Ecclesia restaurata, or, The history of the reformation of the Church of England containing the beginning, progress, and successes of it, the counsels by which it was conducted, the rules of piety and prudence upon which it was founded, the several steps by which it was promoted or retarded in the change of times, from the first preparations to it by King Henry the Eight untill the legal settling and establishment of it under Queen Elizabeth : together with the intermixture of such civil actions and affairs of state, as either were co-incident with it or related to it / by Peter Heylyn.

Anno Reg. Eliz. 3. A. D. 1560, 1561.

WE shall begin this third year of the Queen with the death of Francis the second, King of the French, who deceased on the 5th. day of Decem∣ber, when he had scarce lived to the end of his 17th. year, and had Reigned but one year and five months, or thereabouts. His death much altered both the counsels and affairs of Christendom, distracting the French Nation into schisms and ••actions, incouraging the S••ots to proceed with confidence in their Reformation, and promising no small security to Queen Elizabeth, in regard of the pretensions of the Queen of Scots. But so little was her condition bettered by it, that she seemed to be in more danger by the acts of her enemies after his decease, than formerly in the time of his life and government. Francis of G••ise, a man of great abilities for Camp and Counsel, had made himself a very strong party in the Court of France, which he intended to make use of for the Queen of Scots, whose Mother, the late Queen Regent of Scotland, was his only sister. And this he might the better do by reason of a division in the Court of France about the government of the Kingdom, during the minority of Charls the 9th. the second brother, and next heir to the King deceased. Katherine de Medices the Relict of Henry the 2d. and the Mother of Charls, layes claim to the Regency; for who could have a greater care either of the young Kings person or estate, than his natural Mother? But against her, a•• being a meer stranger to the Nation and affairs of France, Anthony of Burbo••, Duke of Vendosme by descent, and King of Navarr, at the least in Title, in the Right of Joan d' Albret his wife, the sole Heir of that Crown, layes his claim unto it, as being the first Prince of the blood, and therefore fitter to be trusted with the Regency by the rules of that government. The Guisian faction joyn themselves to that of the Queen, of whom they better knew how to make ad∣vantage than they could of the other, and to that end endeavour by all subtil artifices, to invest her in it.

To this end they insinuate themselves into the Duke, perswade him either to relinquish his demands of the Regency, or to associate himself with the Queen-Mother in the publick government; and to joyn counsels with the Catholick party for suppressing the H••gonots. Which that they might allure him to, or at least take him off from his first persute, they offered to procure a Divorce from his present wife, and that instead of holding the Kingdom of Navarr in Right of his wife, he should hold it in his own personal capacity by a grant from the Pope, his wife being first deprived of it by his Holiness, as suspected of Lutheranism; that being divorced from his wife, he should marry Mary Queen of the Scots, with whom he should not only have the Kingdom of Scotland, but of England also, of which Elizabeth was to be deprived on the same account; that for the recovery of that Kingdom, he should not only have the Popes authority, and the power of France, but also the forces of the King of Spain; and finally, that the Catholick King did so much study his contentment, that if he would relinquish his pretensions to the Crown of Navarr, he should be gratified by him with the soverainty and actual possession of the Isle of Sardinia, of which he should receive the Crown with all due so∣lemnities. By which temptations when they had render'd him suspected to the Protestant party, and thereby setled the Queen-Mother in that place and power, which so industriously she aspired to, they laid him by as to the Title, permitting him to live by the air of hope for the short time of his life, which ended on the 17th. of November, Anno 1562. And so much of the game was plaid in earnest, that the D••ke of Guise did mainly labour with the Pope, to ful∣minate his Excommunications against Elizabeth, as one that had renounced his authority, apostated from the Catholick Religion, and utterly exterminated the profession of it out of her Dominions.

But the Duke sped no better in this negotiation, than the Count of Feria did before. The Pope had still retained some hope of regaining England, and meant to leave no way unpractised by which he might obtain the point he aimed at. When first the See was vacant by the death of Pope Paul the 4th. the Cardinals assembled in the Conclave bound themselves by oath, that for the better setling of the broken and distracted estate of Christendome, the Coun∣cil formerly held at Trent, should be resumed withall convenient speed that might be. Which being too fresh in memory to be forgotten, and of too great importance to be laid aside, the new Pope had no sooner setled his affairs in Rome, which had been much disordered by the harshness and temerity of his pre∣decessor, but he resolved to put the same in execution. For this cause he con∣sults with some of the more moderate and judicious Cardinals, and by his reso∣lution and dexterity, surmounts all difficulties which shewed themselves in the design; and he resolved not only to call the Council, but that it should be held in 〈◊〉〈◊〉, to which it had been formerly called by Pope Paul the 3d. 1545. that it should rather be a continuance of the former Council which had been interrupted by the prosecution of the wars in Germany, than the beginning of a new; and that he would invite unto it all Christian Princes, his dear daugh∣ter Queen Elizabeth of England amongst the rest. And on these terms he stood when he was importuned by the Ministers of the Duke of Gvise, to proceed a∣gainst her to a sentence of Excommunication, and thereby to expose her King∣doms to the next Invader. But the Pope was constantly resolved on his first intention of treating with her after a fair and amicable manner, professing a readiness to comply with her in all reciprocal offices of respect and friendship, and consequently inviting her amongst other Princes to the following Coun∣cil; to which if she should please to send her Bishops, or be present in the same by her Ambassadors, he doubted not of giving them such satisfaction, as might set him in a fair way to obtain his ends.

Leaving the Pope in this good humour, we shall go for England, where we shall find the Prelates at the same imployment in which we left them the last year, that is to say, with setting forth the Consecrations of such new Bishops as served to fill up all the rest of the vacant Sees. The first of which was Ro∣bert Horn, Dr. in Divinity, once Dean of Durham, but better known by hol∣ding up the English Liturgy, and such a form of Discipline as the times would bear, against the schismaticks of Franckfort, preferred unto the See of Winchester, and consecrated Bishop in due form of Law, on the 16th. of Fe∣bruary. Of which we shall speak more hereafter on another occasion. On which day also Mr. Edmond Scambler, Batchelor of Divinity, and one of the Prebendaries of the new Collegiat Church of St. Peter in Westminster, was consecrated Bishop of the Church of Peterborough. During the vacancy where∣of, and in the time of his incumbency, Sir William Caecil principal Secretary of Estate, possess'd himself of the best Mannors in the Soake which belonged unto it; and for his readiness to confirm the same Mannors to him, preferred him to the See of Norwich, Anno 1584. Next followes the translation of Dr. Tho∣mas Young Bishop of St. Davids, to the See of York, which was done upon the 25th. of February in an unlucky hour to that City, as it also proved: For scarce was he setled in that See, when he pulled down the goodly Hall, and the greatest part of the Episcopal Palace in the City of York, which had been built with so much care and cost, by Thomas the elder, one of his predecessors there, in the year of our Lord 1090. Whether it were for covetousness to make money of the materials of it, or out of fordidness to avoid the charge of Hospitality in that populous City, let them guess that will. Succeeded in the See of St. David's, by Davis Bishop of St. Asaph, translated thither the 21 of May, 1561. as he was by another of the same name, Dr. Thomas Davis, with∣in few months after.

The Province of York being thus fitted with a new Archbishop, it was not long before the consecration of Dr. James Pilkinton to the See of Durham,

which was performed by the hands of his own Metropolitan on the second of March, at whose first coming to tha•• See, he found it clogged with an annu∣al pension of 1000. l. to be paid into her Majesties Exchequer yearly, towa••d the maintenance of the Garison in the Town of Barw••ck, first laid upon this Bishoprick, when that Town seemed to be in danger of such French forces as had been brought into that Kingdom, or otherwise might fear some practice of the popish party, for the advancing of the interess of the Queen of Scots. The Bishops Tenants were protected in their corn and cattel by the power of this Garison, and consequently the more inabled to make just payment of their rents; and it was thought to be no reason that the Queen should be at the sole charge of protecting his Tenants, and he enjoy the whole benefit of it without any disbursement. But this was only a pretence for raising some re∣venue to the Crown out of that rich patrimony; the pension being still ch••r∣ged upon it, though the Garison was removed in the first of King James. On the same day, that is to say the second of March, Dr. John Best was consecra∣ted Bishop of Carlisle, after the See had been refused by Bernard G••. phin, Parson of Houghton in the Spring, betwixt D••rham and Newcastle. The offer made him with relation to his brother George, a man much used in many imploy∣ments for the State; but on what ground declined by him, is not well assured. Whether it were that he was more in love with the retirements of a private life, or that he could not have the bird, without he yielded to the stripping of it of the most part of its feathers (as it came to Best) may be sooner questio∣ned than resolved. And finally on the 4th of May comes in the consecration of Mr William D••wnham (the Queens Chaplain, when she was but Princess, and afterwards made one of the Prebendaries of St Peter's in Westminster) to the See of Chester, by this preferment recompensed for his former services. By which last care the vacant Sees were all supplyed with learned Pastors, except Oxon, Glocester and Bristol. Of which we shall speak more in the following year.

But neither this diligence and care in filling all the vacant Sees with learned Pastors, nor the Queens Proclamation for banishing all Anabaptists and other Sectaries which had resorted hither out of other Countries, could either free the land from those dangerous inmates, or preserve the Church from the con∣••agion of their poysonous doctrines. Too many of those Fanatical spirits still remained behind, scattering their tares, and dispersing their blasphemous fol∣lies amongst simple people. In which number they prevailed so far upon More and Geofrys, that the first profess'd himself to be Christ, the last belie∣ved him to be such, and did so report him. Continuing obstinate in this frenzy, Geofrys was committed prisoner to the Marsha••sea in the Burrough of Sou••h∣wark, and More to the house of mad men (commonly called Bethlem) with∣out Bishops Gate, in the City of London. Where having remained above a year, without shewing any sign of their repentance, Geofrys was whipt on the ••0th. of April from the said Marsha•• sea to Bethlem, with a paper bound about his head, which signified that this was William Geofrys, a most blasphemous Here∣tick, who denyed Christ to be in Heaven. At Bethlem he was whipt again in the presence of More, till the lash had extorted a confession of his damnable error. After which More was stript and whipt in the open streets till he had made the like acknowledgement, confessing Christ to be in Heaven, and himself to be a vile, miserable, and sinful man. Which being done, they were again remitted to their several prisons for their further cure. At which the Papists made good game, and charged it on the score of the Reformation, as if the Principles thereof did naturally lead men to those dreams and dotages. Whereas they could not chuse but know, that Christ our Saviour prophesied of the following times, that some should say l••e here is Christ, and others would say loe there is Christ; that Simon Magus even in the dayes of the Apostles, assumed unto himself the glo∣rious Title of the great power of God; that Menander in the age next following, did boldly a••rogate to himself the name of Christ; and finally that Montanus,

when the Church was stored with Learned and Religious Prelates, would needs be taken and accounted for the holy Ghost. Or if they think the Re∣formation might pretend unto more perfection than the Primitive times, they should have looked no farther back than to King Henry the 3d. in whose Reign the Popes authority in England was at the highest; and yet neither the Pope by his authority, nor by the diligence of his Preachers and other Mini∣sters, could so secure the Church from Mores and Geoffrys, but that two men rose up at that very time, both which affirmed themselves to be Jesus Christ, and were both hanged for it. And as Montanus could not go abroad without his Maximi••••a and Priscilla to disperse his dotages, so these impostors also had their female followers, of which the one affirmed her self to be Mary Magdalen, and the other that she was the Virgin Mary. So that the Reforma∣tion is to be excused from being accessary in the least degree to these mens heresies, or else the Apostolical Age, and the Primitive times, yea and the Church of Rome it self (which they prize much more) must needs come under the necessity of the like condemnation.

Nor did the Zuinglian Gospellers, or those of the Genevian party, rejoyce much less at a most lamentable accident which hapned to the cathedral Church of St. Paul on the fourth of June, on which day, about four or five of the clock in the afternoon, a fearful fire first shewed it self near the top of the Steeple, and from thence burnt down the Spire to the stone-work, and Bells, and raged so terribly, that within the space of four hours the Timber and Lead of the whole Church, and whatsoever else was combustible in it, was miserably consumed and burnt, to the great terror and amazement of all be∣holders; Which Church, the largest in the Christian world for all dimensions, contains in length 720 foot, or 240 Taylors yards, in breadth 130 foot, and in heighth from the pavement to the top of the roof 150 foot. The Steeple from the ground to the cross or Weather-cock contained in height 520 foo••, of which the square Tower onely amounted to 260. the Pyramid or Spire to as many more. Which Spire being raised of ma••••ie Timber, and covered over with sheets of Lead, as it was the more apt to be inflamed, so was the mischief more incapable of a present remedy. The terror being over, most men began to cast about for the first occasion of such a miserable misfortune; the generality of the Zuinglian or Genevian party affirmed it for a just judgment of God upon an old idolatrous Fabrick, not throughly reformed and purged from its Superstitions, and would have been content that all other Cathedrals in the Kingdom had been so destroyed. The Papists on the other side ascribe it to some practice of the Zuinglian faction, out of their hatred unto all solem∣nity and decency in the service of God, performed more punctually in that Church, for examples sake, than in any other of the Kingdom. But generally it was ascribed by the common people to a flash of lightning, or some such suddain fire from heaven, though neither any lightning had been seen, or any clap of thunder had been heard that day. Which fiction notwithstanding got such credit amongst the vulgar, and amongst wiser persons too, that the burning of St. Paul's Steeple by lightning was reckoned amongst the ordina∣ry Epoches or accounts of time in our common Almanacks; and so it stood till within these thirty years now last past, when an old Plumber at his death confessed that wofull accident to have hapned through his negligence onely, in leaving carelesly a pan of coals and other fewel in the Steeple when he went to dinner, which catching hold of the dry timber in the Spire before his return, was grown so dangerous, that it was not possible to be quenched, and therefore to no purpose (as he conceived) to make any words of it. Since which discovery, that ridiculous Epoche hath no more been heard of.

But the Queen quickly hearing what a great misfortune had befallen the City, regarded not the various reports of either party, but bent her thoughts upon the speedy reparation of those fearful ruines; And knowing right well (without the help of an Informer) that the Patrimony of that Church had

been so wasted in these latter times, that neither the Bishop, nor the Dean and Chapter were able to contribute any thing proportionable to so vast a charge; She directed her Letters to the Lord Mayor and city of London to take care therein, as most concerned in the preservation of their Mother-Church, and in the honor of their City. In obedience to whose Royal pleasure, the citi∣zens granted a Benevolence and three Fifteens to be speedily paid, besides the extraordinary bounty of particular persons, or was to be issued from the chamber. And that they might proceed therein with the greater zeal, the Queen sent in a thousand Marks in ready money, and warrants for one thou∣sand load of timber to be served out of her Majesties woods. Incouraged by which brave example, the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury contributed towards the furtherance of the work, the fortieth part of their Benefices which stood charged with first fruits, and the thirtieth part of those which had paid the same. The Clergy of the Diocess of London bestowing the thirtieth part of such of their Livings as were under the burthen of that payment, and the twentieth part of those which were not. To which the Bishop added at seve∣ral times the sum of 900 l 1 s. 11 d. the Dean and Chapter 136 l. 13 s. 4 d. By which and some other little helps (the benevolence, the three fifteens, and the contributions of the Bishop and Clergy, with the aid aforesaid, amounting to no more than 6702 l. 13 s. 4 d.) the work was carried on so fast, that be∣fore the end of April 1566. the timber work of the roof was not only fitted, but compleatly covered. The raising of a new spire was taken also into con∣sideration, but conceived unnecessary; but whether because it was too chargeable, or that some feared it might prove a temptation, is not yet de∣termined.

And now the season of the year invites the Popes Nuncio into England, ad∣vanced already in his way as far as Flanders, and there expecting the Queens pleasure touching his admittance; For the Pope always constant to his reso∣lutions, could not be taken off from sending his Nuncio to the Queen, with whom he conceived himself to stand upon tearms of amity. It had been much laboured by the Guisiards and Spanish faction to divert him from it, by telling him that it would be an undervaluing of his power and person, to send a Nun∣c••o into England, or to any other Princes of the same perswasions, who openly professed a separation from the See of Rome. To which he made this prudent and pious answer, that he would humble himself even to Heresie it self; in regard that whatsoever was done to gain souls to Christ, did beseem that See. And to this resolution he adher'd the rather, because he had been told and assu∣red by Karn the old English Agent, that his Nuncio would be received by one half of the Kingdom with the Queens consent. But as it proved, they recko∣ned both without their Host and Hostess too, who desired not to give enter∣tainment unto any such guests. For having designed the Abbot Martiningo to this imployment, and the Abbot being advanced as far as Flanders, as before was said, he there received the Queens command not to cross the seas. Upon advertisement whereof, as well the King of Spain himself, as Ferdinand of Tole∣do Duke of Alva, (the most powerful Minister of that King) did earnestly in∣treat that he might be heard; commending the cause of his Legation, as visi∣bly conducing to the union of all the Christian Church in a general Council. But the Queen persevered in her first intent, affirming she could not treat with the Bishop of Rome, whose authority was excluded out of England by consent of Parliament. Nor had the Popes Nuncio in France any better fortune in treating with Throgmorton the English Agent in that Court, to advance the business; who though he did solicit by his Letters both the Queen and the Council, to give some satisfaction in that point to the French and Spaniards, (though not unto the Pope himself) could get no other answer from them, but the same denyal.

For so it was, that on the first noise of the Nuncio's coming, the business had been taken into consideration at the Council Table, and strongly pleaded

on both sides, as mens judgements varied. By some it was alleged in favour of the Nuncio's coming, that Pope Pius was nothing of so rugged a nature, as his Predessor; that he had made a fair address unto the Queen by his last years Letters; that his designs did most apparently tend to the peace of Christen∣dome; that the admitting of the Nuncio was a matter which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nothing, it being ••••ill left in her Majesties power, whether she would embrace or reject his Overtures; but that the refusing to admit him to a publick audience, was the most ready way to disoblige all Catholick Princes, with whom she stood at that time in terms of amity. On the other side it was alleged, that King Henry, a most prudent Prince, had formerly protested against the calling of this Council by Pope Paul the 3d. who did as much pretend to the peace of Christendome, as the Pope now being; that to admit a Minister of the Pope, in the quality or capacity of a Nuncio, inferred a ••acit acknowledgement of that sup••emacy, whereof he had been deprived by Act of Parliament; that the Popes of Rome have alwaies raised great advantages by the smallest conces∣sions, and therefore that it was most expedient for the good of the Kingdom, to keep him alwaies at a distance; that Queen Mary in favour only unto P••l••, refused to give admittance to Cardinal Peitow, though coming from the Pope in quality of a Legate a Late••••e; that a great part of the people were in discon∣tentment with the change of Religion, and wanted nothing but such an op∣portunity to break out into action, as the Nuncio's presence might afford them; and therefore that it concerned the Queen to be as zealous for Religion and the weal of her people, as her sister the late Queen Mary was in maintenance of Cardinal Pole and his private authority. And to say truth, the greatest ob∣stacle in the way of the Nuncio's coming, was partly laid in it by the indis∣cretion of some Papists in England, and partly by the precipitancy of the Popes Ministers in Ireland. For so it was, that the only noise of the coming of a Nuncio from the Pope, had wrought in sundry evil-disposed persons such a cou∣rage and boldness, that they did not only break the Laws made against the Pope and his authority, with great audacity, but spread abroad false and slan∣derous reports, that the Queen was at the point to change her Religion, and alter the government of the Realm. Some also had adventured further, even to a practising with the Devil by conjurations, charms, and casting of Figures, to be informed in the length and continuance of her majesties Reign. And on the other side, the Popes Legate being at the same time in Ireland, not only joyned himself to some desperate Traytors, who busied themselves in stirring up rebellion there, but for as much as in him was, had deprived her Majesty of all Right and Title to that Kingdom. Upon which grounds it was carried clearly by the Board against the Nuncio. Nor would they vary from the Vote upon the intercession of the French, the Spaniard, or (whose displeasure was more dangerous) of the Duke of Alva.

Nothing discouraged with the repulse which had been given to the French and Spaniard, the Emperour Ferdinand must make tryal of his fortune also, not as they did, in favour of the Nuncio's coming, but in perswading her to return to the old Religion. To this end he exhorts her by his Letters in a friendly way, not to relinquish the Communion of so many Catholick Kings and Princes, and her own Ancestors into the bargain; nor to prefer her sin∣gle judgement, and the judgement of a few private persons, and those not the most learned neither, before the judgement and determination of the Church of Christ. That if she were resolved to persist in her own opinion, she should deal favourably with so many reverend and Religious Prelates as she kept in prison, and which she kept in prison for no other reason but for adhering un∣to that Religion which himself professed; and, finally he intreats most earnest∣ly, that she would set apart some Churches to the use of the Catholicks, in which they might with freedome exercise their own Religion, according to the Rites and Doctrines of the Church of Rome. To which desires she made a full and sufficient answer, by satisfying him touching her merciful dealing with

those Bishops, whom for their obstinacy and many other weighty reasons, she had deprived of their preferments in the Church. And to the rest she answered, That she had setled her Religion on so sure a bottome, that she could not easi∣ly be changed; that she doubted not but that she had many learned men in her Dominions, which were able to defend the doctrine by them taught, a∣gainst all Opponents; and that for granting any Churches to the use of the Papists, it was a point so contrary to the polity and good Lawes of the Land, that she desired to be excused for not yielding to it. In which last she seemed to have an eye upon the Edict of the Emperour Constantine, touching the mee∣tings of the Marcionites, Novatians, Valentinians, and other Hereticks of that age; In which it was enjoined, that none of them should from thenceforth hold any assemblys, and that for the more certain conforming unto his De∣cree, those Churches or other houses whatsoever they were, in which they used to hold their Meetings, should be demolished to the ground, to the end that there might be no place in which such men as were devoted to their su∣perstitious faction, might have the opportunity of assembling together. For which the Reader may consult Eusebius in the life of Constantine, l. b. 3. cap. 63. But that it might appear both to him and others, that she was ready to shew all just favours, she laid a most severe command upon all her Officers, for the full payment of all such pensions, as had been granted unto all such Abbots, Monks and Friers, in the time of her father, as were not since preferred in the Church to cures or dignities. And this to be performed to the utmost far∣thing, on pain of her most high displeasure in neglect thereof.

It could not be but that the governing of her affairs with such an even and steady hand, though it occasioned admiration in some, must needs create both envy and displeasure in the hearts of other Christian Princes, from none of which she had a juster cause to fear some practice, than the King of Spain, or rather from the fierce and intemperate Spirit of the Duke of Alva, as appeared afterwards when he was made Lord Deputy, or Vice-Gerent of the Belgick Provinces. They had both shewed themselves offended, because their inter∣cession in behalf of the Nuncio had found no better entertainment; and when great persons are displeased, it is no hard matter for them to revenge them∣selves, if they find their adversaries either weak or not well provided. But the Queen looked so well about her, as not to be taken tardy in either kind. For which end she augments her store of Arms and Ammunition, and all things ne∣cessary for the defence of her Kingdom; which course she had happily begun in the year foregoing. But holding it a safer maxim in the Schools of Polity, not to admit, than to endeavour by strong hand to expel an enemy, She entertains some fortunate thoughts of walling her Kingdom round about with a puissant Navy, for Merchants had already increased their shipping, by managing some part of that wealthy trade which formerly had been monopolized by the Ha••se or Easterlings. And she resolves not to be wanting to her self in building ships of such a burthen, and so fit for service, as might inable her in short time, not only to protect her Merchants, but command the Ocean. Of which the Spaniard found good proof to his great loss, and almost to his total ruine, in the last 20 years of her glorious government. And knowing right well that mony was the ••inew of war, she fell upon a prudent and present course to fill her coffers. Most of the monies in the Kingdom were of forein coynage, brought hither for the most part by the Easterling and Flemish Merchants. These she called in by Pro∣clamation, ••••ted the 15th. of November (being but two dayes before the end of this 3d. year) commanding them to be brought to her Majesties Mint, there to be coyned, and take the stamp of her Royal authority, or otherwise not to pass for current within this Realm, which counsel took such good effect, that mo∣nies came flowing into the Mint, insomuch that there was weekly brought in∣to the Tower of London, for the space of half a year together, 8000. 10000. 12000. 16000. 20000. 22000 l. of silver plate, and as much more in Pistols, and other gold of Spanish coins, which were great sums according to the stand∣ard

of those early dayes, and therefore no small profit to be growing to her by the coynage of them.

The Genevians slept not all this while, but were as busily imployed in practi∣sing upon the Church, as were the Romanists in plotting against the Queen. Nothing would satisfie them, but the nakedness and simplicity of the Zuingli∣an Churches, the new fashions taken up at Franckfort, and the Presbyteries of Geneva. According to the pattern which they saw in those mounts, the Church of England is to be modell'd; nor would the Temple of Jerusalem have served their turn, if a new Altar fashioned by that which they found at Damascus, might not have been erected in it. And they drove on so fast upon it, that in some places they had taken down the steps where the A••tar stood, and brought the Holy Table into the midst of the Church; in others they had laid aside the antient use of Godfathers and Godmothers in the administration of Baptism, and left the answering for the child to the charge of the father. The weekly Fasts, the time of Lent, and all other dayes of abstinence by the Church com∣manded, were looked upon as superstitious observations. No fast by them al∣lowed of but occasional only, and then too of their own appointing. And the like course they took with the Festivals also, neglecting those which had been instituted by the Church, as humane inventions, not fit to be retained in a Church reformed. And finally, that they might wind in there outlandish Doctrines with such forein usages, they had procured some of the inferiour Ordinaries to impose upon their several Parishes, certain new books of Ser∣mons and Expositions of the holy Scripture, which neither were required by the Queens Injunctions, nor by Act of Parliament. Some abuses also were discovered in the Regular Clergy, who served in Churches of peculiar or exempt jurisdiction. Amongst whom it began to grow too ordinary, to marry all such as came unto them, without Bains or Licence, and many times not only without the privity, but against the express pleasure and command of their Parents. For which those Churches past by the name of Lawlesse Church∣es in the voice of the people.

For remedy whereof it was found necessary by the Archbishop of Canterbu∣ry, to have recourse unto the power which was given unto him by the Queens Commission, and by a clause or passage of the Act of Parliament for the Uni∣formity of Common Prayer and Service in the Church, &c. As one of the Com∣missioners for Causes Ecclesiastical, he was authorized with the rest of his as∣sociates, according to the Statute made in that behalf, To reform, redresse, order, correct and amend all such Errours, Heresies, Schisms, abuses, offences, con••empts and enormities whatsoever, as might from time to time arise in the Church of England, and did require to be redressed and reformed to the pleasure of Almighty God, the increase of vertue, and conservation of the peace and unity of the Kingdom. And in the passage of the Act before remembred, it was especially provided,

That all such Ornaments of the Church, and of the Ministers thereof, should be retained and be in use, as were in the Church of England by authority of Parliament, in the second year of the Reign of King Edward the 6th. until further Order should be therein taken by authority of the Queens Majesty, with the advice of her Commissioners Appointed & Ordered under the Great Seal of England for Causes Ecclesiastical, or of the Metropolitan of this Realm. And also if there shall happen any contempt or irreverence to be used in the Ceremonies or Rites of the Church, by the misusing of the Or∣ders of the said Book of Common Prayer; the Queens Majesty might by the like advice of the said Commissioners or Metropolitan, Ordain or publish such further Ceremonies or Rites, as should be most for the advance of Gods glory, the edifying of his Church, and the due reverence of Christs holy My∣steries and Sacraments.

Fortified and assured by which double power, the Archbishop by the Queens consent, and the advice of some of the Bishops, Commissionated and instru∣cted to the same intent, sets forth a certain book of Orders to be diligently

observed and executed by all and singular persons whom it might concern. In which it was provided,

That no Parson, Vicar or Curate of any exempt Church, (commonly called Lawless Churches) should from thenceforth at∣tempt to conjoin, by solemnization of Matrimony, any not being of his or their Parish Church, without sufficient testimony of the Bains being ask'd in the several Churches where they dwel, or otherwise were sufficiently licenced. That there should be no other dayes observed for Holy days or Fasting dayes, as of duty and commandment, but only such Holy dayes as be expressed for Holy dayes in the Calendar lately set forth by the Queens authority; and none other Fasting dayes to be so commanded, but as the Lawes and Proclamations of the Queens Majesty should appoint; that it should not be lawful to any Ordinary, to assign or enjoyn the Parishes to buy any Books of Sermons or Expositions in any sort, than is already, or shall be hereafter appointed by publick Authority; that neither the Curates, or Parents of the children which are brought to Baptism, should answer for them at the Font, but that the antient use of Godfathers and Godmothers should be still retained; and finally, that in all such Churches in which the steps to the Altar were not taken down, the said steps should remain as before they did; that the Communion Table should be set in the said place where the steps then were, or had formerly stood; and that the Table of Gods Precepts should be fixed upon the wall over the said Communion Board.

Which passage compared with that in the Advertisements, published in the year 1565. (of which more hereafter) make up this construction, that the Communion Table was to stand above the steps, and under the Command∣ments; and therefore all along the wall, on which the ten Commandments were appointed to be placed, which was directly where the Altar had stood be∣fore. Some other Innovations and disorders had been obtruded on the Church at the same time also by those of the Genevian faction; for the suppressing whereof, before they should prescribe to any Antiquity, the like course was taken. But what those Innovations and disorders were, will easily be seen by the perusal of the Orders themselves, which were then published in Print by the Queens command; as a judicious Apothecary is able to conjecture by the Doctors Recipe at the distemper of the Patient, and the true quality of the disease.

Nothing else memorable in this year of a publick nature, but the foundation of the Merchant-Taylors School in London, first founded by the Master, War∣den and Assistants of the Company of Merchant-Taylors, whence it had the name, and by them founded for a seminary to St John's in Oxon, built and endowed at the sole costs and charges of one of their Livery. The School kept in a fair large house in the Parish of St Laurence Poutney, heretofore called the Mannor of Roose, belonging to the Dukes of Ruckingham; towards the pur∣chase and accommodating whereof to the present use, five hundred pounds was given by one Richard Hills, who had been once Master of the Company, and still lives in the charity of so good a work. The day of the foundation is affirmed by Stow to have been the 21 of March, and so may either fall in the year 1560. or 1561. according to the several computations which are now in use; but howsoever within the compass of this third year of the Queen. And it is probable, that it may be fixed by him upon that day, either because the purchase of the House doth bear date upon it, or because it was then first open∣ed for a Grammar School. And of this kind, but of a far more private nature, was the foundation of another Grammar School in the Town of Sandwich, built at the charge of Sir Roger Manwood, and indowed with 40 l. per annum, which was a very large allowance as the times then were.

Notes

• An. Reg. Eliz. 3. 1560.
• 1561.
• An. Reg. Eliz. 3. 1561.