Of government and obedience as they stand directed and determined by Scripture and reason four books / by John Hall of Richmond.

CHAP. IX. Of the Publike good, Common good, or Commonweal.

WHat hath been hitherto spoken of the necessity of self-seeking, as to the preservation of that whole species which must con∣sist of those particulars, must, upon like reason, be now con∣sidered in the justification of wha•• each Kingdom doth for its separate good apart, without equal regard to ••e good of one another. For although the good of the whole race of mankinde be in common reason preferable to that of any Kingdom, yet since neither men themselves, nor all Countries in general, can be so reduced or associated under one entire government and care as to Call any man father or master on earth; it must therefore fall out that this general good, subsisting by, and arising according to that of par∣ticulars, the necessity of each kingdoms having separate propriety and in∣terest, and of an understanding and will proper to it self, will to it be the same (I mean to the preservation of each kingdom) as the having proprieties di∣stinct to the particular subjects of the same kingdom, is to the saubsistance and advancement of the general propriety of the whole kingdome: or as ha∣ving distinct understanding and will, is necessary to constitute each single person. And as God, who is, and can onely be the universal Monarch of all mankinde, doth so fasten mans specifical being and preservation, by plea∣surable objects accompanying his generation and food, or the contrary on things contrary (in such sort as we are thereby preserved from danger of total decay) so are particular parcels hereof left to the particular guidance of stewards and officers of his own appointing: who, having their distinct allotments for improvement, are through the natural sense of honor and greatness provoked to look to the encreasing thereof as their proper duties: and that, although, in their exchange or usury of these talents, other king∣doms be proportionable or greater losers.

From all which, gathering how each kingdome is to be justified in prose∣cuting their own good apart, we are next to consider what this good is. In this case also, we must, as conceiving these notions of Kingdom or Com∣monwealth to include a distinct multitude of mankind there associated by u∣nion of a common head, attribute unto them the same end we did unto men in general before: namely the prosecution of pleasure; although under a∣nother name, to wit that of plenty: which do••h suppose and imply that stock or store of things pleasurable, which each kingdome is to have for the use and benefit thereof. But because the care and charge for acquisition and preservation of the particulars that serve to promote and make up this plenty or pleasure doth belong to the Prince, we shall not here speak thereof.

In the mean time, considering all political happiness united, and that un∣der the general notion of pleasure, we must say, that as other pleasures

of privat persons, so the different pleasures of one Kingdome or Common∣wealth above another, is in vigor and sincerity of fruition, or in continu∣ance and extent thereof. For if a people should be pleased with appearing contents, or with riches and its appurtenances onely: as ease, dainty fair, fine cloaths, houses, or the like; these, as they came short of what might have been added in the same kinds, and as they stood unaccompanied of other political benefits, as Religion, Fertility, Arts, Militia, &c. and as again they wanted certainty for continuing in their possession or esteem, they wanted also of degree for compleating their political hap∣piness.

Nay farther, collecting the happiness of each Kingdom into a total, it is not onely needful that all and every member thereof be, so far as may be, made sensible thereof, but, because goodness and benefit is more or less, as it is extended, each Kingdom is also more or less happy, as it hath more or fewer to participate thereof. For as the happiness of a whole Kingdome must (collectively considered) be greater then the happiness of any single person or order in the same, so must the happiness of one Kingdom increase above that of another in proportion, as the persons by them made happy do differ in number. And therefore we must also say, that by Happiness of a Kingdom, we understand that whole stock of pleasures and benefits of all sorts wherewith each Kingdom is furnished: and withal, the fit application and distribution thereof, according to the general capacities and numbers of the subjects.

As for example, if one party of the kingdom, being too strong to be awed by the supreme power, do enrich themselves by the spoile and plunder of other subjects, it is not their taking upon them the shew of the whole people or Commonwealth, that can make their particular gain the gain of the whole kingdom: but it is rather really the loss: whilst, besides what is true∣ly spoiled by fire, rapine, other mischiefs accompanying Civil war so many men as must be imployed for souldiers, are kept not only from a∣griculture, manifacture, and other necessary imployments for publike en∣crease; but also to live luxuriously upon the labor of others: to their dis∣heartening, and decay of the Publike stock: as famine, the consequent of Civil war, doth well declare. But all this, is little to the most considerable loss of so many mens lives: which, as man is more valuable then any thing else, is the greatest loss can befal any Kingdom: not onely as in its self, but as it is wholly irreparable. No, when we see the ploughman, the shepherd, the spinster, or the like; to be intent in their labors and providing food and clothing for us. These we may truely call Commonwealths-men: foras∣much as they do by their occupations make real improvement without the loss of others. Whereas he that through publike disturbance, hath seated himself as high in Office and Power as his ambitious heart can desire, cannot at all be called a Commonwealths-man in what he hath done: nor in what he shal do in this his imployment and power, otherwise then as directed and war∣ranted by his Soveraign. Even because in all distributions and disposals made by any Magistrate of any of the Kingdoms stock already gained, a conse∣quential loss must light on them that were before possessed: when as they that make an encrease from nature or art, as they do thereby empoverish none, so are they alwayes to be held publikely beneficial, whilst they manage their proper imployments.

And as publike good may be thus damnified by private actings of sub∣jects one upon another by force, so may it by commerce also. For if some persons or degrees of subjects, do encrease their happiness or riches onely by consequent affliction or poverty of others, none can call this an addi∣tion of happiness to the Commonwealth or Kingdome in general. But if this be effected by lawful and usual wayes of contract, commerce, and traf∣fick of subjects amongst themselves, then (at the worst) what one looseth another gets: and so the whole Kingdom neither gets nor loses in the gene∣ral, or whole stock thereof. But, if this way of acquiring from one ano∣ther be without publike leave, then, by destruction and neglect of so much of that Kingdomes stock and improvement, as great lots must follow to the whole thereupon. For since to the whole Kingdom there can be no improvement but what is acquired either from nature, or husbandry, or invention of Arts; or from other kingdoms; as by Merchants, Arms, or the like, so can nothing be lost to the whole but by neglect of these, through di∣version of endeavor, or by actual destruction of what hath been so gained.

We may therefore well compare those distributions and partitions of ho∣nors, lands, &c. made amongst subjects by the Prince, unto that dole of bread, or the like, which, upon pre-regard had to each parties wants, is di∣stinctly and orderly given according to the direction of authority; and so nothing comes to be lost. Whereas we may compare that way of partition which subjects do factiously and partially take one them to make amongst themselves, to a kind of scrambling: wherein, while each party or person is confusedly endeavouring to engross to himself, without consider∣ing the wants of others, a great part comes to be spoiled in the contest, and by neglect: besides that danger of quarrelling, which must follow thereupon.

Upon consideration of all which, it will appear, that as the publike or whole good of the kingdom is not to be estimated by every private possession, but by all in general; so can it have no competent judge of its reality and extent, but that publik person that hath universal share therein: And so (farther,) that none but he that hath common interest in all the persons of his subjects, can be well able impartially to minde their universal contents, and provide against the covetous engrossements of publike and common benefits. And this, not only for deviding the present stocks of riches, honors, offices, & arms, amongst subjects, but also in differencing and setting the true value and proportions of each of them according to publike benefits, one in comparison of another. Else may his subjects place all their delight in riches, and so neglect Religion and Gods service: or, growing thereby secure, neglect the means of their preser∣vation, and acknowledge of arms. Or they may set their mindes wholly on honour: so as, through emulation, to fall into faction and civil war. For, as in our natural bodies, although the humors themselves be necessary for our preservation, yet if they exceed in quantity, so as to defeat and interupt one anothers workings, or be not in that proportion as the state of that body re∣quires, they then destroy the body: so, in politick bodies, although the having of all politicke benefits be useful therein, yet may the unequal and immode∣rate possession of some so them, destroy (without good care) the enjoyment and good of the whole.

And thereforefore, as the proper will and appetite of each person is in him supreme and uncontrolable Judge against all other foraign wills, and also o∣ver the private and single appetites of his own particular members, so is the

will of the publike person, in the same kingdom, uncontrolable judge of that kingdoms benefit: both against the publike judgement of other kingdoms, and also against the judgement of any of its own private members: or else there will (at last) be no such thing as publike good at all.

For when one Faction doth prevail on another, or one Community or Cor∣poration upon another, so far as to encrease in riches or other necessary appur∣tenances of pleasure; since what is by one order of Subjects gained is in the same proportion lost to another order, the gain of the Kingdom can be no o∣therwise conceited to encrease in the whole, then as these tradings and gain∣ings one upon another had licence and direction from publike Reason: even therein foreseeing how that Kingdoms publike stock might be therein en∣creased by forraign supply, or kept undiminished by avoiding home neglect. In the first case prevailing by way of acquisition and gain, in the other by way of parsimony and thrift.

No, it is not the assuming to themselves the name and notion of the Commonwealth, and so, by reason of their present supreme and uncontrole∣able power, commanding without general agreement or leave of the com∣mon head, that can make the actings of any prevailing party or faction to be rightly and justly called the Government of that Commonwealth: much less can it be conceiveable, how the particular gain of this powerful ruling Faction, and that separate and distinct encrease which is thereby raised to themselves and their party, by the consequential loss of a greater number of the people and inhabitants of the same place (by them kept in subjection) can in any true sence, be called the gain of the Commonwealth: let their pretensions of acting for, and in name of the Commonwealth or people, be as fair and plausible as they will.