long since I heard a Prophesie that a dead man should winne a field, and I hope in God it shall be I. Hereupon they covered his body with a cloake that it might not bee knowne, and then hoiseing aloft his Stand∣ard, and crying (as the manner is) a Douglas, a Douglas, most part repairing

thither from all quarters they began the fight afresh; for not onely the common sort of Souldiers came thither, but the Earle of Murray also came with great speed, thinking that the battell went hard on that hand, for he had beaten those that he had to deal with, and Sir John Mackyrell had taken the young Percie named Ralph, and delivered him to his Master the Earle of Murray, who had sent him (being hurt) to the Camp to bee cured, as Froysard saith. Hollinshed and Boetius agree that it was Keith Marshall that tooke him. By this means the ardour of the battell being re∣lented on that hand, the fight was renewed, and the strife redoubled on this side, and the Earle Douglas followers (who were gathered about his Ensigne) did at last scatter and defeat the English, weary with the former fight which had continued both day and night: And in this assault the Earle of Montgomery tooke Henrie Percie their Captain prisoner, where∣upon the Army fled and turned their backs. There were slain in this bat∣teil 1840. of the English, and 1040. taken prisoners, 1000. also were hurt. Of the Scots there were 100. slain, and 200. taken prisoners, whilest they followed over rashly (fewer following more) they turned and tooke those that would have taken them.

This is the battell at Otterburn, memorable not onely for the magna∣nimity, courage, perseverance, tolerance of travell, and (in victory) mo∣destie of Souldiers and Captains, but also for the variable event, where the victor in high expectation of glory preven•…•…ed by death, could not en∣joy the fruit of his travels: the vanquished, albeit his Army was defeat∣ed, and himselfe made a prisoner, yet lived long after this battell with praise; for it was no reproach to him to be overcome, nor so great a blot to have been put to the worse, as it was honourable to have so contended. The event of battells is uncertain, and onely in the hands of the highest: if men do there endeavour, what more can be required? It is not the least part of the Percies honour that they did contest with the Douglasses, and did sometimes overcome, and sometimes were thus vanquished: thought it were but seldome that the Douglasses got the worse, when their forces were equall

Here there was great inequalitie, where notwithstanding he wonne the honour through the losse of himselfe: neither was it accounted dishonour to his Army, though more in number, or to himselfe to have been thus overcome: for they are recorded to have done their endeavours, and dis∣charged the parts of valiant men, and were onely overmatched by excel∣lency of valour as we have showne, and as it may be seen by all Writers; not by hunger, or cold, steepnesse of hills and mountains; which I speake not to reproach any, but to make known the truth, and withall, not to cover vertue on either side, which was confessed of all in that age, neither was any man found of another minde: onely the Earle Marshall of Eng∣land being a little after sent downe with a company to be Warden of the Borders during Percies captivitie (who did build for his ransome the Ca∣stle of Penoun neare to Glasgow) durst extenuate the vertue of the Scots with the reproach of his owne Countrey-men, attributing the cause of this victory, not to the valour of the Scots, but to the cowardise of the English that fought against them, boasting much of himselfe, that if hee

had beene present, or if he should happen to have occasion to sight with the Scots, he should doe great matters; but his brags were soone made to appeare but idle words: for moved by these his speeches, the Governour of Scotland (viz. Robert Earle of Fife) having raised an Army, went into England with Archbald Earle of Douglas (called the Grimme) brother to this deceased Earle (and who did succeed him in the Earledome) and made directly toward the Earle Marshall, and as soone as they came in sight, offered him battell: and when they could not draw him out to fight, they sent an Herauld to him to challenge him, and provoke him to fight, but all in vain, for neither did hee send back any answer, neither would hee come to an equall and even ground. Therefore they having spoyled and wasted the Countrey with fire and sword in his sight, and as it were under his nose, returned home into Scotland, to the great content∣ment of the Scots, and no great discontentment of the English prisoners, who were not sorry that his vanity was thus discovered. Certainly, the truth can hardly be belied, and if partiality will not, yet indifferency will beare witnesse to it. Froysard (a stranger, and favouring more the Eng∣lish) concludeth touching this battell, that in all History, there is none so notable by the vertue of the Captains, and valour of the Souldiers, fought so long, so hardely, so variable, the victory enclining dive•…•…sly divers times, and at last obtained, not by the cowardise of the overcome, but by the valour of the overcomers: neither is that vertue of valour onely remarkable in this place, and marked by him, but their modestie when they had overcome, rare and wonderfull to him (as it is indeed to others) but common enough to the Scottish Nation, practised by them often in their victories, and almost ever where some great enormitie hath not ir∣ritated them, contrary to their nature and custome; yet here very singular∣ly▪ for in the heat of the conflict no men ever fought more fiercely, in the victory obtained none ever behaved themselves more mercifully; taking prisoners, and having taken them, using them as their dearest friends, with all humanitie, courtesie, gentlenesse, tendernesse, curing their wounds, sending them home, some free without ransome, some on small ran∣some, almost all on their simple word and promise to return at certaine times appointed, or when they should be called upon. So that of 1000. prisoners scarce 400. were brought into Scotland, the rest all remitted in that same manner, with Ralph Percie; and by his example, who because of his words desired this courtesie of the Earle of Murray, and obtained it, and was sent to Newcaste on his naked word to returne when hee should be called for. But what courage and confidence was it, that they durst adventure with so great perill to bee so courteous as they were? when the Bishop of Durham approaching to invade them the next day, 10000. (as some say) with 7000. (as others) of fresh men, yet they would not kill their prisoners that were within their Campe, equall (almost) to the halfe of their owne number, but on their owne promises to remaine true prisoners (how ever the field went) and with a small guard, having onely pinioned them together with small cords, suffered them to live in the Campe, and went themselves to encounter the Bishop, full of con∣fidence and scorn, that after the defeat of the flowre of Northumberland,

with there so worthy Leaders as the Percies, that a Priest (so they called the Bishop, should dare to set upon them, or but to abide them three marked strokes, as their Leaders said to them in his exhortation, as it came indeed to passe without any strokes: for they affrighted him with the onely sound of their hornes (as it seems Major would say) which they winding against him, and the hills redoubling the sound thereof, hee was affraid and durst not invade them, finding them ready and resolved to fight, whom hee thought to have found weary, because of their former travell, or negli∣gent because of their victory. And considering (saith Froysard) there was more to be lost, then to be wonne at their hands, the Captain distrust∣ing his Hoast, and the Hoast their Captain, it was thought best not to give battell, and so he retired without assaulting them. Their Leader after the Earle Douglas death, was the Earle of Murray (saith Buchanan) but I should rather take it to be the Earle of March, for hee was the elder bro∣ther; and Major saith it was March. However our Scottish mens courte∣sie and courage is exceeedingly to be commended, who notwithstanding that they looked for nothing but to have fought with the Bishop of Dur∣ham, yet did they spare their prisoners, which (and the like actions) when I consider, I would gladly understand of such as delight to reproach our Nation with all the calumnies they can invent, and amongst the rest, stile them barbarous, what it is they call barbarity? and if crueltie, and inhumanity bee not the speciall points of it? whereof they shall never reade that any Nation were more free, or that ever hath been more cour∣teous, humane, gentle, in peace and in warre, even at all times, and in all places. I wish all men would acknowledge the truth as it is: if they will not, yet shall it be truth, and truth shall never want a witnesse. It will be acknowledged, and must prevail to their great reproach that seek to hide or to impaire it.

To return to our History: when the newes of these things were brought to the other Campe, which was in Cumberland, they were stricken with extreme griefe, and were more sorry for the death of the Earle of Douglas, then they were glad for the victory obtained; all their joy for that suc∣cesse being turned into grievous lamentation. So great was the affection of all the Army towards him, that not onely those who followed him, but those of the other Army also, retired home silent and sad, as if they had been discomfited, and overcome. It increased the commiseration of men, that he died in the flowre of his age, and that he alone should be de∣prived of that victory which was obtained by his vertue and valour. And I think that the same affection doth continue in the hearts of the Rea∣ders of the History, which is never mentioned without a tender com∣passion.

And for my selfe so often I call to mind his great worth, and short life, I remember withall that of the Poet,

Ostendent terris hunc tantum fata, nec ultra Esse sinent, &c.

The fates shall make but of this youth a show, Such vertue must not tarry long below.

And with a great hyperbole, greater then Piety can well admit, if any such speeches can be over great, which doe not import what they speak, but are onely brought to expresse the highest excellency that can be.

Nimium vobis Romana propago Visa potens, superi, propria haec si dona fuissent.

The Heavens had made the Roman race to be Too blest, if this gift had held on with thee.

Change but the Countrey name, call it (Scotana propago) and you shall accommodate these verses more fitly here to this man: but most of all in the simple sense, that which followes,

—Non illi quisquam se impune tulisset Obvius armato, seu cum pedes iret in hostem, Seu spumantis equi foderet calcaribus armos.

No man in Armes that durst to him make head, Did scape unfoild, on foot, or foaming steed.

Which he speaking of Marcellus, if he had lived, is witnessed of this Earle Douglas, even by the adversary, whiles he yet lived. To which pur∣pose I remember that worthy Sir Philip Sidney in his defence of Poesie writeth of himself, that hee never heard the song of Douglas and Percie, but hee found his heart more moved therewith then with a Trumpet; whereof hee alledgeth the cause to bee the force and power of Poetrie: though it bee sung (saith hee) by some rude crowder, and with no rougher voyce then a grosse stile. What he saith of himselfe I doubt not but others have found in themselves: neither is it the m•…•…sick of that rough singer, that giveth it this force, farre lesse the vertue of the grosse rime: it is the matter that gives the efficacie, and the vertue of the man that begetteth a resembling vertue in the heart; not by Poesie, but by the rightly described History. Indeed this is the man apparantly, who hath given subject to those songs, being the first that encountred with Percie in such a particular conflict: but that which is commonly sung of the hunting of Chiviot seemeth indeed Poeticall, and a meer fiction (perhaps to stirre up vertue) yet a fiction, whereof there is no mention neither in the Scottish, nor English Chronicle: neither are the songs that are made of them both one, for the Scots song made of Otterburn telleth the time about Lammasse, and the occasion to take preyes out of England; also the dividing of the Armies betwixt the Earles of Fife and Douglas, and their severall journeys, almost as in the authentick History: It beginneth thus:

It fell about the Lammas tide When yeomen wonne their hay, The doughtie Douglas gan to ride, In England to take a prey.

Whereas the other m•…•…keth another occasion, and altogether different, yet it is not more effectuall to move vertue, then the true History here set downe: nor indeed so effectuall as it. And therefore let it bee read, and read over again, by such as delight in Military vertues; chiefly by those to whom these examples are as hereditary, and domestick, which they must needs affect, as also all the other actions of the life, but none testifying a better mind, a better resolution of the mind; more courage, more valour, with gifts of the body, strength and activity, all ruled by reason, and guided by wisedome, as is seen in his dealing with the French men, when they would have had him to •…•…ight with the King of England: which vertues of valour and wisedome so joyned, are able to make a due harmony, acceptable to a right judgement, commendable to after ages, and profitable for the present.

Boetius writeth that hee died not in the field, but after the field in his owne Tent, and that the Earles of Crawford, Murray, and March, went into his Tent, and found him lying hurt with three great wounds, almost dead: at which sight, each looked upon other with a silent ast•…•…nishment, and then burst forth into teares and weeping: which he beholding, said unto them (with a weake and faint voyce which could scarcely be heard) I beseech you good friends leave your lamenting, and be glad of the present vi∣ctorie which God of his goodnesse hath granted to us: We exposed our bodies to the enemies sword, to obtain that which wee have obtained: Turne therefore your teares un•…•…o thanks, mindefull rather of the benefit, then sorrowfull for that which is happened otherwayes then ye wished. If yee regard my paines and my life, which for you I lose, pray for my soul, and follow Vertue, and Armes, as ye doe, which you may imploy for the liberty of your Countrey, keeping con∣cord amongst your selves, with a kinde remembrance of me.

Soone after these words were utte•…•…ed, hee died in the armes of his friends. There are that say, that he was not slain by the enemy, but by one of his owne men, a Groome of his Chamber, whom he had struck the day before with a truncheon in the ordering of the battell, because hee saw him make somewhat slowly to: and they name this man John Bickerton of Luffenesse, who left a part of his armour behinde unfastned, and when hee was in the greatest conflict, this servant of his came be∣hinde his back, and slew him thereat: but this narration is not so proba∣ble. He was buried at Melrosse besides his father, with a Military pompe of the whole Army, and all the honour that could bee devised for him besides by the Abbot, and Monks of that Convent, after the most solemne manner of those times:

Jacobus Duglassius qui obiit ad Otterburnum Julii 21. 1388. Moriens.

Quaeritis ô quid agam? an animam jam ago, fata meorum Hac sequor. Innumero huc vulnere facta via est. Nesciat hoc hostis, sequitor quam quisque secat spem: Atque aliquis nostri funeris ultor ades. Finiit: Et subito redivivo funere surgens Mars novus intonuit, victor & ultor obit.

Johnst. Herees.

In English thus:

My friends you aske me how I do. My soul is now prepar'd to go, Where many wounds have made her way. Conceal it, till you winne the day: Pursue your hopes: this said, he dy'd; Then the whole rank's a Douglas cry'd, And charg'd a fresh, that thou might'st have Revenge and honour in the grave.

Before we proceed to speake of the next Earle of Douglas, the order of the History requireth that first wee speake of Archbald Douglas Lord of Galloway, brother to William the first Earle of Douglas, and of the said Archbalds naturall sonne VVilliam Lord of Nithisdale. Of this Arch∣bald we have mentioned what was remarkable in his brother Earle VVil∣liams life, for that was the time of his action. The first was after the bat∣tell of Penure, to bee revenged of the losse, whereof the English invaded Scotland with 50000. men (as they say that make them the fewest) or 40000. (as others) conducted by the Lord Talbot a very valiant man: with this huge number when they had spoyled the Countrey farre and wide, as they retired towards England, they were assailed at a strait pas∣sage by the Lord of Galloway, who had not above 5000. in his compa∣ny: with these he discomfited his hoast, and recovered the whole bootie. There were slain of the enemies in the conflict. 400. and 200. taken pri∣soners, and many were drowned in the river Solway, as they fled unad∣visedly. Some write that he set upon them in the night being incamped in a strait valley, not farre from England, where the first that they met withall being slain, the rest were affrighted and disordered, and so over∣throwne.

The next thing that we heare of him, is that he was with his brother the Earle at the conference with John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, con∣cerning a truce, and that hee accompanied the said Duke to Holyrood∣house. The truce was made for three yeares.

And after these were expired, the Lord of Galloway being very much

grieved that there should be a Garrison of English in the Castle of Loch∣mabane, which did daily spoil and rob the villages and townes of Gallo∣way, and Annandale, raised a great power by the help of his brother the Earle Douglas, and the Earle of March, and besieged the Castle for the space of eleven dayes. There came some English companies to have rai∣sed the siege, and relieved the Castle, but he repulsed them. Thereafter having assaulted it very fiercely, the Captain thereof, Sir William Ediston, yeelded it up unto him, lives and goods safe, and he having gotten it into his hands, razed it to the ground.

It is written also of him that hee went into France with his Nephew James Earle of Douglas, when he was sent to renew the ancient league with that Kingdome.

The last of his actions that we can finde is that hee was with his Ne∣phew James Earle of Douglas, and the Earle of March, at the taking of Wark, Foord, and Cornhill, where he wasted and spoyled the Countrey betwixt Berwick and Newcastle with the Frenchmen. These Frenchmen not contented herewith, but desirous to doe some other exploit, joyning with Archbald Lord of Galloway, passed Solway sands, and did wonder∣full great hurt in Cumberland.

He is accounted by Writers, to have been a very sufficient and valorous Gentleman, and that he died before the battell of Otterburn, in the yeare 1387. He founded the Hospitall of Holiwood, and to him succeded his Nephew Archbald (called the Grimme) in the Lordship of Galloway, who afterwards was both Earle of Douglas, and Lord of Galloway.

And here it is to be observed, that there were three Archbald Douglasses almost contemporary, which are to be distinguished, that we mistake not one for another. The first is this Archbald, brother to William the first Earle, who was Lord of Galloway, then when his brother lived, and who was father to the Lord Niddisdale. The second Archbald was son naturall to good Sir James, slain in Spain, who was made Captain of the Castle of Edinburgh, when it was taken by his brother the Lord of Liddesdale, who is wrongfully named VVilliam in our Chronicles, in stead of Archbald. He was at the battell of Poytiers, and is reported to have married in France, and remained there till his death. The third is Archbald the Grimme, of whom we shall speake hereafter. Our Writers through inadvertance doe divers times confound these three; taking one of them for another. As when they say Archbald Lord of Galloway, sonne to sir James slain in Spain, was taken at Poytiers, it is a manifest er∣rour: for if he was Lord of Galloway, hee was not sonne to Sir James; if he were sonne to Sir James, then was hee not Lord of Galloway; for Galloway did never belong to Sir James, but to his brother Archbald slain at Halydoun hill, who 〈◊〉〈◊〉 it by m•…•…rrying the heire of Gallo∣way (as hath been said) and gave it to his second sonne this Archbald. Thus much I thought good to advertise the Reader in this place, for the better distinguishing of them.

Of William Lord of Niddisdale (sonne naturall to this foresaid Archbald Lord of Galloway) commonly called The black DOUGLAS.

THis William Lord of Niddisdale (sonne naturall to Archbald Lord of Galloway) is (if any else) worthy, who should be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of by himselfe being highly commended by Writers, who say that he was the prime and principall of the youth of Scotland, that he was a man accomplished with all abilities of body and minde, straight and tall of stature, not overcharged with flesh, but big of bone, a mighty personage, valiant, courteous, amiable, merrie, faithfull and pleasant in company and converse, of such extraordinary strength, that whomsoever he strooke with Sword or Mace, he fell to the ground, were he never so well arm∣ed: he was also wise and sober. At one time having but 800. in his com∣pany, he fought against 3000. English, of which he slew 200. and tooke 500. prisoners. This is he that is commonly called The blacke Douglas, because he was of a blacke and swart complexion. His first vassallage of note was at the inroad made by Robert Earle of Fise, and James Earl Dou∣glas, when they burnt Cumberland, Westmoreland, and Northumber∣land. In this expedition he is said to have gained great reputation, for (beside many other exploits not expressed) he with other two only made great havocke of the enemies at the burning of the Suburbs of Carlile (who offered to hinder him from passing t•…•…e bridge) by slaying some, and turning over others into the river. Some say that he slew with his owne hands three of the most valiant of the English, of which one was a chiefe Commander: afterwards, when the same Towne was besieged, the ene∣mies having made a sally, whilest he repulsed them, and followed too ea∣gerly, he was engaged too farre in the midst of his enemies, and taken prisoner. As he was led along toward the Towne by foure men (having beene before disarmed, and his weapons taken from him, he strooke two of them to the ground with his fists, and the other two betaking them∣selves to flight, he returned safe to his company. Hereupon his name was terrible to the English, especially the common sort, who did ordina∣rily affright and skare their children, when they would not be quiet, by saying, The blacke Douglas comes, the blacke Douglas will get thee.

These his vertues moved Robert the second to favour him so farre, as to bestow his daughter on him, though he knew him to be a bastard. The Ladies name was Giles (or Egidia) and she was a mirrour of rare and singular beautie, so that whithersoever she went, she drew the eyes of all men towards her with admiration. The chiefe noble youths of the land did sute her in marriage, but the King preferred our William of Niddis∣dale for his worth before them all. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 writeth that the King of France having heard of the •…•…ame of her beautie, sent a painter into Scotland pri∣vately, who having drawne her portraiture truly, and shewed it to the King, he was so enamoured thereof, that incontinent he dispatched Em∣bassadours to desire her in marriage; but all too late, for she was mar∣ried

(before their coming) to Niddisdale. The King gave him and his heires to be begotten by him with his daughter, the Lordship of Niddis∣dale, lying nearest unto Galloway, with the Office of Warden of that Border, and Sheriffeship of Dumfrees, with the Office of Justice, and Chamberlaine, with a pension of three hundred pound sterling by yeare out of the great Customes of certaine Burrowes designed to that effect. He had by this Lady a daughter, who was married to Henry Sinclaire Earle of Orkney, who bare to him a sonne called William, afterward Earle of Orkney. This daughter of his (married to Orkney) was named Giles (after her mother) as appeareth by a note that is extant of the descent of the Sinclairs. Her husband is called Henry Sinclaire, and his titles are, Knight of the Cockle, of the Garter, and Prince of Orkney. This note calleth William Douglas, Lord of Niddisdale, Prince of Danskine, Duke of Spruce. Sir William Sinclaire, sonne to Henry and Giles, is called Knight of the Golden Fleece, and of the Cockle, Prince of Orkney, Duke of Holdenburgh, Earle of Cathnes, Lord Sinclaire, Lord of Niddisdale, with the valleyes of Neth, Sheriffe of Dumfrees, Great Admirall of Scotland, Warden of the Marches, Great Justice Generall, Baron of Erkfoord, Caverton, Cowsland, Rosseline, Pentland, Harbarshire, Di∣sart, Newbrough in Buchan; Titles to wearie a Spaniard: which I have s•…•…t downe to recreate the Reader, either by seeing his greatnesse, or to laugh at the vanitie of the Writer: and yet he hath forgotten one of his titles, which is, Chancellour of Scotland, as Buchanan calls him, and a confirmation given him by King James the second in the yeare 1456. A∣pril 29. wherein he calls him his Chancellour and Cousin. This confir∣mation is of the Earledome of Cathnes united into one Baronie, and his lands of Orkney in compensation of his claime and title to the Lordship of Niddisdale, Offices and Pensions whatsoever that were given to Willi∣am Douglas (his Grandfather by his Mother) by contract of marriage with Giles Stuart (daughter to K. Robert by his wife Elizabeth Moore) as is at length therein contained.

About the time of the field at Otterburne, because some Irishmen that adhered to England had roaved upon the coasts of Galloway, and carri∣ed away store of booty and spoile, the Lord of Niddisdale to be revenged thereof, gathered together a competent number of men, by the aid of his brother-in-law Robert Earle of Fife, and by licence from the King pro∣viding himselfe of Ships and vessels, passed the seas into Ireland, and be∣sieged Carlinfoord, a rich Towne in those parts. The Townesmen fear∣ing their Towne should be taken by assault, obtained a truce for certaine dayes, promising to give him a summe of money to have their Towne sa∣ved. But in the meane time they assembled some 500. men through the help of a neighbour Towne called Dundalke, and joyning with them, they divided themselves into two squadrons or companies: the one of which invaded Robert Stuart of Disdier, who conducted the Earle of Fifes men, and was gone abroad to bring in some prey: the other assailed the Lord of Niddisdale, who lay still before the Towne. Notwithstanding of this unexpected sally, they were received with such courage and va∣lour, that at last they were put to flight; and immediately Niddisdale

gave an hard assault to the Towne, and carried it: having taken and rifled it sufficiently, he set it on fire, and burnt it to ashes. Others write, that at his first landing the Citizens hearing it was the Lord Niddisdale (whose name was so fearfully spread over all those quarters) not only rendred the Town to him, but also received him with great triumph, as if he had been their King or Prince; and that hereupon he used them courteously. But when his men were in great security, scattered and separated, as fearing no hurt or danger, and some at their Ships, some sent with Robert Stuart of Disdier to spoile the Countrey about, which stood out against him, and to furnish his ships and the towne; so that there remained not with the Lord Niddisdale above 200. men when they set upon him, as before we have said; and being beaten, the Towne was sackt and burnt. Then they tooke 60. ships, which they found in divers Havens and Creeks, and la∣ded 15. of them with such spoile as they had gotten, and burnt the rest. Then returning homeward, they spoiled the Isle of Man, which lay in their way. He landed at Loch-rien, which divides a part of Galloway from Carrict, and hearing there of the roade into England, he hasted him hither with all diligence.

But truce being made for certaine yeares with England, that he might not languish in idlenesse, he passed into Spruce, from whence he heard that an Army was to be sent against the Infidels. There hee gave such proofe of his vertue and valour, that hee was chosen Admirall of the whole Fleet, which was very faire and great, esteemed to consist of 250. saile, and was there created Duke of Spruce, and Prince of Danskin. But there arose dissention betwixt him and the Lord Clifford an Englishman, upon an old emulation, and present envie of his new preferment, at which Clifford grudged. Wherefore being challenged to the field by Clifford, he accepted it gladly: but the other weighing with himselfe what a hazzard he was like to runne by fighting with such a man of such incomparable valour, found meanes (before the day of the combat came) to make him away by hired Assasines and Brigands, who murthered him in the night on the bridge of Danskin. The Manuscript seemeth to say that combat was not taken on there and then, but long before, while they were both at home; and that Niddisdale before the day passing to Paris to provide armour fit for him (or on whatsoever occasion else) Clifford gave it out that he had fled the combat; but when he saw that he was returned be∣fore the day appointed, fearing to match with his well knowne strength and valour, would have shifted the fight with many frivolous excuses. Now there being assembled and met together at that time brave Knights from all the parts of Christendome, Clifford partly for envie of the ho∣nour conferred upon his adversary, and partly remembring their old de∣bates, but chiefly because of this disgrace and infamie, of being put to this necessitie of refusing to fight with him, hee caused mercenarie cut∣throats to lie in wait for him, who as he happened to walke through the streets, and view the walls of the Towne, set upon him, and murdered him, not without great difficultie: by which losse that enterprise against the Infidels was disturbed and dashed.

We told before how he is stiled Prince of Danskin, and Duke of Spruce,

in the Monuments of the Sinclairs, of whom one had married his daugh∣ter: sure it is, by the report of many eye-witnesses, that there was a gate in Dansick on which the Coat of the Douglasses was carved and graven in stone, which decaying, and being of late re-edified, this monument of him is perished. The common opinion is, that Dansick having beene ta∣ken by Infidels, was regained by Scottishmen, and therefore it is that the Scots have such priviledges there: and there is a part of the Town which they call little Scotland, which is inhabited almost with Scottishmen. All which must be referred (most apparently) to the Lord Niddisdale, and to this time, and doth testifie in some measure he hath surpassed the quality and condition of a private man, or of a stranger in those parts, seeing he acquired the title of Prince and D•…•…ke, whereof we can affirme no more then hath beene said. This fell out about the yeare 1389. or 1390. about the death of King Robert the second.

Of Archbald the second, called The Grimme, the third Earle, and twelfth Lord of Douglas and Bothwell.

UNto James (〈◊〉〈◊〉 at Otter•…•…urn) succeeded his brother Arch∣bald, whom 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wrongfully calleth his Cousin. Hee was married to the daughter of Andrew Murray, sisters sonne to K. David Bruce, and Governour of Scotland: by her he got the Lordship of Bothwell, and many other lands; and she bare to him two sonnes, first William, who died a yeare before his father without children; and 〈◊〉〈◊〉, who succeeded to his father: also a daughter named Marjorie, mar∣ried to David Prince of Scotland. Concerning this Archbald the Grim, we finde not many particular acts of his recorded, besides those which he did in his fathers time, and in his brothers (of which we have already spoken) although certainly hee cannot but have done divers worthy of memorie, seeing he hath the name and reputation of a most worthy Cap∣taine, being so sterne and austere in carriage and countenance, that hee was termed, The Grimme Douglas, and by our Writers, Archbald the Grimme.

Now that we may the better understand the reasons of the Douglasses proceedings and actions, let us (as our manner is) take a generall view of the estate of the Countrey at this time. His succession to the Earledome by the death of his brother was (as we have said) not long before the death of King Robert the second, who died in the Castle of Dundonald in the yeare 1390. April 19. Before his death there was a Truce taken be∣tweene England and France for the space of seven yeares, wherein Scot∣land was also comprehended. By reason of this Truce partly, and partly for that his sonne John, who was afterward called Robert the third, was lame both of body and minde, and so no wayes fit for warre, there is no mention of any exploit done by this man: onely it is said of him, that when King Robert the third, in the year 1396. and the seventh of his reign, created divers Dukes, and would have made this Archbald one, he refused it as a noveltie and an empty title, not worthy of the accepting, seeing it

was neither bestowed for merit, nor service done, nor had any reall ad∣vantage in it, save an airy show of appearing honour to please the humour of ambitious minds, of which he was none.

The next yeare following, Richard the second of England, was depo∣sed, and the Duke of Lancaster was made King in his roome, who was Henry the fourth: In the beginning of Henries reigne, the seeds of warre were sowen upon this occasion.

George Dumbarre, Earle of March had betrothed his daughter Elizabeth to David the Kings eldest sonne, and had payed a great part of their por∣tion before hand: But the Earle Douglas, alledging that the Kings private contracting of his sonne without the consent of the State, was not accor∣ding to the custome of the Kingdome, nor right and orderly done, caused the matter to be propounded by his Majestie to the Parliament, as former Kings had done, and as reason required, seeing the whole King∣dome hath interest in the matching of their Princes, and Kings children. There he handled the busines so, that the contract with Marches daughter was declared void and null, and his owne daughter Marjorie Douglas, was contracted to the said Prince David by consent of the Parliament; having offered a greater portion with her, then the Earle March had done with his daughter. He obtained for her joynture, all the rents and reve∣newes which belonged to the King on the south side of Forth. The way he tooke to bring this to passe, was by the means of the Kings bro∣ther Robert Earle of Fife, now made Duke of Albany, and Governour of the Countrey under the King, as he had been in their fathers time; who did also then even govern both King and Kingdome, and every thing as he listed: and Douglas and he were inward, and deare friends, as his bro∣ther James (slain at Otterburn) and he had ever been: now whether the Earle Douglas had that respect indeed to have matters of such importance to the Kingdome done by common advice of the Nobility chiefly, or if his chiefend were his owne particular, because of the old emulation be∣twixt the Earles of March and Douglas, to hinder the growth of that house by this great advantage of aliance, or if hee had an eye to both, or to any thing else, I leave it to be judged of others.

The marriage was solemnized in the Church of Bothwel the yeare 1400. with greater haste then good speed, or any comfort to either party that we heare of. For neither came this David ever to bee King, which was the thing that was expected, that thereby the house of Douglas might have been greatned: Neither did this aliance of Prince David with the Earle of Douglas, stand him in any stead: in that hee was most mise∣rably handled by his Uncle the Governour, who aspired himself to the Crowne, which makes me to wonder why hee did not rather hinder this marriage of his Nephew with the Earle Douglas, then thus further it; seeing in all likely hood it might have been a great let and strong hinde∣rance to those his ambitious designes: But so are the secrets of things hid from us, that wee cannot finde out the causes and reasons of them by no means, being not observed, or not mentioned by the Writers of those times; hovvever this marriage bred great contention and enmity be∣tvveen the Earles of March and Douglas (though neare kinsemen) and

did also disturb the peace and quietnesse of the Kingdome: for March be∣fore the marriage was solemnized, did not stick to goe to the King, and upbraid him with breach of promise, which (he said) was neither just, nor Princely; craving also 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and roughly the restitution of his mony which he had advanced for his daughters portion. The King having not answered him according to his mind, hee spared not to threaten that he should be avenged on that rufle and disgrace that he had put upon him and his daughter. And so retiring from Court, he fortefies his Castle of Dumbarre, and gives it in keeping to his Nephew Robert Metellan, he him∣selfe (having received leave of King Henry) went into England; where∣upon the Castle of Dumbarre was summoned in the Kings name by an Herauld of Armes, and was surrendered by the Captain thereof Robert Metellan into the hands of the Earle Douglas. The Earle of March re∣turned into Scotland, but being excluded out of his Castle at Dumbarre, went back again into England, taking his Lady and children along with him, together with the nearest of his kinsmen, and his chief friends ac∣companying him. There he joyned with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (called hote spurre) a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the house of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and trusting to the favour and good will borne him by these who dwelt on the East Border or March of Scotland, most of which were his vastalls and dependers, many of them his kinsmen, and all of them 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to him by some relation, or ob∣ligation, he troubled the Merse chiefly and the Earle Douglas lands with frequent incursions and inroades. The King hereupon caused proclaime him rebell, and yet notwithstanding, sent to him a Herauld of Armes, with profer of pardon, and restitution, upon condition that hee would re∣turne and live peaceablely at home; and that he should receive all such sa∣tissaction for any wrong he could justly complain of, as he desired. But when hee 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to embrace this offer, the Herauld passed on to King Henrie, and complained of the Earle of March, craving that hee might bee delivered according to the Articles of the tr•…•…ce. But hee was an∣swered by the King, that hee had given him his word, and could not breake it.

In the mean time P•…•…rcie, and the Earle of March, being emboldned with divers successefull attempts upon the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, adventured with 2000. men to come into Lowthian, where they wasted the Countrey near unto Hadington, assaulted the Castle of Hales twice but in vain: burnt the townes of Hales, Trapren, Markill, and other adjacent villages. And while they encamped at Linton upon Tine, hearing of the Earle Douglas∣ses approach, who had raised sufficient forces, and was marching towards them, and was come as farre as Penkrake, they arose and fled in great haste, leaving behind them all their booty, together with their owne lug∣gage and carriage. The manuscript and black booke of Scone say clearly that the Earle Douglas followed them so quickly, that he overtooke them or they got to Berwick, and killed divers, having wrested an ensigne out of the hands of Sir Thomas Colbouth which he brought into Scotland with him. Boetius relates it not much otherwise. Other Histories make no mention hereof, but onely say, that the Earle returned to Edinburgh with great congratulation and joy of all men.

He died not long after of a burning fever the same yeare 1400, in the beginning of February: very unseasonably for his Countrey; which was destitute of able Commanders in warre, having lost divers others of good note not long before. He was buried in Bothwell with his La•…•…ie. He was a man nothing inferiour to any of his Predecessours, or Succes∣sours of his house and name, in any kind of vertue, and in speciall of true and reall kindnesse to his friends and followers, as appe•…•…reth by a letter of his to the Earle of March in favour of the Laird of Ridpeth, a Gentle∣man in Lammer moore who was his follower, and was wronged by the Earle of March in the possession of some lands: but more in Marches re∣fusall to right him; he assembleth his forces, and dispossesseth the Earle of Marches sonne, and reponed Ridpeth in his right, and maintained him therein ever after, which his successours doe enjoy at this day. As for his valour and conduct in warre, hee is termed the best Captain of his time, and that in his person the splendour and glory of warrefare both stood and fell.

Others say that hee left behinde him an honourable memory of high Prowesse, and noble valour, shewed in many enterprises by him happily a•…•…chieved for the good of his Countrey. In Piety hee was singular through his whole life, and most religious according to those times. He did very much honour and reverence all religious persons; for whose use he founded the Colledge of Bothwell. Out of his zeal and sincerity he expelled the Nuns of the Abbacie of Lincloudon, and changed it into a Colledge of Clerks, because the Nuns (saith Boetius) kept not their insti∣tution of their order: and Major faith it is to be presumed, that they kept not their Chastitie, otherwise he could never have thrust them out. And in this he commendeth him, as having an eye to Religion, and a speciall care of the pure and sincere worship of God, as his onely end and inten∣tion. As for his prudence and providence, it appeareth that he did great∣ly encrease his Revenues, and enlarge his Dominions: hee was trusty and faithfull in his promises, and carried a minde free from all ambition, and vain glory: All vertues greatly to bee accounted of, and imitated of all.

Of Archbald the third of that Name and thirteenth Lord, the fourth Earle of Douglas, Lord of Bothwell, Galloway and Annandale, first Duke of Turrane, Lord of Longe-ville, and Marshall of France.

UNto Archbald (the Grimme) succeeded his second sonne, named also Archbald; he was married to Margaret daughter to King Ro∣bert the third, and second of the Stuarts. She lieth buried in the Church of Linclouden, with this inscription on her Tombe,

Hic jacet Margarita Scotiae regis filia, Comitissa de Douglas, vallis Anandiae, & Gallovidiae Domina. Here lies Margaret daughter to the King, Countesse of Dou∣glas, Lady of Annandale and Galloway.

He had by her two sonnes, Archbald, to whom Thomas Flemine Earle of Wigton resignes the Earledome of Wigton, and he is entitled (during his fathers life time) Archbald Earle of Wigton: his other sonne was James, Lord Abercorne, called grosse James. Hee had al•…•…o two daugh∣ters, Marga•…•…et, married to Sir William Sinclair Earle of Orkney who was fifth in line •…•…rom the Earle of Saint Clarences second sonne, that came first out of France, and was sonne to Giles (or Egidia) Douglas, daughter to the Earle of Niddisdale. Elizabeth was the other, who was married to John Stuart Earle of Buchan, second sonne to Robert the Governour, af∣terward Constable of France: her dowry or portion given with her in marriage, were the lands of Stuarton, Ormeshugh, Dunlope, Trabuyage (in Carrict) by resignation.

This Archbald is hee who was called Tine-man, for his unfortunate and hard successe he had, in that he tint (or lost) almost all his men, and all the battels that hee fought. This nick-name, or cognomination in the old manuscript (of Sir Richard Metellan of Lithington) giveth to Archbald slain at Halidoun hill, and call•…•…th this, Archbald one eye, for distinction, because of the losse of his eye in a battell against Percie. But that surname of Tyne man cannot bee given so conveniently to the former Archbald, who lost onely one field, and himself in it▪ whereas this man ever lost his men, himself escaping often: hee is distinguished also from others by the Title of Duke of Turrane: But however he be named, it is true, that no man was lesse fortunate, and it is no lesse true, that no man was more valorous, as will appeare by the History.

At his beginning to bee Earle, a little after the decease of his father in August 1409. Henry the fourth of England entered Scotland with an Ar∣my, and came to Edinburgh, where he besieged the Castle, in the which the Duke of Rothsay (Prince of Scotland) and with him the Earle of Douglas, were. The Governour of Scotland raised an Army to have gi∣ven him battell, and was come to Calder-more, but went no further, and there disbanded his Army. The English Histories say, that the Governour sent word to the King of England, that if he would stay for him but sixe dayes onely he would give him battell, and that the Herauld got a silke gowne, and a gold chain for his newes from the King; but the King ha∣ving stayed twice sixe could heare nothing of his coming. The cause of the Governours slacknesse is given out by some to have been the desire that he had that the Duke of Rothsay might perish, and be taken out of the way, that he himself might come to the Crown. Now as all do agree, that he had these ambitious thoughts, so Major sheweth that there was al∣so some other particular between them, whereof he relateth the occasion to have been this. There was one John Remorgeny, who first laboured to perswade the Duke of Rothsay to cause slay the Governour, and then (when he could not prevail with him to wrong his Uncle) he dealt with the Governour to cut off the Duke his Nephew, as one that would ruine him, if ever he should come to be King. This Remorgeny was seconded by Lindsay, who was upon the plot with him, and helped it forward up∣on malice against Rothsay, who had betrot•…•…ed his sister, an•…•… rejected her, as he had done to the Earle of Marches eldest daughter. This seemeth not

to be unlikely, and giveth some further light to the History, as contain∣ing the cause of the Governours not releeving the Castle of Edinburgh. It is also a remarkable example of crafty Counsellours, who are to be no∣ted and avoided. And I marvell much how it hath escaped the diligence of our best Writers. I thought it not to be omitted in this place, as an in∣stance of feare concurring with ambition in the Governour: and indeed these two are commonly joyned together, and take matter each of other. Ambition bringeth feare with it, and feare spurreth forward ambition toward that it aimes at; as being not onely honourable, but necessary, and the onely meane to secure a mans selfe: especially where it lighteth upon such Counsellours, as these were, to blow the fire, whereof Prin∣ces had need to be aware, and stop the entrie to the first motions there∣of.

The blacke booke of Scone saith that Henry the fourth acknowledged himselfe to be (semi Scotus de sanguine Cumini) halfe a Scot of the bloud of the Cummins, and that he tooke the most High to witnesse, that he was not come to hurt the Countrey, but onely to have reason of some of the Nobilitie, who had written to the King of France that he was a Traitour in the superlative degree (which letters his men had intercepted) and to trie if the Authours of these letters durst fight it with him. The Manu∣script saith that he was disappointed of his purpose notwithstanding: for he thought to have taken the Castle of Edinburgh, and to have made Scotland subject to him thereafter; but it being valiantly defended by the Earle Douglas, he was constrained to rise from before it with great losse and discontentment, and no great credit; especially for that the win∣ter drew on apace, having sat downe before it about the end of Septem∣ber. I am not ignorant that our Writers give this Henry the commenda∣tion of great modestie in this journey, as being mindfull of the courtesie showne to his father the Duke of Lancaster in Scotland, and that they say that he used the prisoners not cruelly but courteously, and that when he passed by the Castles and Forts of the Countrey, he did onely require of the Captaines and Keepers of them, that his Ensignes might be set on the top of the wall, as a token of their submission, and that they were in his will: but seeing their owne Authors deny him this honour, and say that he burnt the Towns, Villages, and Castles, even a great part of Edin∣burgh and Leith, we have small reason to contend with them for it; and so we accept of it, and follow the Scottish Manuscript.

Upon Henries departure, because the Earle of March troubled the Countrey with frequent rather then with great incursions, the Earle Douglas (who had the government of Lowthian, and the Castle of Dum∣bar) went with an Army into Northumberland, and wasted the Coun∣trey with great havock. At his returne he gave order that the Barons and Ge•…•…tlemen should choose some of their number to be Captaines, and al∣lot unto them a competent number to follow them, who might by turnes wait and be in readinesse, either to resist the enemie, or to make an inroad upon him in his owne Countrey, as they should find occasion. The first turne fell to Thomas Haliburton Lord of Dirleton, who having entred England, and gotten a great bootie neere unto Bambrugh, returned home

safe. But Patrick Hepburne of Hailes (the younger) had not the like suc∣cesse: for he going upon the like adventure, had indeed taken a rich boo∣tie, but having stayed a day longer then he should (and had beene advised by his friends) in the enemies bounds, they gathered themselves together, and following him, overtooke him at West Nisbet in the Merse. There, after a sharp encounter, the Scots had gotten the better of the English, and well nigh the victorie, till George Dumbarre, the Earle of Marches el∣dest sonne, coming in with an hundred fresh horse, regained the victorie to the English, and slew the flowre of the youth of Lowthian, together with their Captaine Patrick Hepburne. The fight happened the 22. of June 1401. the place whereof is yet called, The Slaughter Hill.

This Patricke Hepburne was entirely beloved of the Earle Douglas, and as deare to him as his owne selfe: for he it was that fought so valiantly at Otterburne, and therefore he was filled with griefe and indignation for his death, being so brave a Captain, and so deare a friend to his house, and to himselfe. His honour also, and the credit of his Countrey stirred him up also to seeke a revenge of the Authors thereof. Whereupon ha∣ving obtained leave of the Governour, he gathered together about some 10000. men, amongst whom were many of the chiefe Nobility of the land, even the Governours eldest sonne Murdock (who succeeded to his father in the Government) George Earle of Angus (his owne Uncle) Tho∣mas Earle of Murray, and John Dumbarre brother to the Earle of March, one that had married the Kings sister. With this company he entered England as farre as Newcastle upon Tine, and having gotten a great boo∣tie, was retiring homeward. In his returning, neare unto Milfield, Henry Hotspurre and George Earle of March lay in his way with a farre greater power then he had. Wherefore the Earle Douglas tooke a ground of ad∣vantage, which was a little hill besides Homildon, a Village in Northum∣berland. Percie would have marched straight towards him to have assail∣ed him, but the Earle of March (being very skilfull in warre, and more calme and advised) stayed him, and gave him counsell first to send a flight of arrowes amongst them, and to give them a volee of their fielding pie∣ces, which was done accordingly, and did greatly annoy the Scots, and slew many of them. Douglas perceiving that he could not brooke that place with safety, thought it better to hazzard the battell in plaine field, then to stand still and see his men slaine about him by the enemies shot, while they stood safe, and came not within stroake of their swords, and long weapons. And so (though farre inferiour in number) downe the hill he goes, and gave a fierce assault upon the enemie. But the Vauntguard being brangled, and giving backe (being much troubled and sore wound∣ed by the Archers) though they were sharply rebooked by Adam Lord Gordon, and Sir John Swinton, and brought on againe, yet were they not able to sustaine and abide the shot of the enemie, but were defeated every man. The rest that were behind, being exhorted by their Captaines to revenge the death of their fellowes slaine before their eyes, did acquit themselves bravely, but being overwhelmed with the greater number, were also overthrowne at last. There were many slaine, amongst whom were the forenamed Adam Lord Gordon (who had beene at variance

with the Earle Douglas, but in this expedition hee had been reconciled to him, and Knighted by him) and Sir John Swinston, two that gained greater reputation of valour and courage that day, and fought so valo∣rously, that if the rest had followed their example, that field had not been so lost. There were also divers others of note; such as John Livinston of Calender, Alexander Ramsay of Dalhousie, with a number of common souldiers. Many were taken of quality, Murdock the Governours son, George Earle of Angus, Thomas Earle of Murray, Robert Ereskine of Al∣loway, James Douglas eldest son to the Lord Dalkeith, and his two bro∣thers, John and William; George Lesly of Rothes, Patrick Dumbar of Beell.

In the black Booke of Scone is set downe the death of the foresaid George Earle of Angus, how hee died in England of the plague being a prisoner (with many others) and Alexander Hume of Dunglas also, as the same Booke doth witnesse. The Earle Douglas himselfe was taken al∣so, having lost one eye in the fight. This battell was fought on the Ho∣ly Rood-day in Harvest, or (as others) the 5. of May 1401. or 1402. rather as appeareth by the former History.

Whilest the Earle Douglas was prisoner in England, the Duke of Roth∣say became so riotous, and insolently unruly, that his father not being able to governe him by his owne authority, did commit him to his bro∣ther, the Governours tuition, to be corrected and tamed by him. Hee made use of this occasion for compassing his owne ambitious ends, or to be rid of the feare hee had of him; shut him up in Falkland, and starved him to death. The blacke Booke of Scone saith, that the Earle Douglas was with the Governour, when hee brought the Duke from Saint An∣drewes to Falkland. But it should rather seem that he hath been a priso∣ner in England, when the Duke was thus used: for if hee •…•…ad been at home, in all likelihood he would have reclamed the Duke (being his bro∣ther in law) and have brought him out of his wild courses; or by his credit with the Governour would have saved him, and prevented such extremity, unlesse he had proceeded so farre as to cast off the Earles sister, whereof we heare nothing. And even in that case, seeing there is alwayes some hope of reconcilement between man and wife, and therefore such fallings out are often born with, in Princes upon that hope; it is likely he would have used his care and credit to have composed things in some better sort: however, whether through his absence or negligence, or that having small hope of amendment, he would not meddle in it: the Duke persists in his lewd wayes, and growes rather worse then better. Wee reade of no help or assistance that the Douglas made unto him, as hee was bound by so neare alliance. Neither do we heare how he carried him∣self toward the Earles sister his wife; or whether shee had any children by him or not, though they had been married at that time some foure or five yeares, and hee was a man of twenty three or twenty foure years of age at the least, having been eighteen when hee was enstalled Duke in the 1396. yeare, which is a great neglect and oversight in our Writers. This is clear that neither party had any contentment, or comfortable succes from this match which they so much affected & brought to passe with so great trouble, disquiet, and mischiefe in the Kingdome •…•…a notable lesson for

men to moderate their desires of any thing, and not to seeke it over eager∣ly (though it seem never so advantagious) in respect of the uncertainty of the sequell and event of all humane things.

But to returne to our prisoner: wee see him hurt, defeated, a captive, but neither disgraced, nor discouraged; no nor any whit lesse esteemed of by his friends, or enemies: who indeed needed not to bee over proud of this victory, which was obtained rather by the multitude of men, then meer valour, neither were they yet quit with the house of Douglas, for what they had received of them before: however these vicissitudes of fortune in the emulation of these two houses (Douglas and Percie) were matter rather of sharpning then discouraging, and dejecting their spirits, and b•…•…ed not hatred, but an higher (though emulous) esteem of each to∣wards other. This overthrow and losse of the Earle Douglas did not dimi∣nish, but rather increase his praise and glory, and that even in the opinion of the Conqueror. It became also the occasion of shewing his worth in a more conspicuous and publike Theatre, and on a more eminent subject, and powerfull enemy: for not long after, the Earle of Northumberland (whether for envie of King Henries good successe, to whom he had been a great friend in the beginning; or for that Henry usurped the Kingdome contrary to his oath and promise; or for his neglecting to relieve Edmond Mortimer Earle of March, taken prisoner in his service against Owen Glen∣dour by the said Owen, or out of indignation against him for craving to have his prisoners from him, which hee had taken at West Nisbet, and at Homildon, of whom onely they had sent Murdock Stuart to the King; or for what ever other cause) the said Earle entered into league with Edmond, Owen, and some other Lords, against the King, with such confidence, that they made a tripartite Indenture, wherein they divided all England into three parts, to each of them a third: whereupon Percie, e∣steeming highly of the Douglas valour, having had good proofe thereof at Homildon, offered if hee would take part with him in this enterprise, and shew himself as valiant on his side, as hee had done against him, that he should not onely be let goe without ransome, but also (if they prevail∣ed) he should have Berwick, and a part of Northumberland for his re∣ward.

Douglas, who was no wayes slack to embrace any good occasion against England, gladly accepted the condition, and getting leave to come home, returned again at the time appointed, well accompanied with many of his friends and followers. The leading of the vantguard was committed to him, which place he discharged bravely, and behaved himself so, as no man ever did more valiantly and admirably by all mens confession: for after the Scots (who were led by him) had made a fierce onset upon the Kings foreward (conducted by the Earle of Stafford) and forced them to give back, having almost broken their ranks, the King came to their aid with his fresh troupes, and renewed the fight more fiercely then before. Douglas and Percie, perceiving the King to be there in person, bent their whole forces towards him with such violence, that if George Dum∣barre, Earle of March (who had of late betaken himself to the Kings side) had not warned the K. to withdraw himself from that place, Douglas had

certainly slain him, for hee made so hard an onset on the Kings Standard, that he bore all down before him, and slew the Earle of Stafford with his owne hands, who had been made Constable of England that same day: as also three more, who were apparelled like the King: and when the K. restored the battell again, and had broken the rankes of those that stood against him, Douglas seeing him the fourth man in royall apparell, hee said aloud in great choler and indignation, where the Devil were all these Kings borne? and withall running fiercely at him, beat him from his horse, and at the same instant slew Sir Thomas Blunt, the Kings Standard∣bearer, and overthrew the Standard. But the K. was rescued, and moun∣ted again by those that were about him, especially by his owne sonne (afterward Henrie the fifth) and so escaped. At last the victory fell to the Kings side, who had behaved himself most valorously, and is recko∣ned to have slain with his owne hands thirty six of the enemies. So that the victory is ascribed chiefly unto him, who did both by word and ex∣ample encourage his Souldiers, that they renewed the fight, slew the Lord Percie, and with him discomfited the whole Hoast.

The Earle Douglas was taken prisoner, and brought to the King, who would on no wise consent to have him put to death (though divers perswaded him to it) but commended his faithfulnesse to his friend, and praised his valour, which he honoured much; in regard whereof he both caused cure his wounds, and sent him rich presents. Some write that be∣ing asked by those of the Kings side, why hee did joyne with such trai∣tours against the King, his reply was onely this; It seemeth (saith hee) that the King is yet alive, though divers Kings have been killed to day. This answer being so full of resolution, and courage, and void of all fear, did move the King to regard him so much the more. They tell also that being hurt in his privie members, when after the battell every man was reckoning his wounds, and complaining; hee said at last when hee had hard them all, They sit full still that have a riven breike. The speach conti∣nueth still in Scotland, and is past into a Proverb which is used, to de∣signe such as have some hidde and secret cause to complaine, and say but little.

Hollinshed writeth, that in respect of his Noble parentage, and valour, he was tenderly cherished by King Henry, and frankly and freely demit∣•…•…ed without ransome: and such indeed is the custome of generous minds to honour vertue even in the enemy. It is generally agreed upon by all, that he was highly honoured and esteemed, so that the King (or some of his Nobles) caused draw his picture, which is still to be seen in the pri∣vie Gallery at White Hall. But touching his delivery, some say that when he had stayed in England certain moneths, he was with difficulty set at liberty after he had payed a great summe of money. Others write, that he was detained eight or nine yeares at least, but that seems to be too much for this battell (called Shrewesbury field) was in the yeare 1403. in the fourth yeare of King Henry, on Saint Magdalins day, and Douglas was set free at the death (or not long after) of K. Robert the third of Scot∣land, in the yeare 1406. When the Earle hard word of his death, he made shift to agree for his ransome, and so returned with all speed into Scot∣land.

It is said, that George Earle of March did him very good Offices in England, and was a chief mean and instrument of his delivery, being re∣conciled to him during his imprisonment: wherefore the •…•…arle Douglas at his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 procured liberty for the Earle of March to come home into Scotland, and to be received a free Liege again; but upon condition that he should suffer the Castles of Lochmaban and Dumbarre to remaine with the Earle Douglas and his heires, notwithstanding of any agreement made between them to the contrary in England. And so in the yeare 1411 he was restored by the Governour, a•…•…ter hee had remained fifteen yeares in England, or thereby, having done great hurt to his Countrey, and much good service to the Kings of England; but for all the service hee did, hee could neither move the King to restore him, and repossesse him again in his owne, neither obtain competent means and allowance for his estate and quality. A notable example for Subjects, to learne hereby not to forsake their naturall King, and native Countrey in hope to be suppor∣ted or ayded by forrain Princes: farre lesse thus to hurt and endammage their owne Countrey, for the pleasure and advantage of strangers.

The black book of Scone ascribeth the restitution of the Earle of March to Walter Halyburton sonne in law to the Governour (Gener Gubernatoris) by marrying his daughter Isabell (a widdow, and Countesse of Rosse) for which he got from March a fourty pound land in Birgeam; and that the Earle Douglas got back Lochmaban, and the Lordship of Annandale: however it bee, a yeare or two after the Earle Douglas was returned, the Earle March was restored, whereunto Hollinshed al•…•…o seemeth to agree: for in another place after the death of King Robert (which hee setteth in the yeare 1408.) forgetting what hee had said before (that the King di∣mitted Douglas frankly and freely) hee writeth thus. Archbald Earle of Douglas, as yet remaining captive in England, after hee had knowledge of King Roberts death (to wit, five yeare after this at least by his owne account) made shift to agree •…•…or his ransome, and so being set at liberty, returned with all speed now at length into Stotland. Wherein he contradicts himself, and cast∣eth downe all that liberality, and mag•…•…nimity of his King (in dismissing the Douglas freely) and with so much the more blemish, as in saying it was done, he acknowledged it should have been done, as it had indeed been most honourable and Princely, and might (perhaps) have gained the heart of that worthy Nobleman. But we find but •…•…ew actions in that kind of full beneficence practised towards the Scots: and it seems that his great worth hath extorted their admiration, and some Offices of courtesie, & common humanity, such as were the preservation of his life, and curing of his wounds; but the old grudge of Nationall quarrell remaining still in vi∣gour, did choake the fruit of true Princely dealing, and kept •…•…t that it came not to that full maturitie of beneficence, which the party deserved, and was suteable fot such a King. Wherefore let him content himself with this honour, that his valour was acknowledged abundantly, and himself by the confession of King Henries owne Heraulds, accounted one of t•…•…e chief Chivaliers and Champions in Albion: and let him thanke his own prowesse more then their kindnesse for this testimony. Wee will also adde a witnesse of these in our times, on•…•… of their owne Poets (Samuell

Daniell) who speaking of King Henries son, who releeved his father in the battell of Shrewesbury from the Earle Douglas, he writeth thus:

Lib. 3. Stanza 113.

Hadst thou not here lent present speedie aid To thy endangered father neerely tired, From fierce encountring Douglas overlaid, That day had there his troubled life expired. Heroicall couragious Blunt arrayed In habit like as was the King attired, And deem'd for him, excus'd the fault of his, For he had what his Lord did hardly misse.

Taking Blunt for one of those that were apparelled like the King, whereas others account him to have been the Kings Standard-bearer. But in the warres between York and Lancaster, it is more amply set downe in this sort:

Lib. 4. Stanza 49.

Yet here had he not speedy succour lent To his endangered Father, neare opprest, That day had seen the full accomplishment Of all his travels, and his finall rest: For Mars-like Douglas all his forces bent T' encounter and to graple with the best; As if disdaining any other thing To doe that day, but to subdue a King.

Stanza 50.

And there with fiery courage he assailes Three all as Kings adorn'd in Royall wise, And each successive after other quails; Stil wondring whence so many Kings should rise, And doubting least his hands or eye sight fails, With these confounded on the fourth he flies, And him unhorses too, whom had he sped He then all Kings in him had vanquished.

Stanza 51.

For Henry had divided as it were The person of himself into foure parts, To be lesse knowne, and yet known every where, The more to animate his peoples hearts; Who cheared by his presence, would not spare To execute their best and worthiest parts: By which two speciall things effected are, His safetie and his Subjects better care.

And in the 54. Stanza, speaking of Hotspurre,

But he as Douglas with his fury led Rushing into the thickest woods of speares, And brooks of swords, still laying at the head.

Then a little after in the 56. upon the killing of Hotspurre

Which thus mispent, thy Army presently As if it could not stand, when thou wert down, Disperst in rout, betakes them all to flee: And Douglas faint with wounds, and overthrowne, Was taken; Who yet wanne the enemy Which tooke him, by his noble vertue showne In that dayes mighty worke, and was preserved, With all the grace and honour he deserved.

And that was all to be preserved and respected, but not easily nor soon dismissed: for (besides what hath been said of this point) there is an In∣denture yet extant, which contains the agreement betwixt King Henry, and him. That whereas the said Earle was lawfull prisoner to him, or to his sonne, John of Lancaster, he should have free libertie to returne to his own Countrey of Scotland, upon his giving of twelve Noble Hosta∣ges for his reentry into the Castle of Durham, being then in the custody of the said John of Lancaster. The Hostages were, 1. Archbald Dou∣glas, his owne eldest son and heire: 2. James his brother: 3. James son and heire to James Lord Dalkeith: 4. Sir John Mongomery, Lord of Adderson: 5. Sir John Seiton, sonne and heire to the Lord Seiton: 6. Sir William Douglas, of Drumlainrig: 7. Sir William Sinclair of Her∣miston: 8. Sir Simon 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sonne and heire to Sir Adam of Glen∣dining: 9. Sir John Harris, Lord of Terregles: 10. Sir Harbert Maxwell: 11. Sir William Hay: 12. Sir William Borthwick. The Condi∣tion beares that upon the Earles reentry of his person into the wards of the said John of Lancaster, the said Hostages were to bee set free to re∣pair with safe conduct into their own Countreyes, and that within fourty dayes after the Earles re-entry, or after his death. And that the Prince Thomas, and his said brother John, and the Earle of Westmoorland should be obliged by expresse commandment from the King to secure the said Hostages, during the time of their abode, and residence in England. And if the Earle should fail of his re-entry again, that the said Hostages should be at the Kings disposing. And in case the said Earle should die, his eldest sonne and heire was to abide prisoner with the King in his sons keeping, and the rest of the Hostages were to be set free immediately. And fur∣ther it was conditioned, that the Earle should do his uttermost to keep the truce that had been reated of between the King, his Counsell, and the said Earle: and that he should cause it to be ratified and confirmed by both the Realms of Scotland and England, for sixteen yeares: and in c•…•…se he could not obtain that, that then the said Earle for himself, and

his Countreyes betweene the East and West seas, inhabited by any of his men and vassals, should keepe truce with England from Pasch next, till Pasch thereafter. These conditions were drawn up by the Kings Coun∣cell in forme of an Indenture, whereof each had a counterpane, signed, sealed, and delivered reciprocally by the said parties at London the four∣teenth of March 1407.

During the time of his captivity in England, the Duke of Rothsay was famished to death by his Uncle the Governour, who being accused there∣of by the King his brother, made such a slender purgation, that the King fearing he would doe the like to his other sonne James, sent him by sea to France, where he might remain in safety while he were come to years. But being driven in by storme of weather into the coasts of England, he was detained as a prisoner by the King and State. Hereupon followed the death of the desolate father, and the continuance of the Governour in his Office. And now Douglas being come home (in the yeare 1411.) hee kept good correspondencie with the Earle of March ever after, for there had alwayes beene friendship betwixt the two Houses (of March and Douglas) untill the match with the Duke of Rothsay did separate them; and now that being away and digested, and March having furthered Dou∣glasses delivery out of captivitie, and Douglas procured, or helped to pro∣cure Marches peace and restitution, they joyned ever thereafter in all com∣mon affaires. Some write that those two did burne the towne of Rox∣brough, but it seems to bee mistaken; for that was done ere they came home, by William Douglas of Drumlanrig, and Gawin third sonne to the Earle of March. After their return, there is no mention of any exploit of warre between Scotland and England for the space of tenne yeares: whe∣ther it were that there hath been any truce, or that Henry the fourth dy∣ing, his sonne Henry the fifth was so taken up with the warre with France, that he had no leasure to looke toward Scotland; or that the Governour durst not attempt any thing against him, for feare hee should send home the rightfull heire to the Crowne of Scotland, whom he had in his pow∣er and custody, and who (he doubted not) would finde favour enough in Scotland, both for his right, and out of commiseration of his estate, and condition. So there was nothing done, except some slight and private in∣rodes, such as when the Earle Douglas burnt Penmoore a towne in Eng∣land at which the Earle March is also said to have been in the yeare, 1414.

In the yeare 1420. The Governour died, and his sonne Murdock was made Governour in his place, having been relieved a little before by en∣terchange of a sonne of the Earle of Northumberland. He was a man of a dull and heavy spirit, and of no authority, not so much as to governe his owne family, which made him to be little regarded: about this time the civil warre in France grew hot between, Charles the sixth King of France, Philip Duke of Burgundie and Henry the fifth of England on the one part, and the Daulphin of France on the other, for Philip of Burgun∣die had perswaded the King of France to dis-inherrit his sonne the Daulphin, and to give the Crowne with his daughter to Hen∣rie of England. So that the Daulphin, (afterwards King Charles the seaventh) was redacted to that extremity, that his enemies called him in

derision, King of Bourg, because his residence for the most part, was in Bourg in Berrie. Wherefore he being thus abandoned by his own Coun∣trey men, and destitute of all forraign help, sent (this yeare) the Earle of Vandosme Ambassadour into Scotland to crave aid according to the an∣cient League, and made great promises to all the Scots that would assist him in this quarrell. It was willingly granted by the whole State, and seaven thousand men agreed upon, as a competent number for that ser∣vice, which was soone made up of Volunteers: the youth of Scotland be∣ing now greatly multiplied by long peace with England. Their Gene∣ralls were John Earle of Buchan, and Archbald Earle of Wigton the one sonne, the other sonne in law to Archbald Earle of Douglas.

Whilest they were busied in France, the Earle Douglas was not idle at home, for the black booke of Scone beareth that hee went with an ar∣my to besiege the Castle of Roxbrough, and with the Governour Mur∣dock, against Berwick, but they returned both without effecting any thing, by reason of the treachery of some Scots; wherefore this was named the foule roade. We reade of Douglas also how hee was judge to a duell in Bothwell-haugh, between John Hardy, and Thomas Smith: this Smith had accused the other of treason, which Hardy denying, and the other not being able to prove it by witnesses, the comb•…•…t was appointed for triall of it, in which Smith (the accuser) was slain. The same booke also saith that (in the yeare 1420. or 21.) the Earle Douglas entered England, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the towne of Aewels.

But here it will not be impertinent for us to step over to France, and see what Buchan and Wigton are doing, seeing that this imployment gave Wigton occasion to show himself there, and did afterward also draw over his father (the Earle Douglas) thither: and the order of time doth also leade us to speake of those things in this place. We have told before how John Stuart Earle of Buchan, who was second sonne to the former Governour, and brother to Murdock present Governour of Scotland) and Archbald Douglas Earl of Wigton (whose sister Buchan had married) were chosen to conduct the forces sent into France, to aid the Daulphin against the King of England, and Duke of Burgundie. The chief Gentlemen of note and qualitie that went along with them were Robert Stuart (another sonne of the Governour) Alexander Lindsay (brother to the Earle of Crawford) and John Swinton Knights, being arrived in France, they were received of the Daulphin with great joy, and made heartily welcom; who gave them the Towne and Castle of Chastillion in Turrain for their rendezvous and place of retreat and resort, being a fertile Countrey, and abounding in all things necessary; as also for that it lay neare unto the enemy, for the Duke of Clarence (King Henries brother and Lieutenant) was about to have spoyled the Countrey of Angiers, or as (Hollinshed) had spoyled it already, and had retired into the towne of Beaufort in the Vallay, and was ready to assault a towne called Vielle Bauge (old Bauge) some two dayes before Pasche. The Scots expecting that (as the man∣ner then was) he would have abstained from all feats of armes, and have given himself to the devotion of the time: or having (as some others say) taken and given assurance for eight dayes, which is the space of time

commonly bestowed upon that solemnitie, were somewhat remisse and negligent in their discipline. The Duke of Clarence having notice here∣of by a Lombard called Andrew Fregosa (as some say) or by some Scot∣tish prisoner intercepted (as the Annals of France do beare) who disco∣vered to him the government of their army, and the carriage of their Lea∣ders and Captains, was very glad of so good occasion (as hee deemed it) to take them at unawares, and defeat them. Wherefore he rose presently from dinner, and taking with him onely the horsemen, leaving the Arch∣ers under the conduct of the bastard of Clarence, Sir Thomas Beauford, whom he had lately Knighted at Angiers, together with two Portugall Captains to assist him, he made straight toward the enemy, saying, that he and the Nobles onely, would have the honour of that day. Hee went with great confidence to have surprized the enemy, carrying a faire Co∣ronet of Gold on his head, and very magnificently apparrelled, as if hee had beene riding in triumph.

There was a Village called little Bauge, through which the Duke was to come, where a few Frenchmen of the Daulphins side lay. These being terrified with the sudden coming of the English, got up into a steeple for safety and sanctuary: there while they make a halt, and assault the steeple, the cry riseth, and the noise of their approach was carried to the rest of the Army, whe presently ran and took armes. While they were arming themselves, Buchan and Wigton sent 30. Archers to keep a certain bridge, by which it behoved the enemy to passe over a brooke which ran in the way. These went as they were command∣ed, and as they were going Hugh Kennedie came out of a Church where he lay with an hundred men, but unarmed, or halfe armed, by reason of the great haste, and joyned with them: while they defended and made good the bridge, and kept off the horsemen with shot of arrowes, the Duke with the principall of his company alighted from their horse, and made such an onset upon them, that they were forced to leave the bridge and passage open for the enemy. Being past the bridge while the Duke mounteth again on horseback, and the rest of his folks are passing after him, Buchan and Wigton came upon him with two hundred horse, and enter there into a sharp conflict on both sides, both parties being (most part) Noble men, who were desirous of glory, and had a minde to give a proof of themselves with equal courage, and hatred. The Scots were glad to have occasion to show the French what they could doe; and to con∣fute their whisperings, and surmises, wherein they reproached them, as fit onely to consume victuals: and the English were moved with great indignation, that they should bee thus perpetually troubled by the Scots not onely at home, but also abrode beyond the sea in a forraine countrey.

And none among the English fought with a greater courage and re∣solution, then the Duke himselfe: but Sir John Swinton espying him (being easily knowne by his Coronet shining with pretious stones, and his glistering armor) ran fiercely at him with a lance, and wounded him in the face: hee being hereby in a great fury, put forward his horse to have charged the enemy, but was encountred by the Earle of Buchan,

who ran him through with a speare, and so slew him; or (as others) fel∣led him downe to the ground with a steell hammer. The rest seeing him fall, some fled, and many were slain in their flight, being pursued till the night came on. This battell was fought on Pasch Eve, in the yeare 1420. or (as our Writers and the English) 1421, There were slain of the Eng∣lish 200. Nobles and Gentlemen: The Duke of Clarence, The Earle of Tankervill, The Lord Rosse, Sir Gilbert Wimfravill (whom they call Earle of Angus) John Lumlay, Sir Robert the Earle of Summerset, and his brother (whose sister James the first did marry afterward) Suffolk and Perch, the Lord Fitzwater, Sir John Barcklay, Sir Ralph Nevil, Sir Henry Englishes, Sir William Lanton, Sir Thomas Boroughes, were taken prisoners. There were but few slain of the Scots and French, and those meane and obscure men. This is the most common report of the Duke of Clarence his death: but the booke of Pustardan saith, that he was slain by Alexan∣der Macklellane, a Knight in the Lennox, who also having taken the Co∣ronet from off his head, sold it to John Stuart of Darnelay, for 1000. an∣gels.

This victory being obtained, most part by the vallour of the Scots, the Daulphin in recompense hereof made Buchan Constable of France, and morgaged the Dukedome of Turraine to Wigton, the revenue whereof at that time was vallued to 10000. crowns. The reversion of this Dutchy he gave afterward to the Earle Douglas his father, who was created abso∣lute Duke of Turrain, and Lord of Longu-vill, and established the same to his heires male, as shall be shewed hereafter. The French Writers say also that he made Wigton Marshall of France.

The King of England upon the death of his brother, came into France in May, or about the beginning of June; and carried along with him the heire of the Crown of Scotland: (afterwards King James the first) thereby to divert the Scots from assisting the Daulphin, or to have made the Daulphin to suspect their fidelitie; but none of those plots succeed∣ed as he would have had them: for neither would they acknowledge him for their King being in anothers power: neither did the Daulphin con∣ceive any sinister opinion or jealousie of them. Wherefore the same yeare (or the next, to wit, one thousand foure hundreth and twentie one) the Daulphin caused besiege the Towne of Cosme upon Loire. And Henry departed from Paris to have relieved it, but by the way hee was overtaken with sicknesse, and returned to Bois-devincins: yet he sent the Duke of Bedford with a puissant Army to succour it; and the Scots and French finding themselves too weake to resist, rose and retired to a strength, where the rest of the Army had assembled with resolution to abide the enemies comming. While as the English were preparing to fight, newes were brought them of their Kings death, which made them to alter their purpose of giving battell. The King died about the last of August, one thousand foure hundred and twenty one, and his corps was carried into England, the two and twentieth of October. Not long after Charles King of France died also, which was the occasion that Buchan, and Wigton, with many of the Gentlemen that accompanied them, returned into Scotland.

But it was not long ere the Daulphin had need of them, sent his Chan∣cellour Rene de chartres, and the Archbishop of Rheines into Scotland to recall his Constable, but the Earle of Wigton was so vehemently sick that he could not possibly travell. Wherefore the Earle Douglas his fa∣ther went in person himself, and being a Noble man greatly regarded far above any other Subject in Scotland: there went with him great store of young Gentlemen, some to doe him honour, some to bee participant of his fortunes, and most to bee trained under him in discipline of warre. So besides those that went over with Buchan and Wigton, in the yeare 1420. there went at this time with the Earle Douglas 10000. more, as saith Hollinshed. They landed at Rochell, and being to come to the Daulphin, were gladly welcomed and much made of, especially the Earle Douglas, of whom he had heard much by report, that hee was both valiant and skilfull in warre: And therefore he enstalled him in the Dutchie of Tur∣rain, which he gave to him and his heires for ever; having onely enga∣ged it before to his sonne (upon reversion) and moreover made him Mar∣shall of France.

This hath been (in all appearance) in the yeare 1423. at most, yet we do not finde any memorable thing done by them, or against them, untill the battell of Vernoill, (which if we reade our Histories) one would think it had been fought immediately upon their landing, thought it be cleare, that it was not till after the death of King Henry the fifth, and in the se∣cond yeare of his sonnes reigne in the yeare of God 1424. The occasion whereof was this: The Earle of Bedford having besieged Ivery, the Daulphin to relieve it, sendeth the Army under the Conduct of the Duke of Turrain (whom the French call Marshall Douglas) of the Con∣stable Buchans the Earle of Narbon and others. They not being able to force Bedfords camp, when they were come within two miles of him, returned towards Vernoill in Perch, which belonged to the King of England, and sent word to the Garrison there, that they had discomfited the English Army, and that Bedford with a small number had saved him∣self by flight. The Garrisons giving credit thereto did open the gates, and received them with the whole Army into the towne, where having left a part of their Army, they came and encamped in the fields neare the towne. Bedford having gotten Ivery by composition, or surrender, fol∣loweth them, and sent word to the Duke of Turrain by a Trumpet, that he would come and dine with him: The Duke bade him come, he should be very welcome, for all was ready. Neverthelesse, when the point came to consultation, his opinion was that they should not fight at that time, because hee thought it not fit to hazzard a battell, but in case of ne∣cessitie, and that they had no necessitie to fight at that time, in re∣spect that they had Vernoill in their hands, and other two good townes besides, whereby they might bee plentifully furnished with pro∣vision, which the English could not have, and thereby would bee con∣strained to retire: But the Earle of Narbon was earnest to have them fight, and said the Nobility of France should not receive such a bravade from the enemies, and if none would fight, he would do it alone; and so getting him hastily out of the Counsell, he began to put his men in order.

The Duke of Turraine tooke such indignation hereat, that hee should offer to fight without his leave, that hee determined not to •…•…ave stirred at all, and it was long before hee would suffer his men to goe forth: yet at last, thinking that it would reflect upon him if he should sit still, and see them overthrown in his sight, he armed and went forth also. But then there arose some strife for the vantguard betwixt them, which made things to be so confusedly handled, that the English got the victory, slew the Duke, Buchan, Sir Alexander Lindsay, Robert Stuart, and Sir John Swinton, with above 2000. others of all sorts. Hollinshed in his Chroni∣cles of England saith, (but upon what warrant wee know not) that the Earle Buchan (Constable) was not slain, but lost an eye onely, and was taken prisoner: he reckoneth among the slain Sir Alexander Hume, whom our Writers doe not mention, yet it is true and knowne to them of that house: that Sir Alexander Hume of Douglas went thither in the Earle Dou∣glas company, and was slain with him: for they tell how Sir Alexander being minded to send his brother David Hume of Wedderburn, went to accompany the Earle to his Ship, and when they were parting, Douglas embracing him kindly, said to him, would I have beleeved Sir Alexander that ever you and I could have been separated from one another: To whom hee replied, surely then my Lord, I shall not part; and so taking his brother Davids apparrell and furniture, and sent David back: he went with him to take care for his house and children in his absence, or in case of his death: which he also did with such fidelity, and industry, after the death of his brother, that he greatly increased the estate, and purchased for a younger sonne of his brothers, called Thomas, the lands of Tining∣ham: and for another (named James) the lands of Spot: hee is said to have purchased Wedderburn for himself: but the truth is, he had it tenne yeares before, not by marriage, but by the gift of Archbald, Earle of Douglas, which must have beene the same Duke of Turrain, as the date of the evident doth clearly show, being of the yeare 1413. His sonne Archbald also entitling himself Earle of Wigton, and Lord of Longue∣vill, and Eskdale giveth to the same Sir Alexander Hume a bond of one thousand Nobles, dated at Bothwell the 9. of February 1424. whom it designeth Sir Alexander Hume of that Ilke, which I mention the rather to show what great freindship hath been between them.

Here again I cannot passe by the sloath. and unattentivenesse of Wri∣ters sloath, (Scottish and English) who reckon amongst the slain, here a sonne of the Earle Douglas (whom some call James) and make him his second sonne, nay, some doe even make him his eldest sonne and heire, and call him Earle of Wigton. But those are all mistakings; for the Earle of Wigton (whose name was Archbald) was left sick at home, and pos∣sessed the Earledome after his fathers death: Neither was it yet James his second sonne, who was Lord of Abercorn, and outlived his elder bro∣ther, and his children, that vvere put to death in the Castle of Edinburgh, to whom also he succeeded in the Earledom, as the same Writers them∣selves (almost all of them) confesse. Wherefore the Reader had need even to reade the best Writers vvith judgement and attention, seeing such e∣scapes are incident ever to the most accurate, and carefull Historians.

Touching this battell, this is the relation of it, by Duscrres in his in∣ventarie whom I have chosen to follow, not because I thinke it the ful∣lest or faithfullest narration (for certainly the Frensh Writers speake slenderly enough of the actions of strangers, as may bee instanced in the battell of Baugue, and other exploits done by the Scots in France, which they passe in silence) but because his testimony cannot be rejected by the French, and may well bee admitted by the English, as being indifferent for his person, and no wayes partiall in his penne, at least in setting forth this battell: but if we shall rely upon the writings or reports of our owne Countrey men. The losse of that field was caused for the envie and trea∣chery of the Earle of Narban. We heard how Douglas, and he contested for the vantguard, each striving who should be first: Douglas being rea∣dy sooner then he, or being quicker in his march led on before him, and charged the enemy first: whereupon he abandoned them, and would not second them as he should have done. And so it came to passe that they being destitute of his help, and not being able to make head against such a multitude, were encompassed about by the English (who saw their backs left bare) and so overthrown, fighting valiantly, that they might die no∣bly. Some blame the Lombards (who were in the Army assisting the French that were for the Da•…•…lphin) but tell not, why, nor wherefore, or wherein. Others say that there were 400. of them all horsemen, who being commanded to breake the rankes of the English, either in the flank or in the reare, did what they were appointed to doe: and having broken through the English Army, vvent to their carriage to pill and spoil, vvith∣out prosecuting their charge anyfurther▪ and so having got their prey, departed off the field, whereupon 2000. English Archers that were set to keep the carriage, and had now no more to doe; entered into the battell, and being fresh and unwearied, made such an impression, that they did cast the ballance and gave the overthrow, whereas before they had fought for the space of three houres so doubtfully, that no eye could guesse, which way the victory would goe.

Major also telleth us that there was some dissention between the Duke of Turraine, and Buchan, for precedency, but that is not likely: for al∣though Buchan had the honour to bee Constable, and was the chiefe Commander, so long as hee had no other Colleague but Wigton (his brother in lavv) yet the Earle Douglas being an old experimented Com∣mander, and it being ever his due to leade the the vantguard at home, and being even there, for his vvell knovvne vvorth and sufficiency made Duke and Marshall upon his first arrivall. It carrieth no appearance that the other vvould strive vvith him, especially seeing hee vvas his sonne in lavv (for he had married his daughter) and also the yonger souldier. And that the English did acknovvledge the Duke for Chi•…•…tane, it is evident: for Bedford sent the Trumpet to him, and hee returned ansvver: It vvas he that resolved they should not fight, and tooke it ill at Narbons hands, that he vvould not follovv his conclusion, and obey his direction: So as I cannot be persvvaded that their could, or vvould bee any difference be∣tvveen them for that matter: And if there had beene any, they vvould have composed it, and agreed betvvixt themselves before that time, to

have resisted the common enemy. However, they both died in the field: And the Earle of Narbon wanted not his reward of his either treachery, or headinesse and folly, for hee was taken and hanged as guilty of the death of the Duke of Burgundie. A notable example of the end of such as carry themselves after such a manner.

Of those that escaped at this defeate, Charles the Daulphin (afterwards King Charles the seventh) erected a company to continue a guard to him∣selfe, and his successours for ever, of the Scottish Nation. For he was not contented to reward their Nobles and Leaders with honours and digni∣ties, but thought himselfe also obliged to recompence even the inferiour sort, and to respect the whole Nation, whose valour and fidelity hee had found to deserve regarding: As also he saw their service would be stead∣able to him, and therefore in wisedome did thus obliege the whole Countrey, and ingage them to assist him in his warre with England. And so they did, as now, so often hereafter both within the Isle, and in France: neither could they ever bee diverted by any losse or dammage whatsoever. They did still cleave fast unto the French, untill they were fully freed from the English: sending over army after army, and Captain after Captain, without wearying or relenting, or the least shrinking: and even after this battell wee reade of divers that spent their lives in the Frenches quarrell against the English, and that within three yeares, (not∣withstanding this great losse) who were men of quality, such as William Stuart and his brother, and two Douglasses who were predecessours of the houses of Drumlanrigge and Lochleven. There was also amongst those that escaped at this battell of Vernoill, one John Carmichell of the house of Carmichell, in Douglasdale (who was Chaplain to the Duke of Tur∣rain) a valiant and learned man, who remained in France, and was for his worth and good parts made Bishop of Orleance: hee it was that during the siege thereof, did notably assist Jane D'arc, called the maiden of Orle∣ance, The French History calleth him John de Saint Michael (for Car∣michell) •…•…vesque d' Orleance, escossois de nation. Hee is mentioned in the particular Story of that Maiden, and in the Annales, Ecclesiae Aurelianensis auctore Carolo Sanseye Aureliano. Wherefore in the principall Church in Orleance, called Saint Croix, there is Masse said for the soules of the Scots dayly that were slain there. But to return.

The Duke of Turraine being thus slain, was buried in the Church of Tours, called Saint Gratians, the 20. of August, in the yeare 1424. whose coat of armes was to bee seen long agoe upon the gates of Tours. Hee was a man no where branded for any vice, and of unquestioned valour, for so much as belonged to his own person, equall to any that were be∣fore him. Neither can I see any evident fault in his conduct and leading. It is true Major taxeth him as unskilfull and unfit for matters of warre, though hee gives him a large commendation of courage, and personall valour. But he seemeth to have grounded his censure more upon the suc∣cesse, then upon his actions, to which we will answer with the Poet, Careat successibus & quisquis ab eventu, &c. Or if that will not serve, we wil choke him with the French Proverb, Le clerc aux armes, he is not a fit judge of such things. But we have to do with a more judicious indeed, who glanceth

at no lesse for speaking of his father Archbald the Grimme, he saith that Chivalry stood in him; as though hee would have said, it fell also with him: which seemeth to prejudge this his sonne (Tine-man) if not in his valour (which no man can call in question) yet in his conduct, and lead∣ing, which is the chiefe propertie and qualitie of a Generall and Com∣mander. Of which judgement questionlesse, the ground is the same, his hard successe in his interprises. And there is no reason that hee should be thought so of for it, if there be no other cause of evill successe. But if there may bee some other reason, and if many well guided Armies, and inter∣prises have mis-carried (which none will deeme, there is no necessity nor just cause why he should be double burthened, both with ill luck, and the blame of it, unlesse it be shewed where and how he erred, which neither hee, nor any other Historian doth. Wee must therefore absolve him as free from this imputation, seeing they do not make it to appeare, that hee was guilty of any errour, or oversight either at Homildon, Shrewsberry, or Vernoill. On the contrary, his warinesse and circumspection may sufficiently appeare to the attentive and judicious Reader. Let not then his praise be lessened, or his glory eclipsed by his crosse fortune, nor him∣selfe esteemed any whit inferiour to his Predecessours. Na•…•… hee deser∣veth to have so much more praise, as that his worth doth shine through the thick cloud of the frownings of fortune, whereas their glory is in∣creased, and lustred with the beams of a prosperous issue in their exploits.

Archibaldus Duglassius Dux Turronensis, & Johannes Stuartus, Buchaniae comes ad Vernolium coesi.

Gallia vos titulis; vos gallica regna trophaeis Auxistis, meritis utraque regna cluunt, Tertia si invideant, quid mirum ingentia damna Queis data, Saxonidum dum cecidere duces, Desine lingua procax verbis incessere Testis: Gallus adest, servat tot monumenta ducum, Et vos aeternum memorabit Gallia cives Grata suos, titulos quae dedit, & tumulos.

Johan. Johnston Heroes.

Archbald Douglas, Duke of Turraine, and John Stuart Earle of Buchan his son in law, Constable of France, killed at Vernoill.

France gave you Titles, you it Trophies gave; Both Kingdomes, mutuall obligation have: If the third envi'd it, their losse receiv'd Might well excuse them, being oft bereav'd

Of their most ancient Leaders: no bold tongue By base detraction can have power to wrong Your merit, and the French will witnes beare, To whom your memory shall still be deare: Their gracefull Monuments the same expresse, As do the places you did there possesse.

Archbaldus Dux Turonensis &c.

Bis vi•…•…tus, captusque amisso milite; caesus Denique cum sociis, Vernoliae occubui: Dura meis raro affulsit victoria signis: Nostra tamen nusquam sunt data terga fugae. Semper at ingentes haec dextra liquit acervos, Hostibus & semper maxima damna dedit. Hinc fortis, magnisque ducis 〈◊〉〈◊〉 urnant Me titulis; nec non hostis & ipse colit. In me virtutem videas, verumque laborem: Fortunam proprio quis 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉? Discite, ab eventu qui censes facta virosque Exemplo, non sic 〈◊〉〈◊〉 notanda, meo.

Archbald Tine-man, Duke of Turraine.

Twice with my Armies rout I lost the field; Now with my friends, I am at Vernoil kill'd: My labours hardly met with victory, Yet did I never stay behinde, nor flie, But kill'd my foes on heaps: my valiant arme Did ever bring revenge, and equall harme. Hence was I honoured, as most fit to be A Leader, courted ev'n by th' enemy. In me you may the hight of worth behold; But ah, who in his power can Fortune hold? O! you, who from th' event your censures take, Disprove your selves, and me the instance make.

Of Archbald the fourth of that Name, the foureteenth Lord, and fifth Earle of Douglas, he was the first Earle of Wigton, Lord of Bothwell, Galloway and Annandale, the second Duke of Turraine, Lord of Longe-ville, and Marshall of France.

UNto Archbald Tine-man succeeded his eldest son Archbald he had to wife Mauld Lindsay, daughter to David Earle of Crawford: hee was married at Dundee with great solemnitie and pompe.

This alliance hath been the occasion of Crawfords going with him into France (as wee told before) and the ground of that friendship that was betwixt Earle William (slain at Stirlin) and that Earle Crawford, where∣of wee shall heare more of hereafter. It appeareth also, that there hath beene continuall friendship betwixt these houses from the first Earle Dou∣glas time, who procured a pardon for Crawford who had slain John Lyon. His children were William, David, and a daughter named Beatrix. The time that he possessed the Earledome of Douglas, from his fathers death in the yeare 1424. untill the year 1439. is fifteen yeares; all the time of King James the first, and about two yeares in the minority of King James the second. So that the estate of the Countrey may easily bee knowne, if wee call to minde what hath beene said of the death of King Robert the third, and of Robert the Governour, to whom his sonne Mur∣dock did succeed in the government before the King came home out of England.

This Murdock, when hee had governed, or rather misgoverned some three yeares, or foure, being provoked by an insolent fact of his eldest sonne Walter (who to despight his father, had wrung off the necke of a Hawke which hee loved) determined in revenge hereof to send and fetch home the King out of England, and to possesse him of his King∣dome.

No other motive we reade of to induce him to this; whether it bee because there were no other, or because they have not beene carefull to set downe the true cause, I know not. But if this were indeed, it is so memorable, that it deserveth not to bee passed over with a dry foot (as wee say) and without observation: For who can but wonder at so rare a fact betwixt a father and a son, as the like is not extant elsewhere in any Record or History, and hath not beene heard of, I thinke, since the world stood: That a man to spite his sonne should quite a Kingdome, where∣of hee was possest, and saw no other appearance but to enjoy it still. I confesse there hath beene much unnaturall unkindenesse in the world, whereby they have procured the death and destruction of those, whose safetie they were tied by the bonds of nature to maintain: but that hath beene for their owne honour and dignity, to obtain the place, or conti∣nue in it, which men doe so much aspire unto: but that their unnaturall despight should reach so farre, as to undoe themselves, and to quite a Kingdome, for obtaining and retaining whereof, ambitious men turne the world upside downe, onely to satisfie a passionate humour, or ma∣lice conceived against their owne childe; let him that can, parrellel it, and put this up in his note booke for a second instance at least. It was for love of his Cousin, for respect to equitie, out of duetie to God, and love of his Covntrey, which he saw hee himselfe could not, and his son would not govern rightly, and therefore thought fittest to resign it to him that both could and would doe it; it was a good, sober, wise and wor∣thy thought. But then our Writers doe him wrong, that never signi∣fie that such was his minde, no not in the least word: and mention one∣ly his owne anger, and the instigation of Coline Campbell a chiefe man in Argyle, who blew the coale out of a private spleene against Wal∣ter,

who had done him some injury: but however it were, whether his spight moved him to do justice, or desire to do justice caused despight, he threatned to do it to his sonne, and performed what he threatned; for he sent Ambassadours into England to have the King released, of which this Archbald was chief, about the time of his very first coming to the Earle∣dome. He with his two Colleagues, William Hay Constable, and Henry Bi∣shop of Aberdene, carried the matter so wisely, that they brought it to a conclusion, which was the more easily effected, because King James mar∣ried a Lady of England without portion, which they thought would move him to forget any wrong he had received by their injust detention. The Ambassadors also condescended upon a ransome to be payed, though none were due from him, who never was lawfull prisoner. So at last hee was released, came home, and was crowned King the 22. of May 1424.

We have heard hitherto the rise of the house of Douglas, and the con∣tinuall increasing thereof by their great deserts, with the approbation and applause of all men, with the good will and liking of their Princes for the space of many yeares: their Princes delighting to imploy them, and they endeavouring to serve their Princes, and their Countrie to the uttermost of their power, with a good harmony, and happy agreeing on all sides. Let us now bee contented from henceforth to find the world to bee the self still; that is, rolling and tumbling by perpetuall vicissitudes, and chan∣ges: for though this house shall yet grow up, and to a higher pitch then ever, yet this concordance shall not continue so full, but shall beginne to have some jarring▪ their Princes being jealous of them, they standing in feare of their Princes, sometimes in favour, sometimes out of favour; sometimes imployed, and sometimes neglected: having mens affections sometimes towards them, sometimes averse from them, liking and dis∣liking by turnes and fits.

They also for their parts were now well-contented, then malecontent∣ed: now dealing in affaires, then withdrawing from all medling in State businesse, from whence did spring discords, imprisonments, banish∣ments, slaughters: which things beginning in this mans time at his com∣mitting, strangenesse and discontents continued in the next, and proceeded in his sonnes time to his putting to death, and was transferred as hereditary to his successours, with many interchangings of smilings and frownings of fortune and Court, which at last ended in that fearefull catastrophe of the finall ruine of this flourishing family, in the yeare 1483. which troubles continued the space of 59. or 60. yeares, beginning at King James the firsts return into Scotland.

For the very first yeare of his reigne, this Earle Douglas is committed to ward, but is soone released: and then within some few yeares, was committed again. For his first commitment, there is no cause there∣of recorded, onely the time thereof doth furnish some matter of conjecture, together with other circumstances set downe. As for the time, it was when Duke Murdocke, and his sonnes (Walter and Alexander) and their Mother, and her Father, Duncane Stu∣art, Earle of Lennox, were committed. The circumstances are,

that he was not alone, but with him twenty foure Earls and Barons were committed likewise, amongst whom there were some of the Kings owne speciall friends, and kindred: as William Earle of Angus, who was the Kings sisters sonne, and so Duke Murdokes Cousin. The Earle of Dou∣glas was also allied with him: for Robert the Governours son, John Earle of Buchan had married Douglas sister; and there had been cor-responden∣cy, and friendship betwixt the Governour, and Archbald the Grimme, as also Archbald Tyne-man (this Earles Father and Grandfather) and Buchan and this Earle, had been fellowes in Armes together in France at Baugue: as also Buchan and Archbald Tyne-man were slain together at Vernoill. Likewise the Earle of March, who had been restored by Duke Murdocks Father, and had kept good friendship with him, and his sonne after his re∣stitution: Robert Stuart of Roth-house, Stuart of Dundonald: John Stu∣art of Carden, being also of the name of Stuart, and all in some neernesse of blood to Murdock, as the King himselfe also was. The rest Hepburn of Hailes, Haye of Yester, Ramsay of Dalhousie, Haliburtoun of Dirleton, we finde to have beene dependers of the houses of Douglas and March▪ and the rest also, Walter Ogilbe, Alexander Seiton, or Gordon, Haye Arroll, Scrimger Constable of Dundee, have beene friends and followers of the house of Douglas, as wee find they did assist and accompany them in di∣verse battells; and have also perhaps had some friendship with the Duke or his Father in law, as commonly the Nobilitie are allied, and of kinne one to another. Who therefore (thought they were willing, that their lawfull and rightfull Prince should enjoy his owne place) would not agree so easily to the putting to death of those, whom the King was resolved to make out of the way. Now what it was that moved the King to this course, whether desire to be revenged of the cruelty of Robert the Gover∣nour (their Father) toward David D. of Rothsay his elder brother, or for his mis-demeanour and undutifusnesse towards his Father (Robert the third) or for his neglecting himself in his captivity, or for that he esteem∣ed all that government (of Robert and Murdock) to be an usurpation of the Crowne, and feared the like hereafter, or even perhaps found such pra∣ctisings to his prejudice, is uncertain. However being resolved to ridde himself of them, he thought it the safest way to make them fast, who hee beleeved would not be so well contented with it, as he desired. Hee did therefore commit them till he had tried their minds, and drawn them to his course, or at least taken order with them to sit quiet. And this was not long a doing: for we reade that the foresaid prisoners were all short∣ly releeved, and some of them also put upon the others quree (or assise) as Douglas, March, Angus, Arrole: But by what means he hath constrain∣ed them to be content, or what remonstrance or evidence hee hath given them, to let them see that those men were guilty of death, or what crime they died for, (if any new conspiracy, or what else) our Histories tell us not, which is a great defect in them: Major thinketh it likely that there was some conspiracy found against the King, otherwise they would never (saith hee) have condemned such men to death (Princes of the blood as wee may call them) and their owne especiall friends. And thus much of the Earle Douglas first committing, and the issue thereof.

For the second Hollinshed and Boetius doe agree, that the K. arrest the Earle Douglas, and kept him long in prison; till at last, by the mediation of the Queen and Prelats, he and the Earle of Rosse were released. Boetius calleth him Archbald Duke of Turraine plainly: but Hollinshed is pleased (out of sume partiall humour as should seeme) to suppresse the Title of Duke of Turrain, and this is all the difference betwixt them. It was some yeares after his first committing, but what yeare? it is not condiscended upon. Some say, it was in the yeare 1431. but impertinently, for the yeare 1430. is the yeare of his releasing, except wee will thinke that hee hath been imprisoned thrice, which is not mentioned by any. And a lit∣tle mention there is of the cause wherefore hee was warded, whereof Major complaineth saying, that our Annals tell not the cause of the Stu∣arts executions, and the incarcerating of the Earle Douglas, and John Lord of Kennedie, the Kings owne sister sonne; for both were committed, Douglas in Logh-leeven, and Kennedy in Stirling; for how shall it bee knowne whether it was done justly, or for matters of weight, or if for trifles onely, and for his owne pleasure. Others insinuate a cause, but doe but glance at it without setting it downe so clearely as to let men know, whether it were just or unjust, which is the light and life of History, and the right end and use thereof: for they say no more, but that they had spoken sinisterly or rashly, and somewhat more freely then became them, of the estate and government of the Countrey. What use can any man make of this generality? rashnesse may be a fault, yet perhaps none at all in them, of whom it is spoken, they being Privie Counsellers. Likewise the phrase (freelier than became) is so generall, that the Reader remaineth unsatisfied: neither can posteriry (either King or Subject) judge of this fact, whether it were right or wrong, or whether the example were such as men ought to follow, or forbeare and avoid.

It should have been expressely set downe what they spake, to whom, if to the King himselfe, or to others: In what sort, if by way of admoni∣tion, counselling, or advising, or if by forme of cavilling, detracting, murmuring, mutining, and such other circumstances, whereon the judgeing of it chiefly dependeth: In this uncertainty wee can hardly condemne or absolve, praise or censure them, In that the Lord Kennedy was of the same minde, and category with the Earle Douglas, apparently it hath not been spoken in malice, seeing the Kings nearest and his best friends (such as these Kennedies were) having approved thereof. And that Noblemen must not speake their opinion freely of things to the King, or if the King (being without malice) is very hard: for how shall a King know, that will not heare? hee cannot know all by himself: And how shall he heare, if Noblemen have not leave to speake freely: he can∣not heare all by himself.

Such carriage as this hath often done Princes ill, and it may bee, hath done this same Prince no good. And what ever it was, that displeased the Earle Douglas in the government was either for the Countreyes sake, or the Kings owne sake, or for both: why might not the King thinke there might be errours? And why might hee not then have heard them? To have proceeded so vehemently (for their hath been great ve•…•…emency in

it) to have cut off his owne kinsmen, and leave none but himself for the Earle of Athole to aim at: it was most important, and worthy to be con∣sidered of, whether or not it were best for him (in policie) to do. Doubt∣lesse his doing of it hath emboldned Athole to cut off the King himselfe, when all the rest were cut off first by the King. And was it nothing to lose the Nobility, to alienate their hearts? to irritate them by impri∣sonments, forfeitures? hath it not done ill thinke you, and encouraged him to goe on in his intended treason? looking for the favour of the of∣fended Nobility, or for neutrality, and slacknesse to revenge the Kings death. We see the King himselfe retreateth his taxations once or twice, when he saw the people grieved therewith. And wisely, in that hee •…•…as carefull to keep the hearts of the people. But was there no care to bee taken for keeping the Nobility also ungrieved? was it enough that they would not, or durst not (perhaps) or could not openly rebell? was it not something to want their affections? to want the edge, and earnestnesse thereof? to relent them, to coole them? Certainly such proceedings as these have encouraged his enemies in hope of impunitie (greater then they found) yet in hope of it to go on with their designes, and hath fur∣thered and hastned that dolorous conclusion which ensued.

What ever the cause were, he acknowledgeth the Earle Douglas mind not to have been of the worst sort, in that he releaseth him, and in token of a full reconcilement, makes him a witnesse to the Baptisme of his two sonnes (twinnes) which was in those dayes no small honour and signifi∣cation of good will, and a pledge of intimate friendship. He made also his sonne William (though but a childe of five yeares of age) the first knight of fiftie, who were dubbed at that solemnity, as the Manuscript affirmeth. By which actions, as he honoured Douglas, so did he withall honour him∣self in the eyes of the people, and of forrainers, gracing his Court, and that so solemne action by the presence of such a Peere, farre more then if he had been onely accompanied by Creighton and Levingston and such new men (who were but new and mean in regard of him) as then but growing under the Kings favour. And so it is indeed, the Prince honour∣eth his worthy Nobles by his favours to them, and they grace, adorn, and decore, and give a lustre and splendour to him, and his Court, by their presence, and attendance thereat. And it is wisedome so to esteem, and so to use them; and happy are they on both sides, and happy is the Coun∣trey where they thus agree and concurre. This was he in the yeare 1430. in October, released out of prison, and this solemnity being ended, hee past into France, and was installed in his Dutchie of Turrain: whether he went thither for that onely, or if hee used that fairest colour of his ab∣sence, that he might not see the government, which hee disliked, and in which hee had no employment, I leave it: yet his going thither gave others occasion to grow great, and to be employed; especially the house of Angus, which was at last the overthrow of his house. So as the honour and profit they had in France, may have been said to have beene their wrack in Scotland: what by the envie of their greatnesse, what by their absence from home, as hath beene said. So uncertain are the affaires of the world! neither is there extant any mention of his actions in France,

though at that time (from 1430. till 1437.) the warres were very hot there, King Henry the sixth of England being brought over in person, and crowned in Paris. It is attributed to the Earle Douglas, that he moved the King of France to require King James his daughter (Margaret) in marriage to his sonne (asterward Lewis the eleventh) and that he met her when she landed at Rochel, and was present at her marriage.

He remaineth there untill the yeare 1437. in which, the 21. of Febru∣ary, King James was slaine at the Black friers in Saint Johnstoun by Pa∣trick Grahame, and Robert Stuart, at the instigation of Walter Stuart Earle of Athole, the Kings fathers brother by the Earle of Rosses daughter, who pretended to be the rightfull heire to the Crowne; and that he was wronged, and defrauded by the sonne of Elizabeth Moore, who was onely a Concubine, as he alledged.

This posterity of Elizabeth Moore he had craftily caused to destroy one another; the Governour Robert to destroy David Duke of Rothsay, and now King James (Davids brother to destroy the house of the Governour D. 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and his children. And thus causing the King to spoile and weaken himselfe by cutting off his friends, none being left alive but the King and his onely sonne (a childe of six yeares) he was emboldened to put hands in the King also; so much the rather, because he knew that ma∣ny of the Nobility were discontented, what with being imprisoned, what with being endamaged in their goods, lands, and rents; what with putting to death o•…•… their friends. So that he hoped that they would be wel conten∣ted with the Kings death, at least they would not take great care or paines to be revenged therof: which things if the Earl Douglas foresaw, and being grieved therewith, admonished the King thereof, or caused any other to warne him that these courses were not for his good; this event sheweth he did the part of a faithfull Subject, Friend, and Counsellour. However, it was not so well taken by the King at that time, as being contrary to his humour, and present disposition. He did wisely also to withdraw him∣selfe, seeing he could not help things, as he would have gladly done. Now that the King was dead, he returns home, and was present (as some think) at the Coronation of his sonne James the second, who was crowned at Edinburgh the tenth of March 1437. not a moneth (or no more then a moneth) after the death of his father: where it is to be observed, that ei∣ther the death of the King is not rightly said to be in the yeare 1437. in February, in stead of 1436. or else they reckon the yeare from the first of January, which was not the custome then. And yet Buchanan meanes so, for he layes he was slaine in the beginning of the yeare 1437. in Februa∣ry, which makes me think the Earle Douglas hath not come in time to the Coronation, seeing he could hardly have used such diligence to have had notice of the Kings death, made himselfe readie, and come home out of France in so short a space, though the winde had favoured him never so much. However, through his absence, his adverse partie and faction had gotten such possession of guiding State affaires in the late Kings time, and had so handled the matter, that he was no whit regarded, nor was there any account made of him. He was not admitted to the mana∣ging of any businesse of the Common-wealth, or any publick place or

Office therein. Creighton and Levingston (the one made Protectour or Governour, the other Chancellour) did all according to their plea∣sure.

Our Writers say that the reason hereof was, because the Nobility en∣vied the greatnesse of Douglas, which was suspected, and too much even for Kings. How pertinently either they write so, or the Parliament thought so, I referre it to be judged by the indifferent. He was farre from the Crowne, to which he never pretended title; his predecessours had quit all pretension, title, claime, or interest thereto, in the time of K. Robert the second he that did claime it, and gave over, and all his posterity after him had ever behaved themselves modestly, they had submitted them∣selves to all government, even to be ruled by them who were but Gover∣nours onely, and not Kings (Robert and Murdock) as obediently in every thing as any of the meanest of the Nobility, and had never given occasion of any suspition to any man, nor taken upon them any thing beyond or above the rest, unlesse it were they tooke greater paines in defence of the libertie of the Countrey, in which they spent their lives under their Kings. And this same man in the late Kings time had behaved himselfe most humbly, going to prison once or twice, and obeying his Soveraign in all things, without the least show of discontentednesse, farre lesse of opposition. So that whatever hard opinion either the King had taken of him, or any man had put into the Kings head, hath beene without his deserving; who if he had beene that way disposed, how easily might he have troubled the Governour, and the whole Countrey? But sup∣pose they did suspect, and were jealous of his greatnesse (though with∣out a cause) what moved them to neglect and passe by the rest of the ancient Nobilitie? was there none of them fit for those places? where was the Earle of March, a valiant man, and of an ancient stocke? Where was the Earle of Angus, the Earle of Cassils, and divers others? They will say that Creighton and Levingston were wise men. But were they the onely wise men? were there no more wise men in the Countrey? Then if they were wise, were they good also? were they just? were they sober, modest, and moderate? For without these vertues their wisedome was not good, but dangerous, and even ill; chiefly when it is joyned with power, and is in authoritie. And I pray you what hath their wisedome beene? or wherein did they shew under to the late King? They tell not, and I beleeve it, if it be tried, it shall be found that which made him to have so short a life, that gave occasion to his enemies to take courage against him; even their seeking of their own particular advance∣ment, with offence, and vexing of the Nobilitie, without regarding the Kings good, or the good of the Countrey And it must needs be so, if it were the same wisedome they show now after the Kings death. There∣fore if we shall speake in right termes of that matter, we shall say that Alexander Levingston, and William Creighton, both small Barons onely, and not of the ancient bloud of the Nobilitie; new men bent to seeke their owne profit onely, without regard to any other duty, had mis-go∣verned the State, and gotten the guiding of the late King, and drawn such a faction, that Douglas being absent in France, they had gotten all into

their hands; Levingston being made Governour, and Creighton Chancellour, who is the first Chancellour that wee reade of in our Chronicles.

The Earle Douglas tooke such indignation at this, esteeming it dis∣gracefull to the whole Nobility, and more especially to himselfe, that finding he could not bow his heart to acknowledge such men, and yet not willing to oppose or impugne them who were cloathed with autho∣rity (which would move warre and trouble in the Countrey) he chose, as the calmest and best course, to withdraw himselfe, and not to meddle with any publick businesse, or to take any care or share in ruling the Countrey, which he left to them to whom it was committed, and to such as had taken it upon them: with this resolution he returned home to his owne house, without further troubling of them. But that he might keepe them from infringing his liberties, and priviledges granted to the house of Douglas of old by former Kings for their good services, hee commanded such as were his to containe themselves within his regalitie, to answer to his courts, and to no other; professing plainly that he would keepe his priviledges, and that if any man should usurp or encroach upon them, he should be made sensible of his errour.

This was a bit cast into the teeth of the new Governours, and did curb them very short on the south side of Forth, he having large lands and lordships in those parts. And here their foolishnesse was quickly seene, in that they would take upon them such authority, and the unadvisednesse of those who had given it them who were not able to execute it, but by the permission of another. Hereupon also fell out great inconvenien∣ces, for the men of Annandale (accustomed to theft and robbery) seeing the Earle Douglas discontented, and retired (who was the onely man they stood in awe of, and was onely able to restraine them) they began to slight and contemne the authority of these Governours, and to molest and vexe their neighbouring Shires with driving away preyes and boo∣tie by open force and violence, as if it had beene from the enemie. This the Governours not being able to represse, the evill increased daily, as a canker, so that it overspred the whole region (almost) on that side of Forth.

In the mean while these jolly Governours were so carefull of the com∣mon good of the Countrey, and the charge committed to them, that in stead of thinking how to pacifie and restraine those Annandians, they fall at variance each with other, sending out contrary Edicts and Proclama∣tions: The Governour commanding that none should acknowledge the Chancellour, and the Chancellour that none should obey the Governor; so that when any came to the one to lament his estate, and seeke redresse; he was used by the other as an enemie, and both pretended the Kings au∣thority. For the Chancellour had the King in his custodie in the Castle of Edinburgh, and the Governour had the name of authority, and was in Stirling with the Queene mother: at last she under colour to visit her sonne, found meanes to convey him out of the Castle in a Chest to Stir∣ling. And now the Governour having gotten the Kings person to coun∣tenance and strengthen his authority, went with an Army to besiege the

Castle of Edinburgh where the Chancellour was.

The Chancellour to make himselfe a party, sendeth to the Earle Dou∣glas, offers to come in his will, desireth his protection, remonstrates to him the cruelty, avarice, and ambition of the Governour, telling him that he was deceived, if he thought they would goe no further then to seeke to extinguish him, and that he would make him but a step to overthrow the Nobility, and him with the first. Douglas returned answer,

That the Governour and Chancellour were both alike false, covetous, and ambi∣tious, that their contentions were not of vert•…•…e, or for the good of their Countrey, but onely for their owne particular quarrells, and private commodity, in which contention there was no great matter which of them overcame, and if both should perish, the Countrey were the bet∣ter▪ neither could there be a more pleasant sight for all honest men, then to see such a couple of Fencers yoked together.

This answer was so true: that none can or doth contradict it. Their falsehood he hath known, and that is it which men call wisedome in them by a faire name. It show∣eth it self in their dealing with this Earles sonne, and appeares also in their carriage one towards another, each striving who should deceive the other.

Their factiousnesse likewise, ever when they durst for feare of a third, and that their contentions were but for particulars grounded upon ambi∣tion and avarice, without any care of the common wealth, the world saw it then, and it may be seen as yet. And therefore it is most true that the Countrey had been better if it had been ridde of such ambitious and ava∣ritious Governours, seeking nothing but themselves; and that it was not for any honest man to embroil himself in their so dishonest debates, but a pleasant show and spectacle indeed, and to be desired to see each of them (though unjustly) yet to doe justice upon the other. It was a free speech also, no man can deny. But they say it was not wisely spoken, for it made the two parties agree to his prejudice, and procured to him the hatred of both, at least increased their hatred: for no doubt they hated him before, and now hee might have divided them by joyning with the Chancel∣lour.

To this we answer, that seeing the Chancellour hated him, he would have done nothing, but served himselfe of him for his owne particular: either to have overthrovvne the Governour, that hee might have had all the prey and benefit alone; or perhaps made use of his helpe to agree vvith him on better termes, and easier conditions, as vvee see they did agree at last. It vvas for no common good of the Countrey, no nor for any good vvill to the Earle: vvhat could he doe then? vvhy should hee have meddled vvith them? they say to have met vvith him in his ovvne craft, and to have used the one of them to overthrovv the other, that so both might have been overturned. Will men never leave these things? such false tricks, such bastard and spurious vvisedome? and shall vve not thinke there is another vvay besides it? there is a true honest vvisedome, that honest men may keepe vvithout fashood, or any point, or tincture thereof, vvithout deceiving any, even the deceivers. What other ansvver did his request deserve? vvas it not fit that such crafty companions, vvho

had abused the Countrey, should heare the naked truth out of a Noble∣mans mouth? Should such a Nobleman have glosed with such as they were, flattered and dissembled, and strooke cream in their mouth? Nay, it is a part of punishment to wickednesse, even to heare the owne name given to it: And it is very fit it should have it. So that his answer can∣not be justly taxed, but commended as true, just, magnanimous, and such as became his place, house and birth, without fraud or dissimulation, cal∣ling (as the Macedonian did) a spade, a spade; vice by the owne name: which as he did here, so perhaps had hee done before, when hee spake of the government in the late Kings time, whereby it would appeare that such was his naturall disposition, far from all frivolous flattery, or dissimu∣lation, either toward King or others. Indeed now these are crept in, and accounted wisedome, to the prejudice of the ancient true generositie of these great spirits, farre better, and farre more worthy to bee adorned with the full and due praise, then to bee obliquely taxed and nipped by halfe words, as not being wisely and profitably enough spoken, when there can be no just blame laid upon them. Neither ought it to be thought unprofitably said, or dangerously, seeing (out of all question) the same courage and magnanimity that moved him to speake the truth, made him also now to despise their persons, contemne their spleen, and slightly ac∣count of any power they had to doe him any harme, for all their joyn∣ing together. Neither is there any appearance, but that hee did it out of a right weighing of his owne and their power, and not out of any arrogan∣cie, or idle confidence. And certainly, any indifferent man can thinke no lesse, and that they durst not attempt any thing against him or his suc∣cessour after him, but after a most treacherous manner as ever any was since the world stood. So that there was not any want of wisedome in this speech, nor in this same point of profit or harme.

His death followed not long after in the yeare 1438. at Rastalrigge, of a burning feaver: very opportunely & in a good time (say our Writers) and so it was indeed for them, and such as they were, who had now better opportunity to prey upon the Common∣wealth, and spoil and use it for their best advantage. But it was unseasonably for the house of Douglas, which was left in the hands of a youth without experience; and therefore uncircumspect, yea untimely for the Nobility, who became a prey to the avarice, and ambition of these two, and untimely for the Countrey, in that these two were now left free from the feare of him they stood most in awe of, and who might most have repressed their attempts, and bri∣dled their appetites.

This thing onely I can account worthy of reproofe in him, that he suf∣fered Annandale to overcome the adjacent Countreyes, and did not hin∣der them from wronging the innocent people: hee should not have thought that it did not belong to him to hinder them, because he was no Magistrate. This if he had done, and kept justice within himself, it would have gotten him both favour and honour, and might have brought con∣tempt upon the Governours, that could not keep peace in a more tracta∣ble and peaceable Countrey, nor amongst themselves: for how excellent a thing is it by good means to seeke honour. It would have taken away

the occasion of the Calumnies of his enemies, who yet did much worse themselves: he was otherwise a valiant wise man, a lover of his Coun∣trey, and of a free, plain, good and generous nature; his generous disposi∣tion appeareth in his brave demeanour towards the Lord Kennedie. There being something wherein the Lord Kennedie had wronged and offended him, he conceived such high indignation thereat, that hee published his desire of revenge to be such, that whosoever would bring the Lord Ken∣nedies head, should have the lands of Stuarton. This offer proceeded from so powerfull a man, and knowne to bee a man that would keepe his pro∣mise, the Lord Kennedie hearing of it, (fearing hee could hardly long es∣cape his hands) resolved by way of prevention to be himselfe the presen∣ter of his owne head unto him, and accordingly (keeping his owne inten∣tion close to himselfe) hee came privately to Wigton, where finding the Earle Douglas at his devotion in Saint Ninians Church (a place famous in those dayes for the frequent resort of Pilgrimes thither) immediately after divine Service, offered his head to the Earle, as one who had deser∣ved the promised reward, and did crave it. The Earle seeing the resolu∣tion and confident assurance of the man, who had put himselfe in his power and mercy, forgave him all former faults, made him his friend, and withall gave him the reward he had promised, disponing to him and his heires the lands of Stuarton, which his successiours (the Earles of Cassils) doe peaceably enjoy to this day.

He was buried in the Church of Douglas, called Saint Brides Church, with this in∣scription.

Hic jacet Dominus Archbaldus Douglas, Dux Turoniae, comes de Douglas, & Longe-ville: Dominus Gallovidiae, & Wigton, & Annandiae, Locum tenens Regis Scotiae. Obiit 26. die Mensis Junii, Anno Domini millesi∣mo quadringentisimo tricesimo octavo.

Of William slain in Edinburgh Castle, the sixth William, the sixth Earle of Douglas, and third Duke of Turrain, &c.

UNto Archbald Earle of Wigton, succeeded his sonne William, a youth of no great age, of an high spirit, and of a sweet, tractable, and meeke disposition. And therefore we cannot but detest and execrate the wickednesse, and treachery of his enemies, who did so un∣worthily cut off such a sprig in the very budding; from whose blossomes none could but have expected passing good fruit, to the great good of the common-wealth, and Kingdome, if malice and envie had suffered it to come to maturity. Let us notwithstanding rest contented with his change begunne in his father by warding, and displacing from the roome of his Predecessours, from mannaging of affaires in the Kingdome, prosecuted against him in his life time, and now followed forth against his son. This

vicissitude which befell this house, is to be found and seen in all humane affaires, and doth overturne all due and right order in the world, as farre as men can judge: for innocency is often overthrowne by cruelty; ho∣nesty and uprightnesse of heart by craft, falshood and treachery: and yet let us reverence the Soveraigne cause, and Over-ruler of all things, who in this disorder directeth all things certainly by a great wisedome, and with good order doubtlesse, things unsearchable by man. But as nothing hath ever been so enormous, which may not receive some colour, either of vertue to make it seem good, or at least of some extenuation to make it seem not so ill, as it is: So this fact amongst others I perceive to bee of the same kinde: by some thought to be good (but very ignorantly, or ma∣liciously) by some excusable, both in form and in fact, by a necessity, or pretext of the common good; by all that have written, more slenderly handled, and doubtingly, then ought to be. For they leave it almost un∣certain what ought to be judged of it, whether it be good or ill: so that sometimes you would thinke they condemne it, sometimes they allow of it, and none of them deals with it so fully, as reason would they should doe for the information of posterity, and according to the right law of an History: but as men do with nettles which they would gripe, they are affraid to handle them heartily and hardly.

Now that this so instant a fact may the better appeare in the owne co∣lours, I will labour to wash away the painting and plaister wherewith the Authours would so fain (but falsely) overlay it; or wherewith mens judgements (whereof many are but halfe wise, and perceive but the half of matters; not plumming and sounding the depth and ground of things so well as were needfull) may be deceived by others, or may fancy to them∣selves for excusing of it, that we may learne to detest and abhorre so de∣testable and horrible facts with a true detestation and abhorring in ear∣nest and effect, that Pos•…•…erity may know and condemne, and avoid the like practices.

And for this purpose, before wee come to the narration of the fact it selfe, we will speake something of the Authours thereof, Levings•…•…on, and Creighton, and their actions in the last Earle Douglas time.

We heard before (and wee must not forget it) how well these men guided the Countrey, what care they tooke of the Common-wealth; or to say better, how little care they tooke of it: how they cared for nothing save their owne particular; under colour of the Common-wealth: each striving to disgrace other by their private speeches, and open Proclama∣tions: so greedy and ambitious they were, that howbeit they had all the Co•…•…trey between them, yet it could not satisfie, or content them: they could not so much as agree between themselves, to divide the spoil, and part the booty peaceably and quietly, which theeves and robbers, and Pirats are wont to doe without discord or injustice. But they had not so much modesty, but fell at variance; spoyling, fighting and besieging one another, till remembring themselves that a third might come and take the bone from both, they were so wise as to agree for feare of him I meane the Earle Douglas: and that they did so, more in that regard, then for any good to their Countrey or love they bore one to another, it

soone appeared after his death: for incontinent thereupon they returned to their old byas, and the agreeance that was made for feare of him, lasted no longer then he lived: wherefore Levingston being Governour, and having the King also in his custody, being freed from the feare of the Earle Douglas, respected the Chancellour Creighton no longer, but began to despise him, and though now there was no band to binde him any lon∣ger to him, hee would give him no share of his bootie and spoil of the Countrey, but would needs keep all to himself. This was his ambition, or avarice, or both; for ambition would be alone in all, and likes of no equall, no fellowship, no copartner. And avarice might also have moved him to this, for guiding all, he might take all: and if hee made the other partaker of the guiding, he behoved to make him partaker of the gain: and therefore hee would none of his assistance in the government. But let us see now how well he governed, hee imprisoneth the Nobles at his pleasure, upon light grounds of suspition onely, yea he casteth them into fetters.

The third of August 1439. he warded the Lord Lorne and his brother Sir James Stuart, who had married the Queene Mother, upon suspition onely for their dealing with the Earle Douglas, and did commit the Queen her selfe to bee kept in a close chamber in Stirling Castle, of which hee himselfe was Captain: so that she could not get her selfe released, untill there was kept a Convention of the Lords, then by the intercession of the Chancellour and some others, she was dismissed, having given Sir Alex∣ander Gourdon (alias Seton) who was the first Earle of Huntly, surety and cautioner for her, that she should pay 4000. markes to the Governour. This was his iniquity, yea tyranny, and barbarous abusing of Noblemen, and yet he gave remissions, and pardoned men guilty of great crimes, or passed them over by conniving.

The Chancellour therefore (who thought hee should have his share of the booty) seeing his life thus debouted by the Governour, and not be∣ing able to help it, nor to have patience, and sit quiet, it being more then he could digest or beare with, retired him from Court to Edinburgh Ca∣stle, there to bee safe in his Fort, and lie in wait for the first opportunity that hee could finde to supplant Levingston. Neither was he slow in cop∣ing of him: for before the yeare was ended, hee tooke occasion of the Governours going to Perth, and knowing by intelligence the time and place of the Kings hunting in the fields about Stirling, thither hee rides, and bringeth him away to Edinburgh Castle. By this means the dice are changed, he had now gotten the durke (as our Proverb goes) he will divide the prey over again, he will have his large share of all, and direct all now, as Levingston had done before. The other finding himselfe in this strait, might lament his case, but could not helpe himselfe: necessity hath no law. The Chancellour had yeelded to him before, when he (or the Queene for him) stole away the King. Now he hath gotten a meet∣ing, he must yeeld to him again, and so he doth: Bowes his bonie heart, goes to Edinburgh, gets mediatours, brings on a meeting, and finally agrees by the mediation of Henry Lighton, Bishop of Aberdene, and John Innesse, Bishop of Murray.

But if you would see the right face of a stage play, deceivers, deceaving, dissembling, and putting a faire outside on their foule falshood, and pro∣ceedings; reade me there harangues on both sides, that you may either laugh or disdain them. I cannot take leasure to set them downe at length (as they are to bee found in our Histories) but in a word, you shall finde nothing but pretexts of the Common-wealth, of the Publike peace, the good of the King, and the well being of all honest men, which is all joyn∣ed, and depends upon them, and their well being forsooth.

That hath been still their scope, that hath beene the aime of all their inten∣tions, no particular, no ambition, no avarice; onely love of those things which were common and profitable unto all▪ and because in them all did lie and subsist, in their standing honest men did stand, and by their ruine honest men did fall; nay, the King and Countrey were ruined. For this cause and for no other, that the Countrey might bee well, that wickednesse may bee bridled, they forgive one another, avouching that their discords arose onely from diversitie of opinion, and judgement; while as both seeking the common good, one thought one forme the best for it, and the other another form to bee best for it, and the other another forme; which if it were true, let what hath been said above beare witnesse.

It would make a man to loath spea∣king vertuously, to see vertue by them so farre abused; yet the old Pro∣verb might have warned them: (Oportet mendacem esse memorem) and sometimes a liar will speake truth is verified in them. They confesse their ambition, and striving for honour and preheminence, they are ashamed to say for goods and riches, but it was no lesse true, and both were alike faulty, and they exhort one another, and promise to amend thereafter by a better strife, who should be most moderate and just. But they were as true in keeping that promise as they were in their discourse what was past. When the Foxe preacheth, take heed of the hens (saith the Proverb:) we shall see notable moderation and justice, such, as the world hath scarce seen the like example of treacherous tyranny.

This is the sum of these jolly men harangues. The conclusion is a new friendship (if falshood be friendship) or rather a conspiracy against the Countrey, and directly against the Noblemen, who (their conscience tel∣leth them) hate them as new men, lifted up to the highest degree (as they grant themselves) and that was reproach enough to the Nobility, and an argument of their unworthinesse. But they might have said as truely, that they were hated for abusing the King and Countrey for their private advantage, under pretext of the common wealth, which whether the whole Nobility resented or not, we cannot tell; for there is no mention, and it is a wonder if they did not, yet it would seem they did not: they had stouped and taken on an unworthy yoake of slavery. But what ever the rest did, there was one that was a sorethorne in their foot, and moate in their eye, it behoved to be pluckt out.

The Earle of Douglas was of the old spirit, of the ancient Nobilitie: he could not serve, nor obey but whom he ought, and the lawfull com∣manders, lawfully commanding for his honour and utility, whereof they were neither. Such a spirit is unsufferable, under these new conspiring Ty∣rants:

he will not acknowledge their authority, his father had told them their holy dayes name, himselfe tooke them for his enemies. But how shall they doe with him? hee is not easily to bee dealt with; they must have muffles that would catch such a cat. Indeed he behaved himselfe as one that thought he would not be in their danger, hee entertained a great family, he rode ever well accompanied when he came in publike, 1000. or 2000. horse, were his ordinary train. He had great friendship, and de∣pendance of old, he had been carefull to keep them; and had also increa∣sed them, and conciliated many new followers and clients by his benefi∣cence and liberality, and his magnificence, which was answerable to his place, suitable for an Earle of Douglas, and Duke of Turrain; which Dutchie he had obtained himself to be invested in, as heire to his father: having sent Malcolme Lord Fleming, and Sir John Lawder of Basse, (or Haton as others say) into France for that purpose; and was well accept∣ed of in remembrance of his father: and grandfather, he had all his affairs in singular good order: he had his ordinary Councell, and Counsellours for guiding his affaires: he dubbed Knights also, as he thought men wor∣thy; which power and priviledge he did not usurp out of pride, nor take upon him by imitation to counterfeit Kings (as some would insinuate) but by vertue of both his dignities of Duke and Earle. And although he were but fourteen yeares of age at his fathers death (in the yeare 1438. or 39.) and was put to death in the yeare 1440. not having attained to fif∣teen or sixteen, or little above at the farthest, yet in this his port and be∣haviour, did not onely appeare the sparks of a great spirit, but also of such wisedome and providence as could scarce bee looked for from so young a man. This galled them so much the more to thinke if that fruit should come to ripenesse at any time, how poysonable, or rather, how great a counterpoyson it would prove to their greatnesse. But here the skinne of the Lion would not serve their turne (he was too hard for them to deale with by force) they doe there sow that on that of the Fox.

The occasion fell out thus: During the time of the jarres betwixt them∣selves, the common affaires were neglected between stooles, and partly because they could not (being but meane men of small power) partly be∣cause they cared not to prevent, or to amend things, many insolencies were committed without redresse. The men of the Isles had come into the main land, had put all to fire and sword, men, women and children, young and old, farre and wide, omitting no kinde of example of avarice and cruelty: and that not onely on the Sea coast, but in the Lennox also: out of the Isle of Loch-lomond (called Inch-mertin) they had made an appointment with a Gentleman, named John Calhoon (Laird of Lusse) as if it had beento end some businesse and slain him (the 23. of Septem∣ber) with many such things, and many fowle facts had beene done in di∣vers parts of the Countrey. Likewise Sir Allane Stuart of Darnelay was slain at Paselay, by Sir Thomas Boide; and again, Sir Thomas Boide was slain by Alexander Stuart of Belmot (brother to the foresaid Sir Allane) and his sonnes, through which there arose great troubles in the west parts of the Countrey and Kingdome. The Borderers had not been idle, who living under the Earle Douglas, and being his followers,

or retainers, what they did was interpreted to be done by his allowance. And at a Convention in Edinburgh many complaints were given in against him, but never a word spoken of the taxe of Isles men: never a word of Levingstons and Creightons own doings, who had warred one up∣on another, not a word of any other slaughter or bloudshed, but as though nothing were amisse in the Countrey, but what was done by the Earle Douglas dependers; they onely were complained of. Whether the cause was in his enemies, and that this proceeded from them, or was done by their instigations, our Histories tell not, neither can we affirme it: yet it is strange, that there being so many more, and more enormous faults (for the Isle-mens were more hainous) none should bee taken notice of but his mens. Theirs are exaggerated, multiplied, and made odious; and the envie thereof derived upon the Earle, as Authour of all: hereupon Sir Alexander Levingston, (carrying malice in his heart, but dissembling it for a time, with a false deceitfull minde) perswaded the rest, that the Earle Douglas was rather a man to be dealt with by fair means, then to be irrita∣ted by suspicions: As one who had such power, that if he should oppose himself, he might frustrate all their conclusions & decrees. Wherefore he procured a letter to be written to him in an honorable manner in all their names, intreating him, that being mindful of his place, mindful of his Pro∣genitours, whose good deeds and deservings, most ample and notable to∣wards his Countrey of Scotland, were still extant, he would come to the Convention of the States, which could not be conveniently kept without him, & his friends. If he had taken offence at any thing, they would satis∣fie him so far as was possible. If there were any oversight committed by him, or any of his friends, they would remit it, and would forgive many things to his most noble house which had done so many good offices, and so much good service to his Countrey. They would impute many things to the times, and consider his youth, and the great hope and expe∣ctation they had of him That hee should come therefore, and take what part of the affairs of the common-wealth he best pleased, and as his Ance∣stours had often delivered the Realme from dangers of warres by their armes and victories, so that he would be pleased now by his presence to raise it, and establish it almost sunk, & overthrown with intestine discords.

This letter as it was honest in words, and very right, carrying that right course that should have been used towards him, and the duety that all these reasons contained, craved to have beene done to him, if it had been in sincerity: so being in falsehood, and with a treacherous inten∣tion, used onely to entrap him, makes their ditty the clearer: for he (out of the honesty of his owne heart) interpreting their meaning to be accord∣ing to their words, and being of no ill disposition, but of a sweet and tra∣ctable nature, desirous of glory by good means, that so hee might have followed the footsteps of his Predecessours in all good offices to his Countrey, not having so great malice in his minde, and therefore not thinking any could have so great in theirs against him, as to seeke his life, (for there had been no such occasion, their contentions with his father had not come to that hight and degree, but had been contained within the bounds of words onely) and therefore not imagining that so great villany

could have been harboured in their hearts, he willingly embraces the oc∣casion of making peace in the Country, & that he might contribute there∣to his best endeavours, taketh his journey for Edinburgh. His friends are reported to have furthered him in this resolution, in hope of their owne particular imployments and preferment, which (say they) blinded their eyes that they saw not the danger. But truely I cannot see how they could have seen any perill, unlesse wee will say that they might have knowne that the Governour and Chancellour were treacherous men, and had given some proofe of as great disloyalty before, which is not men∣tioned any where that we know of; for though they were knowne to be subject and inclinable to falshood (as his father had objected to them be∣fore) yet it was so well covered, that it was not accounted falshood, but wisedome▪ for there are degrees, and there bee many who will dispence with themselves to step something aside from the strict rule of upright∣nesse (which is accounted simplicity) that will bee ashamed of so high a degree of manifest treason, as this was. So that howbeit they knew their falshood in some measure, yet could they not have looked for such pro∣ditorious dealing: besides it might have seemed to any man in discourse of reason, that if they cared not to blot their names with the foulnesse of the fact, yet they could not have great hope to gain or profit much by it: for what could it avail them to cut him off, seeing another was to succeed in his place, as ill (perhaps) as he? so that by putting of him to death, all that they could gain would bee but an irreconcileable deadly feude with that house, which was too high a degree of enmity for any thing had yet been amongst them, being nothing but grudges, and such things as might have been easily taken away. So that (sith the discourse of man for ought we can judge, could never have reached so farre as to have suspected what followed, but rather to have looked for the contrary) I see not how the Earle nor his friends can be blamed for credulity, or how it can be censu∣red in him as a defect of his youth, and proceeding from want of experi∣ence: for what otherwise could he have done, if his experience had been never so great? or himselfe never so old? neither is there sufficient ground to tax his friends as if their hopes had blinded them so that they could not see any perill which no discourse of reason could see, or apprehend. It is true, men ought to be circumspect, but it is a fault also, and proceeds of an ill nature to be suspitious, as he might well have seemed to bee, if hee had refused to come. The event showes there was cause to suspect the worst: but I deny that reason could foresee that event, or any, considering of the circumstances, could have made one to have looked for it: neither can any man save himselfe from such treason, neither can it bee reputed as simplicitie to the sufferer, but as a monstrous enormity to the doer.

To returne to our purpose, their disloyall practice stayed not in this smooth letter: they double fraud upon fraud: for so soone as Creighton knew he was on his journey, he came many miles to meet him, and in∣viting him to his Castle of Creighton (which was neare the way he was to go) he feasted him, hee cherisheth him, hee entertaineth him friendly, cheerfully, and magnificently: and that not for one day, but two dayes, kindly▪ with all the tokens and demonstrations of a friendly minde that

could be given. And to remove all suspition of unfriendlinesse, and the more circumvein him, he admonished him familiarly, that hee would re∣member the royall dignity of his Prince, and his owne duty towards him.

That he would acknowledge him for his Lord and Soveraigne, whom the condition of his birth, the lawes of the Countrey, and the consent of the estates had placed at the rudder of the Common-wealth: that he would labour to transmit his so great Patrimony acquired by the vertue of his Ancestours, and with spending of their bloud to his Posterity, even so as he had received it: that hee would be carefull to keepe the name of Douglas, which was no lesse illustrious and renowned for their faithfulnesse, then their deeds of armes, not onely from the foule blot of treason, but even from all stain of suspition, or aspersion thereof: that hee himselfe would abstain, and cause his men to abstaine, from wronging the poore people: that hee would put from about him theeves and robbers: finally, that in time to come he would set himselfe to maintaine justice, that if hee had offended any thing in times past, it might be imputed not to his naturall disposition, but to ill counsell, and that infirmity of his youth, penitency would be admitted, and accepted as innocency.

Venemous Viper that could hide so deadly poyson under so faire showes! unworthy tongue, unlesse to be cut out for example to all ages! Let not the Poets bee thought fabu∣lous, who have transformed men into beasts; loe a beast composed of many beasts: a Lion, a Tiger, for cruelty of heart: a Waspe, a Spider, a Viper, for spight & malicious poysonablenesse: a Foxe and Camelion, for falsehood and doublenesse: a Cockatrice and Crokodile, and whatsoever nature hath brought forth, that is deceitfull and hurtfull, a sweet singing Ciren, enchanting the outward sences to the destruction of the listner, so much the more odious, that it was in the shape of a man; and the more detestable, that it durst so pollute the image of God, so abuse the glory of man: the speech of the tongue therefore given him (beyond the beast) that he might imploy it well to informe aright, to speake truth, and to do good to others. The honest heart of the hearer that knew what he spake was right, and intended to follow so good counsell, taketh all in good part, beleeveth the speech for the truthes sake, the man for his speeches sake. And who could have done otherwayes? who would not have thought that he who knew so well what was right, would have had some regard to doe right? shall we account it childishnesse, that he accounted so of them, and suffered him to be so deceived? nay, hee could not keep himselfe undeceived. Good men, and wise men have often been deceived both in sacred and prophane Histories. We must not impute it to childish∣nesse in Abner, that Joab stabbed him under trust, but esteeme it vile treachery in Joab, of whom David sayes, H•…•…e dieth not as a foole dieth, howbeit his hands were not bound, but as a good man falleth before a wicked man, that is by treason, which no man can eschew.

It is said that his friends seeing so extraordinary entertainment, so faire language above measure, so humble behaviour, and withall so many mes∣sages (at every step almost) betwixt the Governour and the Chancellour, tooke some suspition of ill meaning, and that there arose first a still mur∣mure

through the whole company; thereafter some began to admonish him, that if he would persist to goe on, he would send back his brother David, being mindefull of a precept of his fathers, That they should not come both together into one place where themselves were not masters, lest they should endanger their whole family at once. The unwary youth (unwa∣ry indeed; but what warinesse could he have poore innocent?) and very well inclined, even angry with his friends, stayed those murmures by a plain commandment, and assured his friends thus: That he knew well it was a perpetuall pest of great houses that they had ever about them some men that were impatient of peace, who made gain of the perils, travels, and miseries of their Lords and Patriarkes: and because in peace they were restrained by the bridle of the law, they were ever stirring up strise and sedition, that in troubled times they might have greater scope and li∣berty to their wickednesse. As for himself, hee reposed more upon the known wisedome and prudencie of the Governor and Chancellour, then to give eare to their suspicious surmises.

This speech thus uttered, testifying both an acknowledging of the evill past, and a resolution to amend, was it not sufficient to have purged whatsoever errour had been, or might have been thought to have escaped him before? And certainly it would, if these men had re∣garded Justice, or the good of the Common-wealth, and had desired to reclaim him from his errours, and winne him to his Countrey. But his so full confidence thus reposing on their credit, was it not enough to have tied them to have kept their credit? If there had been any spark of huma∣nity or nature of man left in them: and if they had not beene worse then savage beasts. Trust deserveth that we should prove worthy of that trust, and credit procures keeping of credit; where all humane nature is not ex∣tinct, and even simplicity deserveth favour and pitie. Neither can a man that is not altogether given over, and hath not sold himselfe to wickednes choose but favour it, and have compassion of it; yea though he had been otherwise disposed in the beginning, it would even move any mans heart (that were indeed a man, and not changed into a beast) to favour and commiserate, and would have tamed and calmed any former discon∣tentment, and have wrung from them any evill intention which they might (perhaps) have conceived before. However, this noble youth go∣eth on in the innocency of his heart, and that the more quickely, to cut off all occasion of such speeches, and with his brother, and with a few other principall friends goeth directly to the Castle, (being led as it were and drawne by a fatall destiny) and both enter, and so come in the power of those their deadly enemies and fained friends. At the very instant comes the Governour (as was before appointed betwixt them) to play his part of the Tragedy, that both might bee alike embarked in the action, and beare the envie of so ugly a fact, that the weight thereof might not lie on one alone: yet to play out their treacherous parts, they welcome him most courteously, set him to dinner with the King at the same table, feast him royally, intertain him chearfully, and that for a long time. At last about the end of dinner, they compasse him about with armed men, and cause present a bulls head before him on the boord: the bulls head was

in those dayes a token of death (say our Histories) but how it hath come in use so to bee taken, and signifie, neither doe they, nor any else tell us, neither is it to be found (that I remember) any where in any History, save in this one place: neither can wee conjecture what affinity it can have therewith, unlesse to exprobrate grossenesse, according to the French, and our owne reproaching dull, and grosse wits, by calling him Calves head (teste de Veau) but not Bulls head. So that by this they did insult over that innocencie which they had snared, and applaud their owne wisedome that had so circumvented him: a brave commendation indeed, and an ho∣nest! yet I wonder what they meant by entertaining him so well at that time, there was some reason for it why they should have done it by the way, that they might worke out their treason, untill he were within their thongs: but being now within the Castle, and fully in their power, I won∣der what it should mean to make him so faire a welcome, to feast him so liberally and solemnely at the Kings table, and from thence to bring him to the shambles: what could have beene their intention? might they not have conveyed him to some private chamber? might they not have car∣ried him to the place of execution? what needed all this processe? what needed they to have let him see the King at all? It would seem as if they had not been fully resolved upon the businesse before; and that their intentions and purposes were not treasonable, but that they tooke occasi∣on to be treasonable from the facility to atchieve it: but our Writers are cleare against that, and say onely it was pre-concluded, when he was writ∣ten for. It might seeme also that they did this to communicate the mat∣ter, or to transferre it altogether upon the King: but he was too young, and purges himselfe by disproving of it. So that I can see no other rea∣son of it, but as the Lion with his prey, or (to use a more base, yet a more familiar example, and the baser the fitter for them) as the c•…•…t with the mouse, which she might devoure immediately, yet it pleaseth her to pl•…•…y a little with it: So they for their greater satisfaction, and contentment, delight to play out their Sceane; so strangely (notwithstanding) that such processe and uncouth formes of doing might seem to import some myste∣ry, and deeper reach then ordinary: which I confesse is so profound and deep a folly, and mischantnesse, that I can no wise sound it, unlesse it were that the Noblemans place, and his worth forced their wicked hearts to acknowledge it notwithstanding their wickednesse: And although the acknowledging could not prevaile so farre, as to make them leave off the enterprise, yet did it in some sort brangle their resolution, and wrung out this con•…•…ession of his worth: as all the actions of wickednesse, and all wickednesse in the acting, are full of contradictions, as this same is most clearly: for if this Nobleman was guilty of death, why is he brought in∣to the Kings presence? why is he set at his table? If he was not guilty, why was he put to death? So difficult a thing it is in a lie to keep confor∣mity, either in a lie of actions (so to speake) or in a lie of words! In words it is difficult so to speake that the attentive hearer shall not perceive contrariety: In actions it is impossible that they can be dissembled. This action is a lie, for it saith he is guilty of death; but their welcomming of him, their setting of him at the table with the King, and their feasting,

sayes, he is an innocent, Noble, worthy man; Indeed onely truth in word and action can accord with it selfe: as it is uniforme, it floweth from unitie, tendeth to it, and endeth in it, and keepeth the taste of the foun∣tain from which it cometh. So they having given this confession of his worth, and again, (by that ominous signe) contradicted their confessi∣on, must needs be false witnesses however it go. The young Nobleman either understanding the signe as an ordinary thing, or astonished with it as an uncouth thing, upon the sight of the Buls head offering to rise, was laid hold of by their armed men in the Kings presence at the Kings table, which should have beene a Sanctuary to him. And so without regard of King, or any duty, and without any further processe, without order, as∣sise (or jurie) without law, no crime objected, he not being convicted at all; a young man of that age that was not liable to the law in regard of his youth, a Nobleman of that place, a worthy young Gentleman of such expectation, a guest of that acceptation, one who had reposed upon their credit, who had committed himselfe to them, a friend in mind, who looked for friendship, to whom all friendship was promised; against du∣tie, law, friendship, faith, honesty, humanitie, hospitalitie; against na∣ture, against humane society, against Gods Law, against mans law, and the law of nature, is cruelly executed, and put to death: They, (in despight as it were) spitting in the face of all duty and honesty, proclai∣ming (as farre as lay in them) there was no dutie to God nor man to bee regarded. And that the measure of their wickednesse thus heaped and shaken, and prest downe might also runne over; all this was done (as it should seem) without the consent, nay, against the will of their King and Soveraigne, who wept at their execution, and forbad them to meddle with his Cousin: the shamelesse men chid him for weeping at the death of his enemy (as they call him) during whose life (say they) hee needed never to looke for peace, whereas they themselves were his chiefest ene∣mies, and greatest traitours to him, and besides him to God and nature, and to the office of Justice which they bore; bringing a blot on the one, and the other, and bloud-guiltinesse upon his Crowne, so farre as lay in them.

This is that detestable fact never enough to be extracted, which I have laboured indeed to set forth in the owne simple colours, stripping it naked of all farding (though I confesse no words can equall the wickednesse of it) that men may learn to detest such things wherein may bee seen what respect they have carried either to justice, to equity, to common peace, or Common-wealth; that thought it better to root out such a plant, then to dresse and to cherish it; to ruine such a house rather then to gain it, which they never would have done, if their private pride and avarice had not had the greatest sway with them. I thinke all honest minds should disdain to reade what they gave out before of their love to the publike good, having here so terribly belied it: neither should any man speake of it indifferent∣ly without a note of detestation; neither extenuate it by the Earles sim∣plicity, which seemes to diminish and lessen this execrable perfidie, and cruelty. If this were the wisedome, whereof they had purchased an opi∣nion and name under the former King James the first, and if they had

practised such things as this, it hath been a bitter root, and hath brought forth a very bitter fruit, and hath, in all appearance been no small part of the cause of hastening his death, and the emboldning of his enemies un∣to it, as indeed I finde some of our Writers inclined to say; for such new men goe commonly about to perswade Princes, that ancient Noblemen are enemies to them, and barres to their absolutenesse, which is it that these men here mean, in saying that the Earle Douglas was an enemy to the King. Not that he bare any ill will to the Kings person (for that they could no wayes make appeare) but because he was so great a man: Ac∣cording to that generall rule, that greatnesse in the Nobility is dangerous for the Prince, and as if to be a great man were by infallible consequence to be an enemy to the King. Which maxime I feare they have beaten in∣to his head afterwards, not so much to strengthen and provide for his se∣curity, as to draw him to their party for strengthening of themselves for we see all their intentions aime but at their owne particulars; and so in this they intend nothing else; onely they colour their particulars with the Pretext of the Kings service, as they doe this wicked fact also.

David Douglas the younger brother was also put to death with him, and Malcolme Fleming of Cumbernald his speciall Counsellour. They were all three beheaded in the back Court of the Castle, that lieth to the West. This augments yet their wickednesse, that they execute his bro∣ther also, whose age behoved to be lesse then his owne, who was but ve∣ry young too, as wee have said. These were good Tutors and bringers up of a young Prince, thus as it were to bait him with the bloud of his Nobility, and to imprint such a lesson in his tender minde that they were his enemies. But for conclusion of this matter, concerning these young men, as there was no law laid against them, so is there no Histo∣ry that beareth witnesse that they were guilty of any capitall crime. And Major saith expresly, Apud Annales legi, quod viri illi non crant rei mor∣tis, sed consilio & dolo Gulielmi Crighton, Scotiae Cancellarii haec perpetrata sunt: That is, I reade in our Annales that these men were not guilty of death, but this matter was atchieved by the counsell and fraud of Crighton Chancellour. It is sure the people did abhorre it, execrating the very place where it was done, in detestation of the fact: of which the memory remaineth yet to our dayes in these words.

Edinburgh Castle, Towne and Tower, God grant thou sinke for sinne; And that even for the black dinner Earle Douglas got therein.

Now sith these youths were not guiltie, whereof were they not guilty that put them to death? and with what note of infamy to bee branded? Though some seeme to blame this innocent young man (as they can∣not deny him to have beene) with halfe words, as guided by flattery, given to insolency, presumptuous in his Port, yet is there no effect, or affe∣ction brought importing either his being addicted to flattery, or that hee was more insolent, presumptuous or arrogant, then became a man of his

ranke. But contrary, that he was of a gentle nature, a repulser of flatte∣rie (now as hee grew in age) and of due magnificence, such as well be∣came him. Let us therefore account of him so, as one that was singu∣lar in respect of his yeares. And let the blame lie fully on his enemies, who shall finde some meeting hereafter from their Cousin; that they may finde all the house perished not with him, though indeed the pu∣nishment was not proportionated to that which they deserved.

In Gulielm. & David. fratres in Arce Edinburgena trucidatos.

Vestra Sophoclco caedes est digna cothurno, Vestra Thyestea coena cruenta magis, Vos scelere atque dolis, vos proditione necati, Insontes, puerique & patriae proceres: Regius & vestro est foedatus funere vultus: Qui fertur siccas non tenuisse genas. Haeccine (Rectores) vestra est prudentia tanta? Haeccine laudatur justitia? haecne fides? Exemplum aeternis nunquam delebile fastis Perstat fraudis atrae, perfidiaeque trucis.

In English thus,

Your murther may deserve a tragick Muse, Your horrid dinner justly might excuse Thyestes feast, by a more treacherous train Drawn to the axe, more barbarously slain Then was his sonne: your Princes guiltlesse eye Stain'd with the sight, wept at the cruelty. Is this these Rulers wisedome? this their love To Justice? this the prudence men approve So much? O! blacke example fit to be Mark't in eternall scroules of infamy.

Of James (called Grosse James) the third James, sixteenth Lord, and seventh Earle of Douglas, Lord of Bothwell, Aber∣corne, and Annandale, the fourth Duke of Turraine, and Lord of Longe-ville.

UNto William succeeded his fathers brother, James Lord of Aber∣corne, in all the lands that were intailed, but Beatrix, sister to the said William, fell here to the rest that were not entailed, which were many (say our Writers) specially Galloway, Wigton, Balvein, Or∣mund, Annandale. This James was called grosse James, because hee was a corpulent man of body: he had to wife Beatrix Sinclair daughter to the Earle of Orknay, but which Earle it is not expressed. To finde it, wee must consider, that from 1 William Sinclair (the first that came out of France, and married Agnes Dumbarre, daughter to Patrick first Earle of March) 2 the next was Henry his sonne, who was married to Ka∣therine daughter to the Earle of Stratherne. 3 His sonne called Henry, also married Margaret Gratenay, daughter to the Earle of Marre. 4 This Henries sonne, Sir William passed into Spain, with good Sir James Dou∣glas, who carried the Bruces heart to Jerusalem; hee was married to Eli∣zabeth Speire daughter to the Earle of Orknay and Shetland, and so by her became the first Earle of Orknay of the Sinclaires. The second Earle was 5 William also, who married Florentina daughter to the King of Denmark, the sixth person, and third Earle was (his son) Henry who married Giles (or Egidia) daughter to the Lord of Niddisdale. The seventh person and fourth Earle is Sir William, who married Elizabeth Douglas daughter to Archbald Tine-man the first Duke of Turrain) and sister to this James the grosse. Now this James his wife cannot have been this last Sir Williams daughter, for then she should have been his owne sisters daughter. And therefore she hath been either Henries (that married Giles Douglas) or else Sir Williams, who married Florentina; which of the two I leave it to con∣jecture; her great spirit, and high ambition would seem to argue that shee was come of Kings, and near to them: but the Monument in Douglas cal∣leth her daughter to Henry.

She bare to this Earle James seven sonnes, and foure daughters. The name of the eldest was William, and the second James, who were Earles of Douglas, both of them by succession, as we shall heare. The third, was Archbald, who married the daughter of John Dumbarre Earle of Mur∣ray, brother to George Earle of March, by which means he got the Earle∣dome of Murray. The fourth, named Hugh, was made Earle of Ormond, and had sundry lands given him by the King in Tividale and Rosse. The fifth John was made Lord of Balvenie. The sixth Henry was Bishop of Duncalden. George, the seventh, died before he was fifteen yeares of age, as our Chronicles do witnesse; but there is no mention of him in the mo∣numents at Douglas, where the rest are set downe by name. As for his foure daughte•…•…s, 1 Margaret the eldest was married to the Lord Dalkeith.

2 Beairix the second, to John Stuart Duke of Albanie, Constable of Scotland, and Captain of fifty men at armes in France. The third was named Jennat, and was married to the Lord Flemine of Cumbernauld. Elizabeth (who was the fourth) died unmarried. This Grosse James his eldest sonne William, partly to hold up the greatnesse of his house, partly by the Ladies owne desire, (who directly refused to marry any other of the name of Douglas) married Beatrix Douglas his Cousin: She was called the faire maiden of Galloway: and so by this match the estate of Douglas was preserved intire, and those lands which shee would have been heire to, and divided from it, were kept in their owne hands. This match was made farre against the opinion of the rest of the name of Douglas, who thought it better that she should have been married to some of the house of Angus or Dalkeith, alledging that the house of Douglas was too great already, and that their greatnesse would be the ruine of the house, which maxime although it proveth often true, that too great Dominions under Princes, as also Princes themselves having so large extent of territories, and other republicks, and Common-wealths, when they come to that hugenesse that they cannot easily be governed, do fall, and are overthrown by their owne weight: and the conspiracies and combinations of neigh∣bouring Princes, or States (who feare, and are jealous of their excessive greatnesse) or by their Subjects within, either through the Princes jea∣lousie (who suspects them) or others envie, who stirre jealousie in the Prince, and draw him to suspect them. And therefore all, both Lordships and Empires, are to be restrained and kept within a mediocritie, and that as well Princes, and Common-wealths, as subjects; which all men will confesse: but what this mediocritie is, they declare not, neither will they confesse, or doe they ever thinke that they are come to that fulnesse, that there is any danger of exceeding so farre, as to procure their overthrow, or breed any perill. It is said of Augustus Cesar that he intended some mo∣deration of the Empire, and had resolved to have propagate it no further: yet it was doubted upon what ground it was that hee thus resolved; whether out of prudencie, or of envie toward his successours, that none might goe beyond him, or adde any more to it then he had. And it is in∣deed a hard matter to perswade men, and perhaps no lesse difficult to prove, for all agree that these inferiour things (even all of them) are in a perpetuall fluxe and motion, and that they cannot stand long at a stay, without going either forward or backward, increasing or decreasing. If therefore they goe not forward, they must goe backe; if they doe not increase, they must decrease: which if it be true, it were better to seek to increase so long as men may, then to take them to a standing, from which they must decrease, if they doe not increase.

But whether out of that discourse of reason, his friends of the name of Douglas would thus have perswaded him not to become too great, for feare of falling, or for any particular of their owne, or whether he for this other reason, or rather for the common disposition of men to presse ever forward, I know not, but hee chose to bee great, and take his hazzard. And because the two parties were within the degrees prohibited by the Romane Church (Brothers children) he sent to Rome for a dispensation,

which being long in coming, and he fearing least the King, and the rest of the name of Douglas would cast all the impediments they could in the way to hinder the match (which was also reported, and not without ground) caused hasten the marriage before the dispensation came, and that in Lent too, a time forbidden also, and which is more, on the friday before Pasch, called commonly Good-friday. This was thought omi∣nous, and the unhappy event confirmed this opinion. They were marri∣ed in the Church of Douglas. Some write that this marriage was procu∣red and made by the young man himselfe, after the decease of his father. However, this was a speciall cause of dissention, and division amongst those of the name of Douglas.

For the actions of this grosse James, wee have no particulars recorded in Histories, either in his brothers time, or his nephewes time, or now when he cometh to be Earle himselfe. There is no mention at all made of him, whether he did any thing for to revenge the murther of his ne∣phewes by Creighton and Levingston: belike as he hath been corpulent, so hath his corpulensie caused a dulnesse of spirit, as commonly it doth. Some write that he was Warden of all the Marches, and his Monument at Douglas agreeth with them, and sayes that hee was a great justiciary. Others write that he was no ill man, that hee entertained no disordered wicked men, but yet he did not represse them sharply enough, and there∣fore was suspected by the King, and disliked by many: hee died in Aber∣corne within two yeares, or not three (sayes the manuscript) after the marriage of his sonne, which hath not been long in the making. Wee may ghesse it most probably to have beene not fully three yeares, and so that he died in the yeare 1443. Hee was buried in Douglas, where on his Tombe he is called (Magnus Princeps) and amongst other Titles, Lord of Liddi•…•…dale, and Jedward Forrest: his wife is styled Domina Aveniae, Lady of Avendale. His Epitaph there is yet to be seen thus,

Hic jacet magnus & potens Princeps, Dominus Jacobus de Douglas, Comes de Douglas, Dominus Annandiae, & Gallovidiae, Liddaliae, & Jed∣burg-Forrestiae, & Dominus de Balveniâ, magnus Wardanus Regni Scotiae versus Angliam, &c. Qui obiit vicesimo quarto die mensis Martii, Anno Domini millesimo quadringentesimo quadragesimo tertio. 1443.

His Wives is thus:

Hic jacet Domina Beatrix de Sinclaire, (filia Domini Henrici Comitis Orca∣dum, Domini de Sinclaire,) Comitissa de Douglas, & Aveniae, Do∣mina Gallovidiae.

His Childrens thus:

Hae sunt proles inter predictos Dominum, & Dominam generatae. 1 Do∣minus aGulielmus primò genitus, & haeres praedicti Domini Jacobi, qui successit ad totam haereditatem predictam. 2 Jacobus secundò genitus, Magister de Douglas. 3 Archibaldus tertiò genitus, Co∣mes

Murray. 4 Hugo quarto genitus, comes Ormundiae. 5 Jo∣hannes quinto genitus, Dominus Balveniae. 6 Henricus sexto ge∣nitus. Margarita uxor Domini de Dalkeith: Beatrix uxor Domini de Aubignia. Joneta uxor Domini de Biggar, & Cumbernauld. Elizabetha de Douglas, quarta filia erat.

In English thus,

Here lies a great and powerfull Prince, Lord James Douglas, Earle of Douglas, Lord of Annandale, and Galloway, Liddesdale and Jedbrough-Forrest, and Lord of Balveny, great Warden of the Kingdome of Scotland towards England, &c. Hee died the 24. day of March, in the yeare 1443.

His Wives is thus,

Here lies the Lady Beatrix Sinclair, daughter of Henry Lord of the Isles, Lord Sinclair, Countesse of Douglas and Evendale, Lady Galloway.

Their Children.

These are the children betwixt the said Lord and Lady: 1 Lord Wil∣liam his eldest sonne, and hei •…•…e to the said Lord James, who suc∣ceeded to all the foresaids lands. 2 James the second sonne, Master of Douglas. 3 Archbald, the third sonne, Earle of Mur∣ray. 4 Hugh, the fourth sonne, Earle of Ormund. 5 John the fifth sonne, Lord of Balvenie. 6 Henry, the sixth sonne. Marga∣ret, wife to the Lord of Dalkeith: Beatrix, wife to the Lord Au∣bignie: Jenet, wife to the Lord of Biggar and Cumbernald: Elizabeth Douglas was the fourth daughter.

Jacobus Crassus,

Duglasii crassique mihi cognomina soli, Conveniunt: O quam nomina juncta male.

James the grosse.

To be a Douglas, and be grosse withall, You shall not finde another 'mongst them all.

Of William slain in Stirling Castle, the seventh William, and eighth Earle of Douglas, the sixteenth Lord, and fifth Duke of Turrain, &c.

UNto James succeeded his sonne William, a man of another met∣tall, and resembling more his Grandfather, and Cousin, (who was put to death in Edinburgh Castle) then his father, who did remember, and imitate more his Cousins diligence, then his fathers neg∣ligence, for hee endeavoured by all means to entertaine and augment the grandure of the house by bonds, friendship, and dependances; retaining, renewing, and increasing them: and therefore his marriage of his Cou∣sin Beatrix is attributed to him, and is thought to be his owne doing, and not his fathers. Upon his first coming to be Earle, his first care was to establish some certain order for his affaires: for which purpose hee con∣veened his whole friends at Dum•…•…reis, made choice of his Counsellours, createth his Officers for his rents and casualties, and settleth a constant or∣der in his house. Great was that house (as hath been said) and doubtlesse it was nothing diminished by him, but rather increased by the accession of his fathers estate (which he had ere he was Earle) and his wife: which being added unto the old Patrimony of the house, made it to surpasse all others that were but Subjects: for it had beene ever growing from hand to hand, since the time of Lord James slain in Spaine, continually, who had the Lordship of Douglas onely at the first. To it was added the Lord∣ship of Galloway by Archbald, slain at Halidoun-hill. By Archbald the Grimme, the Lordship of Bothwell. By Archbald the third (called Tine∣man) the Dutchie of Turrain, and Lordship of Longe-ville. Annandale, and the Earledome of Wigton, by Archbald the fourth: and now the Lordship of Abercorn, by Grosse James. So that his revenue hath beene huge at this time, as appeares also by the ranke hee ever carried, as second in the Kingdome.

His dependance and following may bee judged by these his Lordships, and estate, and for his other friendship, there were divers houses of the Douglasses; as Angus, Morton, Drumlanrigge. By his alliance he had Au∣bigny, and the Lord Fleming of Cumbernauld, who had married his si∣ster. By his mother, the Earle of Orknay▪ by his wife, at (Beatrix) the house of Crawford, of which her mother was a daughter, beside the old friend∣ship that was ever betwixt them. And this may be seen by History, who list to observe it, whereof more may be found by a more accurate disqui∣sition. Thus enriched, thus waited on, thus followed, thus served, thus underpropped, and sustained by wealth, friendship, dependance, alliance, and kindred, his power and greatnesse was such, as was not matched under the Prince by any in this Kingdome.

But here is the maleheure, the Principalls of his owne name (Angus and Morton) assisted him not, but divided themselves from him; and ei∣ther were not his friends, or even became enemies, as wee shall heare here∣after. What the occasion thereof was, is not directly mentioned: some

thinke it was the discontentment they had conceived at his marriage, ei∣ther because they accounted it unlawfull, or because some of them would have had her to themselves, which is the more likely, or in respect of their kindred with the King, who was indeed induced (though not yet) to think hardly of him; or out of emulation of his greatnesse, as an hinderance to their growth, which was Bishop Kennedies opinion to his brother, the Earle of Angus: and so it falleth out often, where a decay is to come up∣on a house, it first divides from, and within it selfe, yet that was but an in∣sensible point at this time, his owne greatnesse being such as would scarce suffer him to finde the losse; standing as it were not by any friendship, but meerely of himselfe, and upon his bottome.

At the very first, when hee entred to the Earledome, he entred also (as hereditary) to the enmitie of the two grand guiders of the time Leving∣ston and Creighton, with whom the hatred tooke beginning in his Uncles time, and was thereafter traiterously, and cruelly prosecuted by them, on his two Cousins: it continued, though coldly, in his fathers time, and was now quickned and revived by himselfe. They would needs lay the blame of whatsoever disorder happened in the Countrey upon him; not onely of what fell out in the borders (where hee commanded, and might com∣mand indeed) but even in the Highlands also, that which John Gorme of Athole did (who fought with the Laird of Ruthven, and would have rescued a thiefe out of his hands (being apprehended by him as Sheriffe) if hee had not beene defeated, and thirtie of his men slain by Ruthven) they would have it to bee thought that the Earle Douglas forsooth had an hand in it. But it is well that our Writers say, it was but thought so▪ and thought it had beene said so by his enemies, there is no necessi∣tie to beleeve it was so, for they had done him more wrong, and dealt more treacherously with him, then to make such a report for me, it soundeth not in my eares, that it had so long a foote, or that John Gorme could not doe such a thing without the Earle of Douglas, or that the Earle Douglas would meddle with such a matter. This I thinke, that in his owne bounds he would suffer none to acknowledge the Governours, which was his Uncles course, as we heard, seeing he was himselfe to bee answerable for them. It was his fathers way also (though more coldly ac∣cording to his naturall disposition) as may bee gathered of that which is said, that he repressed not theeves, though he entertained them not: which is as much as to say, as he was not Authour, or occasion of their theft, yet he being no Magistrate himselfe, and others having taken the government upon them, he would let them beare the weight of their owne charge in executing thereof, and would not help them therein by restraining any. And that so much the rather, because having murthered his Nephew, he could not with credit employ himselfe to ease them of their burthen by his assistance: he did them no hurt, he could not with honour do them any good. So hee lets them alone, doing to them neither ill nor good, then which I thinke he could not do lesse. And where just cause of enmity was, how could it be more modestly used? Except they would have had him (after such a vilanous fact) to go creeping under their feet (as we say) which the meanest man will not doe after the smallest injurie. And even

where there is no injury, unlesse men reape some benefit, they will suffer others to do their owne part, and not help them, where they have no in∣terest either as belonging to their charge, or from whence they may ga∣ther some profit.

It is true, he onely could doe that service, and there was no ability in them that had the charge, but he was not obliged to supply their inability: and why should they have taken on them? or why should the States (which I thinke did not, but that it was done by faction) have laid it upon them, that were not able to discharge it? This was not wisely done, and it is the very point of the errour in the Estates (so called) and the ground of all the inconveniences that fell out, for they chose men that had not power to discharge the Office, and such as had, did let them do it alone; and with∣all (perhaps) disdained their preferment, as being without merit, for wee see no merit in them by true vertue: hereon arose discontents, then grudges, then crossings, then blamings, and reproaching in words and deeds, growing at last to an open enmitie. Of such great importance is it, to make right choice of men for employments. And such wisedome is requisite in the choosers (bee it Estates, be it Princes) not to follow affe∣ction, but to consider worth and ability rightly, and to employ according∣ly: which if it be not done, it carrieth with it infinite inconveniences, & hath troubled many Estates, yea, ruined them; and it must needs be so. Happy State, happy Prince, yea, happy he whosoever, that having a necessity to imploy others (as who hath not) imployeth according to reason, and not affection, or hath his affections ruled by reason! which if hee doe not, it shall disgrace the imployer, breed disdain to him that is imployed, and bring contempt upon both, which will burst out with occasion, and not long be curbed, and kept in, thought it lurke for a time.

It may bee this Earle of Douglas hath gone further then his father in showing his contempt of these justice-bearers. It may be hee hath borne with the Bordermen, and been more slack in repressing of them, (for his father repressed them, though not enough) because hee had intention to imploy them; being more sensible of the wrong done to his Cousins, & had a greater eye to revenge it, and therefore was loth to controule these men of service, further then the mere necessity of his place did require at his hands, whereof the rule (in the eyes of the people) was to save all men from that misery as farre as he could: in his owne eyes, the rule which he propounded to himselfe, it was to protect his friends and dependers; and for his adversaries, to rejoyce perhaps at their smart, if not to procure it: as for neutralls, to leave it to the Magistrate to redresse what is amisse, not perceiving by that mean, he doth more hurt the Countrey, then his ene∣mies, and wounds his owne credit more then their reputation: and there∣fore▪ he lost more by furnishing them with some ground of obloquie, offending the people and honest men, then he gained by the hurt of his ad∣versaries, or favour of broken men. Nothing is more popular, yea nothing is more profitable then justice, (say all Writers) not to mean and private men onely, who incurre the danger of law by injustice, but even to great men, even to Princes, who if they incurre not the danger of lawes, being placed above the reach thereof, yet doe they lose the most profitable in∣strument

of all their actions, by which they must needs worke, and with∣out which they cannot, the hearts of men: It feareth me, too many think it enough to have their hands, to have their bodies at command, but let no man thinke he can have their bodies, if hee have not their hearts: neither their heart, if hee have it not indeed, in a high measure of affection. Who hath no measure of affection, can have no action of the body to any pur∣pose, and a slacke affection produceth but a slack action, as it hath ever proved. So that in effect, policy hath that chiefe object to worke on the affections of men, and that not to deceive, or force them (for neither of these can worke well and long.) Neither is it sufficient that a man see not a present evill, as a Prince a present insurrection, a great man a present losse of his followers, and favourers (which falleth out sometime, but not alwayes.) Oftentimes it is like a canker, working by peece-meale, insensi∣bly, from degree to degree upon the affections, til it hath consummated the worke of disgrace of the party it seazeth on, and winded their favours out of the hearts of men. As commonly mens actions that procure it are of the same sort, not all in an instant, or at one time, but one ungratious fact cometh after another, and another again upon the necke of that, and so forth. This therefore is so much the more diligently to be taken heed of, and eschewed in the beginning; or if any errour escape, to be taken up and recompensed by amendment, or some other gratefull action importing as much favour, as the errour did disdain: neither must the affections of men be suffered to coole, languish, and to bee eaten up at unawares, till at last they utterly decay and perish.

Thus (we may see here) he hath not been well advertised by those of his house of Douglas, which before were the most esteemed, the best belo∣ved, and favoured universally almost by the whole Countrey. But now, while as they would trouble the Governours, and let their inability b•…•… seen, and for that end either beare with theeves, or suffer them, they are not aware, that by this mean they suffer an ill opinion of themselves to creep into mens minds, and that love of the people to diminish by peece∣meal, for the space now of three or foure mens lives. And whereas they were wont with their heritage to succeed to a generall favour of the peo∣ple, now on the contrary, they succeed to a grudge, and ill opinion, and so an universall dislike, which at last hath done away all that wonted love, and turned it into hatred; which did greatly advance and further the plots of their enemies against them, and made that their greatnesse odious, that was accustomed to be favoured. It is very true, that the men against whom he set himselfe, had used no good means, abused there Offices, abused their Countrey, and the name of the King, and Common-wealth for their owne particular; yet he should not have used ill means, no not against ill men; and the bare name of authority is of weight in the eyes of men, as the name of theft odious; from any countenancing whereof, Noblemen should be farre, as also from seeming to rise against any manner of Autho∣rity, though Authority bee▪ put even in mean mens hands, as these were▪ chiefly when the opposers of Authority can make no other end appeare, but their own private, and that blotted with the enormities of broken men: yet what shall be given to a just anger? what unto the time? what unto

youth? all these plead pardon, if not approbation; The rather for that he taketh up himself from that sort of doing, so soone as hee can get a right King, to whom he might have accesse, and to whom he might yeeld with honour which was ere long.

The next yeare, 1444. the King taketh the government on himselfe di∣rectly. Thither immediately the Earle Douglas concludeth to addresse himselfe, and by all good means to obtain his favour; to satisfie the peo∣ple, to satisfie all men that were offended, and fully to change that course he had before followed. Certainly repentance is worth misdeed: and it may bee seen, that the force of enmity hath driven him into these faults, which as soone as he can, he layeth aside. So coming with a great compa∣ny to Stirlin, he deales with the King by the intercession of such as were about him; and finding that he was appeased, goeth on, and puts himself and his estate in his Princes will, partly purging himselfe of the crimes past, partly confessing them ingeniously; and telling him, that what ever estate he should have from that time forth, hee would owe it to the Kings clemency, and not ascribe it to his owne innocency: That if the King would be contented to be satisfied by good Offices, hee would endeavour not to be short of any in fidelitie, observance, diligence, and good will to∣wards him: That in repressing and punishing of theeves (whose actions his enemies laid upon him) there should no man bee more severe, nor more carefull: That he was come of a house that was growne up, not by doing injuries to the weaker, but by defending the weaker and common people of Scotland by arms. Certainly a true conclusion, & undeniable by his great∣est enemies. But I have thought good to set downe all as it was conceived: for whether there was any fault or not, his submission was great, and his repentance sufficient to purge it whatsoever it were. Such is his respect to his soveraigne Prince; and such the force of authority rightly placed in the due owner thereof. And such was also the force of truth in his speech, that the King, understanding that it was true in his predecessour, and ho∣ping it would be true in himselfe, moved also by the private commenda∣tion of his Courtiers, not onely passed by, and forgave what ever had been amisse in his life before, but also received him into his most inward familiarity, and did communicate unto him the secrets of his counsell: Neither was the Earle unworthy thereof for his part, but behaved him∣selfe so well, that within a short time hee acquired the favour of the King by obedience; of his Courtiers, and servants, by liberalitie, and of all men by gentlenesse, courtesie, and modestie, and put the people in hope that he would prove a meeke and sober-minded man.

The wiser sort doubted (say our Writers) whither so sudden a change would turne. But why should wee thinke it a change? or if it were a change, it was very casuall, very apparant, and nothing to be wondred at: for it is this in effect: he had been untoward to base men, why should he not yeeld to his King? hee had slighted the shadow of authority in them, why should he not acknowledge and reverence the beames of it in his Prince? he had beene froward to his enemies, why not gentle to his friends? he had sought to make them smart that wronged him, why not cherish those that did him good offices? he had warred on them, that had

warred against him: why should hee not keep friendship with those who kept friendship with him? certainly, these are not changes, nei∣ther of nature, nor of manners, but are commonly (wee fee) in one and the same nature, and proceed from one and the same cause, which is greatnesse of courage, and regard of due honour. The greater de∣spiser of basenesse, the greater reverence of true greatnesse, the greater repiner against compulsion: the gentler and calmer being used cour∣teously: the harder enemy, the faithfuller and sweeter friend: so that wee may suspect these mens wisedome, that did so farre mistake his true courage, and accounted that a change, which was but a continuation of his inbred disposition.

Two men are designed to have taken fray at the matter, whose consci∣ences were guilty of what they had deserved: Alexander Levingston, and William Creighton, not for the change of his manners, but for the change of his credit. They had traiterously slain three innocent Noblemen, his two Cousins, and Malcolme Fleming. They had kept himself back from his Prince, and his Prince from him, and were sory that ever they should have met in a friendly sort. They would have been glad to have blowne the bellowes of dissention, to have irritated the one, and misinformed the other, made their owne quarrell the Kings, and so have caused the King and Countrey to esteem of it. They were now disappointed of that, and the Earle had accesse to informe the King of their misdemeanour in their Office, and to move him to call them in question for it. They knew hee would remember the wrong done to his Cousins: they knew how unable they were to answer for many of their facts, and therefore they retire them∣selves from Court: Levingston to his owne house Creighton to the Castle of Edinburgh which hee had still in his keeping. Neither was the Earle Douglas negligent in this oecasion, that was thus offered to seeke justice by law and by justice, to be avenged of his enemies for the wrong done by them against law. Wherefore he diligently informed the King from point to point, of their misbehaviour in their Office: how they had abused him, abused his rents to their owne private use, and moved him to call them to an account thereof, whereupon being summoned to a certain day, they durst not compeir; but to set a faire face on the matter, they answered by Procuratours, or by letters:

That they were ready to give an account of their government, that they had beene very carefull of the King and Countrey, desired nothing so much as to give an account thereof before equall Judges. But for the present, when the minds of men were pre∣occupied with the favour of their enemies, and all accesse closed with armed men, the King behoved to pardon, that they did eschew not to come to judgment, but to come in the danger of their deadly enemies, and keep their lives for better times: when the Captain of theeves, be∣ing removed from the Kings side (which they had of times done be∣fore) they would approve their innocency to the King and all honest men.

These reproaches, and brags touched, and were meant of the Earle Dou∣glas. Him it was they called Captain of theeves, because of the border men, of whom many were his followers. That they removed him often

before was idle boasting: for he had abstained to come to the King, so long as the King was in their custody, so long as he was in the Castle of Edin∣burgh, where they might have murthered him, as they did his Cousins: That he was their enemy, he denied not, and had just cause so to be: but to take that excuse from them, he gave them assurance he should not pro∣ceed against them any wayes, but by order of law; and offered for that purpose to goe from Court, till they should come to it in safetie. And to meet their reproach (of captain of theeves) and their boasting of the just administration of their Offices, hee was ready to prove that they them∣selves were theeves, that they had stollen the Kings revenues, and di∣stributed to their friends, and converted them to their owne particular use, and that they had traiterously against justice murthered his Cousins, whereof he besought the King to grant him justice; and so a new charge was given out, and another day appointed for them to compeir. Which being come, and they not compeiring, they were denounced rebells, in a Convention kept at Stirlin the fourth of November, and their goods and moveables confiscated.

Thereafter John Forrester of Corstorphin (a depender of the Earle Douglas) is sent with a power of men, to intromet with their goods; who having received their houses, some he razed, some he manned with new forces, and provision: and so without resistance he returned, laden with great spoil. Hee was scarce retired, when Creighton assembled his friends and followers so suddenly as none could imagine, furrowed the lands of Corstorphin, together with the lands of Strabrock, Abercorn, and Black-nesse, and amongst other goods, he drave away a race of mares, that the Earle Douglas had brought from Flanders, and were kept in A∣bercorn, doing more harme then he had received. This may seem strange to any man; neither do our Histories sufficiently cleare it, either where he got these forces, or whither he carried the goods. They insinuate, that he was aided and assisted under-hand by Bishop Kennedie, and the Earle of Angus and Morton. Angus was the Kings Cousin germain, sonne to his fathers sister, and by her, brother to the Bishop: Morton had married the Kings owne sister. But of these, the Bishops power lay beyond Forth; (for he was Archbishop of Saint Andrewes) and the Earle of Angus fur∣ther (beyond Tay): so it is hard to conceive, either how they could sud∣denly assemble to their folks, or that they could conveene many (except such as Angus had on the South side of Forth in Liddisdale, Jedward Forrest, and Bonkle; likewise Mortons lands and friends were (most part) on the same side of Forth) to make assistance against the Earle Douglas. But how ever apparantly, they did it not openly; and this, it was against order, against authority, and against Law: and if the Earle Douglas had done it, it would assuredly have been called an open Rebel∣lion against the King, theft, oppression, presumption, arrogancie, inso∣lencie, and faction, as we heard it was before, when he contemned the Governours onely, and as it will be called (perhaps) hereafter. If men alledge, that the King was guided with the Earle Douglas counsell, and his name used to a particular onely: tell me (I pray you) was there ever any thing more formally than this against Creighton? And if the

Earle Douglas his particular was in it, what then? how many actions of justice are otherwise done without instigations of private men? with∣out the mixture of their cause? without their particular suiting? and particular insisting? and if it be lawfull to any to seek justice for his own particular, the Earle Douglas his particular was such, as very well became him to insist in the wrong so manifest, the murther so vile and trai∣terous. And if that which is done against the lawes shall not be accompt∣ed wrong, nor esteemed to touch the King, because parties have their particular in that law, none or few things shall be accounted to be done against the king, or against law; for there is almost ever some particular joyned: and the same hath been and wil be the Earle Douglas his case. This therefore cannot be accounted innocencie; yea no lesse then open vio∣lence, and plaine rebellion, and presumption against the Earle, clad now with justice and lawes, and against the king as protector, and Patron of justice. No marvell then if the Earle Douglas was offended herewith, both for his own cause, whom the losse touched so neere, and for such manifest contempt of the King, and if therefore he seeke to be avenged thereof.

But there was a different forme to be used, according to the different actours; of which we se•…•… there are two sorts, Creighton and Levingston were open enemies, open actours; they themselves obnoxious to the law; against them the law will strike, and so he proceeded with them: he be∣sieges openly Creighton in the Castle of Edinburgh, and no question he had taken from him before whatsoever was without it. The others, not open enemies, and actours themselves, they were but secret stirrers up, abetters, and assisters of his enemies; and among them Bishop Kennedie was the chiefe plotter and deviser; the law could not well be had against him; he must be met with in his owne way, he had done besides the law, he must be met with besides the law: he had done disadvowedly, he must be met with disadvowedly. Therefore he writes to the Earle of Crawford, who with Alexander Oglebee of Innerwharitie gathered a great hoast, entred, life, and without resistance spoiled the Bishops lands, either because they could not get himself, or because they had a greater minde to the bootie, then to the quarrell. The Bishop using his own weapons, curseth them; but they made small reckoning of his curses. Neverthelesse shortly after there fell variance between Crawfords eldest sonne (the master of Crawford) and the Oglebees about the Bailliarie of Arbroth: for the Monks had given it from the Master to Innerwharitie, and hereupon having assembled their forces on both sides, they were readie to fight it out. But the Earle of Crawford (having gotten advertisement) came into the field to have composed the busines, and trusted they would have re∣spected him, and not have offered him any violence, he entred in between the two parties; where having stayed his sonnes companie; he was go∣ing over to speak with the Oglebees to have brought matters to a parlee, and treatie. In the meane time one that neither knew what he was, nor what his intent was, runnes at him with a spear and slayes him: hereup∣on the battells joyning the victorie fell to the Master of Crawford, there being 500. slaine of the Oglebees side, Alexander Oglebee taken, and the Earle of Huntly escaping on horsback. This victorie was obtained

chiefly by the valour of the Cliddisdale men, of whom the Earle Dou∣glas had sent about 100 to assist the Master of Crawford. This Master of Crawford was now Earle (his father being slaine) and was called Earle Beardie, of whom there will be mention made hereafter, he being that Earl with whom Douglas is said to have entred into league; though we see there was friendship betwixt them now, the Earles Ladie Beatrix being a sister daughter of the house of Crawford, besides the old friendship that had been (ever since the first Earles time) betwixt the two houses.

In the mean time the siege of the Castle of Edinburgh (where Creigh∣ton was shut up) had now continued some six or seven moneths, from the midst of July (as appeareth) unto the beginning of February in the next year: for there being a Parliament called, to be held at Perth, it was removed to Edinburgh, that the siege might not be interrupted, and sate down in the beginning of February 1445. The siege lasted two or three moneths after, which makes in all some nine moneths, or thereby: at last both parties (the besieger and the besieged) being wearied, the Castle was surrendred to the King, on condition that Creighton should be par∣doned for all his offences which he had committed against the King, and should be suffered to depart life safe, which was granted unto him: Our Writers term them the offences which he was said to have committed against the King: As if they should say, There was no offence indeed done to the King: And more plainly a little after, as in all contention, he who is most strong would seem to be most innocent: which sayings are to be judiciously considered, and accurately weighed, whereof we have spoken before: But if they will needs have it so, we will not be conten∣tious. Thus Creighton, not so much hurt, as terrified, escaped due punish∣ment by meanes of the Castle, which could not easily be taken, but by composition. Whether this was through the impatience of the Earle Douglas, that would not take leasure to wait on the siege, untill they should have been forced to yeeld for want of victuals; Or whether Creighton hath had some 〈◊〉〈◊〉 friends at Court, who did make use of this occasion to work his safetie, there is no mention. But Levingstone leapt not so dry-shod, being no lesse guilty of his Cousins murther. The Earle had bent his just indignation against him also, and caused summon him to the Parliament of Edinburgh, together with his sons, James and Robert Levingstons (this Robert had been Thesaurer) and David Leving∣ston his Cousin: His friends also, Robert Bruce of Arth, with James and Robert Dundasses. The Lord Levingston himself, with the two Dundasses, were convict, forfeited, and condemned to perpetuall prison in the Castle of Dumbarton. The other three, James, and Robert his sons, and David his Cousin, and Bruce also, were execute: What the crimes were that were laid to their charge, whereof this difference of punishment did arise, it is not written, either by the old or late Historians. This appears, that it hath been no particular of the Earle Douglas (of which the father was most guiltie) and that their Processe hath not been guided and ruled by him, nor framed according to his spleen, which would have aimed most at the old man, as accessary to the death of his Cousins, whereas we see he escapes with imprisonment onely: His sons are hardlier used,

being put to death: So that it must needs have been for some other crime, whereof the acts of Parliament that are extant in print makes no mention, or particular relation, as the forme is; and James Levingston in his speech at his death purgeth himself, as free of all true crime, what by being innocent of some, & having obtained a remission of others; yet he mentions not what was alledged against him; wherefore we must leave it as uncertaine. Some conjecture, that it was for keeping of some castles, and strong houses, and not rendring them to the King being summoned, against an act of Parli∣ament made by Creighton before, by which act Creighton also himselfe was forfeited afterward; but we know no ground for that opinion. They alledged also another act (which only is extant) the other not being ex∣tant (and may seeme to sound something that way) made in the second Parliament, in the yeare 1488. against the re-setting of rebells in castles; which imports no keeping of houses after they be charged, or summonedto render by the Kings officers; but only commands to arrest their persons, or to take surety, and baile for them that they do no harme: Neither is there any penaltie (much lesse forfeiture) annexed thereto; only it sayes, they shall be forced and constrained to do it. This execution of the Levingstons is cast into the yeare 1447. (after that Queen Marie, the Duke of Ghel∣ders Daughter was married to the king) at which time it is said, that Creigh∣ton was also forfeited, notwithstanding he had been Embassadour in pro∣curing and making that marriage. The cause of his forfeiture is given out to be the keeping of the castle of Creighton when it was summoned and charged by an Herauld of armes, according to, & by vertue of the same act forsaid: But we have already spoken of that act, and we finde no mentionof any Parliament that year. Neither from the year 1443. until the year 1449. wherein he should have been forfeited. And this we observe, that judgment may be adhibited in the reading of those, and such like things, however Creightou thus dashed, the Levingstons some executed, some imprisoned, forfeited, and condemned, there seemed to be some compensation of the murder of his Cosins, also their assister Bishop Kennedie received his part, so it is said that he had much ado to save himself, by leaving h•…•…s goods a prey to them that pleased to take them.

These things are imputed to the Earle Douglas as faults: why I cannot tell, unlesse we require of him that exact philosophicall disposition, to be free from all humour of revenging, which few have brought with them that have been conversant in the affaires of State, or common wealth. No not these who have been accounted as Philosophers, and that very precise ones, such were both the Cato•…•…s, whose common ordinary course was to be avenged of their enemies by publick accusations, and pur∣sute of law: wherein if there be a fault, let there be no law, that permitts it, yea that allowes it, and exhorts unto it; it is recorded of Cato called Censorius, that having met a young man in the street, who had accused his fathers enemie, and gotten him condemned, he cherished him and em∣braced him, saying, It was farre better so to celebrate the funerall of his father with the teares and condemnation of his adversaries, than to sacri∣fice with kids and Lambes. It is naturall to men to resent injuries, and as naturall to seek the repairing of them; and he is excused who recom∣penses

a wrong received; and he is accounted also just who does it byorder and modestie, that hath patience to sute it, and abide the delayes of a Court-sute, it being a mean to purge blood out of the land. Neither does either Philosophie, or Religion forbid it but; by the contrary, commands & allowes it. Only the caution is, that the minde of the pursuer be voide of malice, and his eye set upon justice: of which intention the searcher of hearts can only be the competent judge. If some Imperfections, and weak∣nesse of nature do mingle with the action; we must not alwayes for that either utterly reject the action, or condemne the authour. But we must acknowledge that as right, which is right, and pardon the imperfection, which none wantes. We must not exclaime against it as if it were no∣thing but partialitie: Nor against the doer, as meerly vindictive, cheifely in a fact so very enormous, as the murthering of his Cosins was, where∣fore if we shall without partialitie in our selves consider this whole pur∣suit, and give it the right name, we shall call it kindnesse to his kinsmen: equitie, justice, modestie, and patience, rather than wrong and malice: and praise him for his kindnesse, and faithfulnesse in friendship in revenging their quarrells, which hath been his very inclination, as will appeare here∣after yet not only this his just pursuite, but every thing that fell out in the countrie is laid upon him to brand him: as the slaughter of James Stuart by the Boydes, and the like: the taking of the castle of Hales by Patrick Dumbarre, which he is said to have taken, and killed the keeper thereof: be∣cause the Lord Hales had then received the Queen mother into the castle of Dumbarre: who had fled hither to eschew the troubles of the times. The Earle Douglas within a few dayes after got the castle of Hales againe, on condition to suffer the said Patrick Dumbar and his men to de∣part with their lives safe. Likewise he is said to have constrained Sir James Stuart (the blacke knight of Lorne) who had maried the Queen mother, to goe out of the countrie, upon some speeches uttered by the said Sir James against the ill government of the affairs of the kingdom: But neither is it set down what the words were, neither what sort of constraint was used towards him. This Sir James as he was sailing into France, his ship was taken by the Flemings, and he himself died soone after.

The next year (which was 1448) there fell out warre with England, and incursions made on both sides by the Borderers: where the Earle Douglas began again after so long an intermission (to wit from the entrie of King James the first in the yeare 1423. the space of twenty five years) to take upon him the managing of the warre, which his house had ever done, and he now also discharging with honour, and following the foot∣steps of his predecessours, for Dumfreis being burnt by the Earle of Shreus∣burie (or Salisburie) Dumbar spoiled by the Earle of Northumberland, James Douglas (the Earles brother) burnt Anwick in England, where ha∣ving gotten great store of bootie, and many prisoners, as the others had done in Scotland, being almost equall, the & prisoners goods, & were chan∣ged byconsent & agreement of the captains. But this was onlya small assay before a greater matter, which followed this same year, as should seem, yet there was some cessation for a while, and truce taken for seven years. In which time the Earle who (as we see) was so zealous in prosecuting the

revenge of the wrong done to his Cosins, showes another propertie no lesse commendable, which is to be as kind and forward to advance his friends as he had been to quell his enemies.

For the same year James Dumbar (Hollinshed calles him John) Earle of Murray being dead, first he obtaines the foresaid Earles daughter (who was Neece to King Robert the second by his daughter) for his third Brother Archbald; then the title of Earl of Murray from the King; notwithstand∣ing that she whom his brother had married was but the youngest sister, the elder being married before her fathers death unto James Creighton, of whom the house of Fenderet is descended; how it came that he was pre∣ferred before 〈◊〉〈◊〉, who married the elder sister; whether because the titles of Earles do not go by succession unto the heirs of Line, but by the pleasure of the Prince, and that he had more court then Creighton, or whether there was some respect also had to the kinred, or what ever cause there were of it, it gave matter of speech to his enviers, and to our his∣tories it hath furnished matter of Censure, as a wrong done to the elder sister, to whom they think it belonged: he obtained also his fourth brother Hugh to be made Earle of Ormond; and his fifth brother John to be Lord of Balvenie, and Baron thereof, with many rich, and fruitfull lands. In which actions of his, when men can finde no ground of alledging that he did any wrong, they blame him as immoderate in augmenting too much the greatnesse of his house.

Wherein I cannot but praise his kindnesse and carefulnesse, in prefer∣ring of his friends by all lawfull meanes, which is a dutie standeth with wisdom, and a right wisdom: neither was it ever, or can it be ever justly discommended, where there is no injurie committed. Whereas, not to do it (if a man be able) and not to seem to do so, proceeds either of carelesnes, or that which is worse, wickednesse, selfe love, and in some, envifulnesse, and malignity, even to their owne friends. Which kind of doing, deserves no commendation, when it is but carelesnesse, farre lesse when it is done of malice: last of all, when men doe not onely not labour to advance their friends, but even endeavour to keep them under, by a point of wisedome which they thinke very deep, that they may remain servants to them; fearing that if they come to any preferment, they would not be so ready to serve them, and might perhaps grow up above them. This humour, as it is malignant, and an ill disposition, so it is no great good wisedome, whatsoever subtilty it may seem to have in it▪ for they advert not, that they hinder them, who would stand them in stead, and cut them short in power to be steadable to them, and so cut down the props of their owne standing, and such as would support them in their need & necessity. And while they feare that their friends out-strip them, they give place and matter to their enemies to overtop them both. Now the feare which they apprehend of their friends neglecting their duetie to them, is very farre off, and if ever it come to passe, it should not be envied, providing that kindnesse remain among them, though they should grow greater then they; and howbeit they answered not our expe∣ctation in kindnesse (except it were joyned with extremitie of wicked∣nesse, and perhaps not then neither) ought we to repent, or repine? it be∣ing

much more tolerable then to bee overmatched by an enemy, as it of∣ten falleth out, and can hardly choose but fall out, when a house stand∣eth alone by it selfe, having no honest member thereof to underprop and uphold it. Besides, while men thus seeke to make their friends al∣together servile to them, their friends perceiving it (as it can hardly but bee perceived, what ever cunning bee used to cover it) are the lother to serve; as mens nature is, in whom love-service (questionlesse) is the best: yea, onely fruitfull service. And therefore they will either re∣pine the more, or withdraw themselves altogether, if they bee of any spirit; and if they bee not, their service is not worth having. So that men lose even their service (which they so effect) and sometimes turn it by unkindnesse, into unkindlinesse and enmitie, which hath ever been found by experience: neither did ever any house flourish so well, or any man in any house, as when they concurred with one minde to a mutuall helpe one of another: and none ever prospered so well as hee, who used and shewed his care (not to keepe backe his friends, or to neglect them) but to advance them, and take their businesse to heart as his owne.

This is a true patterne of kindnesse, and no lesse of true wisedome, howsoever men may subtillize as they please, which is seriously, and sincerely followed by our Earle Douglas, and deserveth both commenda∣tion and imitation. Neither will it bee found that this is it which did him hurt, but (questionlesse) made him strong, and not easie to bee med∣led with, and so difficult that they could get no other mean to overthrow him, but that which they used, unto which they were forced, and of which, constraint is the onely excuse, as we shall see where hee is slain. Therefore, to say his greatnesse was the cause of his wrack, is more sub∣tle, then solid; even as it may be said (in some sort) that a mans riches are the cause of his throat being cut by robbers, and that a mans vertues and good qualities are oft times the cause of his overthrow, which should not (for all that) bee eschewed. But shall there then bee no moderation! (will some say) and is it not fit, that Subjects should keepe themselves within some cert•…•…in bounds, that are not envious, or suspect to Princes? Moderation is good both in Prince and Subject, and it were to bee wish∣ed that all would moderate their greatnesse, at least their appetite and desire o•…•… greatnesse: or if not that, yet so that they would limit the meanes of attaining it, and the end for which they desire it; and that they would have that wise conference of Cyneas with Pyr•…•…hus before their eyes, that they might lesse affect it, or lesse erre in affecting of it: But where the end is good, and the mean right and lawfull, who craves further moderation, and limitation, whether in Princes, or Subjects, of their Empire (as Augustus) or of their greatnesse (as this Earle here and many others) whatsoever shew it carry, and however Histo∣ries speake thereof, (besides their moderation that duety and religion re∣quires) in so farre as touches Policy, will be found but Sophistry, and no good Policy, when it is well examined. In all this therefore wee can acknowledge no fault; but on the contrary, kindenesse, effectuall freind∣ship, and a due and provident wisedome in strengthening himselfe

against his enemies, and underpropping his house most wisely, and most circumspectly.

Where is then his fault? ye will say, and what was the cause of his ruine? for we finde he did ruine in the end. Truely we must not account of all that have fallen, that they have faulted, that is a great errour in our judgements, and too common, that by finding faults in others, we may be thought the wisest: yet it is not hard to finde his fault if wee will be∣leeve his enemies speeches set downe by our Historians; for though his friends feare nothing, and see nothing but his greatnesse (which is but a vain feare) his enemies see further (as enemies are quicker sighted) in faults, or would seeme to espy further: in their speech yee shall finde these grosse and lewd faults. 1. An unsatiable cupidity (and then they explain in what) in avarice: 2. Then an impotent Tyranny, two great faults (Tyranny and Avarice) sufficient to bring downe, and such as oft brought down Kings let be Subjects. And that we may not think that there was but an idle disposition in him, and but a naturall inclinati∣on, which he bridled, and suffered not to debord, they tell us the effects of them. Of his 1. avarice (and that unjust, as all avarice is, if it bee properly avarice) He seased on Noblemens Patrimonies, hee himselfe by law, and without law: 2. Of his tyranny and oppression, He gave the Patri∣mony of mean men as a prey to his dependers; and yet further, Them that withstood his pleasure, hee harried or caused make them away by theeves and briggands: he advanced new men to the highest honours, placing them in the roomes of ancient Families. If any man spake a free word, tasting of li∣berty it cost him no lesse then his life: These faults indeed are great ones, if they were true, and such as merited that their end should have been as it was: These are indeed errours both in policie and humanitie, in pri∣vate men or in Princes, in small or great, in what ever person; and they were worthy to be detested, and abhominated by all men, if they were true, for our Authours say not that they were true. I say again, if they were true expressely; for they doe but report them as the voyce of his enemies, who did exaggerate things as enviously as they could (as that amongst other speeches of theirs) doth witnesse, where they say, That all the riches of the Countrey were heaped upon one Family: that there were so many great Earles and Barons of them, that they had so much power and potencie, that the King reigned but by their license, and courtesie as it were. As for the Authours owne judgement hereof, (besides what he said be∣fore, that they were amplyfied in the most odious manner) hee sub∣joynes these, and such like speeches as those, Many of them were true many besides the truth, and augmented above it, to procure hatred unto them. So he leaves the judgement uncertain, and tells not what things were true, and what false and augmented, which we ought to discerne and separate (if it be possible) to make a right judgement: for this is indeed the craft of Calumny, to mingle truth with falsehood, that something being knowne to be true, the rest may passe for such also. But Prudencie will sift, and separate them, and winnow them in a right judgement, both that which is true, from that which is false, and in every point laid against him so much as it hath of truth, from that falsehood is mingled with

it for Calumniators are excellent in their mixtures, and compositions of truth and falshood, so that there is great attentivenesse required to distin∣guish betwixt them, yet if we will attend to them, it may be they be dis∣cerned. Let us then consider the particulars, and what particulars we find in any of those to be true, let us acknowledge it; what is not so, let us reject as false, and reckon amongst those that are but amplified, and aug∣mented for envie: After which rule we shall finde in effect the last three to be those which are most true. 1. The riches: 2. The number: 3. The puissance of the house and name of Douglas. And yet not simple true as they set them downe, for they amplifie them also to stirre envie, unlesse we interpret it favourably: for not all the riches of the Countrey, nor all the honour was in their hands, though there were more in theirs, then in any others at that time: yet there hath been more (both riches and ho∣nours) in the hands of some other before; for the Cummines are account∣ed to have been greater, and that their power was beyond the Kings power: it was false, their power being but a dependant, and subordi∣nate, and could not be supposed to have been so great, so united (though they were of one name) as was seen afterward. And however we find it was thought so of before in the first Earles time, yet he never used it to the Kings prejudice after that he was informed of his right, which was now out of question: but these carry no fault in them. The rest which carry fault in them, the first two (avarice and tyranny) are to be tried by the effects: the third (taking to himselfe the Noblemens Patrimony) by law and besides law: what he did by law take from them, was not theirs; what besides law we heare of no instance given: There is a fact may seem so in the Earledome of Murray, which he tooke not to himselfe, but to his brother. Neither was that the Patrimony, but the Title and Digni∣ty, of which we have spoken already, and it was but a small peece of matter. The fourth and fifth (his killing and robbing by theeves, and his dependers invading of other mens Patrimonies) are of the same quali∣ty, for we heare of no instance bearing any wrong, Neither of the sixth, and seventh, advancing of new men wrongfully, or killing of men for free speeches. And truely raising of new men, and mean men was the thing that he and all his house did ever dislike very much, and was the ground of their discord, with the Levingstons and with Creighton. And I hope no man will call his brother a new man. So that to be short, when we have sifted them all, we see nothing but falsehood, and calumnies, and aggravations to move envie, which makes it no truth: for a truth augmented or diminished, is no longer truth, though otherwise it were true in substance.

Wherefore leaving these speeches as the speeches of his enemies, that is to say, for Calumnies (as they are called, and as they are indeed) wee will come to that which is of greater weight, and followes in the Au∣thours owne name, Animus per se insolens, hee was of an insolent minde of himselfe saith one, which being the judgement of one of the most learned and judicious Writers, I will not contest, but leave it in the middle, and soberly crave to have it weighed, that wee may see whether there bee any necessitie to make us thinke so or not, for

it is Historicall onely, which I must thinke hee hath found in fact as he hath had leisure, and perused his Histories, of which we are scarce; to wit, that he grew by successe to that impotency of commanding his affe∣ctions, that he had his eares closed from the free admonitions of his friends. Nothing is more pernicious, nor is there a more certain prog∣nostick of ruine to follow, then when men are so puft up with the opini∣on of their owne wisedome, that they disdain and contemne to heare, and to weigh the judgement of others. Yet this that followes is an extreame high degree of it, that men might not dissemble their minds in silence, to hold their peace at those things which they could not approve, was not sure nor safe for them, which ought to be safe for all men, to say no∣thing, and keep their minds to themselves and God; which no other man, no not a mans selfe can command altogether. He is obedient that obeyes in the rest: The minde is his that made it, and can search it, over which no man should usurp. The cause of all this ill followes; the aboundance of flatterers, and giving eare to them: a naturall, but a pestiferous fault, naturall to all great men, and small in their owne kinde: men are given to delight in what they beleeve, and to beleeve easily most good of them∣selves, whom they love most of any, and for aboundance of flatterers, who wants them? Diogenes said he had his owne Parasites, the mouse was if men failed! yea, men never fail, and perhaps failed not him; hee whom all the world flattered. King Alexander, did he not flatter Di∣ogenes? what was his speech to him but a flattery both of himself and Di∣ogenes? or else anerrour concerning them both, when he said, If I were not Alexander, I would be Diogenes. So common is it, so naturall is it, but notwithstanding, it is hurtfull, and to be avoyded, and the more care∣fully to be taken heed of, the more common and the more naturall it is: he hath the fairest of the play, that is most wary of it, and accounts it his greatest perfection, to know his imperfection; and he is most accomplish∣ed that best knowes his defects, and wishes for helps, and knowes he hath need of them. Out of doubt these were enough to bring down more then one Earle of Douglas; as for that which is further said of him. His old enemies were drawne to law to plead their cause before the same man, both judge and party, of whom many were spoyled of their goods, some of their lives; some to eschew the injust judgement, tooke voluntary ex∣ile unto them; and that which is said of their dependers, they overshot themselves, carelesse of all judgements (because none could contend with them in judgement) To all sort of licentiousnesse, robbing, and stealing holy things, profane things, and slaying them they could get their hands over: neither keeped they any bridle (or measure) in their wickednesse. Of all this concerning his dependers, being so generally and almost hy∣perbolically conceived: I could wish among so many, that there had been some instance set downe, that we might the better have knowne it, and discerned it. This (I am sure) cannot be without hyperbole: that they did commit some gratuit wickednesse (that is, such as was for no good to them nor profit) and without gain, pleasure or profit, having no cause in the world for them, but onely to keep their hands in ure of wickednesse, lest being disaccustomed from ill, some honest thought might come into

their minde, that might tame them from their wickednesse and vile∣nesse. So strange a conclusion would have had cleare and plaine antece∣dents, and not a few of those. It is hard to beleeve this upon any mans word, chiefly such a one as lived not in those times, nor was an eyewitnesse (as we say) of things, who by such speeches would have us to conceive more then he could, or by any could be expressed in words. But what one man could only gather out of Histories, we might also •…•…ve gathered by the same Historie, if he had named his Authors, or showne the way of his col∣lecting of it from thence. But there being no footsteps of such enormities in the Histories which we have, that can lead us to this, I know not if we be bound so to reverence any mans person, as to receive it absolutely. That which followes, is of the same kinde, wherein the evils of those times are amplified, That it fell out well for Scotland that England had their owne civill warres in those dayes, otherwise Scotland had sunke under the bur∣den. For first their civill warres from this time (which was from 1444. un∣till 1448.) were not great, and but secret grudgings onely. The commoti∣on of Blue-beard was not untill 1449. and in Kent by John Cade in 1450. Then the forraine warres with England might have moved the discord at home, as they have done often, and men fit for warlike employment, and given to arms, should have had matter to exercise themselvs upon the com∣mon enemie, who in time of peace, for want of such employment as they are inclined to, are the cause of much evill at home. Last of all, we finde the contrarie by experience: for notwithstanding of these dissentions and disorders, yet they obtained a notable victorie of the English by the same Douglasses who are accounted so disorderly in time of peace, but have e∣ver proved in the eyes of all men honourable, and dutifull in warre, their enemies not being able to detract from their manifest and evident worth.

The occasion of this victorie fell out thus. Wee heard how after the burning of Anwicke by James Douglas, younger brother to the Earle, a Truce was taken for seven yeares: notwithstanding of which, in this yeare (as would seeme) or in the next at farthest, the English (without any regard of the Truce) made inroades upon Scotland, spoyled, forrowed, and burnt the Villages farre and wide where they went, which the Scots would not suffer to passe unrevenged. Wherefore to cry quit with them, they en∣tred England, and returned unto them as much hurt as they had received; and the storme fell chiefly upon Cumberland, from whence the beginning of the troubles had arisen, which was by this incursion almost redacted to a wildernesse. When newes hereof were brought to London, they gave order for levying of an Army of 40000. men (as some write) intending to bring Scotland under their subjection, which they thought would not be hard to doe, in respect the Countrey had beene so lately wasted and im∣poverished, as also •…•…or that they knew their divisions at home. Therefore having made a levie of the best and choice souldiers, the Earle of Nor∣thumberland is made Generall, and there was joyned with him a certaine man called Magnus (onely a Gentleman borne) who had given good proofe of his valour many times in France, where he had beene brought up, and trained in the warres from his youth. This man bearing great

hatred to the Scots, and being too confident of his owne sufficiency, is said to have obtained of the King of England, for the reward of his service, whatever lands he could winne from them, for himselfe and his heires in perpetuall inheritance. He was remarkable by his long and red Beard, and was therefore called by the English Magnus Red-beard, and by the Scots, in derision, Magnus with the red Maine, as though his beard had beene an horse Maine, because of the length and thicknesse thereof. The Manu∣script calleth him Magnus with the red hand, taking the word (Maine) for the French word, which signifieth an hand: but the attentive Reader may perceive the errour, and how it was a word meerely Scottish, and used by the Scots in derision.

The King of Scots hearing of this preparation in England, caused also levie an Army, wherein he made the Earle of Ormond (George, or rather Hugh Douglas) Generall, who immediately went into Annandale, through which the English Army was to come. Both sides being thus prepared, the English having passed the Rivers of Solway and Annand, pitch their Camp upon the brinke of the water of Sarke. The Scots marched to∣wards them, and they hearing of their approach, made themselves ready, so that being come within sight one of another, they ranged their men in order of battell. In the right wing of the English Army was this Magnus with the red Maine.) In the left Sir John Pennington with the Welsh men. The middle battle was led by the Earle of Northumberland himselfe. On the Scots side was the Earle of Ormond in the middle battell over a∣gainst Northumberland, and William Wallace of Craiggie opposed Magnus, and against Sir John Pennington was placed the Knight of Carlaverocke, called Maxwell, and Johnston of Johnston, with many inland Gentlemen, (saith the Manuscript) because they had no great confidence in their owne Annandale men, who were more set upon spoile then victorie. Ormond exhorted the Armie in few words, telling them, That they had great reason to hope for the victorie, because they had taken armes, being provoked thereto, and that it could not be, but that so just a cause should have a happy event. Onely be∣have your selves valiantly, abate the pride of the enemy with a notable defeat, and so you shall reape a long lasting fruit of a short travell. When the Eng∣lish Archers did annoy the Scots with their arrowes from afarre, William Wallace cried out with a loud voice, so as he was heard by his followers, Why should we stand still thus to be wounded afarre off? Follow me (sayes he) and let us joyne in hand stroakes, where true valour is to be seene: and so marching forward, and the rest following his example, they made so fierce an onset, that they quite overthrew the right wing thereof. Magnus per∣ceiving that, being more mindfull of his honour acquired in time past, then of the present danger, resolved either to restore the battell, or lose his life with credit, pressed forward against Craiggie Wallace to have encoun∣tred him, and ere he could come at him, he was encompassed about by the Scottishmen, and slaine: his death put the English in such a feare (for they had great confidence in his valour and conduct) that they without any fur∣ther resistance turned their backs, and fled in great disorder. The Scots pursued so fiercely and eagerly, that there was more of the enemies slaine in the chase, than in the battell, chiefly upon the brinke of the River of

Solway, where the tide being come in, the river was not passable, and such as adventured to take it were drowned. There were slaine in this battell 3000. English, and amongst those their great Magnus, and the Scots deadly enemie, who had presumed so of victory. A notable example to teach men not to be over confident in things of such uncertaine event, as are the warres; and (as our proverb is) Not to sell the beares skin before he be slaine. There were slaine besides him eleven Knights of good account and note. Of the Scots were lost but 600. There were taken priloners a great number, amongst whom were Sir John Pennington, and Sir Robert Haring∣ton, Knights, and the Lord Percie sonne to the Earle of Northumberland, whilest he helped his father to his horse, who thereby escaped taking. There was also so great store of spoile gotten, as no man remembred so much to have beene gotten at any battell before. For the English trusting to their number, and the strength of their Armie, together with the opini∣on of their enemies weaknesse, through dissention and variance (as they supposed) had brought with them their best furniture, and richest stuffe, in full assurance of victorie, Wallace of Craiggie being sore wounded in the fight, was carried home, and died within three moneths after. The Earle of Ormond having gotten this honourable victorie, conveyed the chief∣est of the prisoners to Lochmabane, and then repaired to Court, where he was joyfully met, and received of all, with all sort of honour that could be, envie it self not daring to open her mouth against him.

The King did highly commend him for this exploit, and exhorted him and the Earle Douglas his brother,

That as their foregoers had often, as they also had done, defended the Estate of Scotland with their labours, and vertue, in most perillous times, and had given large proofe of their valour and courage: That so they would at home accustome themselves to modestie: That they themselves would abstain, and that they would containe their friends from injuries toward the weaker sort: Their pow∣er and puissance, which they had acquired by so many their great deserts, towards their Kings, his Predecessours, and the Countrey, that they would employ it rather in suppressing of robbers and disorderly men, then to make new of giving way to it by connivence▪ That this only was lacking to their full praise, which if they would adde, they should finde by experience there was nothing more deare unto him then the advance∣ment of the House and Name of Douglas.

To this the Earle Douglas replied (he being the elder brother, and finding that this speech was chief∣ly directed to him) with great submission, and promised to doe as his Ma∣jestie had exhorted them: and so they were dismissed, and returned home to their owne houses with great honour and applause both of Prince and people, to whom they had by this victorie purchased great quietnesse. For neither were the English Borderers able to invade them any more, nor the King of England to send downe a new Army (which faine he would have done) by reason of the civill warre which ensued shortly after at home. So that he chose rather to have peace with Scotland, in regard of the case he was then in, then warre. Wherefore he sent Ambassadours, and ob∣tained a Truce for three yeares, the Scots thinking it no lesse expedient for

them in a case not unlike to his, through intestine dissention, though not o∣pen insurrection against the King. For notwithstanding all this service done to the King and Countrey, the malice of such as were the enemies of the Douglasses was no whit abated▪ nay, their worth the more it was showne, and the more brightly that it did shine, it did so much the more stirre envie in their ill-willers, whose secret practises still continued, and whose credit in Court seemed still to increase against them. Creighton, who before had beene sent Ambassadour to Charles the seventh of France, for procuring a wife to the King, had concluded a match for him with Mary daughter to Arnold Duke of Gelders, who by her mother (the Duke of Burgundies sister) was come of the Bloud Royall of France, was now returned into Scotland with her in this yeare 1448. This service and her favour increased his credit greatly with the King; which the Earle Douglas perceiving, was nothing pleased with it, but being discontented, obtaining leave of the King, he withdrew himselfe from Court, seeing his errour of having beene contented that Creighton should be imployed in that honou∣rable message, thinking himselfe well rid of him by this his absence; which practice of Court succeedeth sometimes happily (as it did against the Boyds in King James the thirds time, in the very like case) yet it did not so now, but turned to the greater advantage and advancement of his enemie. Creighton was well contented with his retiring, esteeming it his gaine to be so rid of him from the Kings eare and presence.

Whilest they concorded thus in their discord, both willing one thing in so contrary mindes (to wit, the Earle Douglas absence) there fell out an accident that occasioned his longer absence, not from the Court onely, but out of the Countrey also. Richard Colville of Ochiltree was an ene∣my and bare deadly feud to John Auchenlech of Auchenlech, a friend and depender of the Earle Douglas; whom the Earle having sent for to come to him to Douglas Castle for such businesse as he had to do with him, the said Richard having notice of the said Auchenlechs journey, notwithstanding he knew he went toward the Earle, whether stirred up by the Earles ene∣mies at Court, so to put an affront upon him, or leaning to their credit for impunitie, or out of impatience, or presumption, or contempt of the Earle in respect of his withdrawing from Court, not regarding him, or fearing his displeasure or anger, he lay in wait for him by the way, and set upon him with a number of armed men, where, after some small conflict, Au∣chinlech was slaine, and divers of his friends and servants with him. The Earle Douglas having notice hereof, the fact touching him so neerely in the person of his friend and follower, in his service, comming toward him, and sent for by him, he was so incensed therewith, that whether distrust∣ing the ordinary course of justice (as wherein he might be eluded by his e∣nemies then guiders of Court) or impatient of delay, or not accounting it so honourable for him, nor so awefull in example to others, concluding immediately to revenge it, and vowing solemnly he should be avenged before he either eat or dranke, he tooke horse immediately, and with the readiest of his friends rode to the Castle of Ochiltree, forced it, and slew the said Richard Colvill, and all the males within the Castle that were come to the age of men. This opened the mouths of men diversly, ac∣cording

to their diverse humours, some condemning his cruelty, some commending his courage, some saying that he had gone too farre, and done too much; others that he could doe no lesse, that he had just cause, and that he had been ill used, his friend slain, his honour interessed, that such kinde of justice best became him; his enemies at Court tooke hold of it, aggravating it to the King, an insolent fact against law and custome, and however Colvill had deserved it (which they could not deny) yet it was a perillous example, prejudiciall to all order, and to the King, to whom the punishing of such things belonged; So that the King be∣came highly offended therewith.

Hereupon the Earle Douglas, partly to give place to his Princes anger, partly upon some remorse (as all bloud hath ever some touch and sting of Conscience with it:) the next yeare beeing the yeare of Jubilee, hee purchased a license from the King to goe to Rome, pretending he would doe pennance for the said slaughter, (but as his enemies did interpret it) to shew his greatnesse to forraigne Princes and Nations. Before hee tooke his journey, having a care of his house, and being out of hope to have children of his owne (as having been seaven or eight yeare married with∣out children) he procured his second brother James to be received by the King, and confirmed in the Earledome after himselfe. There went with him in company a great number of Noblemen and Gentlemen, such as the Lord Hamiltoun, Gray, Salton, Seaton, Oliphant and Forbesse; also Cal∣der, Urwhart, Cambell, Fraiser, Lawders of Crumartie, Philorth and Basse, Knights, with many other Gentlemen of great account. Hee went first to Flanders, and from thence by land to Paris, where he was honou∣rably received by the King of France, whom some call Lewis the elea∣venth, but it must needs be Charles the seaventh, who lived till the yeare 1460. some tenne yeares after this Jubilee, which behoved to bee in the yeare 1450. The remembrance of the good service done by his Uncle at Bauge, and his Grandfather at divers times, and at last, for spending his life for him at Vernoile, was not yet worne out of Charles his memory, in regard whereof, and for the place he carried, and the publick League between the Countreyes, he omitted no kind of honour undone to him that was fit for his qualitie and ranke: from thence he tooke his journey towards Rome, which was filled with the expectation of his coming. He had taken from Paris with him his youngest brother George, a young man who was there at Schooles, and of whom there was great expecta∣tion; but he died by the way, to his great griefe, he is said by the manu∣script, to have been nominated Bishop of Dunkell, and that he was to be inaugurated at Rome; Buchannan also saith it, perhaps following the ma∣nuscript: but they both forget that his eldest brother Henry is said by the same manuscript, in the life of their father, to have beene Bishop of Dunkell: and this George died before he was fifteene yeares of age. I take it also to be an oversight in this same Buchannan, that hee saith that this George was destinated to be Earle by the Kings permission, after his brother, who had no children. For it is against reason that hee being youngest of many brethren (worthy men) should have been preferred be∣fore them, while he was but yet a childe at school.

While the Earle was thus in his pilgrimage, his enemies slept not at home, but taking the opportunitie of his absence, did both blame him at the Kings hand by all invention they could devise, and stirred up such of the common people as had received any wrong of any man, to complaine to the King, alledging they had received it by the Earle Douglas friends or servants, and by such wayes moved the King to cause seeke Siminton, then Bailiffe to the Earle in Douglasdale, and to cite and summon him to answer to such crimes as were laid to the Earles charge, for the actions (perhaps) of his dependers and clients, or (at least) for such things as his Lord had neither commanded, neither (happely) heard of. Siminton look∣ing for no equitie at their hands, who moved such a citation, choosed not to come into judgement, suffering things to passe rather for non-com∣peirance, than to compeire, not knowing the state of things, nor how to answer, having neither knowledge of them by himselfe, nor direction, nor information from his Lord. Upon this occasion his enemies laid hold, interpreted this his non-compeirance in the most odious sort, and called it contumacie, and what grievous name they could devise. So they moved the King to send his servants and apprehend him, and would gladly have proceeded with all extremity against him, exclaiming a∣gainst his presumptuous contempt of the King, and telling the King, that his royall authoritie was become a mockerie, and despised by every base fellow: That by his lenitie he did but foster the malapertnesse of the wicked sort: That by impunitie new doores were opened to new mis∣doers: with such other speeches, in the most vehement maner they could, to have dipped the King in bloud, and cut off all hope (as farre as in them lay) of reconcilement betwixt them. But he, not being so farre alienated as yet from Douglas, howbeit the complaints of so many had stirred up some dislike, and taken impression in his minde, was not moved with their speeches in that high nature, but persisted in his opinion to recompence the Complainers in their losses of goods by goods, but not to meddle with any mans bloud: wherefore he caused Siminton to be set at libertie, and commanded him onely to satisfie the Complainers. But hee who could neither answer without information, nor satisfie without direction, humbly besought his Majestie, that since he had not information, and could not answer, being but a servant, and unacquainted with businesse; seeing also he was not Collector of his masters rents, but onely comman∣der of his servants, it would please him to delay the matter till his Lord returned, (whom he expected within few moneths) who (he doubted not) both could and would answer to whatsoever complaint, and satisfie suffi∣ciently at his Princes pleasure whatsoever dammage he should have beene found to doe to any man. This seemed most reasonable, that the Earle himselfe should be heard first, and not condemned unheard, and in his absence; and there could bee no great prejudice in a short delay. Where∣fore the King condescended to it, and yet notwithstanding being impor∣tuned by the multitude of new complaints, he sent William Sinclair Earle of Orkney (a near Cousin to the Earle Douglas) being Chancellor for the time, to intromet with his goods and rents in Galloway and Douglas, to sa∣tisfie Complainers therewith: but it was to no purpose, for hee was

eluded, and almost mocked by the tenants. He alledged, and reported to the King, that was done by the instigation of the Earle of Ormond, that he was so frustrate; for the Earle Douglas had committed to him the mannaging of his estate in his absence, and he greatly disdained that Ork∣ney, being so neare of bloud and alliance to them, should have under∣taken that charge. The King irritated herewith, as a contempt of his au∣thoritie, caused Heraulds to be directed (or Pursevants) to summon all of the name of Douglas, and their favourers, to compeire upon a cer∣taine day, and the Earle himselfe within threescore dayes; which being expired, and none compeiring, they were denounced Rebels. Then the King himselfe went with an Army into Galloway, where at his first entrie, having forced their Captaines to retire to their strengths, a small number of his hoast, whilest they followed the Rebels uncircumspect∣ly through strait places, were beaten backe upon the King, not with∣out some disgrace. The king moved with great indignation hereat, went and assaulted their chiefe fortes: And first he tooke the Castle of Loch∣mabane without great trouble or travell; thereafter with great toile and wearying of his men, the Castle of Douglas, which he razed to the ground. He commanded the Farmers, Tenants, and Labourers of the ground, to pay their Meales to his Collectours, untill such time as the complainers were satisfied with their Lords goods.

These things being reported (thus as they were done) to the Earle Douglas while hee was yet at Rome, moved him greatly, and greatly astonished them that were in his company; so that many withdrew them∣selves, fearing what it might turne to; and he, with the few that remained with him, made what haste they could homeward.

As hee came through England, hee was honourably entertained by the King and Queene there: but when hee approached neere to the bor∣bers of Scotland, hee stayed a little time, and sent his brother James before to trie the Kings minde toward him; which when hee found to be placable, hee returned home, was kindely received, and lovingly ad∣monished to put away from him disorderly persons, especially the men of Annandale, who had in his absence committed many outrages and cruelties. This when hee had faithfully promised to performe, hee was not onely received into his former place of favour, but was made also Lieutenant Generall of the whole Kingdome of Scotland. And this was the bitter fruit of his perillous Pilgrimage, that hereby hee loosed the reines to his enemies, and gave them power so farre to prevaile, as to embarke the King in open quarrell against him, even to the casting downe of his Houses, and intrometting with his Revenues. This notwith∣standing was either his wisedome, or the account and respect of his place and person, that the King, who had done him such harme and disgrace, could bee contented so to forget it, receiving him so farre into favour, and advancing him, whatever blame or impu∣tation may bee laid upon him for his journey, which was so rashly taken on, and which had so dangerous a sequell; yet this retreate from that storme cannot but bee commended, and his dex∣teritie (whatever it were) acknowledged to have beene great,

which guided him through such billowes and surges to so peaceable a Port and Haven. And it were to be wished that Writers had set downe by what means this was brought to passe, for the more perfect understand∣ing of the History; but we must beare with this amongst many more de∣fects that are to be found in them.

Now what ever wisedome (though undescribed in the particular) may appeare to bee in this; as much unadvisednesse is evident in that which hee did immediately after, in his journey to England. For without acquainting the King, hee went to the Court of England, and had privie conference with that King and Queene, hee pretended that it was for restitution of some goods taken out of Scotland, and not restored by the Wardens of England: but this cause, the lighter it was, the greater suspition did it move in his owne King, who could not thinke it pro∣bable, that hee being of that place, of that courage, of that nature, would upon such an occasion onely, take such a journey: The true cause is thought to be, that he went to treat of certaine conditions for his assistance to be given to the King of England against his Nobilitie, with whom he was then in hard termes, the warres of the house of Yorke be∣ginning to spring up, which increased afterward so mightily, and prevailed, to the ejecting him out of the Kingdome.

This the Queene of England either foreseeing, or fearing some other such like enterprise against her husband had dealt with the Earle Douglas when he came home through England from Rome the yeare before, to strengthen them by his help, and appointed him to return for performance, and perfecting of all conditions of agreement. But we finde no effect of this agreement and conditions, whether because that conspiracie of the Duke of York was not yet come to maturitie, and so Douglas was not employed, being prevented by death (which fell out shortly a•…•…ter this) or because they were not fully agreed, is uncertaine. Neither is it specified what the conditions were: onely it is conjectured, that they were the same, or such like, as the same King (Henry the sixth) granted afterward to the Earle of Angus in the time of King James the third, which if they were, they were no wayes prejudiciall to the King of Scotland (as shall appeare there) yet being done without his knowledge, it gave occasion either to the naturall jealousie of Princes to think hardly of it, by his owne meere motion, or to his enemies, so to construct it to the King, and stirre him up by their speeches to that suspicion which he enclined to. Of both which he ought to have beene warie, and not to have given such ground to the one, or to the other, by such a journey undertaken without the Kings allowance.

Whether at his returne he acquainted the King with what had past betwixt him and the Kings of England, it is not certaine, and our Wri∣ters seeme to say the contrary, yet in that hee brought letters from the Queene of England to the Queene of Scotland, and shee thereupon in∣terceded for him, it is not improbable that he hath acquainted her (and so the King also) with the truth of the whole businesse: which whether the King did not beleeve, or if his jealousie remained not the lesse, and that hee was not willing there should bee such an accession and increase

of the Earles greatnesse, who (he thought) was greater already then was safe for a King; hee pardoned him the fault at the intercession of the Queene and some Nobles, but he tooke from him the Office of Lieute∣nant, and all other publicke charge, that so he might be made unusefull and unsteadable to the King of England, or at least not so able to aid him, and so he might be frustrate of the conditions so liberally promised unto him from thence. Hee •…•…estored also his old enemie Creig•…•…ton to the Office of Chancellour, and the Earle of Orkney was made Lieutenant. Thus not onely disappointed of his hopes, but disgraced at his Princes hands, both by being himselfe depressed, and his enemies advanced, he was incensed against all the Courtiers, taking all to proceed from their instigation. But more especially his anger was bent against Creighton, both as the ancient enemie of his House, and also as the chief Authour of all this present dis-favour by his surmisings, transported herewith, hee gave way to his passion to carry him to a course somewhat more then civill, which un∣till that time hee had tempered, retaining it with the bridle of equi∣tie, and himselfe within the compasse of the lawes. Now whether al∣together, and onely for these causes foresaid, or if irritated by a new occasion of malicious speeches uttered by Creighton (That the King∣dome of Scotland would never be at rest so long as the house of Douglas was on soot: That in the vuine thereof stood the good of the Realme, and peace of all Estates: That it was necessary a man of so turbulent a nature, so puissant and powerfull by his Kindred and Alliance, whom no benefits could appease, nor honours satiate, should hee cut off, and the publicke peace established by his death,) or if Creighton contrived this speech to make Douglas the more odious, and his owne quarrell seeme the juster against him (for both are written) so it is, that the Earle cau∣sed certaine of his friends and servants lie in wait for him as hee was riding from Edinburgh toward Creighton: but he escaped, being acquaint∣ed with the plot (as some write) well accompanied, and excellently well mounted, but not without being wounded himselfe, and having slaine some of his adversaries in his escape. Others, attribute his escaping not to any foresight or fore-knowledge, but sayeth that hee was as∣sailed in the night at unawares, and being astonished at the first, yet af∣terward recollecting himselfe (for he was a man of good courage) hee slew the formost he met with, and having received some wounds, brake through them, and saved himselfe in Creighton Castle, where he remain∣ed not long; but his wounds being scarce well cured, he conveened his friends, and coming on the sudden to Edinburgh, had almost surprised the Earle Douglas, who was there in quiet manner, and looked for no such thing, but he getting advertisement hereof, did advertise the King that he could no longer end•…•…re Creightons hidden malice and practises against his life, and estate, and his now open attempts also: wherefore hee desi∣red to bee excused, th•…•… hee could no more repair to Court, so long as Creighton was there, and so retired himselfe to his house to remain as a male-content for a season.

In the meane time finding his enemies thus to increase in credit at Court, and with their credit (as commonly it cometh to passe) in num∣ber

and power, hee, to strengthen himselfe also on the other side against them, entered into a new confederacy with the Earles of Crawford, and Rosse, men of greatest puissance and force next the Douglasses, that were in Scotland in their times; or rather he renewed the old friendship that had been betwixt them. For their houses were in old time in great friendship with the houses of Douglas (as hath beene shewed) and the house of Crawford was particularly obliged unto them by divers good Offices, from the dayes of Robert the second: and in this same mans time had been helped against the Ogelbees at Arbroth: as his father also had at the Earle Douglas desire spoyled the Bishop of Saint Andrewes (Kenne∣dies) lands: And besides, this Beatrix Douglas (the Earle Douglas Lady) was daughter to one of the Earles of Crawford, and could not but bee of kinne to this Earle. The summe of their band was, That they should every one assist and defend another, together with their friends and de∣penders, against all men: That they should have the same friends, and the same enemies, with reservation alwayes, and exception of their duety to their Prince. But whether this band was made of new (as some write) or if it were of old continued from hand to hand, and then re∣newed as though it were intended in speciall against Crcighton and his partakers, and due exception of the King expressely contained in it, is un∣certain: however, they so possessed the King, that hee interpreted all as done against himselfe. And therefore matters being come to publick Hostilitie betwixt Douglas and Creighton, and the Countrey divided in∣to factions, when the Earle of Crawford and Rosse had sent to Creigh∣ton, and given up all friendship with him as an enemy to their dearest friend, by vertue of the foresaid League; hee acquainted the King there∣with, and with all vehemencie exaggerated the League, as a conspiracy against him and his royall Authority, and that it was very dangerous for him when such great houses, and powerfull men had combined together. The King apprehending it to bee so, having once settled that opinion in his minde, did upon that ground build all his interpretations of the Earle Douglas actions, and framed his owne actions accordingly against him; Neither was Douglas so fortunate, or circumspect, as to avoid the occa∣sions of fostering that opinion in the King: but (as commonly happen∣eth) when ruine is to come on men, all things worke that way, so fared it with him in two facts. The first was on the person of the Lord Hanris, who was too hardly used of him, as appeares: The other on the Tutor of Bombee, more justly; yet so, that his carriage in it seemed to confirme that which his enemies alledge against him, that he exercised his authority, and used his priviledges more absolutely then the King had reason to be contented with. The occasion of the first, and the forme thereof was, Sir William Harris of Terreglis having been the Earle Dou∣glas ancient dependar, had now in this frowne of Court, and diversity of factions (whether to please the Court, and because he accounted it justest to follow it, or because indeed he misliked things done by the borderers who followed Douglas) withdrawn himselfe from his dependance; and if he sided not openly with the other party (which hee could nor durst hardly doe, lying so neare to Douglas) yet did hee not follow him as hee

was wont, and so either by a reall enmitie in private, or a kinde of neutra∣lity in publick, had procured the like behaviour of the Earle to him, to behave himselfe as neutrall in his affaires: and as hee had abstracted his dependance and attendance from him, so the other abstracted his Prote∣ction from him. This when the Annandians perceived, they (ready up∣on all such occasions) made a rode, and furrowed his lands: hereof when he complained to the Earle, and had received answer according to the foresaid coldnes betwixt them, he would needs attempt some redresse by his own power; and hereupon assembling a number of his friends, he rode into Annandale to have rendered them the like, and either to recover his owne, or repaire his losses out of their goods. But he was overthrowne by them, and taken prisoner, and so brought to the Earle Douglas, hee esteeming him as his owne servant, and taken within his bounds where his jurisdiction (by regallity or otherwayes) was extended, put him to assise. They of the Jury found him guilty, being taken after hee had seized the goods, (with red hand as they term it) and so being convict of theft, he was condemned, executed, and hanged as a thiefe, and that notwithstanding the Kings earnest request for his life by letter. A piti∣full matter, and greatly to be lamented! and though he had some colour of justice, yet it tasted not so much of justice as of malice; no not of in∣differency (which would be injustice, having eye to the due circumstan∣ces) so much as of partiality, joyned with contempt of the King, and his equall request; and so it was constructed, and gave more just occasi∣ons to his enemies surmising, and the increasing of the Kings indignati∣on, which by yeelding, and remitting a little of his priviledges, and showing respect to the Kings entreaty, he might have mitigated in some measure; and that without any danger he could have incurred by the said Lord Harries enmitie (although he should have been his enemy, and per∣haps he might have regained him to his friendship by remitting the of∣fence.) The other fact which ensued upon this, not so unjust, but made as odious (as carrying the odiousnesse of the other with it) was, Macklalane Tutor of Bombee, the chiefe of that name, and one of the principall hou∣ses in Galloway, falling at odds with a servant of the Earle Douglas had slain him, and was therefore with his brother who was partaker of the slaughter) apprehended and put in prison in the Trevie, a strong house belonging to the Earle. His friends made means to the Courtiers, and by them to the King; informing him that Douglas carried a spleene against the man, more for being a friend, a favourer and follower of the best side (so they called their owne) then for killing of the man: where∣fore they besought him that he would not suffer a Gentleman of his rank, who was also a good man otherwise (however that had fallen out in his hands) to bee drawne (not to judgement, but) to certain and destinate death, before one, who was both judge and party. By this and such like information (whereby the eares of Princes are deceived, while men go about to withdraw their friends from due punishment) they perswade the King to send for Bombee, and take the triall and judgement of him in his own hands, desiring the Earle Douglas, that i•…•… he had any thing against him, he should come and pursue him before the King. Amongst the fur∣therers

of this sute Patrick Gray of Fowls (uncle to the Tutor) was chiefe: he was directed with the Commission, as one that both would be earnest therein, being so neare to the party, and would also bee respected, being some way in kinne to the Earle; Douglas having notice of his Commission, and perceiving thereby they meant no other thing, but to defraud him of justice for killing of his servant (which he thought he could not suffer with his honour) that he might doe what hee had de∣termined the more calmely, and with the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 offence (as hee thought) he courteously received the said Patrick Gray, and intertained him with diverse purposes, and caused the Tutor in the meane time to be tried by an Assise, and being condemned, to bee quickly conveyed a mile from thence to a place called Carling-work, and there executed. Afterward when Patrick Gray (ignorant of what was done) had delivered his Com∣mission from the King; he answered, he was sory he was come too late, and then told him what was done, and desired him to excuse him to the King. When he heard that, and saw himselfe so deluded, he presently (in a great chafe and rage) renounced all kindred and friendship, and whatsoever band besides might seeme to tie him to the Earle; vowing that from that time forth he should be his deadly enemy in all sort, and by all means he could, which the other little regarding, dismissed him: But however he little regarded it, the French Proverb proveth true, and is worthy to be regarded of all men, That there is no little enemy: for he had the power to be his death afterward with his owne hands, and plot∣ted it by his Counsell, or set it forward, being plotted and devised by others: for being come to the King, and relating the issue and effect of his message, all was by him and the other Courtiers of the faction ag∣gravated in the most haynous sort: That the Kings commandments were contemned, eluded and mocked: That it was likely that the Earle Dou∣glas was King: That doubtlesse he aimed to be so, yea, hee behaved him∣selfe already as such: That that was the meaning of his private con∣ference with the King of England, on that ground he gave licence to slay so many honest men, to spoil and robbe: That innocency now was con∣temned for brutishnesse, faithfulnesse to the King punished for unfaith∣fulnesse: That by the Kings indulgencie the common enemy was become insolent: That it became him once to take upon him his place as King, and do things by authority, and by his power, that then it would appeare who were friends, who were foes. These, and such as these, were the speeches of the Courtiers and interpretations of his actions: such as it pleased them to make, following their humour of faction or judge∣ment.

But they neither considered the equitie that was done in punishing bloud by bloud, nor the authority by which it was done, for hee had au∣thority and sufficient jurisdiction of old granted to him, and given by for∣mer Kings to his Predecessours and their Heires for his service. Neither did they observe what order and formality hee kept in his proceedings, nor his honour interested in the revenging his servants death: Neither what scorne to him it was on the other part, if he had sent the party: ha∣ving thereby his priviledges, infringed, his servant slain, and no satis∣faction

for it, but to bee eluded by a Commission, purchased by his e∣nemies, justice defrauded, and the guiltie pulled out of his hands: and by their credit with the King, procuring him to hinder justice, who should have beene the furtherer of it, onely upon their particular pri∣vate motion, and by their factions, inclining of his Majesty that way. Upon these considerations, what had beene more extraordinarily done, would have beene excused by the same men, in another then Douglas. Now in him (though done orderly) it is thus traduced, aggravated, ex∣aggerated, amplified, and named contempt of the King, and affecting 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Crowne.

Such is the misery, when Princes are moved by parties, to command or request things that are unjust, there being perill and inconvenients, either in obeying or refusing their requests, receiving hurt and preju∣dice in their rights, scorne of their adverse party, or denying to offend whom they would fain serve: and happy is that man that can steere a∣right betwixt these rocks! Happy hee who falleth into the hands of such a Prince, as measureth and moderateth his commands according to equitie; or if they bee inique, when it falleth out so (for what Prince may not fall into such weaknesse) who tempereth his passion, and moderateth his minde, in the just refusall thereof, taking it in good part, and accounteth not his authority contemned, when an unjust com∣mand is refused by his Subjects.

Whether it were on the displeasure of this fact, or jealousie concei∣ved of this and other actions of the Douglasses, it is hard to discerne: but so it was, that his enemies making use for their owne ends of the Kings credulous suspition, prevailed so farre, that they perswaded the King to resolve to make him away (and seeing it could not bee done by open force) in any sort it could bee done; whereof when they had ad∣vised of all the meanes they could, this they found to bee the most ex∣pedient way, that hee should bee sent for to Court, by faire promises, and being come, the King should enter into termes of quarrelling: And thereupon they that were appointed for the purpose, should dis∣patch him. So they caused a certain Courtier of their faction, but such an one as was free from all suspition of bearing enmity to the Earle, to ad∣dresse himselfe to a Gentleman, who was Douglasses friend, and to shew him how Creighton was retired to his owne house, and that in his absence it were fit the Earle should take that good occasion, to come and see the King, with whom hee might bee assured to finde favour, if hee would crave it humbly▪ and this hee told as a great secret, not to bee revealed, but to his Lord, and dealt earnestly with him to follow this advice.

The Gentleman beleeving, went and dealt very earnestly with his Lord, but hee suspecting Creightons craft, and having the murther of his Cousins before his eyes, flatly refused to goe thither, where he had so many enemies, so potent and of so great credit, and some of which (had not long agoe) lien in wait for his life, unlesse hee saw assurance of his life and liberty. Hereupon he was directly sent for to come to Court, with promise of all freedome, and with assurance under the broad Seal: and to

remove all feare & doubt that he could conceive, the Noblemen that were present at Court were moved to send a warrant to him, subscribed with all their hands, and sealed with all their seals, with the greatest oathes and protestations interposed therein that could be; and not onely so, but eve∣ry man wrote his owne particular letter apart, assuring him of the Kings good will; and further promising him, that if it should so fall out, that the King would be so disposed as to breake his faith and promise, and to interprise any thing against his person, life, lands or liberty, they should send him home safe neverthelesse: What could hee seeke more at their hands? Or what could hee devise more? And who would have doubted after such assurances? Yet, that hee might not onely re∣pose upon his enemies credit all his safety, hee accompanieth himselfe for his honour and suretie with as many as might secure him, and keepe him free from being in danger of any private mans forces. So relying (for the Kings part) upon his safe Conduct, and the Nobilities credit interposed therewith, hee cometh to Stirling, where the King was well attended and followed by his friends •…•…nd servants, but in a peaceable manner; being come into the Kings presence, after some sort of admonition to lead a more peace∣able and orderly life, hee seemed to pardon him what ever was past, and kindely invited him to supper in the Castle: After they had supped cheerfully and merrily together, the King taketh him aside, and leadeth him into an inner roome, where there was none present besides them two and Patrick Gray, of whom wee spake before, how of his friend and Cousin hee was become his enemy, for the execution of the Tutour of Bombee. There the King beginning his speech from the valour and loyall fidelity of his Predecessours, came shortly to his owne indulgencie towards the whole Familie, and towards himselfe in particular. Then sharpely upbraiding him how oft hee had pardoned him, and what insolencies hee had committed: Douglas answered sub∣missively, and craved pardon for what hee had offended against him∣self in any sort; saying, his intention was not against him, but against his enemies: That as for others that would complaine, hee was ready to satisfie them according to justice, and at the Kings owne pleasure: There rests yet one thing (saith the King) the League betwixt you, and the Earle of Crawford and Rosse, I will have you presently to quite it. At that word the Earle was somewhat astonished at the first, yet ga∣thering his spirits again, hee answered, that for him, hee knew no∣thing wherein that League could bee offensive to his Majesty, seeing that all duetie to him was especially reserved. The King replyed, I will have you presently to breake the same. Douglas answered, that if hee would have him to doe so, hee would bee pleased to give him leave to advertise the said Noblemen, and then hee would doe it, other∣wise, hee would bee accounted a faith breaker, if having entered in∣to friendship with them, hee should forsake them, not giving a rea∣son why: And therefore besought him to have patience. The King replied in an angry manner, speaking aloud; If you will not breake it, I will: And with those words, hee stabbed him

in the breast with a dagger. At the same instant Patrick Gray struck him on the head with a Pole-axe. The rest that were attending at the doore, hearing the noise, entered, and fell also upon him; and, to shew their affection to the King, gave him every man his blow after hee was dead.

Thus died he by the hand of the King, but by the practices of his ene∣mies, they being the choise movers, and the king yeelding to their mo∣tions, as if it had been his quarrell, (for so they made it seeme to him) whereas indeed it was but their owne particular; or if his, it was but thus farre his, that he tooke it on him as his, espoused theirs as his owne, and imbarked himselfe therein. A common practice of Courtiers, who have Princes eares; what ever is contrary to their will, is all against the King, is all presumption, is all high treason; whereas indeed they are oft times themselves his greatest enemies, what ever shew of service and affection they make; and they whom they call his enemies farre more heartily affected to him. They make the King alwayes wed their quar∣rells, beare their errours, and the whole hatred and envie of their ene∣mies; and oft times drawes him into great absurdities, besides and con∣trary his owne naturall disposition, to his great disgrace, or diminishing his grace, in the eyes of his Subjects, not without great perill of his life and estate. Happy the Prince that can rightly take up, and rightly dis∣cerne the quarrells which are indeed his owne, from those which others would have him thinke to bee his owne, and so understandeth the dis∣position of his Subjects, that hee account not all that is against his Courtiers, is against him, or all that is done by his Courtiers, is done for him.

These Courtiers had gained this point of the King, and by that mean had brought him to doe that hard fact against this man as his owne ene∣my, as one aspiring to his Crowne; where indeed never any such thing appeared to have been intended by him, or aimed at, but onely revenge against his private enemies. And for the other crimes that his enemies alledged against him; small presumptions, cold conjectures, and no appearance there was of them. But above all this, the greatest pitie is, that they had power to bring such a King to commit such a fact, contra∣ry to his faith and promise, solemnely sworne and sealed by himselfe, and by his nobility, to breake the bonds of all humane society. It is wor∣thy the considering, to see their pretences and arguments set downe by Writers, which they used to move and induce him to consent and yeeld to this strange, and unnaturall fact. A Paradox in truth, though a Maxime in Matchivellisme: one of them is, Necessitie; for they make him beleeve, first that the Earle Douglas did aspire; then, that hee was so powerfull, that there was no other remedy for his aspiring; all they bring, is but weake presumptions: and for his strength and power, hee was strong enough indeed to defend himselfe against his enemies, or an unjust force and violence; but it had beene another matter unjustly to have invaded the Kingdome, for which hee was not so strong, as justice and a just title to a Crowne, which are of great force: and against which, that force, which otherwise and in another case may bee great,

will prove nothing, for God hath given his image of authority with it, which so affects the hearts of men, that they cannot but regard it, and this image being imprinted in their hearts is not easily abolished but by very enormous faults, and even s•…•…rce by any faults though never so ex∣traordinary. So that it was errour in them to thinke, or craftinesse to perswade that there was no remedy in a just authority to defend it selfe by it selfe, and without forgoing it selfe and becoming injustice, and that in such a hatefull manner. Whereas by the contrary, this their way was not so safe and so certain a mean to defend himselfe, but had almost been the meane to deprive him of what hee would have had men thinke hee preserved by it; that is, his Crowne, for the fact being so vi•…•…e and base, it not onely moved the friends and followers of the Earle Do•…•…glas his house to rebellion, but also incensed the whole common people: for that if his brother who succeeded, had beene as politicke as hee was power∣full, the King might have beene set beside his Throne. And as it was, he was once in a great brangling, and had resolved to quit the Countrey, had it not beene for James Kennedies counsell, who was Bishop of S. An∣drewes; so farre was this fact from establishing his Throne, as they made him beleeve it would doe.

Then for the honesty and lawfulnesse of it, it is to be diligently weigh∣ed: It is lawfull (say they) to catch fraud in the owne craftinesse. And indeed that saying is most true, good and conforme to all wisedome, be∣ing rightly understood, thus: Let fraud worke on fraudfully, untill hee be intangled and intrapped in his owne fraud, and so become guiltie and obnoxious to a lawfull and orderly avengement by justice: but that men to meet fraud, may justly use fraud, and that against all promises, seales, subscriptions, or oathes, to the extremitie of murthering, changing justice into injustice, in the very seat of justice, is not, nor ever was, nor ever can bee justified under any pretext whatsoever; as being that which breaketh the bands of humane society. It is an un∣worthy Kingdome, which cannot otherwise defend it selfe, and it is un∣worthy of a King to stoupe to such unworthy and base wayes: It hath also beene by some pretended elsewhere to cover the foulnesse here∣of, that hereby much bloudshed is eschewed, which would have beene, before such a man could have beene cut off, which I marvell is not al∣ledged here also.

But that is frivoulous amongst the rest, for it is the cause of much more bloud shedding, because it takes away all trust, and so peace, untill the warres end by the destruction of one party, which without trust can∣not end by reconcilement, besides this, they insinuated it unto the King, as a point of want of courage in him, and cowardise, if hee durst not so much as deceive his enemy; whereby they would meane, that it was courage to deceive him: An unhappy dareing to dare to doe wrong, and very far mistaken, and misnamed!

And last of all, they halfe menace to abandon him, and provide for themselves and their own safety, by taking part with Douglas as the stronger partie; whom if the King did not make away, they would follow him, and that there was no other remedy left to them.

Such boldnesse were they come to, thus to threaten their master, and So∣veraign! And such is the weaknesse of that place, where it submitteth it selfe to servants! By these meanes was this good King (farre contrary to his owne nature) drawne on by them who had his eare to this unna∣turall fact, as to that which was most lawfull and flat necessary, yet was neither this pretended necessitie, nor alledged lawfulnesse sufficient to de∣fend it even in the judgement of the doers themselves. And therefore the Courtiers found out another mean to put some faire face, at least some colourable excuse upon it as they thought, for being ashamed of those allegiances, or distrusting that they would bee accepted for just causes of breach of faith, and fearing they should be detested of all men: they gave it out that the slaughter was not committed of set-purpose, but that it fell out onely by chance, and that the King had no intention to kill him, till he himselfe by his indiscretion procured it, having irritated the King by his presumptuous answers.

But this is a weake excuse, to commit murther contrary to promise, although hee had answered so: but there is no appearance of it, that it was but a sudden passion, neither was it beleeved in those dayes, as may be seen by the perswasions given him by the Courtiers: which while Writers set downe, they witnesse it was a set draught and fore plotted. For they say plainly also that the Courtiers would have had it appearing that it came by his arrogancy in his carriage and answers, but not that it was so indeed: besides there is a received tradition, that James Hamil∣toun of Cadzow pressing in to follow the Douglas, Liviston being Uncle to James, and knowing the Earle was to die, gave him a blow on the face, and thrust him backe from the gate. James Hamiltoun drew his sword, which the other little regarding, held him off with a long hal∣bert, and made the guard shut the gate against him, was exceeding an∣gry at this affront in the time, but after when hee heard the Earle was killed, hee knew it was done for his safety. Hee had given too much matter for his enemies to worke on by his rash journey into England, and private conference with the King and Queene there: but this had beene forgiven him, as an oversight onely, wh•…•… the King had (appa∣rently) tried, and found to bee nothing else; hee had beene vehement in the revenge of the murther of his Cousins and servant John Auchin∣leck, but that (though vehement) was not injust, and therefore wee finde him never charged with it as injustice: hee had against equitie ex∣ecuted the Lord Harries, yet hee had done it legally and by forme, and order of Law, whereof the particulars not being perfectly knowne, the judgement is difficult, yet is it not (for any thing wee see) any way to bee excused. The execution of the Tutor of Bombee was very good justice and irreproveable, though it bred him most hatred and ill will at Court. Other particulars are not mentioned: Onely they say that hee bore with theeves to have their assistance: An ill and un∣wise course, and ever pernicious to the users of it, for harming of such as they hate! A farre worse, and unworthy fact, unfit for a gene∣rous minde to companion it selfe with them whom hee should pu∣nish, and to participate of the guiltinesse hee should correct!

But how farre he went in this point is not certain, at least is not special∣ly set downe: and as for the speeches of his enemies reproching them unto him in the hatefullest sort, all must not bee taken for truth they say.

All agree that he was a man of great power, great policy, great perfor∣mance and execution, and greater expectation, in whom the name of Douglas rose to the greatest toppe of height, and with whom it began to fall, which was afterward accomplished in his successour, as shall bee said; he was slain the 13. of February 1452. esteemed to have beene Fastings-Eve, (or Shrove-Tuesday.) after the Romane supputation, or in the yeare 1451. as Major reckoneth it according to the account of Scot∣land. He was Earle the space of nine yeares or thereabout, but left no chil∣dren behinde him. Where he was buried, or what was done with his body, there is no mention made in History.

Me laetho ante diem Chrightonus Rexque dedere, Ille necis causam praebuit iste manum.

By Crighton and my King too soon I die, He gave the blow, Crighton the plot did lay.

Of James the ninth and last Earle of Douglas, the eighteenth Lord, sixth Duke of Turraine, and fourth James, who died in Lindores.

WIlliam being thus slain by the instigation of these Courtiers, his enemies, to the end that the King as they would have it thought might be established in his Crowne, by the making away of him whom they made the King to thinke so great an enemy to him: It was so farre from producing that effect, that by the contrary there was nothing nearer, then that it should have been the very occasion of spoyling him thereof; for the Earle Douglasses friends, who before tooke Creighton, and his faction onely for their enemies: Now they take the King for their enemy. They, who before thought not that what they had suffered proceeded from the King, or that it was his doing: now they impute them to him. They who before were onely male-contents, and within the bounds of obedience, and had a good opinion of the King: now they become enemies with an ill opinion of him as a wicked man. They who before contained themselves in civill termes, now become openly rebellious: & whereas they had good hope, and looked for recon∣cilement, now cast off all hope thereof, and (matters becoming irrecon∣cileable) all love and regard, all reverence, their hearts being laden with the injury, with the dishonesty, with the horrour of it, they burst forth into all outragious words, and deeds: things coming to that point, that they could not bee ended, but by the destruction of one of the parties. Either they behoved to ruine the King, or behoved to be ruined by him.

And here the hardest lot at the first was the Kings (by all appearance) the power of the other party being so great, their minds so inflamed, their anger so incensed against him: neither the party onely, but the people in generall detested the fact and the horriblenesse of it, in such sort, that hee was put by all his shifts, and driven to such a point of despaire, as to thinke of leaving the countrey, and going by sea to France.

For though the Earle himselfe was dead, yet had he left behinde him in the towne of Stirlin foure brethren, that were come thither to accompany him. The eldest of these, James, was provided to the estate three yeares before by the Kings consent (upon the occasion of Earle Williams going to Rome in the yeare of Jubile) to succeed to his brother after his de∣cease. He therefore, with the rest of the Nobility who favoured them and their cause, having heard the report of Earle Williams being stabbed in that manner, being astonished with these sudden and unexpected newes, first ranne and tooke armes with great haste and tumult, but having con∣tained themselves, and commanding their companies to be quiet, every man keeping within his owne lodging for that night, upon the morrow they assembled together in counsell, and according to the defuncts ordi∣nance, and the Kings consent obtained thereto before, they acknowledged James lawfull heire and successour to his brother William. Then he with many vehement and bitter words, inveighing against the treasonable per∣jurie of the King and Courtiers, exhorts them who were present to lay siege to the Castle. Send (sayes he) for your friends and followers from all quarters, and let us withdraw out of their lurking holes those men who are onely valiant in persidiousnesse, while as yet they waver, being uncertaine in their reso∣lutions, and tremble with the guiltinesse of so horrible a fact. They who were present praised his pietie towards his dead brother, and also his courage; but because they were come in a peaceable manner, and unprovided of things necessary for so great a worke, they abstained from the siege; which if they had (as the Earle gave advice) resolved upon, and fallen to pre∣sently, while the odiousnesse ef the fact was yet greene and fresh before the eyes of men, the King and his partners being unprovided and unfore∣seene in any certaine course of their affaires, as neither able to consult, nor to meet for consultation, the Castle being inclosed, which being also (as it is to be supposed) not well victualled for a siege, the King could hardly have escaped their hands. Neither was the matter so difficult for them, to have remained, and sent for the rest of their freinds, and any provision which they needed; who might have come to them within five weekes, as they did themselves returne in that time, having given the King so mnch leasure to advise and prepare for them. Neither could the King (for all that he had that space and time) finde any meanes sufficient to match them. For having upon this their deliberation resolved upon the worst part, and departed to their houses, and taken full advice concerning all things, they returned the five and twentieth day of March, where all the way as they came along to Stirling, James Hammiltoun dragged the Kings safe conduct (which had beene given to Earle William, having the broade Seale hang∣ing thereat) at the taile of an ill-favoured spittle jade, or mare, through

the streets of all the towns and villages in their way, abstaining from no contumelious words, that they could devise against the King, his Coun∣sellers and Courtiers.

Being come to Stirlin, they went to the market Crosse, and there sounding with five hundred hornes and trumpets, they caused a Herauld to proclaim the King, and such as had been plotters and authours of E. Williams death, perjured traitors to God and man, and that they were to be abhorred, and detested by all men as such. Others write that they went to the Castle gate, and made that Proclamation in the Kings hear∣ing, whiles he was looking on them, and that it was done the next day after the slaughter. Thereafter they pillaged the towne, and being an∣gry even with the innocent and harmelesse place, they sent backe James Hamiltoun of Cadzow, and burnt it. Where this is to be considered, what could be the cause why these men (who before were upon advisement to have besieged the Castle of Stirlin, and did not doe it then, onely be∣cause they were unprovided) why these men (I say) now being come again and provided, abstained notwithstanding from besieging of it, having no∣thing to let them; and which if they had obtained, they had withall ob∣tained full victory, being masters of the field, the King inclosed and se∣cluded from his favourers and partners, no others (in likelihood) could have made head against them; for neither could any have taken that up∣on them, neither would the people (as was thought) have followed them, at least not so freely; whether it was because they had no hope to force it (being a strong place) neither to famish it in haste (being well provided of victualls) or if they chose rather to deprive him of his partners abroad in the Countrey by forcing them to forsake him first, and then it would be easie to take the King who had nothing but the Ca∣stle walls to trust to; or what ever else were the occasion thereof, our Histories (very defective in this so speciall a point) tell not; But so it was, that they leaving the principall point unprosecute (the King himself wherein would have consisted the whole summe of a full victory, and to which they should chiefly have directed their courses) contented onely to have blazed his reproches, turned towards his friends, pilling and spoi∣ling such as remained on his side, and even by this the King was so put to it, that he had determined to leave the Country and to fly into France, had not Archbishop Kennedie advised him to stay, and hope for better for∣tune, shewing him, that if he could keepe his person safe, and have pa∣tience to protract, and linger out the time a while, his adversaries faction would dissolve ere long, and fall asunder of it selfe.

Amongst those who tooke part with the King, there were diverse of the name of Douglas, and that of the principalls, as Angus, brother to Archbishop Kennedie, by the mother, who was daughter to Robert the third, and sister to James the first, by whom therefore they were Cosins ger∣main to the King, who was partly perswaded by his brother to take that course as fittest for him against the Earle Douglas, partly also accoun∣ted it right to follow him as his King, partly for kindred. There was also John (or rather James) Lord Dalkeith, who had married the Kings si∣ster (as Hollinshed writeth in the life of Mackebeth) as also the manuscript

in this same place, and the contract with the Earle of Morton yet bear∣eth: Also the manuscript in the life of Grosle James (this E. James fa∣ther) faith, the Lord Dalkeith, (or Henry his sonne rather) married the said Grosle James eldest daughter; this James sister called Margaret: whether therefore having married the Kings sister, and so frucke on that side, or having married E. James sister, and being of the name, The Earle Douglas was so much the more incensed against him, that he should without regard of this tie have joyned with his enemies, and therefore besieged the Castle of Dalkeith, binding himselfe by an oath not to de∣port from thence, untill he had gotten it taken in. But it was valiantly defended by Patrick Cockburne and Clarkington, in such sort, that after he was constrained by great travell, and trouble of his men with watching, and many wounds to lift his siege and depart. The King had in the mean time conveened a company of men to have releeved the besieged, but finding that his power was not sufficient for that purpose, he resolved to attend the coming of Alexander Gordon, Earle of Huntley, his brother in law (or sister sonne) whom he made Lieutenant, and who they said was come in with a great Army collected out of the furthest parts of the North. But as hee was marching through Angus (the twenty eight of May) he was encountred at Brichen, by the Earle of Crawford, who lay for him there to stoppe his passage. There was fought a great battell betwixt them in such sort, that Huntleyes middle ward was almost de∣feated, and well nigh routed, not being able to sustain the impression of Crawfords army, which was so strong, that they failed but a little to over∣throw the Kings Standard, brought thither and displayed by Huntley, had it not been for the cowardly and treacherous flight of John Collesse of Bonnie-Moone, to whom the left wing was committed by Crawford: He in the hottest of the conflict (offended with Crawford, because he had refused him that same morning the Barrony of Ferme, or a part thereof, which lay neare to his house) fled on set purpose out of the battell, and so left the middle ward naked on the one side of the speciall force, which the said Earle had, which was called the battell of axes, or billmen. By their flight, the rest (who were almost victours) were so terrified, that they turned their backs, and left the victory to Huntley, farre beyond his owne expectation; and yet, not without a great slaughter of his friends, servants and followers; and especially those of his name, amongst whom were two of his brethren. This battell was fought on the Ascension day, in the yeare 1453. hee had before the battell that same day given lands to the principall men of those surnames that were with him, as For∣besses, Leslies, Vrwines, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Graunts, and diverse others, which made them fight with greater courage. Crawford also lost many of his men, together with his brother John Lindesay, so that the losse on both sides, was accounted almost equall.

Huntley had the name of the victory, yet could not march forward to the King, as hee intended, and that partly because of his great losse of men, partly for that he was advertised, that Archbald Douglas Earle of Murray had invaded his lands, and burnt the Piele of Strabogie. Where∣fore hee returned speedily to his owne Countrey, which gave Crawford

leasure and occasion to poure out his wrath against them, who had so traiterously forsaken him, by burning and wasting their lands, and cast∣ing downe their Houses and Castles. Huntley being returned to the North, not onely recompensed the dammage done to him by the Earle Murray, but also compelled him out of his whole bounds of Murray: yet it was not done without conflict and mutuall harme: for Huntley co∣ming to Elgin in Murray, found it divided, the one halfe standing for him, the other halfe (and almost the other side of the street) standing for the Earle Murray: wherefore he burnt that halfe which was for Mur∣ray; and hereupon rose the Proverb, Halfe done as Eglin was burnt. While he is there, Murray assembled his power, which consisting most of foot∣men, he sate downe upon a hill some two or three miles off, called the Drum of Pluskardein, which was unaccessible to horsemen. Huntley forrowed his lands to draw him from the hill, or at least to bee revenged of him that way, thinking hee durst not come into the plain fields, and not thinking it safe to assault him in a place of such disadvantage. But Murray seeing Huntlies men so scattered, came out of his strength, and falling upon foure or five hundreth horsemen, drave them into a bogue called the bogue of Dunkintie, in the bounds of Pittendreigh, full of quag-mires, so deep, that a speare may be thrust into them, and not finde the bottome. In this bogue many were drowned, the rest slaine, few or none escaping of that company. There are yet to be seene swords, steel∣caps, and such other things which are found now and then by the Coun∣trey people that live about it. They made this round ryme of it after∣ward,

Where left thou thy men thou Gordon so gay? In the Bogue of Dunkintie mowing the Hay.

These victories in the North, together with the repulse (at least the retreat) of the Earle Douglas from the Castle of Dalkeith did so encou∣rage the King, that he began to conceive better hopes of his affaires, and by the counsell of Archbishop Kennedie he called a Parliament at Edin∣burgh, and summoned the Earle Douglas and his partners to compeir thereat. But the Earle was so farre from obeying, that he caused plack∣ards to be affixed upon the Church doores, and other publick places, sealed with his seale, containing in effect, that from thenceforth he would neither obey citation, nor other commandement of the Kings, nor in any sort commit his life to him, who having allured his Cousins to Edin∣burgh, and his brother to Stirlin, under safe conduct, had traiterously murthered them without any order of law, and contrarie to his oath. Hereupon he and his three brethren, Archbald, Hugh, and John, together with Beatrix, Relict of Earle William, were declared Rebels, and forfeited, and with them Alexander Earle of Crawford, and James Lord Hammil∣toun; and that the number of the Nobilitie might not seeme to be dimi∣nished by their forfeiture, there were divers new Lords created, and the goods and lands of the forfeited given to them.

Thereafter an Armie was levied to pursue them, their lands were wast∣ed, their goods driven away, their cornes destroyed, and then (winter

comming on) because the Armie could not lie in the fields, they were dismissed, and appointed to meet againe in the spring. But the Earle Douglas seemed to make small account of all this, and that the grandour of his house (which was growne to that great height by that great mar∣riage) might not be impaired, and that estate transferred to strangers, he takes to wife the foresaid Beatrix, and deales with the Pope for a dispen∣sation, and confirmation of the marriage. But that sute was crost by the Kings Letters. I finde it in an ancient book written of the Douglasses in meeter, that she her selfe alledged, that her first husband (Earle William) had never carnall copulation with her, and that she gave her oath there∣upon: which giveth some colourable excuse to this fact, which other∣wise is so enormous, and void of all appearance that he could have beene so shamelesse as to have gone about it without some such reason, or pre∣text, which therefore I would not omit to intimate, and I remember not that I have read it elsewhere. However it were, he kept her as his wife, and continued the warres that yeare, and the next two yeares, pillaging and wasting the Kings possessions, and the King doing the like to him, especially in Annandale, Galloway, and the Forrest. Hereupon ensued a Famine, and upon the Famine a Pestilence, Townes and Castles were destroyed on both sides, and no kinde of hostilitie pretermitted. The King notwithstanding caused trie indirectly whether the Earle could be perswaded to yeeld himselfe to him, and the wi•…•…est of his friends coun∣selled him to doe it, alledging that his Predecessours had often done so; chiefly seeing he had a King of a gentle nature, and who would be en∣treated by friends, not to extinguish so noble a Familie, and undoe so ma∣ny Noblemen as joyned with him, or to redact them to that necessitie, that they should be forced to take a course for themselves; that it would be easier for him to get some good quarters now, while matters were as yet not past reconciliation, and while his friends were about him, then afterward, when he should be deserted, and left alone: then there would be no hope of pardon. To this he answered, That he would never com∣mit himselfe to the credit of those whom neither shame nor honestie could binde, who regarded neither the law of God, nor man: but having allured his Cousins and Brother with faire promises, had so traiterously and cruelly slain them, that hee would rather suffer all extremity, then come into their power. This speech was approved or reproved accord∣ing to every mans disposition, some praising his magnanimitle and cou∣rage, some disliking his obstinacie, & exhorting him not to lose this good occasion of making his peace, which (if his friends wearie of troubles should abandon him) he would repent afterwards. He persisted in his opinion, and what for detestation of the fact, what for feare to be used after the same manner himselfe, if he should come into the Kings pow∣er (as it falls out, and must of necessity, where trust, which is the ground of all peace and reconciliation, is taken away) not suffering any thought of peace to come into his minde, resolved himselfe to trie the fortune of warre.

But the Earle Crawford being wearie of so long troubles, apprehend∣ing the iniquitie of the cause, and weighing with himselfe the common

changeablenesse of all humane affaires, and knowing that pardon would be easily granted to him who should preoccupy the Kings favour, and uneasie and difficult to those that should continue in armes, being left by a part of his friends, and suspecting the fidelitie of the rest, as the King was journeying through Angus, he casts himselfe in his way with a ha∣bit most composed to move pitie, bare footed, and bare headed; he plain∣ly confessed his offences in times past, put himselfe absolutely in the Kings will, commemorating the good offices done by his Predecessours; that he acknowledged that whatever had happened to him, had happened by his owne default; whatever life or fortune he should have thereafter, he would owe it to the Kings clemencie. These and such like speeches moved the Noblemen that were present, especially the Gentlemen of Angus, who although they had always followed the King, yet were loath that so ancient and noble an house should perish: chiefly Archbishop Ken∣nedie, howbeit he had received many injuries of Crawford (or his sather) yet considering of what importance it was to the King to have his owne forces increased by this accession, and his enemies diminished and weak∣ned by want of so great a man, dealt earnestly with the King to receive him into his wonted place of honour and favour. Neither was the King difficult to be entreated, but graciously pardoned him, and restored him to his former condition both of goods and honour, onely admonishing him to doe his dutie in time to come. It is reported that the King being desirous to performe his promise (which was to raze the house of Phi∣neavin, the chiefe Mannour of the Earle Crawfords) and to make the highest stone the lowest, he went up to the top of the house, and (ac∣cording to this promise) threw down a little stone, which was lying loose above the built worke, to the ground, which is to this day kept in an iron chaine for a Monument and memoriall of this action. Some also write that the King tooke from him the lands of Badenoch and Loquhabre, and gave them to Huntley for the lands which he had distributed at the field of Brighen, as also the second place in Parliament, and honour of bearing the Scepter. Crawford died within six moneths of a burning feavour at Phineavin, and was buried in the Gray Friers at Dundee, in the Sepulchre of his Progenitors.

The Earle Douglas informed hereof, and seeing his forces decay daily, and the Kings daily growing greater, he thought he would goe trie what succour or support he could have out of England, and for that effect he sent James Hammiltoun of Cadyou to K. Henry to desi•…•…e his help in this estate. King Henry considering, and thinking the occasion fit for him to encroach upon Scotland, perswading himselfe that the Earle Douglas his passion of revenge on the one part, and the necessitie of his estate on the other (two powerfull perswaders to move men) should drive him to ac∣cept his help on whatever termes, was content to aide him upon this con∣dition, that he should become his subject, sweare himselfe English, and so to continue for ever; and for better assurance hereof, should put into his hands such Strengths and Castles in Scotland as he had in his custodie. Unto this Douglas replied very generously and honestly, ``That hee 〈◊〉〈◊〉 would never leave such a blot upon his house, and would rather choose

to die by what ever hand, then commit such a crime against his Countrey, for a fault done by the Prince and some particular men onely, whereof he hoped to be avenged, without that shame. This being so honest a part, and testifying so honest a heart, as some of them have not had the like, even of those who pretended to be Kings themselves (some of whom have not refused to render themselves and their Kingdomes to the Eng∣lish servitude, to be avenged of their enemies, and to obtaine the Crown for themselves) is too lightly overpassed by our Writers, without the due testimony, approbation, and praise that it well deserveth. Besides, there can hardly be a clearer argument of his not affecting or aiming at the Crowne, which his brother and Predecessours were charged with, and tra•…•…uced to the King: for had he beene that way set, he would have accepted of the proffer of England, and made use of their help, which (questionlesse) these Kings would not have denied him, according to their ordinary practice. And how many are there that would have for∣borne in such power, and upon such an occasion? for although he seems to have no colour of title to the Crowne, yet men that aspire to it, doe seldome want their pretences, when they have power to search it. So that the greater is the pitie in so moderate prosecution of such a quarrell, that the event should have beene so hard on his side, which appeares yet better in that which followed.

So le•…•…t thus to himselfe, by the instigation of his partners, and namely of James Hammiltoun of Cadyou, hee gathered together his friends and followers to raise the siege of Abercorne, which the King had beset, and lay before it in his owne person. And when hee was come within five miles, or (as others say) within sight of the besie∣gers, they looked assuredly that he would, and that hee had resolved to fight, because he put his Army in order of battell; and being very ready for their part, and forward, Cadyou also exhorting him thereto, that he would end these warres with a notable victorie, to his perpetuall praise, or with an honourable death, as became his house, that he would vindicate himselfe from those miseries and contumelies; he utterly refu∣sed to fight, though he were more in number, saying plainly, his heart would not suffer him, nor serve him to fight against his Soveraign. Wher∣by it may be conjectured (as saith the Manuscript) that his meaning was only to have terrified the King, and brought him to some reasonable con∣ditions of peace. But there wanted intercessours to deale betwixt them, partly because all were ingaged to the one or other side, partly for that they beleeved that he still persisted in his former opinion of distrust and indignation, and so nothing was done therein by any. Others interpret it to have bin cowardize, or faint heartednesse, and lack of courage (for their words import so much) a fault that was incident to few of that stock, and we never finde it imputed to any of them against England, or against any other private enemie; neither to this man elsewhere, but only at this time. And we heard how after the killing of his brother his courage is com∣mended, together with his piety. The reason of it hath been this; then while his anger was recent, and green against the authors thereof, he could have done any thing to have been avenged; now time having taken away

the edge of that disposition, when he considered it was his King he had to do with, whose hand the Courtiers, his enemies, had onely borrowed; his naturall affection, and regard of a subject toward his Prince, was returned, and by peece-meal had taken possession of his heart again, as the own pro∣per lodging where it had been harboured ever before. Certainly this refu∣sall to fight now, and his former rejecting the King of Englands disloyall conditions of help, have proceeded from one and the same disposition of minde. Wherefore seeing that ought highly to be praised, I see not how this can be condemned, at least how they can condemn it, that do so high∣ly respect that high place of Kings. The word also will import, not alto∣gether flat cowardise, but a natural sluggishnesse, & want of action, where∣of cowardise is sometimes the cause, but not alway, though they concurre often▪ But there is another affection that makes men slack in action, which proceeds not either of sluggishnesse, or cowardise, but of irresolution; when a man swiming betwixt two opinions, resolves not fully upon ei∣ther, and this seemes to have beene his disposition. A great impediment in his actions, and at least in this last point of such importance, the cause of his ruine, while neither his heart could suffer him to betake himself against his Prince, whom naturally he affected, neither could he digest to forget the fact done, or (after it) to commit himself to the doer. Which dispositi∣on, though it have brought out the like effects as cowardlinesse and slug∣gishnesse are wont to do, to wit, lingring and eschewing of the battell, yet this did not proceed in him from either of these two, but had the originall from a very honest minde to his dutie. His love to his Prince strove and fought with another dutie, which was his love to his dead brother, or to his owne honour. Out of which, whileas he either cannot, or occasion is not offered to extricate himselfe, and winde out a full resolution, he suffer∣ed himselfe to be carried unto that which he was most inclined to, his love to his Prince, and thereby he slipt and let slide through his fingers (as it were) this faire occasion which was then offered unto him, of no lesse (in the judgement of his friends) then the casting the dice for the Crown. And so James Hamilton told him, that the occasion was such, that if he did not lay hold of it, he should never finde the like again: he told him with∣all, that his want of resolution would be his overthrow, as it was indeed.

For James Hammiltoun himselfe left him that same night, and went to the King, of whom hee was so honourably and well received, that o∣thers thereby were encouraged to come in also. Yet others write that he was committed to ward in Rosseline for a certaine season, and afterward releeved at the entreatie of George Douglas Earle of Angus. However, by his information to the King of the estate of the Earle Douglas his Armie, how forward they had beene to have fought, and how discon∣tented and discouraged they were with his lingring, how the greatest mo∣tive that kept them with him was their doubting of pardon for their for∣mer offences, the King caused make a Proclamation, that whosoever would come unto him, and forsake the Earle Douglas, should have free re∣mission for all that was past, providing they came within 48. houres.

This being published, the most part of the Earls Armie left him, so that there remained not (ere the next morning) with him above 2000. men,

whereby he was constrained to leave the fields, and his friends and ser∣vants that were in Abercorne to be cruelly slaine, and executed; for the Castle was taken by force, and demolished, to his no small reproach, in that he was so irresolute, and had not by some meane or other procu∣red at least some honest composition for himselfe and them, or else to have adventured all. Where if he would not have taken the Kingdome, in case of victorie, yet might he honourably have set downe conditions of peace; or if he had lost the field, he could not have lost more then he did; for by these meanes, abandoned of all, he was constrained to flee un∣to England.

In the yeare 1455. having gotten together a small company of men, he returned into Annandale, thinking to have found some friends in those quarters, which were his own lands before; but there he was encountred by the Kings followers, especially by his own kinsman (but the Kings Cou∣sin) George E. of Angus (as some write) who defeated him. His brother the Earle of Murray was slain in the field, and his other brother the Earle of Ormond was hurt, and taken prisoner; after his wounds were cured, be∣ing brought to the King, he was executed, with greater regard to this last action, then respect to his victory obtained not far from the same place, at Sark, against the English, & Magnus with the red main, their insolent Cham∣pion, which was so greatly praised by the King before, and so acceptable to all Court and Countrey. Such is the course and vicissitude of all hu∣mane affaires. We heare of one onely sonne of Ormonds, named Hugh, Dean of Brichen, of whom we shall speake somewhat hereafter in the life of Archbald Earle of Angus, who was Chancellour of Scotland. His takers were the Lord Carlile, and Johnston of Johnston, to whom the King gave in recompence the 40. l. land in Pittinen upon Clide, to each of them a 20. l. land thereof. The third brother, John Lord of Balvenie, esca∣ped in a wood, and the Earle himself by flight got him to Dunstaffage, where finding Donald Earle of Rosse, and Lord of the Isles, he incited him to make war against the King in his favours, and after he had ingaged him therein, he withdrew himselfe again into England. This is noted to have beene in the yeare 1455. after which there was a Parliament called (about the fifth of June, or August, as the Acts beare) wherein he, and his bro∣ther John, and his wife Beatrix, were againe forfeited, and their lands of Galloway annexed to the Crowne. This Beatrix (who had beene his Brothers wife, and whom he had used and kept for his owne wife for cer∣taine yeares) came to the King, and excused her selfe, as being a woman, and compelled to doe what she had done. The King received her into fa∣vour, and married her to John Stuart his halfe brother (by the mother) and gave her the lands of Balvenie. This John was afterward made Earle of Athole in King James the thirds time: he had by Beatrix two daughters onely, the eldest of which was married to the Earle of Errole. This is cast in by some in the next yeare following.

The Earl Douglas abandoned on all hands, travelled with Donald of the Isles, Earle of Rosse, conforme to their old band made with Earle Willi∣am to assist him, and renew his claim to the Isles. Hereupon Donald wasted Argyle, Arran, Loquhaber, and Murray, took the Castle of Inner-Nesse,

burnt the towne, and proclaimed himselfe King of the Isles: but his wife (who was daughter to James Levingston, and had beene given to him in marriage at the Kings desire, of purpose to retain him the better in duty) when she saw she could neither prevaile with him in that point, and that besides she was but contemned by him, and the barbarous people that were with him, she left him, and came to the King, who received her very gladly. About this same time Patrick Thornton, a secret favourer of the Earle Douglas his faction, though he had followed the Court a long time, slew John Sandilands of Calder the Kings Cousin, and Alane Stuart also, upon occasion at Dumbartan. These two were of the Kings side, where∣fore the said Thornton was taken by the Kings Officers, and executed. These things being not yet fully settled, did greatly perplex the King, between domestick and forraign enemies. In the year 1457. the Earl Dou∣glas came in with Henry Percie Earle of Northumberland to the Merse, which as they were in wasting & pillaging, they were encountred by G•…•…orge Earle of Angus, and put backe to their Camp. Being irritated with this indignitie, they put themselves in order of battell, without staying for their full companies; many of which were gone abroad into the Coun∣trey and Villages for spoile and bootie, and so entred into conflict. When the noise hereof was carried to the eares of the forrowers, they for feare of losing what they had gotten, which was a very rich and great prey, past directly into England, without regarding what became of the two Earles. Hereby the battell was lost by the English, but the losse of men was almost equall on both sides. This victorie did not a little recreate the King, and so affrighted Donald and his Islanders, that he sent and sub∣mitted himselfe to the King, and was received by him. Neither was there any farther insurrection within the Countrey. Neither did the Earle Douglas without the Countrey enterprise any thing by the aid of England (they being distracted at home by the dissention of Lancaster and Yorke) during the dayes of this King, which were not many: for a∣bout two or three years after this, the King alone was slain by the wedge of a peece of Ordnance of his own, and with him George Earle of Angus hurt amongst 30000. of his Armie (of whom none else was either slaine or hurt) at the siege of the Castle of Roxburgh in the 29. yeare of his age in September 1460, some 8. yeares after the killing of Earle William in Stirlin Castle, at which time he was about the age of twenty one or twenty two yeares.

Neither hear we any mention of the Earle Douglas his stirring in the next Kings (James the thirds) time, either in his minoritie (being but a childe of seven or eight yeares of age at his coronation) or in his majoritie; either in the dissentions betwixt the Kennedi•…•…s and the Boydes, or the dissention betwixt the King and the Nobilitie. Whe∣ther it bee the negligence and sloth of Writers that have not record∣ed things, or whether hee did nothing indeed, through want of power, his friends, and dependers, and vassals being left by him, and despairing of him, having taken another course, and his lands being disposed of to others; so it is, that for the space of twenty yeares, or three and twenty, untill the yeare 1483. there is nothing but deepe

silence with him in all Histories. Onely wee finde that hee was made Knight of the noble Order of the Garter by King Edward the fourth, and is placed first in order of all the Earles, and next to him the Earle of A∣rundell (who is the first Earle of England) in the booke, intituled, Nobilitas Politica; and the English Heraulds say of him, that he was a very valiant noble Gentleman, well beloved of the King and Nobility, and very steadable to King Edward in all his troubles. These troubles (per∣haps) have beene the cause that they could enterprise nothing in Scotland untill the soresaid yeare 1483. However it be, he hath the honour to be the first of his Nation admitted into that Order.

At last then in the yeare 1483. Alexander Duke of Albanie, and bro∣ther to King James the third (who was also banished in England) and the Earle Douglas, desirous to know what was the affection of their Coun∣treymen toward them, vowed that they would offer their offering on the high Altar of Loch-mabane upon the Magdalen day, and to that effect got together some five hundred horse (what Scottish what English) and a certaine number of English foot-men, that remained with Musgrave at Burneswark hill to assist them in case they needed. So they rode to∣ward Loch-mabane, and at their coming the fray was raised through Nid∣disdale, Annandale, and Galloway, who assembling to the Laird of Mous∣hill (then Warden) encountred them with great courage. The English who were on the hill (Burneswark) fled at the first sight of the enemy, so that the rest behoved either to doe or die. And therefore they fought it out manfully from noone till twilight, with skirmishes, after the border fashion, sometimes the one, sometimes the other having the advantage. At last the victorie fell to the Scots, though it cost them much bloud. The Duke of Albanie escaped by flight, but the Earle of Douglas being now an aged man, was stricken from his horse, and taken prisoner with his owne consent, by a brother of the Laird of Closeburnes, in this man∣ner: The King (James 3.) had made a proclamation, that whosoever should take the E. Douglas should have 100. l. land: the E. being then thus on foot in the field, wearied of so long exile, and thinking that he might (perhaps) be knowne by some other, seeing in the field Alexander Kilpatrick (a son of Closeburnes, and one that had beene his owne servant before) he calls on him by his name, and when he came to him, he said, I have foughten long enough against my fortune, and since I must die, I will rather that ye (who have b•…•…ene my owne servant, and whom I knew to be faithfull to me as long as I did anything that was likely for my selfe) have the benefit thereby then any o∣ther. Wherefore take me, and deliver me to the King according to his Proclamation, but see thou beest sure hee keepe his word before thou deli∣ver me. The young man, who loved the Earle entirely in his heart, wept (as is reported) for sorrow, to see him thus aged, and alter∣ed in disguised apparell, and offered to goe with him into Eng∣land. But hee would not, being wearied of such endlesse troubles; onely hee desired the young man to get his life safe, if hee could obtaine so much at the Kings hands, if not, to bee sure of his owne reward at least. Hereupon Kilpatricke conveyed him secret∣ly out of the field, and kept him in a poore cottage some few dayes,

untill hee had spoken with the King, who granted him the Earles life, and gave unto himselfe the fiftie pound land of Kirk Michaell, which is possest by his heires, unto this day. Some give the honour of this vi∣ctory to Cockpool and Johnston, and make the number of those that came with Douglas and Albany greater, and say that King Richard of England blamed the Duke of Albanie for the losse thereof, and that hee discon∣tented and taking it ill to bee so blamed, withdrew himselfe secretly in∣to France.

The Earle Douglas being brought to the King, hee ordained him to be put into the Abbacie of Lindores; which sentence when hee heard, hee said no more but this: Hee that may no better bee, must bee a Monk, which is past in a Proverbe to this day. Hee remained there till the day of his death (which was after the death of King James the third) which fell out 1488. he being of a good age, and having beene a man in action from the beginning of his brother William now foure and fourty yeares.

Some write that while he was in Lindores, the faction of the Nobi∣lity (that had put Coghran to death, and punished some others of the Courtiers supported by the Kings favour) especially Archbald Earle of Angus, (called Bell-the-Cat) desired him to come out of his Cloyster, and be head of their faction; promising he should be restored to all his lands, which seemeth not very probable: But that which others write, hath more appearance, that the King desired him to be his Lievetenant against the Rebells; but hee laden with yeares and old age, and weary of trou∣bles, refused, saying; Sir, you have kept mee, and your black coffer in Stirling too long, neither of us can doe you any good: I, because my friends have for∣saken me, and my followers and dependers are fallen from mee, betake themselves to other masters; and your blacke trunck is too farre from you, and your enemies are between you and it: or (as others say) because there was in it a sort of black coyne, that the King had caused to bee coyned, by the advise of his Courtiers; which moneyes (saith he) Sir, if you had put out at the first, the people would have taken it, and if you had imployed mee in due time, I might have done you service. But now there is none that will take notice of me, nor meddle with your money. So he remained still in the Abbacy of Lindores, where hee died, anno 1488. and was buried there.

THus began and grew, thus stood and flourished, thus decayed and ended the Noble House of Douglas, whose love to their Coun∣trey, fidelity to their King, and disdain of English slavery was so naturall, and of such force and vigour, that it had power to propagate it selfe from age to age, and from branch to branch, being not onely in the stocke, but in the collaterall, and by branches also, so many as have beene spoken of here. They have continually retained that naturall sap and juice which was first in Sholto, then in William the Hardie, who died in Berwick (who was in a manner a second founder) in such a measure, that amongst them all it is uncertain which of them have beene most that way affected. This vertue joyned with valour (which was no lesse naturall, and hereditary

from man to man) caused their increase and greatnesse: their Princes fa∣vouring them for these vertues, and they by these serving their Princes in defence of their Countrey: Their affection pressing them thereto, their worth and valour sufficing them, the hearts of the people affecting and following them: Their enemies regarding and respecting them, all men admiring them: so that in effect, the weight of warlike affaires was whol∣ly laid on them. The Kings needed onely to give themselves to admi∣nister justice, consult, and direct, living at peace and ease, and in great quietnesse to use their honest recreations, from the latter dayes of King Robert Bruce, wherein there was a pleasant harmony, and happy concur∣rence; the Kings (as the great wheel and first mover) carrying the first place in honour and motion, and commanding: and they in the next roome, serving and obeying, and executing their commandements (as under wheels, turned about by them) courageously, honourably, faith∣fully and happily, to the great honour and good of their Prince and Countrey.

This behoved to be accompanied with greatnesse: for neither could service (to any purpose) bee done without respected greatnesse, neither had greatnesse beene worthily placed without service. Their power is said by some to have been such, that (if they had not divided amongst themselves) no Subject in this Island could have compared with them in puissance. But that which diminished their power, and ruined the Earle Douglas, was the falling of the houses of Angus and Morton, from them to the King: for the last battell the Earle Douglas was at, the Earle of Angus discomfited him; so that it became a Proverbe, The Red Douglas put downe the Black: Those of the house of Angus, being of the fairer complexion. They might have raised (thirty or fourty thousand men) under their owne command, and of their owne dependers onely, and these most valiant: for their command was over the most expert, and most exercised in warre, by reason of their vicinitie, and nearnesse to England, which was their onely matter and whetstone of valour. They who give them least, give them 15000. men, who upon all occasions were ready with them to have ridden into England, at their pleasure, and backe even for their private quarrells, and have stayed there twenty dayes, and wasted all from Durham Northward, which no other private Subject could ever doe, upon their owne particular, without the Kings Army: this power (as hath been said) they u•…•…ed ever well, without gi∣ving of offence to their Prince in any sort, that we can reade of clearly and expresly set downe.

Yet our Writers say, it was too great for Scotland. But how could it be too great, that was thus for the good of it? for the Kings service? for their ease? making no rebellion, no resistance, no contradiction? which (we see) they came never to, untill the killing of E. William at Stirling. Truely if we shall speake without partiality, their greatnesse was so use∣full to their King and Countrey, that Hector Boetius stickes not to say, the Douglasses were ever the sure buckler, and warre wall of Scotland, and wonne many lands by their singular man-hood and vassalages: for they decored this Realme with many noble Acts, and by the glory of

their Martiall deeds. And though their puissance was suspected to some of their Kings, and was now the cause of their declining, yet since that house was put downe, Scotland hath done but few memorable deeds of Armes: And we cannor say justly, that they gave any cause of jealousie. Princes were moved to conceive it without just occasion given by them, unlesse it were a fault to be great: whether they were jealous of their owne naturall inclination (as jealousie is esteemed ordinarily to the high∣est places) or by the suggestion of others, that were mean men, and so envious of great men: the one inclining to jealousie, the other working on that inclination, however notwithstanding of all this, they sti•…•…l beha∣ved themselves towards their Princes moderately, obeying them to warding, and after releeving to warding again, at their Kings pleasure, without any resistance whatsoever, as may be seene in the Earle of Wig∣ton, which being well considered, the cause of their stirring, or commo∣tion against their Prince (which was never till this last man) will ap∣peare not to have proceeded from their greatnesse, enterprising against their Prince, or aspiring to his Throne, (although the meane men, and new start-up Courtiers perswaded the King so, for their owne advantage and ends) but the cause was indeed the aspiring and ambition of these mean men, who laboured to climbe up into their roomes by their decay, neither was this their aspiring by vertue, but by calumnies, and flattering, fostering the foresaid jealousie.

I know it is a maxime in Policie, and that plausible to many; That Princes should not suffer too great Subjects in their Dominions; yet it is cer∣tain, that without great Subjects there can be no great service. Things may be shufled at home, but abroad there can never any thing bee done to the purpose, or of note. But now the question is where great men are already; whether it bee best thus to undoe them, and make up new men by their ruine, or not: a thing worthy to bee considered: and also, whether or not there be a possibilitie to use great men to good uses; and (if possible) whether it were not better to doe so, then to goe about to undoe them: whether also there be not in undoing of them such great hazard (as we see) that though it may succeed at last (as it did here) yet it is not so good wisedome to adventure upon it with such trouble and uncertaintie.

Truely, that which made it to succeed, was the very honest heart of this last Earle James; who, if either hee would have turned English, and cast off all respect to his native Prince, or entered into battell against him at Abercorne, it had proved an unwise course so to have affected the advancement of these mean men; and not rather to have used them well, that were become already great. And therefore the Writers finde no other cause of this successe on the Kings side, but the onely provi∣dence of God, who had not determined to give the Crowne to the Douglas, but to continue it in the right line; which though the Douglas did not aime at, yet being driven to this necessity, either to lose his owne estate, or to take the Crowne in case of victory, hee could hardly have refused it, if it should have come to that, but hee chose ra∣ther to lose his owne; and lost it indeed by a rare modesty, which is

even disallowed by Writers, who interpret it to have beene feareful∣nesse, or lazinesse; so hard is it to know the right, and not to incurre some censure in our actions: how ever it bee, this appeares most cer∣tain, that their meaning to their Prince and Countrey hath ever beene good, and that even in this man. Their errours and faults whatsoever they fell into, they were drawne to them by the malice of •…•…eir particu∣lar enemies, and the Princes assisting, fostering and maintaining them in their wayes, thereby to undoe that Earledome, jealous of their Crowne, and that they might reigne (perhaps) with greater libertie, and fuller absolutenesse, which their Courtiers perswaded them they could not doe, so long as they stood. But it comes not ever so to passe; and though it came here so to passe in this Kings dayes (which were not many) yet in his sonnes dayes, wee shall see it fell out otherwayes: for out of these mean men (at least in respect of the house of Douglas) there arose some who proved as great, and greater restrainers of that liberty, then ever the Earles of Douglas were. So that if that bee the end of cutting off great men (to obtain greater liberty) wee see it is not alwayes at∣tained, and doth not ever follow upon it; yea, wee shall see, that almost it never (or but for a very short while) produceth that effect. It is therefore worthy to be examined, whe∣ther it be to be sought, or to be bought at so deare a rate, such hazard and trouble. But this is the vicissitude of this rolling world; let men consider it, and reverence the Ruler.

Jacobus Comes Lindorensi coeno∣bio inclusus.

Quid rides rasumque caput, cellaeque recessum? Quodque cucullatis fratribus annumeror? Fortunâ volvente vices fiet modo Princeps, Plebeius: Monachus saepè Monarcha fuit.

Why doe you laugh to see my shaven Crowne? My Cell, my Cloyster, and my hooded Gowne? This is the power of that Soveraigne Queen, By whom Monkes, Monarches; Monarches Monkes have been.

Another.

Both Fortunes long I tri'd, and found at last, No State so happy as an humble rest.

Georgius Angusiae comes.

Anvici Gallos obsessos undique laetho, Scotorum, eripuit te duce parva manus, Te duce Duglasius, victus quo{que} Percius heros Militiae statuunt clara tropheae tuae: Sed consanguinei, sed quid meruere propinqui? O furor, O rabies, perdere velle suos? Matrem ingrata necat crudeli vipera, morsu Stirpem, quâ genita est noxia vermis edit His non absimilis fueras: per te domus illa Eversa est ortum ducis & unde genus, Non me ventosa ambitio, non dira cupido Egit opum me non impulit invidia Ferre parem poteram, poteram vel ferre priorem, Contentusque mea sorte beatus eram: Ast Regi parere & jussa facessere fixum; Fas quoque semper erat, fas mihi semper erit

George Earle of Angus.

Thou ledst a handfull, who from death did free The French besieg'd at Anwick: victory, Though bloudy from the Noble Piercy gaind, Increast thy honour: but against thy friend And kinsman, what strange fury turn'd thy force? What madnesse to destroy thy owne, 'twas worse Then Vipers cruelty, compell'd to eat Their way or die; thine was a needlesse hate: No vain ambition oversway'd my heart, No love of wealth, no envie had a part In what I did, I could an equall beare: Nay, did not grudge though Douglas greater were, Content with what I had, I happy liv'd, But 'twas my Prince his will and 'tis beleev'd Lawfull, and Justice hath pronounc't it good To serve our King, without respect of bloud.

Aliud.

A solo potuit Pompeius Caesare vinci, Non nisi Romano milite Roma cadit, Duglasios nemo cùm posset vincere, solus Duglasium potuit vincere Duglasius.

Another on the same.

Pompey by Caesar onely was o'recome, None but a Romane Souldier conquered Rome; A Douglas could not have been brought so low, Had not a Douglas wrought his overthrow.

Here endeth the first Part, containing the History of the House of Douglas.

Notes

• Liv. lib. 7. d•…•… lacu Curtio.
• Livius.
• B•…•…et. lib. 10. pag. 195. Holl. p. 164. Scot. Chr•…•…. Anno 787.
• 1316.
• King Robert Bruce in Ire∣land.
• The whi•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• The battell of Billand.
• 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• The Douglas Emrauld Charter.
• Douglas sent into France to Balliol.
• 1327
• Douglas at Stanhop park▪
• Peace with England.
• King •…•…ruce, 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• 1329
• His marriage.
• He is made Lord of Gal∣loway.
• His sonnes.
• 1332.
• Battell at Du∣plin.
• Balliol Crow∣ned at Scone.
• Douglas 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Balliol at Annand, the 25. of Decem∣ber, 133•…•….
• Warre pro∣claimed.
• Berwick 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sieged by K. Edward the third.
• Occasion of the battell at Halidoun hil•…•….
• Sonne natu∣rall to Sir James.
• Her marriage
• One childe 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• 1335
• Convention▪ at Perth, 2. April. 1335.
• Cummin o∣verthrown at Kilblane, and slain.
• 1337.
• A battell at Blackburne.
• John Stirline defeated by Liddesdale.
• He takes the Castle of Hermitage.
• Hee fighteth five times with Lawrence in one day, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 him.
• He is sent Ambassadour into France.
• Perth besieg∣ed by Robert Stuart.
• Recovereth Cowper.
• Perth taken.
• Stirline taken
• The originall of Innerleith.
• Occ•…•…sion of taking the Castle of E∣dinburgh.
• The Castle taken, hee makes Arch∣bald Douglas his brother Keeper.
• Alexander Ramsay taken by Liddisdale, and starved in the Her∣mitage.
• 1346.
• He is banish∣ed and resto∣red again.
• The battell of Durham. King David taken.
• Liddesdale taken also.
• 1353
• He is slaine by the Earle of Douglas.
• His marriage, wives, and children.
• Hee is taken prisoner at Durham.
• Ransomed.
• He killes Lid∣desdale.
• And obtains his whole e∣state.
• Conflict at Nisbet-moor.
• He takes Ber∣wick.
• 1355.
• R•…•…gained by the English,
• Douglas at the battell of Poictiers.
• 1363
• A Parliament
• The union of the King∣domes sought.
• Sir Thomas Musgrave ta∣k•…•…n by Dou∣glas.
• The originall of the house of Glammes.
• 1384.
• Earle Douglas •…•…ath.
• His wife and children.
• The Origi∣nall, of the houses of Drumlanrig, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• He goeth into France.
• He taketh Berwick.
• 15000. horse∣men.
• Occasion of the battell of Otterburn.
• A combat be∣twixt Percie and Douglas.
• The battell of Otterburn.
• Douglas slain.
• Buried at Melrosse.
• He taketh and razeth the Ca∣stle of Loch∣mabane.
• His death. He found the Hospitall of Holywood.
• He is called the blacke Douglas.
• He marries the Kings daughter E∣gidia.
• His daughter married to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Ork∣ney.
• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 into Ireland.
• He takes and burnes Calin∣foord.
• He returnes out of Ireland
• He is made Admirall.
• He is mur∣thered by the Lord Clifford.
• His marriage.
• His children.
• He refused to be Duke.
• His daughter Marjory con∣tracted to Prince David.
• 1400.
• Their marri∣age.
• His death.
• He founded the Colledge o•…•… Bothwell.
• His children.
• Or Tine man.
• Edinburgh Castle 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by Dou∣glas against King Henry the fourth.
• Occasion of the battell of H•…•…mildon, n•…•…ere Milfi•…•…ld
• The bat•…•…ll lost, and Dou∣glas taken.
• Occ•…•…sion of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Shrewsbury.
• Wal•…•….
• Douglas taken
• 1406.
• He is set free.
• He burnes Penmoore.
• The foule road.
• His sonne Wigton and Buchan in France.
• The Duke of Clarence wounded by Sir John Swinton.
• Clarence slain by Bu∣chan.
• Pasche Eve.
• The Earle Douglas goes into France.
• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 D. of Turraine
• The occasion of the battell of Vernoill.
• A battell at Vernoil: Douglas slain.
• The Scottish guard 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in France.
• He is sent Ambassadour into England.
• Brings home the King.
• Variance be∣twixt the Go∣vernours.
• His death.