A general history of Scotland together with a particular history of the Houses of Douglas and Angus / written by Master David Hume of Godscroft.

Of James the ninth and last Earle of Douglas, the eighteenth Lord, sixth Duke of Turraine, and fourth James, who died in Lindores.

WIlliam being thus slain by the instigation of these Courtiers, his enemies, to the end that the King as they would have it thought might be established in his Crowne, by the making away of him whom they made the King to thinke so great an enemy to him? It was so farre from producing that effect, that by the contrary there was nothing nearer, then that it should have been the very occasion of spoyling him thereof; for the Earle Douglasses friends, who before tooke Creighton, and his faction onely for their enemies: Now they take the King for their enemy. They, who before thought not that what they had suffered proceeded from the King, or that it was his doing: now they impute them to him. They who before were onely male-contents, and within the bounds of obedience, and had a good opinion of the King: now they become enemies with an ill opinion of him as a wicked man. They who before contained themselves in civill termes, now become open rebellious: and whereas they had good hope, and looked for recon∣cilement, now cast off all hope thereof, and (matters becoming irrecon∣cileable) all love and regard, all reverence, their hearts being laden with the injury, with the dishonesty, with the horrour of it, they burst forth into all outragious words, and deeds: things coming to that point, that they could not bee ended, but by the destruction of one of the parties. Either they behoved to ruine the King, or behoved to be ruined by him.

And here the hardest lot at the first was the Kings (by all appearance) the power of the other party being so great, their minds so inflamed, their anger so incensed against him: neither the party onely, but the people in generall detested the fact and the horriblenesse of it, in such sort, that hee was put by all his shifts, and driven to such a point of despaire, as to thinke of leaving the countrey, and going by sea to France.

For though the Earle himselfe was dead, yet had he left behinde him in the towne of Stirlin foure brethren, that were come thither to accompany him. The eldest of these, James, was provided to the estate three yeares before by the Kings consent (upon the occasion of Earle Williams going to Rome in the yeare of Jubile) to succeed to his brother after his de∣cease. He therefore, with the rest of the Nobility who favoured them and their cause, having heard the report of Earle Williams being stabbed in that manner, being astonished with these sudden and unexpected newes, first ranne and tooke armes with great haste and tumult, but having con∣tained themselves, and commanding their companies to be quiet, every man keeping within his owne lodging for that night, upon the morrow they assembled together in counsell, and according to the defuncts ordi∣nance, and the Kings consent obtained thereto before, they acknowledged James lawfull heire and successour to his brother William. Then he with many vehement and bitter words, inveighing against the treasonable per∣jurie of the King and Courtiers, exhorts them who were present to lay siege to the Castle. Send (sayes he) for your friends and followers from all quarters, and let us withdraw out of their lurking holes those men who are onely valiant in perfidiousnesse, while as yet they waver, being uncertaine in their reso∣lutions, and tremble with the guiltinesse of so horrible a fact. They who were present praised his pietie towards his dead brother, and also his courage; but because they were come in a peaceable manner, and unprovided of things necessary for so great a worke, they abstained from the siege; which if they had (as the Earle gave advice) resolved upon, and fallen to pre∣sently, while the odiousnesse ef the fact was yet greene and fresh before the eyes of men, the King and his partners being unprovided and unfore∣seene in any certaine course of their affaires, as neither able to consult, nor to meet for consultation, the Castle being inclosed, which being also (as it is to be supposed) not well victualled for a siege, the King could hardly have escaped their hands. Neither was the matter so difficult for them, to have remained, and sent for the rest of their friends, and any provision which they needed; who might have come to them within five weekes, as they did themselves returne in that time, having given the King so much leasure to advise and prepare for them. Neither could the King (for all that he had that space and time) finde any meanes sufficient to match them. For having upon this their deliberation resolved upon the worst part, and departed to their houses, and taken full advice concerning all things, they returned the five and twentieth day of March, where all the way as they came along to Stirling, James Hammiltoun dragged the Kings safe conduct (which had beene given to Earle William, having the broade Seale hang∣ing thereat) at the taile of an ill-favoured spittle sade, or mare, through

the streets of all the towns and villages in their way, abstaining from no contumelious words, that they could devise against the King, his Coun∣sellers and Courtiers.

Being come to Stirlin, they went to the market Crosse, and there sounding with five hundred hornes and trumpets, they caused a Herauld to proclaim the King, and such as had been plotters and authours of E. Williams death, perjured traitors to God and man, and that they were to be abhorred, and detested by all men as such. Others write that they went to the Castle gate, and made that Proclamation in the Kings hear∣ing, whiles he was looking on them, and that it was done the next day after the slaughter. Thereafter they pillaged the towne, and being an∣gry even with the innocent and harmelesse place, they sent backe James Hamiltoun of Cadzow, and burnt it. Where this is to be considered, what could be the cause why these men (who before were upon advisement to have besieged the Castle of Stirlin, and did not doe it then, onely be∣cause they were unprovided) why these men (I say) now being come again and provided, abstained notwithstanding from besieging of it, having no∣thing to let them; and which if they had obtained, they had withall ob∣tained full victory, being masters of the field, the King inclosed and se∣cluded from his favourers and partners, no others (in likelihood) could have made head against them; for neither could any have taken that up∣on them, neither would the people (as was thought) have followed them, at least not so freely; whether it was because they had no hope to force it (being a strong place) neither to famish it in haste (being well provided of victualls) or if they chose rather to deprive him of his partners abroad in the Countrey by forcing them to forsake him first, and then it would be easie to take the King who had nothing but the Ca∣stle walls to trust to; or what ever else were the occasion thereof, our Histories (very defective in this so speciall a point) tell not; But so it was, that they leaving the principall point unprosecute (the King himself wherein would have consisted the whole summe of a full victory, and to which they should chiefly have directed their courses) contented onely to have blazed his reproches, turned towards his friends, pilling and spoi∣ling such as remained on his side, and even by this the King was so put to it, that he had determined to leave the Country and to fly into France, had not Archbishop Kennedie advised him to stay, and hope for better for∣tune, shewing him, that if he could keepe his person safe, and have pa∣tience to protract, and linger out the time a while, his adversaries faction would dissolve ere long, and fall asunder of it selfe.

Amongst those who tooke part with the King, there were diverse of the name of Douglas, and that of the principalls, as Angus, brother to Archbishop Kennedie, by the mother, who was daughter to Robert the third, and sister to James the first, by whom therefore they were Cosins ger∣main to the King, who was partly perswaded by his brother to take that course as fittest for him against the Earle Douglas, partly also accoun∣ted it right to follow him as his King, partly for kindred. There was also John (or rather James) Lord Dalkeith, who had married the Kings si∣ster (as Hollinshed writeth in the life of Mackebeth) as also the manuscript

in this same place, and the contract with the Earle of Morton yet bear∣eth: Also the manuscript in the life of Grosse James (this E. James fa∣ther) saith, the Lord Dalkeith, (or Henry his sonne rather) married the said Grosse James eldest daughter; this James sister called Margaret: whether therefore having married the Kings sister, and so fracke on that side, or having married E. James sister, and being of the name, The Earle Douglas was so much the more incensed against him, that he should without regard of this tie have joyned with his enemies, and therefore besieged the Castle of Dalkeith, binding himselfe by an oath not to de∣port from thence, untill he had gotten it taken in. But it was valiantly defended by Patrick Cockburne and Clarkington, in such sort, that after he was constrained by great travell, and trouble of his men with watching, and many wounds to lift his siege and depart. The King had in the mean time conveened a company of men to have releeved the besieged, but finding that his power was not sufficient for that purpose, he resolved to attend the coming of Alexander Gordon, Earle of Huntley, his brother in law (or sister sonne) whom he made Lieutenant, and who they said was come in with a great Army collected out of the furthest parts of the North. But as hee was marching through Angus (the twenty eight of May) he was encountred at Brichen, by the Earle of Crawford, who lay for him there to stoppe his passage. There was fought a great battell betwixt them in such sort, that Huntleyes middle ward was almost de∣feated, and well nigh routed, not being able to sustain the impression of Crawfords army, which was so strong, that they failed but a little to over∣throw the Kings Standard, brought thither and displayed by Huntley, had it not been for the cowardly and treacherous flight of John Collesse of Bonnie-Moone, to whom the left wing was committed by Crawford: He in the hottest of the conflict (offended with Crawford, because he had refused him that same morning the Barrony of Ferme, or a part thereof, which lay neare to his house) fled on set purpose out of the battell, and so left the middle ward naked on the one side of the speciall force, which the said Earle had, which was called the battell of axes, or billmen. By their flight, the rest (who were almost victours) were so terrified, that they turned their backs, and left the victory to Huntley, farre beyond his owne expectation; and yet, not without a great slaughter of his friends, servants and followers; and especially those of his name, amongst whom were two of his brethren. This battell was fought on the Ascension day, in the yeare 1453. hee had before the battell that same day given lands to the principall men of those surnames that were with him, as For∣besses, Leslies, Vrwines, Ogilbies, Graunts, and diverse others, which made them fight with greater courage. Crawford also lost many of his men, together with his brother John Lindesay, so that the losse on both sides, was accounted almost equall.

Huntley had the name of the victory, yet could not march forward to the King, as hee intended, and that partly because of his great losse of men, partly for that he was advertised, that Archbald Douglas Earle of Murray had invaded his lands, and burnt the Piele of Strabogie. Where∣fore hee returned speedily to his owne Countrey, which gave Crawford

leasure and occasion to poure out his wrath against them, who had so traiterously forsaken him, by burning and wasting their lands, and cast∣ing downe their Houses and Castles. Huntley being returned to the North, not onely recompensed the dammage done to him by the Earle Murray, but also compelled him out of his whole bounds of Murray: yet it was not done without conflict and mutuall harme: for Huntley co∣ming to Elgin in Murray, found it divided, the one halfe standing for him, the other halfe (and almost the other side of the street) standing for the Earle Murray: wherefore he burnt that halfe which was for Mur∣ray; and hereupon rose the Proverb, Halfe done as Eglin was burnt. While he is there, Murray assembled his power, which consisting most of foot∣men, he sate downe upon a hill some two or three miles off, called the Drum of Pluskardein, which was unaccessible to horsemen. Huntley forrowed his lands to draw him from the hill, or at least to bee revenged of him that way, thinking hee durst not come into the plain fields, and not thinking it safe to assault him in a place of such disadvantage. But Murray seeing Huntlies men so scattered, came out of his strength, and falling upon foure or five hundreth horsemen, drave them into a bogue called the bogue of Dunkintie, in the bounds of Pittendreigh; full of quag-mires, so deep, that a speare may be thrust into them, and not finde the bottome. In this bogue many were drowned, the rest slaine, few or none escaping of that company. There are yet to be seene swords, steel∣caps, and such other things which are found now and then by the Coun∣trey people that live about it. They made this round ryme of it after∣ward,

Where left thou thy men thou Gordon so gay? In the Bogue of Dunkintie mowing the Hay.

These victories in the North, together with the repulse (at least the retreat) of the Earle Douglas from the Castle of Dalkeith did so encou∣rage the King, that he began to conceive better hopes of his affaires, and by the counsell of Archbishop Kennedie he called a Parliament at Edin∣burgh, and summoned the Earle Douglas and his partners to compeir thereat. But the Earle was so farre from obeying, that he caused plack∣ards to be affixed upon the Church doores, and other publick places, sealed with his seale, containing in effect, that from thenceforth he would neither obey citation, nor other commandement of the Kings, nor in any sort commit his life to him, who having allured his Cousins to Edin∣burgh, and his brother to Stirlin, under safe conduct, had traiterously murthered them without any order of law, and contrarie to his oath. Hereupon he and his three brethren, Archbald, Hugh, and John, together with Beatrix, Relict of Earle William, were declared Rebels, and forfeited, and with them Alexander Earle of Crawford, and James Lord Hammil∣toun; and that the number of the Nobilitie might not seeme to be dimi∣nished by their forfeiture, there were divers new Lords created, and the goods and lands of the forfeited given to them.

Thereafter an Armie was levied to pursue them, their lands were wast∣ed, their goods driven away, their cornes destroyed, and then (winter

comming on) because the Armie could not lie in the fields, they were dismissed, and appointed to meet againe in the spring. But the Earle Douglas seemed to make small account of all this, and that the grandour of his house (which was growne to that great height by that great mar∣riage) might not be impaired, and that estate transferred to strangers, he takes to wife the foresaid Beatrix, and deales with the Pope for a dispen∣sation, and confirmation of the marriage. But that sute was crost by the Kings Letters. I finde it in an ancient book written of the Douglasscs in meeter, that she her selfe alledged, that her first husband (Earle William) had never carnall copulation with her, and that she gave her oath there∣upon: which giveth some colourable excuse to this fact, which other∣wise is so enormous, and void of all appearance that he could have beene so shamelesse as to have gone about it without some such reason, or pre∣text, which therefore I would not omit to intimate, and I remember not that I have read it elsewhere. However it were, he kept her as his wife, and continued the warres that yeare, and the next two yeares, pillaging and wasting the Kings possessions; and the King doing the like to him, especially in Annandale, Galloway, and the Forrest. Hereupon ensued a Famine, and upon the Famine a Pestilence; Townes and Castles were destroyed on both sides, and no kinde of hostilitie pretermitted. The King notwithstanding caused trie indirectly whether the Earle could be perswaded to yeeld himselfe to him, and the wisest of his friends coun∣selled him to doe it, alledging that his Predecessours had often done so; chiefly seeing he had a King of a gentle nature, and who would be en∣treated by friends, not to extinguish so noble a Familie, and undoe so ma∣ny Noblemen as joyned with him, or to redact them to that necessitie; that they should be forced to take a course for themselves; that it would be easier for him to get some good quarters now, while matters were as yet not past reconciliation, and while his friends were about him, then afterward, when he should be deserted, and left alone: then there would be no hope of pardon. To this he answered, That he would never com∣mit himselfe to the credit of those whom neither shame nor honestie could binde, who regarded neither the law of God, nor man: but having allured his Cousins and Brother with faire promises, had so traiterously and cruelly slain them, that hee would rather suffer all extremity, then come into their power. This speech was approved or reproved accord∣ing to every mans disposition, some praising his magnanimitle and cou∣rage, some disliking his obstinacie, & exhorting him not to lose this good occasion of making his peace, which (if his friends wearie of troubles should abandon him) he would repent afterwards. He persisted in his opinion, and what for detestation of the fact, what for feare to be used after the same manner himselfe, if he should come into the Kings pow∣er (as it falls out, and must of necessity, where trust, which is the ground of all peace and reconciliation, is taken away) not suffering any thought of peace to come into his minde, resolved himselfe to trie the fortune of warre.

But the Earle Crawford being wearie of so long troubles, apprehend∣ing the iniquitie of the cause, and weighing with himselfe the common

changeablenesse of all humane affaires, and knowing that pardon would be easily granted to him who should preoccupy the Kings favour, and uneasie and difficult to those that should continue in armes, being left by a part of his friends, and suspecting the fidelitie of the rest, as the King was journeying through Angus, he casts himselfe in his way with a ha∣bit most composed to move pitie, bare footed, and bare headed; he plain∣ly confessed his offences in times past, put himselfe absolutely in the Kings will, commemorating the good offices done by his Predecessours; that he acknowledged that whatever had happened to him, had happened by his owne default; whatever life or fortune he should have thereafter, he would owe it to the Kings clemencie. These and such like speeches moved the Noblemen that were present, especially the Gentlemen of Angus, who although they had always followed the King, yet were loath that so ancient and noble an house should perish: chiefly Archbishop Ken∣nedie, howbeit he had received many injuries of Crawford (or his father) yet considering of what importance it was to the King to have his owne forces increased by this accession, and his enemies diminished and weak∣ned by want of so great a man, dealt earnestly with the King to receive him into his wonted place of honour and favour. Neither was the King difficult to be entreated, but graciously pardoned him, and restored him to his former condition both of goods and honour, onely admonishing him to doe his dutie in time to come. It is reported that the King being defirous to performe his promise (which was to raze the house of Phi∣neavin, the chiefe Mannour of the Earle Crawfords) and to make the highest stone the lowest, he went up to the top of the house, and (ac∣cording to this promise) threw down a little stone, which was lying loose above the built worke, to the ground, which is to this day kept in an iron chaine for a Monument and memoriall of this action. Some also write that the King tooke from him the lands of Badenoch and Loquhabre, and gave them to Huntley for the lands which he had distributed at the field of Brighen, as also the second place in Parliament, and honour of bearing the Scepter. Crawford died within six moneths of a burning feavour at Phineavin, and was buried in the Gray Friers at Dundee, in the Sepulchre of his Progenitors.

The Earle Douglas informed hereof, and seeing his forces decay daily, and the Kings daily growing greater, he thought he would goe trie what succour or support he could have out of England, and for that effect he sent James Hammiltoun of Cadyou to K. Henry to desire his help in this estate. King Henry considering, and thinking the occasion fit for him to encroach upon Scotland, perswading himselfe that the Earle Douglas his passion of revenge on the one part, and the necessitie of his estate on the other (two powerfull perswaders to move men) should drive him to ac∣cept his help on whatever termes, was content to aide him upon this con∣dition, that he should become his subject, sweare himselfe English, and so to continue for ever; and for better assurance hereof, should put into his hands such Strengths and Castles in Scotland as he had in his custodie. Unto this Douglas replied very generously and honestly,

That hee would never leave such a blot upon his house, and would rather choose

to die by what ever hand, then commit such a crime against his Countrey, for a fault done by the Prince and some particular men onely, whereof he hoped to be avenged, without that shame.

This being so honest a part, and testifying so honest a heart, as some of them have not had the like, even of those who pretended to be Kings themselves (some of whom have not refused to render themselves and their Kingdomes to the Eng∣lish servitude, to be avenged of their enemies, and to obtaine the Crown for themselves) is too lightly overpassed by our Writers, without the due testimony, approbation, and praise that it well deserveth. Besides, there can hardly be a clearer argument of his not affecting or aiming at the Crowne, which his brother and Predecessours were charged with, and traduced to the King: for had he beene that way set, he would have accepted of the proffer of England, and made use of their help, which (questionlesse) these Kings would not have denied him, according to their ordinary practice. And how many are there that would have for∣borne in such power, and upon such an occasion? for although he seems to have no colour of title to the Crowne, yet men that aspire to it, doe seldome want their pretences, when they have power to search it. So that the greater is the pitie in so moderate prosecution of such a quarrell, that the event should have beene so hard on his side, which appeares yet better in that which followed.

So left thus to himselfe, by the instigation of his partners, and namely of James Hammiltoun of Cadyou, hee gathered together his friends and followers to raise the siege of Abercorne, which the King had beset, and lay before it in his owne person. And when hee was come within five miles, or (as others say) within sight of the besie∣gers, they looked assuredly that he would, and that hee had resolved to fight, because he put his Army in order of battell; and being very ready for their part, and forward, Cadyou also exhorting him thereto, that he would end these warres with a notable victorie, to his perpetuall praise, or with an honourable death, as became his house, that he would vindicate himselfe from those miseries and contumelies; he utterly refu∣sed to fight, though he were more in number, saying plainly, his heart would not suffer him, nor serve him to fight against his Soveraign. Wher∣by it may be conjectured (as saith the Manuscript) that his meaning was only to have terrified the King, and brought him to some reasonable con∣ditions of peace. But there wanted intercessours to deale betwixt them, partly because all were ingaged to the one or other side, partly for that they beleeved that he still persisted in his former opinion of distrust and indignation, and so nothing was done therein by any. Others interpret it to have bin cowardize, or faint heartednesse, and lack of courage (for their words import so much) a fault that was incident to few of that stock, and we never finde it imputed to any of them against England, or against any other private enemie; neither to this man elsewhere, but only at this time. And we heard how after the killing of his brother his courage is com∣mended, together with his piety. The reason of it hath been this; then while his anger was recent, and green against the authors thereof, he could have done any thing to have been avenged; now time having taken away

the edge of that disposition, when he considered it was his King he had to do with, whose hand the Courtiers, his enemies, had onely borrowed; his naturall affection, and regard of a subject toward his Prince, was returned, and by peece-meal had taken possession of his heart again, as the own pro∣per lodging where it had been harboured ever before. Certainly this refu∣sall to fight now, and his former rejecting the King of Englands disloyall conditions of help, have proceeded from one and the same disposition of minde. Wherefore seeing that ought highly to be praised, I see not how this can be condemned, at least how they can condemn it, that do so high∣ly respect that high place of Kings. The word also will import, not alto∣gether flat cowardise, but a natural sluggishnesse, & want of action, where∣of cowardise is sometimes the cause, but not alway, though they concurre often. But there is another affection that makes men slack in action, which proceeds not either of sluggishnesse, or cowardise, but of irresolution; when a man swiming betwixt two opinions, resolves not fully upon ei∣ther, and this seemes to have beene his disposition. A great impediment in his actions, and at least in this last point of such importance, the cause of his ruine, while neither his heart could suffer him to betake himself against his Prince, whom naturally he affected, neither could he digest to forget the fact done, or (after it) to commit himself to the doer. Which dispositi∣on, though it have brought out the like effects as cowardlinesse and slug∣gishnesse are wont to do, to wit, lingring and eschewing of the battell, yet this did not proceed in him from either of these two, but had the originall from a very honest minde to his dutie. His love to his Prince strove and fought with another dutie, which was his love to his dead brother, or to his owne honour. Out of which, whileas he either cannot, or occasion is not offered to extricate himselfe, and winde out a full resolution, he suffer∣ed himselfe to be carried unto that which he was most inclined to, his love to his Prince, and thereby he slipt and let slide through his fingers (as it were) this faire occasion which was then offered unto him, of no lesse (in the judgement of his friends) then the casting the dice for the Crown. And so James Hamilton told him, that the occasion was such, that if he did not lay hold of it, he should never finde the like again: he told him with∣all, that his want of resolution would be his overthrow, as it was indeed.

For James Hammiltoun himselfe left him that same night, and went to the King, of whom hee was so honourably and well received, that o∣thers thereby were encouraged to come in also. Yet others write that he was committed to ward in Rosseline for a certaine season, and afterward releeved at the entreatie of George Douglas Earle of Angus. However, by his information to the King of the estate of the Earle Douglas his Armie, how forward they had beene to have fought, and how discon∣tented and discouraged they were with his lingring, how the greatest mo∣tive that kept them with him was their doubting of pardon for their for∣mer offences, the King caused make a Proclamation, that whosoever would come unto him, and forsake the Earle Douglas, should have free re∣mission for all that was past, providing they came within 48. houres.

This being published, the most part of the Earls Armie left him, so that there remained not (ere the next morning) with him above 2000. men,

whereby he was constrained to leave the fields, and his friends and ser∣vants that were in Abercorne to be cruelly slaine, and executed; for the Castle was taken by force, and demolished, to his no small reproach, in that he was so irresolute, and had not by some meane or other procu∣red at least some honest composition for himselfe and them, or else to have adventured all. Where if he would not have taken the Kingdome, in case of victorie, yet might he honourably have set downe conditions of peace; or if he had lost the field, he could not have lost more then he did; for by these meanes, abandoned of all, he was constrained to flee un∣to England.

In the yeare 1455. having gotten together a small company of men, he returned into Annandale, thinking to have found some friends in those quarters, which were his own lands before; but there he was encountred by the Kings followers, especially by his own kinsman (but the Kings Cou∣sin) George E. of Angus (as some write) who defeated him. His brother the Earle of Murray was slain in the field, and his other brother the Earle of Ormond was hurt, and taken prisoner; after his wounds were cured, be∣ing brought to the King, he was executed, with greater regard to this last action, then respect to his victory obtained not far from the same place, at Sark, against the English, & Magnus with the red main, their insolent Cham∣pion, which was so greatly praised by the King before, and so acceptable to all Court and Countrey. Such is the course and vicissitude of all hu∣mane affaires. We heare of one onely sonne of Ormonds, named Hugh, Dean of Brichen, of whom we shall speake somewhat hereafter in the life of Archbald Earle of Angus, who was Chancellour of Scotland. His takers were the Lord Carlile, and Johnston of Johnston, to whom the King gave in recompence the 40. l. land in Pittinen upon Clide, to each of them a 20. l. land thereof. The third brother, John Lord of Balvenie, esca∣ped in a wood, and the Earle himself by flight got him to Dunstaffage, where finding Donald Earle of Rosse, and Lord of the Isles, he incited him to make war against the King in his favours, and after he had ingaged him therein, he withdrew himselfe again into England. This is noted to have beene in the yeare 1455. after which there was a Parliament called (about the fifth of June, or August, as the Acts beare) wherein he, and his bro∣ther John, and his wife Beatrix, were againe forfeited, and their lands of Galloway annexed to the Crowne. This Beatrix (who had beene his Brothers wife, and whom he had used and kept for his owne wife for cer∣taine yeares) came to the King, and excused her selfe, as being a woman, and compelled to doe what she had done. The King received her into fa∣vour, and married her to John Stuart his halfe brother (by the mother) and gave her the lands of Balvenie. This John was afterward made Earle of Athole in King James the thirds time: he had by Beatrix two daughters onely, the eldest of which was married to the Earle of Errole. This is cast in by some in the next yeare following.

The Earl Douglas abandoned on all hands, travelled with Donald of the Isles, Earle of Rosse, conforme to their old band made with Earle Willi∣am to assist him, and renew his claim to the Isles. Hereupon Donald wasted Argyle, Arran, Loquhaber, and Murray, took the Castle of Inner-Nesse,

burnt the towne, and proclaimed himselfe King of the Isles: but his wife (who was daughter to James Levingston, and had beene given to him in marriage at the Kings desire, of purpose to retain him the better in duty) when she saw she could neither prevaile with him in that point, and that besides she was but contemned by him, and the barbarous people that were with him, she left him, and came to the King, who received her very gladly. About this same time Patrick Thornton, a secret favourer of the Earle Douglas his faction, though he had followed the Court a long time, slew John Sandilands of Calder the Kings Cousin, and Alane Stuart also, upon occasion at Dumbartan. These two were of the Kings side, where∣fore the said Thornton was taken by the Kings Officers, and executed. These things being not yet fully settled, did greatly perplex the King, between domestick and forraign enemies. In the year 1457. the Earl Dou∣glas came in with Henry Percie Earle of Northumberland to the Mo•…•…se, which as they were in wasting & pillaging, they were encountred by George Earle of Angus, and put backe to their Camp. Being irritated with this indignitie, they put themselves in order of battell, without staying for their full companies; many of which were gone abroad into the Coun∣trey and Villages for spoile and bootie, and so entred into conflict. When the noise hereof was carried to the eares of the sorrowers, they for feare of losing what they had gotten, which was a very rich and great prey, past directly into England, without regarding what became of the two Earles. Hereby the battell was lost by the English, but the losse of men was almost equall on both sides. This victorie did not a little recreate the King, and so affrighted Donald and his Islanders, that he sent and sub∣mitted himselfe to the King, and was received by him. Neither was there any farther insurrection within the Countrey. Neither did the Earle Douglas without the Countrey enterprise any thing by the aid of England (they being distracted at home by the dissention of Lancaster and Yorke) during the dayes of this King, which were not many: for a∣bout two or three years after this, the King alone was slain by the wedge of a peece of Ordnance of his own, and with him George Earle of Angus hurt amongst 30000. of his Armie (of whom none else was either slaine or hurt) at the siege of the Castle of Roxburgh in the 29. yeare of his age in September 1460, some 8. yeares after the killing of Earle William in Stirlin Castle, at which time he was about the age of twenty one or twenty two yeares.

Neither hear we any mention of the Earle Douglas his stirring in the next Kings (James the thirds) time, either in his minoritie (being but a childe of seven or eight yeares of age at his coronation) or in his majoritie; either in the dissentions betwixt the Kennedies and the Boydes, or the dissention betwixt the King and the Nobilitie. Whe∣ther it bee the negligence and sloth of Writers that have not record∣ed things, or whether hee did nothing indeed, through want of power, his friends, and dependers, and vassals being left by him, and despairing of him, having taken another course, and his lands being disposed of to others; so it is, that for the space of twenty yeares, or three and twenty, untill the yeare 1483. there is nothing but deepe

silence with him in all Histories. Onely wee finde that hee was made Knight of the noble Order of the Garter by King Edward the fourth, and is placed first in order of all the Earles, and next to him the Earle of A∣rundell (who is the first Earle of England) in the booke, intituled, Nobilitas Politica; and the English Heraulds say of him, that he was a very valiant noble Gentleman, well beloved of the King and Nobility, and very steadable to King Edward in all his troubles. These troubles (per∣haps) have beene the cause that they could enterprise nothing in Scotland untill the foresaid yeare 1483. However it be, he hath the honour to be the first of his Nation admitted into that Order.

At last then in the yeare 1483. Alexander Duke of Albanie, and bro∣ther to King James the third (who was also banished in England) and the Earle Douglas, desirous to know what was the affection of their Coun∣treymen toward them, vowed that they would offer their offering on the high Altar of Loch-mabane upon the Magdalen day, and to that effect got together some five hundred horse (what Scottish what English) and a certaine number of English foot-men, that remained with Musgrave at Burneswark hill to assist them in case they needed. So they rode to∣ward Loch∣mabane, and at their coming the fray was raised through Nid∣disdale, Annandale, and Galloway, who assembling to the Laird of Mous∣hill (then Warden) encountred them with great courage. The English who were on the hill (Burneswark) fled at the first sight of the enemy, so that the rest behoved either to doe or die. And therefore they fought it out manfully from noone till twilight, with skirmishes, after the border fashion, sometimes the one, sometimes the other having the advantage. At last the victorie fell to the Scots, though it cost them much bloud. The Duke of Albanie escaped by flight, but the Earle of Douglas being now an aged man, was stricken from his horse, and taken prisoner with his owne consent, by a brother of the Laird of Closeburnes, in this man∣ner: The King (James 3.) had made a proclamation, that whosoever should take the E. Douglas should have 100. l. land: the E. being then thus on foot in the field, wearied of so long exile, and thinking that he might (perhaps) be knowne by some other, seeing in the field Alexander Kilpatrick (a son of Closeburnes, and one that had beene his owne servant before) he calls on him by his name, and when he came to him, he said, I have foughten long enough against my fortune, and since I must die, I will rather that ye (who have beene my owne servant, and whom I knew to be faithfull to me as long as I did any thing that was likely for my selfe) have the benefit thereby then any o∣ther. Wherefore take me, and deliver me to the King according to his Proclamation, but see thou beest sure hee keepe his word before thou deli∣ver me. The young man, who loved the Earle entirely in his heart, wept (as is reported) for sorrow, to see him thus aged, and alter∣ed in disguised apparell, and offered to goe with him into Eng∣land. But hee would not, being wearied of such endlesse troubles; onely hee desired the young man to get his life safe, if hee could obtaine so much at the Kings hands, if not, to bee sure of his owne reward at least. Hereupon Kilpatricke conveyed him secret∣ly out of the field, and kept him in a poore cottage some few dayes,

untill hee had spoken with the King, who granted him the Earles life, and gave unto himselfe the fistie pound land of Kirk Michaell, which is possest by his heires, unto this day. Some give the honour of this vi∣ctory to Cockpool and Johnston, and make the number of those that came with Douglas and Albany greater, and say that King Richard of England blamed the Duke of Albanie for the losse thereof, and that he, discon∣tented and taking it ill to bee so blamed, withdrew himselfe secretly in∣to France.

The Earle Douglas being brought to the King, hee ordained him to be put into the Abbacie of Lindores; which sentence when hee heard, hee said no more but this: Hee that may no better bee, must bee a Monk, which is past in a Proverbe to this day. Hee remained there till the day of his death (which was after the death of King James the third) which fell out 1488. he being of a good age, and having beene a man in action from the beginning of his brother William now foure and fourty yeares.

Some write that while he was in Lindores, the faction of the Nobi∣lity (that had put Coghran to death, and punished some others of the Courtiers supported by the Kings favour) especially Archbald Earle of Angus, (called Bell-the-Cat) desired him to come out of his Cloyster, and be head of their faction; promising he should be restored to all his lands, which seemeth not very probable: But that which others write, hath more appearance, that the King desired him to be his Lievetenant against the Rebells; but hee laden with yeares and old age, and weary of trou∣bles, refused, saying; Sir, you have kept mee, and your black coffer in Stirling too long, neither of us can doe you any good: I, because my friends have for∣saken me, and my followers and dependers are fallen from me, betaking themselves to other masters; and your blacke trunck is too farre from you, and your enemies are between you and it: or (as others say) because there was in it a sort of black coyne, that the King had caused to bee coyned, by the advise of his Courtiers; which moneyes (saith he) Sir, if you had put out at the first, the people would have taken it, and if you had imployed mee in due time, I might have done you service. But now there is none that will take notice of me, nor meddle with your money. So he remained still in the Abbacy of Lindores, where hee died, anno 1488. and was buried there.

THus began and grew, thus stood and flourished, thus decayed and ended the Noble House of Douglas, whose love to their Coun∣trey, fidelity to their King, and disdain of English slavery was so naturall, and of such force and vigour, that it had power to propagate it selfe from age to age, and from branch to branch, being not onely in the stocke, but in the collaterall, and by branches also, so many as have beene spoken of here. They have continually retained that naturall sap and juice which was first in Sholto, then in William the Hardie, who died in Berwick (who was in a manner a second founder) in such a measure, that amongst them all it is uncertain which of them have beene most that way affected. This vertue joyned with valour (which was no lesse naturall, and hereditary

from man to man) caused their increase and greatnesse: their Princes fa∣vouring them for these vertues, and they by these serving their Princes in defence of their Countrey: Their affection pressing them thereto, their worth and valour sufficing them, the hearts of the people affecting and following them: Their enemies regarding and respecting them, all men admiring them: so that in effect, the weight of warlike affaires was whol∣ly laid on them. The Kings needed onely to give themselves to admi∣nister justice, consult, and direct, living at peace and ease, and in great quietnesse to use their honest recreations, from the latter dayes of King Robert Bruce, wherein there was a pleasant harmony, and happy concur∣rence; the Kings (as the great wheel and first mover) carrying the first place in honour and motion, and commanding: and they in the next roome, serving and obeying, and executing their commandements (as under wheels, turned about by them) courageously, honourably, faith∣fully and happily, to the great honour and good of their Prince and Countrey.

This behoved to be accompanied with greatnesse: for neither could service (to any purpose) bee done without respected greatnesse, neither had greatnesse beene worthily placed without service. Their power is said by some to have been such, that (if they had not divided amongst themselves) no Subject in this Island could have compared with them in puissance. But that which diminished their power, and ruined the Earle Douglas, was the falling of the houses of Angus and Morton, from them to the King: for the last battell the Earle Douglas was at, the Earle of Angus discomfited him; so that it became a Proverbe, The Red Douglas put downe the Black: Those of the house of Angus, being of the fairer complexion. They might have raised (thirty or fourty thousand men) under their owne command, and of their owne dependers onely, and these most valiant: for their command was over the most expert, and most exercised in warre, by reason of their vicinitie, and nearnesse to England, which was their onely matter and whetstone of valour. They who give them least, give them 15000. men, who upon all occasions were ready with them to have ridden into England, at their pleasure, and backe even for their private quarrells, and have stayed there twenty dayes, and wasted all from Durham Northward, which no other private Subject could ever doe, upon their owne particular, without the Kings Army: this power (as hath been said) they used ever well, without gi∣ving of offence to their Prince in any sort, that we can reade of clearly and expresly set downe.

Yet our Writers say, it was too great for Scotland. But how could it be too great, that was thus for the good of it? for the Kings service? for their ease? making no rebellion, no resistance, no contradiction? which (we see) they came never to, untill the killing of E. William at Stirling. Truely if we shall speake without partiality, their greatnesse was so use∣full to their King and Countrey, that Hector Boetius stickes not to say, the Douglasses were ever the sure buckler, and warre wall of Scotland, and wonne many lands by their singular man-hood and vassalages: for they decored this Realme with many noble Acts, and by the glory of

their Martiall deeds. And though their puissance was suspected to some of their Kings, and was now the cause of their declining, yet since that house was put downe, Scotland hath done but few memorable deeds of Armes: And we cannor say justly, that they gave any cause of jealousie. Princes were moved to conceive it without just occasion given by them, unlesse it were a fault to be great: whether they were jealous of their owne naturall inclination (as jealousie is esteemed ordinarily to the high∣est places) or by the suggestion of others, that were mean men, and so envious of great men: the one inclining to jealousie, the other working on that inclination, however notwithstanding of all this, they stisl beha∣ved themselves towards their Princes moderately, obeying them to warding, and after releeving to warding again, at their Kings pleasure, without any resistance whatsoever, as may be seene in the Earle of Wig∣ton, which being well considered, the cause of their stirring, or commo∣tion against their Prince (which was never till this last man) will ap∣peare not to have proceeded from their greatnesse, enterprising against their Prince, or aspiring to his Throne, (although the meane men, and new start-up Courtiers perswaded the King so, for their owne advantage and ends) but the cause was indeed the aspiring and ambition of these mean men, who laboured to climbe up into their roomes by their decay, neither was this their aspiring by vertue, but by calumnies, and flattering, fostering the foresaid jealousie.

I know it is a maxime in Policie, and that plausible to many; That Princes should not suffer too great Subjects in their Dominions; yet it is cer∣tain, that without great Subjects there can be no great service. Things may be shufled at home, but abroad there can never any thing bee done to the purpose, or of note. But now the question is where great men are already; whether it bee best thus to undoe them, and make up new men by their ruine, or not: a thing worthy to bee considered: and also, whether or not there be a possibilitie to use great men to good uses; and (if possible) whether it were not better to doe so, then to goe about to undoe them: whether also there be not in undoing of them such great hazard (as we see) that though it may succeed at last (as it did here) yet it is not so good wisedome to adventure upon it with such trouble and uncertaintie.

Truely, that which made it to succeed, was the very honest heart of this last Earle James; who, if either hee would have turned English, and cast off all respect to his native Prince, or entered into battell against him at Abercorne, it had proved an unwise course so to have affected the advancement of these mean men; and not rather to have used them well, that were become already great. And therefore the Writers finde no other cause of this successe on the Kings side, but the onely provi∣dence of God, who had not determined to give the Crowne to the Douglas, but to continue it in the right line; which though the Douglas did not aime at, yet being driven to this necessity, either to lose his owne estate, or to take the Crowne in case of victory, hee could hardly have refused it, if it should have come to that, but hee chose ra∣ther to lose his owne; and lost it indeed by a rare modesty, which is

even disallowed by Writers, who interpret it to have beene feareful∣nesse, or lazinesse; so hard is it to know the right, and not to incurre some censure in our actions: how ever it bee, this appeares most cer∣tain, that their meaning to their Prince and Countrey hath ever beene good, and that even in this man. Their errours and faults whatsoever they fell into, they were drawne to them by the malice of their particu∣lar enemies, and the Princes assisting, fostering and maintaining them in their wayes, thereby to undoe that Earledome, jealous of their Crowne, and that they might reigne (perhaps) with greater libertie, and fuller absolutenesse, which their Courtiers perswaded them they could not doe, so long as they stood. But it comes not ever so to passe; and though it came here so to passe in this Kings dayes (which were not many) yet in his sonnes dayes, wee shall see it fell out otherwayes: for out of these mean men (at least in respect of the house of Douglas) there arose some who proved as great, and greater restrainers of that liberty, then ever the Earles of Douglas were. So that if that bee the end of cutting off great men (to obtain greater liberty) wee see it is not alwayes at∣tained, and doth not ever follow upon it; yea, wee shall see, that almost it never (or but for a very short while) produceth that effect. It is therefore worthy to be examined, whe∣ther it be to be sought, or to be bought at so deare a rate, such hazard and trouble. But this is the vicissitude of this rolling world; let men consider it, and reverence the Ruler.

Jacobus Comes Lindorensi coeno∣bio inclusus.

Quid rides rasumque caput, cellaeque recessum? Quodque cucullatis fratribus annumeror? Fortunâ volvente vices siet modo Princeps, Plebeius: Monachus saepè Monarcha fuit.

Why doe you laugh to see my shaven Crowne? My Cell, my Cloyster, and my hooded Gowne? This is the power of that Soveraigne Queen, By whom Monkes, Monarches; Monarches Monkes have been.

Another.

Both Fortunes long I tri'd, and found at last, No State so happy as an humble rest.

Georgius Angusiae comes.

Anvici Gallos obsessos undique laetho, Scotorum, eripuit te duce parva manus, Te duce Duglasius, victus quo{que} Percius heros Militiae statuunt clara tropheae tuae: Sed consanguinei, sed quid meruere propinqui? O furor, O rabtes, perdere velle suos? Matrem ingrata necat crudeli vipera, morsu Stirpem, quâ genita est noxia vermis edit His non absimilis fueras: per te domus illa Eversa est ortum ducis & unde genus, Non me ventosa ambitio, non dira cupido Egit opum me non impulit invidia Ferre parem poteram, poteram vel ferre priorem, Contentusque mea sorte beatus eram: Ast Regi parere & jussa facessere fixum; Fas quoque semper er at, fas mihi semper erit

George Earle of Angus.

Thou ledst a handfull, who from death did free The French besieg'd at Anwick: victory, Though bloudy from the Noble Piercy gaind, Increast thy honour: but against thy friend And kinsman, what strange fury turn'd thy force? What madnesse to destroy thy owne, 'twas worse Then Vipers cruelty, compell'd to eat Their way or die; thine was a needlesse hate: No vain ambition oversway'd my heart, No love of wealth, no envie had a part In what I did, I could an equall beare: Nay, did not grudge though Douglas greater were, Content with what I had, I happy liv'd, But 'twas my Prince his will and 'tis beleev'd Lawfull, and Justice hath pronounc't it good To serve our King, without respect of bloud.

Aliud.

A solo potuit Pompeius Caesare vinci, Non nisi Romano milite Roma cadit, Duglasios nem•…•… cùm posset vincere, solus Duglasium potuit vincere Duglasius.

Another on the same.

Pompey by Caesar onely was o'recome, None but a Romane Souldier conquered Rome: A Douglas could not have been brought so low, Had not a Douglas wrought his overthrow.