Ecclesia restaurata, or, The history of the reformation of the Church of England containing the beginning, progress, and successes of it, the counsels by which it was conducted, the rules of piety and prudence upon which it was founded, the several steps by which it was promoted or retarded in the change of times, from the first preparations to it by King Henry the Eight untill the legal settling and establishment of it under Queen Elizabeth : together with the intermixture of such civil actions and affairs of state, as either were co-incident with it or related to it / by Peter Heylyn.

THE LIFE and REIGN OF KING EDWARD THE SIXTH.

Anno Reg. 1. Anno Dom. 1546, 1547.

HENRY being dead, EDWARD, His onely surviving Son, at the age of nine years▪ three moneths, and sixteen days, by the name of King EDWARD the Sixth, succeeds His Father in the Throne: Charles the Fifth being then Emperour of Germany, and King of Spain; Francis of Ang••lesme (the last Branch of the Royal Line of Valoys) King of the French; and Paul the Third (of the Noble House of the Farnezi) presiding in the Church of Rome. No sooner was His Father dead; but Edward Earl of Hartford, and Sir Anthony Brown, Master of the Horse, were by the Rest of the Council dispatched in hast to Hartford-Castle; where, at that time, He kept His Court, accompanied with His Sister, the Princess Eli∣zabeth, about four years elder then Himself. Both whom they brought the next day as far as Enfield, where they imparted to Them the sad News of the

King's Decease; received by both with such a measure of true Sorrow, that it was very hard to say, whither Their Tears did more obscure, or set forth Their Beauties. The next day, advancing towards London, where he was Proclaimed King with all due Solemnities, He made his Royal Entry into the Tower, on the last of January. Into which He was conducted by Sir John Gage, as the Con∣stable of it, and there received by all the Lords of the Council; who, with great Duty and Affection, did attend His comings, and waiting on Him into the Chamber of Presence, did very chearfully swear Allegiance to him. The next day, by the general consent of all the Council, the Earl of Hartford, the King's Uncle, was chosen Governour of His Person; and Protectour of His Kingdomes, till He should come unto the Age of eighteen years and was Proclaimed for such in all parts of London: Esteemed most fit for this high Office, in regard, that he was the King's Uncle by the Mothers side; very near unto Him in Blood, but yet of no capacity to succeed in the Crown: by reason whereof, his Natural Aff••ction, and Duty, was less easie to be over-carried by Ambition. Upon which G••ound of civil Prudence, it was both piously, and prudently, Ordained by So∣lon, in the State of Athens, () That no man should be made the Guardian unto any Orphan, to whom the Inheritance might fall by the Death of his Ward. For the first Handselling of his Office, he Knighted the young King, on the sixth of February: Who, being now in a capacity of conferring that Order, bestowed it first on Henry Hoble-Thorn, Lord Mayor of London, and presently after on Mr. William Portman, one of the Justices of the Bench; being both dubbed with the same Sword, with which He had received the Order of Knighthood, at the hands of His Vncle.

These first Solemnities being thus passed over, the next care was for the Inter∣ment of the Old King and the Coronation of the New. In order to which last, it was thought expedient, to advance some Confidents, and Principal Ministers of State, to higher Dignities and Titles, then before they had; the better to oblige them to a care of the State, the safety of the King's Person, and the preservation of the Power of the Lord Protectour, who chiefly moved in the Design. Yet so far did self-Interest prevail, above all other Obligations, and tyes of State▪ that some of these men thus advanced proved his greatest Enemies: the rest forsaking him, when he had most need to make use of their Friendship. In the first place, having resigned the Office of Lord High Chamber∣lain, he caused himself to be created Lord Seimour, and Duke of Somerset. Which last Title, (••pp••rtaining to the King's Progenitours of the House of Lancaster; and, since the expiring of the Beauforts, conferred on none, but Henry, the Natu∣ral Son of the King decealed:) was afterwards charged upon him, as an Argu∣ment of his aspiring to the Crown; which past all doubt he never aimed at. His own turn being thus unhappily served, the Lord William Parr, Brother of Queen Katherin•• Parr, the Relict of the King deceased, (who formerly in the thirty fifth of the said King's Reign, had been created Earl of Essex, with refe∣rence to Ann his Wife, Daughter and Heir of Henry B••urchier, the last Earl of Essex of that House;) was now made Marquess of Northampton, in refe∣rence to her Extraction from the Bohunes, once the Earls thereof. John Dudly Viscount L'isle, and Knight of the Garter, having resigned his Office of Lord Admiral, to g••••tifie the Lord Protectour, (who desired to confer that place of Power and Trust on his younger Brother,) was, in Exchange, created Lord High Chamberlain of England, and Earl of Warwick. Which Title he affected in regard of his Discent from the Beauchamps, who for long time had worn that Honour: from whom he also did derive the Title of Viscount L'isle, as being the Son of Edmond Sutton, alias Dudley, and of Elizabeth his Wife, Sister and Heir of John Gray Viscount L'isle, discended, by the Lord John Talbot Vis∣count L'isle, from Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, and Dame Elizabeth his•• Wife, the direct Heir of Waren Lord L'isle, the last of the Male Issue of that Noble Family. In the next place comes Sir Thomas Wriothsley, a man of a very

new Nobility; as being Son of William Wriothsley, and Grand-Child of John Wriothsley: both of them, in their Times, advanced no higher, then to the Office of an Herald; the Father by the Title of York, the Grand-father by that of Gar∣ter, King at Arms. But this man, being planted in a warmer Sun, grew up so fast in the esteem of King Henry the Eight, that he was first made Principal Se∣cretary, afterwards created Baron of Tichfield; advanced not long after to the Office of Lord Chancellour: And finally, by the said King, installed Knight of the Garter, An. 1545. For an addition to which Honours, he was now dignified with the Title of the Earl of South-hampton, enjoyed to this day by his Posterity.

These men being thus advanced to the highest Titles; Sir Thomas Seimour, the new Lord Admiral, is Honoured with the Stile of Lord Seimour of Sudeley, and in the beginning of the next year made Knight of the Garter; prepared by this accumulation of Honours for his following Marriage, which he had now pro∣jected, and soon after compassed. With no less Ceremony, though not upon such lofty Aims, Sir Richard Rich (another of the twelve, which were appointed for Subsidiaries, to the great Council of Estate, by the King deceased, was prefer∣ed unto the Dignity of Lord Rich of Leez in Essex, the Grand-father of that Robert Lord Rich, who by King James was dignified with the Title of Earl of Warwick, Anno 1618. In the third place came Sir William Willoughby, discen∣ded from a younger Branch of the House of Eresby, created Lord Willoughby of Parham in the County of Sussex. And in the Rear, Sir Edmond Sheffield, ad∣vanced unto the Title of Lord Sheffield of Butterwick in the County of Lin∣coln; from whom the Earls of Moulgrave do derive themselves. All which Creations were performed with the accustomed Solemnities on the seventeenth of February: and all given out to be designed by King Henry before his death, the better to take off the Envy from the Lord Protectour; whom otherwise all understanding people must needs have thought to be too prodigal of those Ho∣nours, of which the greatest Kings of England had been so sparing. For when great Honours are conferred on persons of no great Estates, it raiseth common∣ly a suspicion amongst the people: That, either some proportionable Revenue must be given them also, to the impoverishing of the King; or else some way left open for them, to enrich themselves out of the purses of the Subject.

These Preparations being dispatched, they next proceed unto the Coronation of the King, performed with the accustomed Rites on the twentieth of the same Moneth by Arch-Bishop Cranmer. The Form whereof we finde exemplified in a Book, called The Catalogue of Honour, published by Thomas Mills of Canterbury, in the year 1610. In which there is nothing more observable, then this following Passage. The King, (saith he) being brought unto the Church of Saint Peter in West∣minster, was placed in the Chair of Saint Edward the Confessour, in the middest of a Throne seven steps high. This Throne was erected near unto the Altar, upon a Stage arising with steps on both sides, covered with Carpets and Hangings of Arras. Where, after the King had rested a little, being by certain noble Cour∣tiers carried in another Chair, unto the four sides of the Stage; He was by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury declared unto the People (standing round about) both by God's and Man's Laws to be the Right and Lawfull King of England, France, and Ireland; and Proclaimed that day to be Crowned, Consecrated, and Anointed Unto whom He demanded whether they would obey and serve, or Not? By whom it was again, with a loud cry, answered; God save the King: and, Ever live his Majesty. Which Passage I the rather note; because it is observed, that, at the Coronation of some former Kings, The Arch-Bishop went to the four squares of the Scaffold, and with a loud voice asked the Consent of the People. But this was at such Times and in such Cases only, when the Kings came unto the Crown by Disputed Titles; for maintainance whereof the Favour and Consent of the people seemed a matter necessary: (as at the Coronations of King Henry the Fourth, or King Richard the Third) and not when it devolved upon them, as it did upon this King, by a Right unquestioned.

The Coronation was accompanied, as the Custome is, with a general Pardon. But as there never was a Feast so great, from which some men departed not with empty bellies; so, either out of Envy, or some former Grudge, or for some other cause unknown, six Persons were excluded from the taste of this gra∣cious Banquet: that is to say, the Lord Thomas Howard Duke of N••rfolk, a condemned Prisoner in the Tower; Edward Lord Courtney, eldest Son to the late Marquess of Exeter beheaded in the last times of King Henry the Eight; Car∣dinal P••le, one of the Sons of Margaret Countess of Salisbury, proscribed by the same King also; Doctour Richard Pate, declared Bishop of Worcester, in the place of Hierome de Nugaticis, in the year 1534. and by that Name sub∣scribing to some of the first Acts of the Councel of Trent: who, being sent to Rome on some Publick Imployment, chose rather to remain there in perpetu∣al Exile, then to take the Oath of Supremacy at his coming home; as by the Laws he must have done, or otherwise have fared no better▪ then the Bishop of Rochester, who lost his head on the refusal. Of the two others, Fort∣escue and Throgmorton, I have found nothing, but the Names: and therefore can but name them onely. But they all lived to better times: the Duke of Norfolk being restored by Queen Mary to his Lands, Liberty, and Honours; as the Lord Courtney was to the Earldom of Devonshire, enjoyed by many of his Noble Progenitours; Cardinal Pole admitted first into the Kingdom, in the capacity of a Legate from the Pope of Rome, and after Cranmer's death advanced to the See of Canterbury; and Doctour Pate preferred unto the actual Possession of the See of Worcester, of which he formerly had enjoyed no more but the empty Title.

These Great Solemnities being thus passed over, the Grandees of the Court be∣gan to entertain some thoughts of a Reformation. In which they found Arch-Bishop Cranmer, and some other Bishops, to be as foreward as themselves; but on different ends: endeavoured by the Bishops, in a pious Zeal for rectifying such thing; as were amiss in God's publick Worship; but by the Courtiers, on an Hope to enrich themselves by the spoil of the Bishopricks. To the Advance∣ment of which work the Conjuncture seemed as proper, as they could desire. For First the King, being of such tender age, and wholly Governed by the Will of the Lord Protectour, who had declared himself a friend to the Lutheran Party in the time of King Henry, was easie to be moulded into any form, which the authority of Power and Reason could imprint upon Him. The Lord Tho∣mas Howard Duke of Norfolk, and Doctour Stephen Gardiner Bishop of Win∣chester, (who formerly) had been the greatest Sticklers at the Co••ncil-Table in Maintainance of the Religion of the Church of Rome) were not long able to support it: the one of them being a condemned Prisoner in the Tower, as before was said; and the other, upon some just displeasure, not named by King Henry amongst the Councellours of State, who were to have the mana∣ging of Affairs in His Son's Mino••••ty. Bonner, then Bishop of London, was absent at that time in the Court of the Emperour; to whom he had been sent Embassa∣dour by the former King. And no professed Champion for the Papacy remain∣ed amongst them, of whom they had cause to stand in doubt: but the new Earl of South-hampton▪ Whom when they were not able to remove from his old Opi∣nions, it was resolved to make him less both in Power and Credit; so, that he should not be able to hinder the pursuit of those Counsels, which he was not willing to promote. And therefore on the sixth of March, the Great Seal was taken from him by the King's Command, and for a while committed to the custody of Sir William Pawlet, Created Lord St▪ John of Basing, and made Great Master of the Houshold by King Henry the Eighth.

And on the other side it was thought expedient, for the better carrying on of the Design, not onely to release all such as had been committed unto Prison; but also to recall all such as had been forced to abandon the Kingdom, for not submitting to the Superstitions and Corruptions of the Church of Rome. Great were the Numbers of the first, who had their Fetters strucken off by this merci∣full

Prince, and were permitted to enjoy that Liberty of Conscience; for which they had suffered all Extremities in His Father's time. Onely it is observed of one Thomas Dobbs, once Fellow of Saint John's-College in Cambridg, condemned for speaking against the Mass, and thereupon committed to the Counter in Bread-street; that he alone did take a view of this Land of Canaan, into which he was not suffered to enter. It being so ordered by the Divine Providence, that he died in Prison, before his Pardon could be signed by the Lord Protectour. Amongst the rest, which were in number very many, those of chief note were, Doctour Miles Coverdale, after Bishop of Exeter; Mr. John Hooper after Bishop of Glocester; Mr. John Philpot, after Arch-Deacon of Winchester; Mr. John Rogers, after one of the Prebends of Saint Paul's; and many others, emi∣nent for their Zeal and P••ety: which they declared by preferring a good Consci∣ence before their Lives, in the time of Queen Mary.

But the bus••n••ss was of greater Moment, then to expect the coming back of the Learned men: who though they came not time enough to begin the work; yet did they prove exceeding serviceable in the furtherance of it. And there∣fore, neither to lose time, nor to press too much at once upon the People, it was thought sit to smooth the way to the intended Reformation, by setting out some Preparatory Injunctions; such as the King might publish by his own Authority, according to the example of His Royal Father in the year 1536. and at some times after. This to be done by sending out Commissioners into all parts of the Kingdom, armed with Instructions to enquire into all Ecclesiastical Concernments, in the manner of a Visitation; directed by the King, as Su∣preme Head on earth of the Church of England. Which Commissioners, being di∣stributed into several Circuits, were accompanied with certain Learned, and God∣ly Preachers, appointed to instruct the People, and to facilitate the work of the Commissioners, in all Towns, and Places, where they fate. And, that the People might not cool, or fall off again, in, and from that, which had been taught them by the Learned Preachers; they were to leave some Homilies to the same effect with the Parish-Priest: which the Arch-Bishop had composed; not one∣ly for the help of unpreaching Ministers, but for the regulating, and instructing even of Learned Preachers. Which Injunctions being agreed upon by such of the Great Council, as favoured the Design of the Reformation; and the Commissi∣ons drawn in due form of Law by the Counsel learned: they were all tendered to the Lord Chancellour Wriothsley; that the Authority of the Great Seal might be added to them. Which he, who was not to be told what these matters aimed at, refused to give consent unto: and so lost the Seal, committed (as before is said) to the Custody of the Lord Great Master, by whom the said Commissions were dispatched, and the Visitours thereby Authorised in due form of Law And here it is to be observed, that, besides the Points contained in the said Injunctions, the Preachers above-mentioned were more particularly instructed to perswade the People from Praying to the Saints, from making Prayers for the dead, from A∣doring of Images, from the use of Beads, Ashes, and Processions, from Mass, Diri∣ges, Praying in unknown Languages, and from some other such like things; where∣unto long Custome had brought a Religious Observation. All which was done to this intent; That the People in all places, being prepared by little and little, might with more ease, and less opposition, admit the total Alteration in the face of the Church, which was intended in due time to be introduced.

Now, as for the Injuctions above-mentioned, although I might exemplifie them, as they stand at large in the First Edition of the Acts and Monuments, (fol. 684.) yet I shall choose rather to present them in a smoother Abstract; as it is done unto my hand by the Church-Historian: the Method of them onely altered in this manner following.

[ 1] That all Ecclesiastical Persons observe, and cause to be observed, the Laws for the abolishing the pretended and usurped Power of the Bishop of Rome, and Confirmation of the King's Authority and Supremacy: and four times in the

year, at the least, that they teach the People, That the one was now justly taken a∣way, (according to the word of God) and that the other was, of most Legal Du∣ty, onely to be obeyed by all the Subjects.

That, once a Quarter, at the least, they sincerely declare the Word of God, [ 2] disswading the People from Superstitious Fancies of Pilgrimages, Praying to I∣mages, &c. exhorting them to the Works of Faith, Mercy, and Charity: 3. And that Images, abused with Pilgrimages, and Offerings thereunto, be [ 3] forthwith taken down, and destroyed, and that no more Wax-Candles, or Tapers, be burnt before any Image; but onely two lights upon the High Altar, before the Sacrament, shall remain still, to signifie, That Christ is the very Light of the World.

That every Holy-Day, when they have no Sermon, the Pater-Noster, [ 4] Credo, and Ten Commandments, shall be plainly recited in the Pulpit to the Pa∣rishioners. 5. And that Parents, and Masters, bestow their Children, and Ser∣vants, [ 5] either to Learning, or some honest Occupation.

That, within three Moneths after this Visitation, the Bible, of the Larger [ 7] Volume, in English; and within twelve Moneths Erasmus his Paraphrases on the Gospels, be provided, and conveniently placed in the Church, for the People to read therein. 20. And that every Ecclesiastical Person, under the Degree of [ 20] a Batchelour of Divinity, shall within three Moneths after this Visitation, pro∣vide of his own The New Testament in Latine and English, with Erasmus his Paraphrases thereon. And that Bishops, by themselves, and their Officers, shall Examine them, how much they have profited in the study of Holy Scripture.

That such, who in Cases express'd in the Statute are absent from their Benefi∣ces, [ 6] leave Learned, and expert Curates, to supply their places. 14. That all such [ 14] Ecclesiastical Persons, not resident upon their Benefices, and able to dispend yearly xx. pounds, and above, shall in the presence of the Church-Wardens, or some other honest men, distribute the fourtieth part of their Revenues amongst the poor of the Parish. 15. And that every Ecclesiastical Person shal give compe∣tent [ 15] Exhibition to so many Scholars in one of the Universities, as they have hun∣dred pounds a year in Church-Promotions.

That a fifth part of their Benefices be bestowed on their Mansion-Houses, [ 16] or Chancels, till they be fully repaired. 8. And that no Ecclesiastical Persons [ 8] haunt Ale-houses, or Taverns, or any place of unlawfull Gaming.

That they Examine such as come to Confession in Lent, whether they can recite [ 9] their Credo, Pater-Noster, and Ten Commandments, in English, before they receive the Blessed Sacrament of the Altar; or else they ought not to presume to come to God's Board.

That none be admitted to Preach, except sufficiently Licenced. 11. That, if they [ 10] have heretofore extolled Pilgrimages, Reliques, Worshipping of Images, &c. they now [ 11] openly recant, and reprove the same, as a Common Errour, groundless in Scri∣pture: 12. That they detect, and present such, who are Lettours of the Word [ 12] of God in English, and Fautours of the Bishop of Rome his pretended Power.

That no Person from henceforth, shal alter any Fasting-day, or manner of Com∣mon-Prayer, [ 19] or Divine Service, (otherwise then is specified in these Inju••ctions) untill otherwise Ordered by the King's Authority. 21. And, that, in time of High [ 21] Mass, he, that sayeth, or singeth a Psalm, shall read the Epistle and Gospel in En∣glish, and one Chapter in the New Testament at Mattens, & another at Even-song; And that, when nine Lessons are to be read in the Church, three of them shal be o∣mitted with Responds: And at the Even-song, the Responds, with all the Memories. By which last word I understand the Anniversary Commemoration of deceased Per∣sons on the day of their deaths, which frequently were expressed by the name Obits.

That every Dean, Arch-Deacon, &c. being a Priest, Preach by him∣self, [ 26] personally, every year at least. 27. That they Instruct their People not [ 27] obstinately to violate the Ceremonies of the Church, by the King Commanded to be observed, and not as yet abrogated. And on the other side, that whoso∣ever doth Superstitiously abuse them, doth the same to the great Perill of his

Souls health: 25. And that no Curate admit to the Communion such, who are in Ranchor, and Malice with their Neighbours, till such controversies be re∣conciled.

[ 23] That, to avoid Contentions, and strife, which heretofore have risen a∣mongst the King's Subjects, by challenging of places in Procession; no Processi∣on hereafter be used about the Church, or Church-yard: but, immediately be∣fore High-Mass, the Letany shall be distinctly said, or sung in English; none de∣parting the Church without just cause, and all ringing of Bells (save one) ut∣terly forborn.

[ 28] That they take away, and destroy all Shrines, Covering of Shrines, Ta∣bles, Candlesticks, Trindils, and Rolls of Wax, Pictures, Paintings, and other Monuments of feigned Miracles; so that no Memory of them remain in Walls, or Windows: exhotting their Parishioners to do the like in their several hou∣ses.

[ 24] That the Holy-day, at the first beginning Godly-Instituted and ordained, be wholly given to God, in hearing the Word of God read and taught, in private and publique Prayers, in acknowledging their Offences to God, and a∣mendment, in reconciling themselves to their Neighbours, receiving the Com∣munion, Visiting the sick, &c. Onely it shall be lawfull for them, in time of Harvest, to labour upon Holy and Festival days, and save that thing which God hath sent; and that scrupulosity, to abstain from working upon those days, doth grievously offend God.

[ 13] That a Register Book be carefully kept in every Parish for Weddings, [ 29] Christenings, and Burials: 29. That a strong Chest, with an hole in the upper part thereof (with three keys thereunto belonging) be provided to receive the Charity of the People to the Poor; and the same, at convenient times, be distri∣buted unto them in the presence of the Parish. And that a comely Palpit be provided, in a convenient place.

[ 32] That, because of the lack of Preachers, Curates shall read Homilies, [ 36] which are, or shall be set forth by the King's Authority. 36. That, when any such Sermon, or Homily shall be had, the Primes and Hours shall be omitted. [ 18] That none, bound to pay Tithes, detain them, by colour of Duty omit∣ted [ 33] by their Curates, and so redoub one wrong with another. 33. And whereas many indiscrete persons do incharitably condemn, and abuse Priests having small Learning; His Majesty chargeth His Subjects, That from henceforth they [ 31] be reverently used, for their Office and Ministration sake: 31. And, that, to avoid the detestable sin of Simonie, the Seller shall lose his right of Patronage for that time, and the Buyer to be deprived, and made unable to receive Spiritu∣al Promotion.

[ 22] That, to prevent sick persons in the damnable vice of Despair, They shall learn, and have always in readiness, such comfortable places, and Senten∣ces of Scripture; as do set forth the Mercies, Benefits, and Goodness of God Al∣mighty [ 30] towards all penitent, and believing persons: 30. But that Priests be not bound to go visit women in Child-bed; except in times of dangerous sickness: and [ 34] not to fetch any Coars, except it be brought to the Church yard. 34. That all persons, not understanding Latine, shall pray on no other Primer, but what lately was set forth in English by King Henry the Eighth; and that such, who have knowledge in the Latine, use no other also: that all Graces before, and after Meat, be said in English; and no Grammar taught in Scholes▪ but that which is set [ 39] forth by Authority. 39. That Chantry-Priests teach Youth to read, and write.

[ 17] And finally, That these Injunctions be read once a Quarter.

Besides these general Injunctions for the whole Estate of the Realm, there were also certain others, particularly appointed for the Bishops onely; which, being delivered unto the Commissioners, were likewise by them in their Visita∣tions committed unto the said Bishops, with charge to be inviolably observed

and kept, upon pain of the King's Majesties displeasure: the effect whereof is, as in manner followeth.

1. That they should, to the utmost of their power, wit, and understanding, s••e, and cause all, and singular, the King's Injunctions heretofore given, or after to be given, from time to time, in, and through their Diocess, duly, faithfully, and truly to be kept▪ observed, and accomplished. And, that they should Personally Preach within their Diocess, every Quarter of a year, once at the least: that is to say, once in their Cathedral Churches, and thrice in other se∣veral places of their Diocesses, whereas they should see it most convenient and necessary; except they had a reasonable excuse to the contrary. Likewise, that they should not retain into their Service, or Houshold, any Chaplain, but such as were Learned, and able to Preach the Word of God, and those they should also cause to Exercise the same.

2. And Secondly, That they should not give Orders to any Person; but such as were Learned in Holy Scripture: neither should deny them to such, as were Learned in the same, being of honest conversation, or living. And Lastly, That they should not at any time, or place, Preach, or set forth unto the People, any Doctrine contrary, or repugnant to the eff••ct, and intent, contained, or set forth in the King's Highnesse's Homilies: neither yet should admit, or give Licence to Preach to any, within their Diocess, but to such as they should know (or at least assuredly trust▪) would do the same: And, if at any time, by hearing, or by report proved, they should perceive the contrary; they should then incontinent not only inhibit that Person so offending, but also punish him, and revoke their Licence.

There was also a Form of Bidding Prayer prescribed by the Visitours, to be used by all Preachers in the Realm; ei••her before, or in their Sermons, as to them seemed best. Which Form of Bidding Prayer (or Bidding of the Beads, as it was then commonly called) was this, that followeth.

You shall Pray for the whole Congregation of Christ's Church and specially for this Church of England and Ireland: wherein first I commend to your de∣vout Prayers the King's most Excellent Majesty, Supreme Head immedi∣ately under God of the Spirituality and Temporality of the same Church: And for Queen Katharine Dowager, and also for my Lady Mary, and my La∣dy Elizabeth, the King's Sisters.

Secondly, You shall Pray for my Lord Protectour's Grace▪ with all the rest of the King's Majesty His Council; for all the Lords of His Realm, and for the Clergy, and the Commons of the same: beseeching God Almighty, to give ••very of them, in his degree, grace to use themselves in such wise, as may be to God's Glory, the King's Honour, and the VVeal of this Realm.

Thirdly, You shall Pray for all them, that be departed out of this VVorld in the Faith of Christ; that they with us, and we with them, at the day of Judgement, may rest, both body and soul, with Abraham, Isaac, and Ja∣cob, in the Kingdom of Heaven.

Such were the Orders, and Injunctions, wherewith the King's Commissioners were furnished for their Visitation. Most of them such, as had been formerly given out by Cromwell, or otherwise published and pursued (but not without some intermissions) by the King deceased, and therefore to be put in Execution with the greater safety. For though the young King, by Reason of his tender Age, could not but want a great proportion of His Father's Spirit for carrying on a work of such weight and moment; yet he wanted nothing of that power in Church-concernment, which either Naturally was inherent in the Crown Im∣perial,

or had been Legally vested in it by Acts of Parliament. Neither could His Being in Minority, nor the Writings in His Name by the Lord Protectour, and the Rest of the Council, make any such difference in the Case; as to invali∣date the Proceedings, or any of the Rest which followed in the Reformation. For, if they did, the Objection would be altogether as strong against the Refor∣mation, made in the Minority of King Josias; as against this, in the Minority of the present King. That of Josias being made (as Josephus () telleth us) by the Advice of the Elders: as this of King EDVVARD the Sixth by the Advice of the Council. And yet it cannot be denyed, but that the Reformation made under King I••sias, by Advice of His Council, was no less pleasing unto God, nor less valid in the Eys of all His Subjects: then those of Jeboshaphat, and Hezekiah, in their Riper years; who perhaps acted singly on the strength of their Own Judgements onely, with∣out any Advice. Now of Josias we are told by the said Historian; That▪ When He grew to be twelve years old, He gave manifest Approbation of His Piety, and Justice. For He drew the People to a conformable Course of Life, and to the De∣testation and Abolishing of Idols, that were no Gods, and to the Service of the Onely True God of their Fore-Fathers. And, considering the Actions of His Predeces∣sours, He began to Rectifie them in that, wherein they were deficient, with no less Circumspection, then if He had been an Old Man; And that, which He found to be Correspondent, and Advisedly done by them, that did He both maintain and imitate. All which things He did, both by Reason of His Innated Wisdom, as also by the A••mo••shment and Council of His Elders: in following orderly the Laws▪ not onely in matters of Religion, but of Civil Politie. Which puts the Parallel betwixt the two young Kings, in the Case before us, above all Exception; and the Procee∣dings of King Edward, or His Council rather, beyond all Dispute.

Now, whereas Question hath been made, whether the twenty fourth Injun∣ction, for Labouring on the Holy Day in time of Harvest, extend as well to the Lord's Day, as the Annual Festivals: The matter seems, to any well-discerning eye, to be out of Question. For in the third Chapter of the Statute made in the fifth and sixth years of King Edward the Sixth, (when the Reformation was much more advanced then it was at the present) the Names and Number of such Holy Days, as were to be observed in this Church, are thus layed down; That is to say, All Sundaies in the year, the Feasts of the Circumcision of our Lord Jesus Christ, of the Epiphany, &c. with all the Rest, still kept, and there named particularly. And then it followeth in the Act, That it shall, and may, be law∣full for every Husband-man, Labourer, Fisher-man, and to all, and every other person or persons, of what Estate, Degree, or Condition, he, or they, be, upon the Holy-Days afore-said, in Harvest, or at any other times in the year, when ne∣cessity shall so require, to Labour, Ride, Fish, or Work any kind of work, at their free-will and Pleasure; any thing in this Act to the contrary notwithstanding. The Law being such, there is no question to be made in point of practice, nor consequently of the meaning of the King's Injunction. For further opening of which Truth, we finde, that not the Country onely, but the Court were indulged the Liberty of attending business on that day; it being Ordered by the King, amongst other things, That the Lords of the Council should upon Sundays attend the publique Affairs of this Realm, dispatch Answers to Letters for good order of State, and make full dispatches of all things concluded the Week before: Provided alwaies, That they be present at Common Prayer, and that on every Sunday-Night the King's Secretary should deliver him a Memorial of such things, as are to be de∣bated by the Privy Council in the week ensuing. Which Order, being compa∣red with the words of the Statute, may serve sufficiently to satisfie all doubts, and scruples, touching the true intent and meaning of the said Injunction.

But, as this Question was not startled till the Later Times, when the Lord's Day began to be advanced into the Reputation of the Jewish Sabbath; so was there nothing in the rest of the said Injunctions, which required a Commen∣tary. Some words, and Passages therein, which seem absurd to us of this

present Age, being then clearly understood by all, and every one, whom they did concern; Published, and given in charge, by the Commissioners in their se∣veral Circuits, with great Zeal and Chearfullness; and no less readily Obeyed in most parts of the Realms, both by Priests and People: who observed nothing in them, either new, or strange, to which they had not been prepared in the Reign of the King deceased. None forwarder in this Compliance, then some Learned men, in, and about the City of London; who not long since had shewed themselves of a contrary Judgement: Some of them running before Au∣thority, and others keeping even pase with it; but few so confident of themselves as to lagg behind. It was Ordered in the twenty first; That, at the time of High Mass, the Epistle, and Gospel should be read in the English Tongue: and, That both at the Mattens, and Even-Song, a Chapter out of the New Testament should be also read. And, for Example to the rest of the Land, the Complime, being a part of the Evening Service, was sung in the King's Chapel on M••nday in the Easter-week, (then falling on the eleventh of April) in the English Tongue. Do∣ctour Smith, Master of Whittington-College in London, and Reader in Divinity at the King's-College at Oxford, (afterwards better known by the name of Christ-Church) had before published two Books: One of them written, In De∣fence of the Mass; The other endeavouring to prove, That unwritten Veri∣ties ought to be believed, under pain of Damnation. But, finding that these Doctrines did not now beat according to the Pulse of the Times, he did volunta∣rily retract, the said Opinions; declaring in a Sermon at Saint Paul's Cross, on Sunday the fifteenth of May, that his said former Books, and Teachings, were not only erroneous, but Heretical. The like was done in the Moneth next follow∣ing by Doctour Pern, afterwards Master of Peter-House in Cambridge; who, having on Saint George's day delivered, in the Parish-Church of Saint Andrew Vndershaft, for sound Catholick Doctrine, That the Pictures of Christ, and of the Saints were to be adored; upon the seventeenth day of June, declared him∣self in the said Church to have been deceived in that, what he before had taught them, and to be sorry for delivering such Doctrine to them. But these men might pretend some Warrant from the King's Injunctions, which they might conceive it neither fit, nor safe to oppose: and therefore, that it was the wisest way, to strike Sail betimes, upon the shooting of the first Warning-Piece to bring them in. But no man was so much before hand with Authority, as one Doctour Glasier; who, as soon as the Fast of Lent was over, (and it was well he had the Pat••ence to stay so long) affirmed publickly in a Sermon at Saint Paul's Cross; That, The Lent was not ordained of God to be Fasted, neither the Eat∣ing of Flesh to be forborn; but that the same was a Politick Ordinance of men, and might therefore be broken by men at their pleasures. For which Doctrine as the Preacher was never questioned, the Temper of the Times giving Incourage∣ment enough to such Extravagancies; so did it open such a Gap to Carnal Liberty, that the King found it necessary to shut it up again by a Proclamation on the sixteenth of January, commanding Abstinence from all Flesh, for the Lent then following.

But there was something more, then the Authority of a Minour King, which drew on such a General Conformity to these Injunctions: and thereby smoothed the way to those Alterations, both in Doctrine and Worship; which the Gran∣dees of the Court, and Church, had began to fashion. The Lord Protectour, and his Party were more experienced in Affairs of State; then to be told, That,

All great Counsels▪ tending to Innovation in the Publick Government, (especi∣ally where Religion is concerned therein) are either to be back'd by▪ Arms, or otherwise prove destructive to the Undertakers.

For this cause, he resolves to put himself into the Head of an Army: as well for the security of His Person, and the Preservation of his Party; as for the carrying on of the Design against all Opponents. And, for the Raising of an Army, there could not be a fair∣er Colour, nor a more popular Pretence, then a War in Scotland: not to

be made on any new emergent Quarrel, which might be apt to breed suspicion in the Heads of the People; but in Pursuit of the great Project of the King de∣ceased, for Uniting that Realm (by the Marriage of their young Queen to His onely Son) to the Crown of England. On this pretense Levies are made in all parts of the Kingdom, great store of Arms and Ammunition drawn to∣gether to advance the service, considerable Numbers of Old Souldiers brought over from Bulloign, and the Peeces which depended on it, and good Provision made of Shipping, to attend the Motions of the Army upon all occasions. He entertained also certain Regiments of Walloons, and Germanes: not out of any great Opinion, which he had of their Valour; (though otherwise of good Experience in the Wars) but because they were conceived more likely to enforce Obedience, (if his Designs should meet with any Opposition) then the Natural English.

But in the first place Care was taken, that none of the neighbouring Prin∣ces should either hinder his Proceedings, or assist the Enemy. To which end Doctour Wotton, the first Dean of Canterbury, then Resident with the Queen Dowager of Hungary, (who at that time was Regent of the Estates of Flanders for Charls the Fifth) was dispatched unto the Emperour's Court: there to succeed in the place of Doctour Bonner, Bishop of London; who, together with Sir Francis Bryan▪ had formerly been ••ent Embassadours th••ther from King Henry the Eighth. The Principal part of his Employment, besides such matters as are incident to all Ambassadours, was to divert the Emperour from concluding any League with France, contrary to the Capitulations made between the Empe∣rour and the King deceased; but to deal with him, above all things, for decla∣ring himself an Enemy to all of the Scotish Nation, but such as should be Friends to the King of England.

And, because some Remainders of Hostility did still remain between the English and the French, (notwithstanding the late peace made between the Crowns) it was thought fit to sweeten, and oblige that People, by all the acts of Cor∣respondence, and friendly Neighbourhood. In Order whereunto it was com∣manded by the King's Proclamation, That Restitution should be made of such Ships and Goods, which had been taken from the French since the Death of King Henry. Which being done also by the French, though far short in the value of such Reprisals, as had been taken by the English: there was good hope of coming to a better understanding of one another: and that, by this Cessation of Arms, both Kings might come in short time to a further Agreement. But that which seemed to give most satisfaction to the Court of France▪ was the performance of a solemn Obsequie for King Francis the First; who left this Life on the twenty second day of March, and was Magnificently Interred amongst His Predecessours, in the Monastery of Saint Dennis, not far from Paris. Whose Funerals were no sooner Solemnized in France: but Order was given for a Dirige to be sung in all the Churches in London, on the nineteenth of June, as also in the Cathedral Church of Saint Paul; in the Quire whereof, being hung with black, a sumptuous Herse had been set up for the present Ceremony. For the next day the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, assisted with Eight other of the Bishops, all in their Rich Mitres, and other their Pontificals, did sing a Mass of Requiem; the Funeral Sermon being preached by Doctour Ridley, Lord Elect of Rochester: who, if he did his part therein, as no doubt he did, could not but magnifie the Prince for His Love to Learning. Which was so great, and eminent in Him▪ that He was called by the French, L' pere des Arts & des Sciences, and The Father of the Muses by some Writers of other Nations. Which Attri∣butes as He well deserved, so did He Sympathize in that Affection, (as he did in many other things) with King Henry the Eighth: of whose Munificence for the Encouragements of Learning we have spoke before.

This great Solemnity being thus Honourably performed, the Commissioners for the Visitation were dispatched to their several Circuits; and the Army drawn

from all parts to their Rendez-vous, for the War with Scotland. Of which two Actions, that of the Visitation, as the easiest, and meeting with a People, which had been long trained up in the Schole of Obedience, was carried on, without any shew of Opposition; submitted to upon a very small Dispute, even by some of those Bishops, who were conceived most likely to have disturbed the business. The first, who declared his aversness to the King's Proceedings, was Dr. Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester: who, stomaching his being left out of the Lift of the Council, appeared more cross to all their doings, then other of his Order. For which being brought before their Lordships, and not giving them such satisfaction, as they looked for from him, they sent him Pri∣soner to the Fleet; where he remained from the twenty fifth of September, till the seventh of January: the King's Commissioners proceeding in the mean time without any disturbance.

With less aversness, but with success not much unlike, was the business en∣tertained by Dr. Edmond Bonner, then Bishop of London: whom the Commissi∣oners found far more tractable, then could have been expected from a man of so rough a Nature, and one so cordially affected to the Church of Rome. The Commissioners Authorised for this Imployment were, Sir Anthony Cook, and Sir John Godsal, Knights; John Godsal, & Christopher Nevinson, Doctours of the Laws; and John Madew, Doctour in Divinity: who, sitting in St. Paul's Church on the first day of September, called before them the said Bishop Bonner, John Royston, the renowned Polydore Virgil, and many other of the Dignitaries of the said Cathe∣dral: to whom, the Sermon being done, and their Commission openly read, they ministred the Oath of the King's Supremacy, according to the Statute of the thirty first of King Henry the Eighth; requiring them withall to present such things, as stood in need to be Reformed. Which done, they delivered to him a Copy of the said Injunctions, together with the Homilies set forth by the King's Authority; received by him with Protestation, that he would observe them, if they were not contrary to the Law of God, and the Statutes and Ordinances of the Church. Which Protestation he desired might be enrolled amongst the Acts of the Court. But afterwards, considering better with himself, as well of his own Danger, as of the Scandal and ill Consequents, which might thence arise, he addressed himself unto the King; revoking his said Protestation, and humbly submitting himself to His Majestie's Pleasure, in this manner following.

Whereas I, Edmond Bishop of London, at such time, as I received the King's Majestie's Injunctions, and Homilies of my most Dread and Sove∣reign Lord, at the Hands of His Highness Visitours, did unadvisedly make such Protestation; as now, upon better consideration of my Duty of Obedi∣ence, and of the evil Example, that might ensue unto others thereof, appear∣eth to me neither Reasonable, nor such as might well stand with the Duty of a most humble Subject: for so much, as the same Protestation, at my Request, was then by the Register of the Visitation Enacted, and put in Record: I have thought it my Duty, not onely to declare before your Lordships, that I do now, upon better consideration of my Duty, renounce, and revoke my said Protestati∣on; but also most humbly beseech your Lordships, that this my Revocation of the same may be in like wise put in the same Records, for a perpetual Memory of the Truth: most humbly beseeching your Good Lordships, both to take or∣der, that it may take effect; and also, that my former unadvised doings may be by your good Mediations pardoned of the King's Majesty.

Edmond London.

This humble carriage of the Bishop so wrought upon the King, and the Lords of the Council, that the edg of their displeasure was taken off; though, for a terrour unto others, and for the preservation of their own Authority, he

was by them committed Prisoner to the Fleet. During the short time of whose Restraint, (that is to say, on the Eighteenth day of the same Moneth of Sep∣tember) the Letany was sung in the English Tongue, in Saint Paul's Church, between the Quire and the High Altar; the Singers kneeling, half on the one side, and half on the other. And the same day the Epistle and Gospel was also read at the High Mass in the English Tongue. And, about two Moneths after, (that is to say, on the seventeenth day of November, next following) Bishop Bonner, being then restored to his former Liberty, the Image of Christ, best known in those Times by the name of the Rood, together with the Images of Mary, and John, and all other Images in that Church, as also in all the other Churches of London were taken down; as was commanded by the said Injuncti∣ons. Concerning which we are to note, That, though the Parliament was then sitting, (whereof more anon) yet the Commissioners proceeded onely by the King's Authority, without relating any thing to that High Court in this weighty Business. And in the speeding of this Work, as Bishop Bonner, to∣gether with the Dean and Chapter▪ did perform their parts in the Cathedral of Saint Paul: so Bellassere, Arch-Deacon of Colchester, and Doctour Gilbert Bourn, (being at that time Arch-Deacon both of London and Essex; but after∣wards preferred by Queen Mary to the Bishoprick of Bath and Wells) were no less Diligent and Officious in doing the like in all the Churches of their Respe∣ctive Jurisdictions, according to the Charge imposed upon them by his Majestie's Visitours.

In the mean time, whilst matters were thus calmly Acted on the Stage of England; all things went no less fortunately forward with the Lord Protectour in his War with Scotland: in which he carried himself with no less Courage, and Success, when it came to blows; then he had done with Christian Pru∣dence, before he put himself on the Expedition. For, having taken Order for his Forces to be drawn together, he thought it most expedient to his Affairs, to gain the start in point of Reputation with his very Enemies, by not ingaging in a War, untill they had refused all Terms of Peace. And to this end a Manifest is dispatched unto them, declaring the Motives, which induced him to put this Kingdom into a posture of Arms. In which he remembred them of the Promises, Seals, and Oaths, which by publick Authority had passed for concluding this Marriage; That, These, being Religious Bonds betwixt God and their Souls, could not by any Politick Act of State be dissolved, untill their Queen should attain unto years of Dissent: Adding that, The Providence of God did therein manifestly declare it self, in that, the Male-Princes of Scotland failing, the Kingdom was left unto a Daughter; and in that King Henry left onely one Son to succeed; That, These two Princes were agreeable, both for Years, and Princely Qualities, to be joyned in Marriage, and thereby to knit both Realms into One; That, This Vnion, as it was like to be both easily done, and of firm continuance: so would it be both profi∣table, and Honourable to both the Realms; That, Both the Easiness and Firmness might be conjectured: for that both People are of the same Language, of like Ha∣bit and Fashion, of like Quality and Condition of Life, of one Climate; not onely annexed entirely together but severed from all the World besides; That, as these are sure Arguments that both discended from one Original, so (by Reason, that Like∣ness is a great Cause of Liking and of Love) they would be most forcible Means, both to joyn and hold them in one Body again; That, Profit would rise by extingui∣shing Wars between the two Nations: by Reason whereof, in former times, Victories abroad have been impeached, Invasions and Seditions occasioned, the Confines of both Realms lay'd wast, or else made a Nursery of Rapines, Robberies, and Murthers; the Inner Parts often deeply pierced, and made a wretched Spectacle to all Eys of Humanity and Pity; That, The Honour of both Realms w••uld Increase: as well in regard of the Countries, sufficient not onely to furnish the Necessities, but the moderate Pleasures of this Life; as also of the People, great in Multitude, in Body able, assured in Mind: not onely for the

Safety, but the Glory of the Common State: That, Hereby would follow Assurance of Defence, Strength to Enterprise, Ease in sustaining publick Burthens, and Char∣ges; That, Herein the English d••sired no Pre-eminence, but offered Equality, both in Liberty and Privile••ge, and in capacity of Offices and Imployments; and, to that end, the Name of Britain should be assumed, indifferent to both Nations: That, This would be the Complishment of their common Felicity; in case, (by their Evil, either Destiny, or Advice) they suffered not the Occasion to be l••st.

It was no hard matter to fore-see, that, either the Scots would return no An∣swer to this Declaration, or such an Answer at the best, as should signifie no∣thing. So that the War began to open, and some Hostilities to be exercised on either side; before the English Forces could be drawn together. For so it happened, that a small Ship of the Kings, called The Pensie, hovering at Sea, was assailed by The Lyon, a principal Ship of Scotland. The fight began a far off, and slow; but when they approached, it grew very furious: wherein the Pensie so ap∣plyed her Shot, that therewith the Lyon's Ore-Loope was broken, her Sails, and Tacklings torn, and lastly she was boarded, and taken. But, as she was brought for England, she was cast away by Negligence, and Tempest, near Hare-wich-Haven, and most of her men perished with her. Which small Adven∣ture (as Sir John Hayward well observes) seemed to Prognosticate the Success of the War: in which the English, with a small Army, gained a glorious Victo∣ry; but were deprived of the Fruit, and Benefits of it, by the Storms at home.

All thoughts of Peace being lay'd aside, the Army draws together at New-Castle, about the middle of August, consisting of twelve or thirteen thousand Foot, thirteen hundred Men at Arms, and two thousand Eight hundred light Horse: Both Men and Horse so well appointed that a like Army never shewed it self, before that time, on the Borders of Scotland. Over which Army, so ap∣pointed, the Lord Protectour held the Office of General; the Earl of Warwick that of Liev-tenant General; the Lord Gray, General of the Horse, and Marshal also of the Field; Sir Ralph Vane, Liev-tenant of all the Men at Arms▪ and Demi-lances; and Sir Ralph Sadlier, Treasurer General for the Wars: inferi∣riour Offices being distributed amongst other Gentlemen of Name and Quality, according to their well-deservings. At New••Castle they remained till the Fleet arrived, consisting of sixty five Bottoms: whereof one Gally and thirty four tall Ships were well-appointed for Fight; the Residue served for carriage of Munition, and Victuals. The Admiral of this Fleet being Edward Lord Clyn∣ton, created afterwards Earl of Lincoln, on the fourth of May 1572. in the fourteenth year of Queen Elizabeth. Making some little stay at Berwick, they entred not on Scotish Ground▪ till the third of September; keeping their March along the Shore within Sight of the Fleet, that they might be both Aid∣ed▪ and Releived by it, as Occasion served: and making all along the Shore, they fell, at the end of two days, into a Valley called The Peuthes▪ containing six Miles in length, in breadth about four hundred Pases toward the Sea, and but one hundred toward the Land, where it was shut up by a River. The Issues out of it made into several paths, which the Scots had caused to be cut in divers places with Traverse Trenches: and thereby so incumbred the Army in their marching forwards; (till the Pioneers had smoothed the way) that a small Power of the Enemy (if their Fortune had been anwerable to the Opportunity) might have given a very good Account of them to the rest of their Nation. Which D••ffi∣culty being over-come, and a Passage thereby given them unto places of more Advantage, they made themselves Masters of the three next Castles, for making good of their Retreat, if the worst should happen.

Upon the first News of these Approaches, enlarged (as the Custome is) by the Voice of Fame, the Earl of Arran, being then Lord Governour of Scotland, was not meanly startled; as being neither furnished with Foreign Aid▪ nor

much relying on the Forces, which He had at Home. Yet resuming his accusto∣med Courage, and well-acquainted with both Fortunes, He sent His Heralds through all parts of the Realm, commanded the Fire-Cross (that is to say, two Fire-brands, set in fashion of a Cross, and pitched upon the point of a Spear) to be advanced in the Field, (according to the Ancient Custome of that Country in Important Cases) and therewithall caused Proclamation to be made, That All Persons, from sixteen years of Age to sixty, should repair to Muscle-borough, and bring their Ordinary Provision of Victuals with them. Which Proclamation being made, and the Danger in which the Kingdom stoodrepresented to them, the People flocked in such Multitudes to their Rendez••v••us; that it was thought fit to make choice of such as were most serviceable, and dismiss the Rest. Out of which they compounded an Army (the Nobility, and Gentry, with their Followers being Reckoned in) consisting of thirty thousand Foot, and two thousand Horse: but poorly Armed, fitter to make Excursions, or to execute some suddain Inroad, then to entertain any strong Charge from so brave an Army.

The Armies drawing near together, the General, and the Earl of Warwick, rode towards the place, where the Scotish Army lay, to view the manner of their in∣camping. As they were returning, an Herald, and a Trumpeter, from the Scots overtook them; and, having obtained Audience, thus the Herald began; That, He was sent from the Lord Governour of Scotland, partly; to enquire of Priso∣ners; but chiefly to make offer, that because he was desirous, not onely to avoid profusi∣on, but the least effusion of Christian blood; and for that the English had not done any unmanlike Outrage, or Spoyle, he was content they might return, and should have his Safe-conduct for their peaceable passage. Which said, the Trumpeter spake, as fol∣loweth; That, The Lord Huntly, His Master, sent Message by him; that, as well for brief Expedition, as to spare expence of Christian blood, He would fight upon the whole Quarrel, either with twenty against twenty, or with ten against ten; or, more particularly, by single Combate between the Lord General and himself. Which, in regard the Scots had advantage, both for Number, and Freshness of men; in regard also, that, for Supply, both for Provision, and Succours, they were at home, be esteemed an Honourable and charitable Offer.

To the Herald the Lord General returned this Answer; That, As his com∣ing was not with purpose, or desire to endamage their Realm: as he was there, he would neither intreat, nor accept of him leave to depart; but would measure his Marches in Advancing or Retiring, as his own Judgment, guided by Advice of his Council, should deem expedient.

To the Trumpeter he returned this Answer; That, The Lord Huntly, His Master, was a young Gentleman, full of Free Courage but more desirous of Glory, then Judi∣cious (as it seemed) how to win it; That, For number of Combatants, it was not in his power to conclude a bargain; but he was to employ all the Forces, put under his Charge, to the best advantage that he could; That, In case this were a particular Quarrel between the Governour and Him, he would not refuse a par∣ticular Combate; but, being a difference between the two Kingdoms, it was nei∣ther fit, nor in his Power, either to undertake the Adventure upon his own For∣tune, or bearing a Publique Charge, to hazard himself against a man of Private condition. Which said, and the Earl of Warwick offering to take upon himself the Answer to Huntly's Challenge: the Lord Protectour interposed, and turn∣ing again unto the Herald; Herald (saith he) tell the Lord Governour, and the Lord Huntly, that we have entred your Country with a sober Company: (which▪ in the Language of the Scots, is poor and mean) your Army is both Great and Fresh; but let them appear upon indifferent Ground, and assuredly they shall have fighting enough. And bring me word, that they will so do, and I will reward thee with a thousand Crowns.

These Braveries thus passed over on either side, the Lord Protectour wisely considering with himself the uncertain Issue of pitched Fields, and minding to

preserve his Army for some other purposes, thought fit to tempt the Scots, by another Missive, to yield unto his just Demands. In which, he wished them to consider; That, This War was waged amongst Christians: And that, Our Ends were no other, then a just Peace, whereto the endeavours of all Good men should tend; That, An Occasion, not onely of a League, but of a Perpetual Peace was now happily offered, if they would suffer the two differing, and Emulous Nations, by uniting the Head, to grow together; That, As this had formerly been sought by us, so had it been generally Assented to by the Estates of Scotland; That, Therefore he could not but wonder, why they should rather Treacherously recurr to Arms (The events of War being usually, even to the Victour, sufficient∣ly unfortunate) then to maintain, inviolate, their Troth plighted to the Good of both Nations; That, They could not in reason expect, that their Queen should perpetually live a Virgin-life; That, If she Married, where could She bestow her self better, then on a Puissant Monarch, inhabiting the same Island, and speak∣ing the same Language? That, They could not choose, but see, what Inconve∣niences were the consequents of Foreign Matches. Whereof they should rather make Tryal by the Examples of Others, then at their Own Perill; That, Though he demanded nothing but Equity, yet be so far abhorred the Effusion of Christian blood, that, if he found the Scots not utterly averse from an accord, he would endeavour, that some of the Contentions should be remitted; That, He would also consent, that the Queen should abide, and be brought up amongst them, untill Her Age made Her Marriageable: at what time She should, by the Consent of the Estates, Her self make choice of an Husband; That, In the mean time, there should be a Cessation of Arms: neither should the Queen be transported out of Her Realm, nor entertain Treaty of Marriage with the French, or any other Fo∣reigner; That, if this they would Faithfully Promise, he would forthwith peaceably depart out of Scotland; And that, Whatsoever Dammages the Country had suffered by this Invasion, he would, according to the esteem of indifferent Arbi∣tratours, make Ample Satisfaction.

What Effect this Letter might have produced, if the Contents thereof had been communicated to the Generality of the Scotish Army, it is hard to say. Cer∣tain it is, that those, who had the Conduct of the Scot's Affairs, (as if they had been totally carried on to their own Destruction,) resolved not to put it to the venture: but, on the contrary, caused it to be noised abroad; That, Nothing would content the English, but to have the young Queen at their disposal: and, under colour of a Marriage, to subdue the Kingdom; which was to be reduced for ever to the form of a Province. This false Report did so exasperate all sorts of people; that they were instant for the Fight. Which was as chearfully ac∣cepted by the Chief Commanders of the English Army; in regard of some In∣telligence, which was brought unto them, that the French were coming with twelve Galleys, and fifty Ships, to fall upon them in the Rear. So as both Parties being resolved to try their Fortune, they ranged their Armies in this manner. The English, having gained an Hill, which was near their Shipping, disposed their Army in this Order. The Avant-Guard, consisting of between three and four thousand Foot, one hundred Men at Arms, and six hundred light Horse-men, was Conducted by the Earl of Warwick. After which followed the Main-Battail, consisting of about six thousand Foot, six hundred Men at Arms, and about one thousand light Horse-men; Com∣manded by the Lord Protectour himself. And, finally, the Arrear, consist∣ing of between three and four thousand Foot, one hundred Men at Arms, and six hundred Light-Horse, was led by the Lord Dacres; an Active, though an Aged Gentleman. The rest of the Horses was either cast into the Wings, or kept for a Reserve against all Events. And so the Batt••il being d••sposed, the Lord General, in few words, but with no small Gravity, (which to a Souldier serves in stead of Eloquence) puts them in mind of the Honour,

which their Ancestours had acquired in that Kingdom, of their own extream Dis∣grace, and Danger, if they fought not well: That, The Justness of their Quarrel should not so much encourage, as enrage them; being to revenge the Dishonour done to their King, and to chastise the deceitfull dealings of their ••nemies: That, The multitude of their Enemies should nothing dismay them; because they, who come to maintain their own Breach of Faith, (besides that the Check of their Consciences much breaketh their spirit) have the Omnipotent Arm of God m••st furious against them.

The Scots at the same time, having improvidently crossed the Esk, to find their Graves on this side of the water, disposed their Army in this manner. In the Avant-guard were placed about fifteen thousand, Commanded by the Earl of Angus; about ten thou••and in the Main-battail, of whom the Lord Gover∣nour to••k the Conduct; and so many more in the Arrear, Led by the Valiant Gourdon, Ea••l of Huntly. And being ready to fall on (on a false hope that the English were upon the flight) the Lord Governour put them in remembrance, how

They could never yet be brought under by the English but were always able ei∣ther to beat them back, or to weary them out; bid••••ng them look upon them∣selves, and upon their enemies▪ themselves dreadful; their enemies gorge∣ous, and brave: on their side men, on the other spoyle, in case either through flowness, or cowardise, they did not permit them to escape, who (••o, now) already had began their flight.

And to say truth, the English having chang∣ed their Ground, to gain the Hill which ••••y near their Shipping and which also gave them the advantage both of Sun and Wind, wrought an opinion in the Scots; that they dislodged to no ••ther end then to recover their Ships that they might save themselves, though they lost their Carriages. In confidence where∣of, they quitted a place of great strength, where they were incamped, and from which the whole Army of England was not able to force them.

But the old English Proverb telleth us, that, They that reckon without their Host, are to reckon twice; and so it fared with this infatuated People. For on the tenth of September, the Battails being ready to joyn, a Peece of Ordnance, discharged from the Galley of England, took off five and twenty of their men; amongst whom the eldest Son of the Lord Graham was one. Whereupon four thousand Archers, terrified with so unexpected a slaughter, made a stand, and could never after be brought on: so, that they stood like men amaz••d; as nei∣ther having Hearts to Fight, nor Opportunity to Fly. Which consternation notwithstanding, the Lord Gray, being sent with a strong Party of Horse to give the Onset, found the Main Body so well Embattailed, and such a Valiant Opposition made by a stand of Pikes; that they were almost as impenetrable as a Rock of Adamants: till being terrified by the English Ordnance, which came thundering on them from the top of the Hill, and galled by the Great-Shot from the Ships, they began to brangle. Which, being perceived by the English, they gave a loud Shout, crying; They Fly, They Fly▪ and thereby so astonish∣ed the affrighted Enemy; that they began to fly indeed, and presently throwing down their Arms, betook themselves unto their Heels. Many were slain upon the Place▪ more executed in the Chase, and not a few in the Esk; which so im∣providently they had passed the day before: so, that the number of the slain was thought to have amounted to fourteen thousand. About fifteen hundred of both sorts were taken Prisoners, amongst which the daring Earl of Huntly was one of the Chief; who, being after asked, How he liked the Marriage, is said to have returned this Answer, That, He could well enough brook the Wedding, but that he did not like that kind of Woing. Amongst the number of the slain were found good store of Monks and Friers: some thousands of which had put themselves into the Army; which had been raised especially by their Power and Practices.

The Greatness of the Booty in Arms, and Baggage, was not the least cause, that the English reaped no better Fruit from so great a Victory, and did not

prosecute the War to an absolute Conquest. For, being intent in pillaging the dead, and gathering up the Spoils of the field, and solacing themselves in Leith, for five dayes together; they gave the Scots time to make Head again, to fortifie some Strong places on the other side of the Fryth, and to remove the Queen to Dun-britton-Castle: from whence they conveyed her into France in the year next following. And, though the loss, rather then neglect, of this opportuni∣ty is to be attributed in the first place to God's secret pleasure; who had re∣served the Union of the Kingdoms till an happier time: yet were there many Second Causes and subordinate Motives, which might prevail upon the Lord Protectour to return for England, without advancing any further. For either he might be taken off by the Earl of Warwick, who then began to cast an Envi∣ous eye on his Power and Greatness. Or, might be otherwise unwilling, of his own accord, to tempt his Fortune any further; by hazarding that Honour in a second Battail, which he had acquired in the first. Or, he might think it more conducible to his Affairs, to be present at the following Parliament; in which he had some work to do, which seemed more needfull to him, then the War with Scotland. The good Success whereof would be ascribed to his Officers and Commanders; but the Misfortunes wholly reckoned upon His account. Or fi∣nally, (which I rather think) he might conceive it necessary to preserve his Ar∣my, and Quarter it in the most convenient places near the English Borders: that it might be ready at Command upon all occasions; if his Designs should meet with any opposition, as before was said. And this may be believed the rather; because that, having fortified some Islands in the Mouth of the Fryth, he Garisoned the greatest part of his Army in Roxborough, Haddington, Hume-Castle, and other Peeces of importance; most of them lying near together, and the furthest not above a days March from Berwick.

Now as concerning the Day, in which this Victory was obtained, I finde two notable Mistakes. The one committed by the Right Reverend Bishop Godwin: and the other by the no less Learned Sir John Hayward. By Bishop Godwin it is placed, exceeding rightly, on the tenth of September; but then he doth observe it, as a thing remarkable; That this memorable Victory was obtained on the very same day, in which the Images, which had been taken out of the several Churches, were burned in London. Whereas we are informed by John Stow▪ a dili∣gent Observer of Days, and Times; That the Images in the Churches of London were not taken down before the seventeenth of November. And we are told by Sir John Hayward, that the day of this Fight was the tenth of December, which must be either a mistake of the Press, or a slip of the Pen; it being noted in the words next following, That on the same day, thirty four years afore, the Scots had been defeated by the English at Flodden-field. Which though it pointeth us back to the Moneth of September; yet the mistake remaineth as unto the Day: that Battail being fought, not on the tenth, but the ninth of September; as all our Writers do agree. But, leaving these Mistakes behind us, let us attend the Lord Protectour to the Court of England. Towards which he hastened with such speed; that he stayed but twenty five days upon Scotish Ground from his first Entrance to his Exit. And being come unto the Court, he was not onely wel∣comed by the King for so great a Service, with a Present of 500l. per Ann. to him, and to his Heirs for ever; but highly Honoured by all sorts of people: the ra∣ther, in regard, that he had bought so great a Victory at so cheap a Rate; as the loss of sixty Horse onely, and but one of his Foot.

And now 'tis high time to attend the Parliament, which took beginning on the fourth of November; and was Prorogued on the twenty fourth of December following. In which the Cards were so well packed by Sir Ralph Sadlier; that there was no need of any other shuffling till the end of the Game: this very Par∣liament, without any sensible alteration of the Members of it, being continued by Protogation, from Session to Session; untill at last it ended by the Death of the King. For a Preparatory whereunto, Richard Lord Rich was made Lord

Chancellour, on the twenty fourth of October; and Sir John Baker, Chancellour of the Court of First-Fruits and Tenths, was nominated Speaker for the House of Commons. And, that all things might be carried with as little opposi∣tion and noise as might be, it was thought fit, that Bishop Gardiner should be kept in Prison, till the end of the Session: and that Bishop Tonstal of Du••∣ham (a man of a most even, and moderate Spirit) should be made less in Repu∣tation, by being deprived of his Place at the Council-Table. And though the Parliament consisted of such Members, as disagreed amongst themselves, in re∣spect of Religion: yet they agreed well enough together in one Common Prin∣ciple; which was, to serve the present Time, and preserve themselves. For, though a great part of the Nobility, and not a few of the Chief Gentry in the House of Commons, were cordially affected to the Church of Rome: yet were they willing to give way to all such Acts and Statutes, as were made against it, out of a fear of losing such Church-Lands, as they were possessed of, if that Religion should prevail, and get up again. And for the rest, who either were to make, or improve their Fortunes; there is no question to be made, but that they came resolved to further such a Reformation, as should most visibly conduce to the Advancement of their several Ends. Which appears plainly by the strange mixture of the Acts and Results thereof: some tending simply to God's Glo∣ry, and the Good of the Church; some to the present Benefit, and enriching of particular Persons; and some again being devised of purpose to prepare a way for exposing the Revenues of the Church unto Spoil and Rapine. Not to say a∣ny thing of those Acts, which were merely Civil, and tended to the Profit and Emolument of the Common-Wealth.

Of the first Sort was The Act for repealing several Statutes concerning Trea∣son. Under which head, besides those many bloody Laws, which concerned the Life of the Subject in Civil Matters, and had been made in the distracted Times of the late King Henry, there was a Repeal also of all such Statutes, as seemed to touch the Subject in Life, or Liberty, for matter of Conscience: some whereof had been made, in the Times of King Richard the Second, and Henry the Fourth, against such, as, dissenting in Opinion from the Church of Rome, were then called Lollards. Of which Sort also was another, made in the twenty fifth of the King Deceased, together with that terrible Statute of the Six Arti∣cles (commonly called The whip with six strings,) made in the thirty first year of the said King Henry. Others were of a milder Nature, (but such as were thought inconsistent with that Freedom of Conscience, which most men coveted to en∣joy;) that is to say, The Act for Qualification of the said Six Articles; 35. H. 8. cap 9. The Act inhibiting the Reading of the Old and New Testament in the English Tongue, and the Printing, Selling, Giving, or Delivering of any such other Books or Writings, as are there in mentioned, and condemned; 34. H. 3. cap. 1. But these were also Abrogated as the others were, together with all, and every Act, or Acts of Parliament, concerning Doctrine and Matters of Religion; and all▪ and every Article, Branch, Sentence, and Matter, Pains, and Forfeitures in the same contained. By which Repeal all men may seem to have been put into a Li∣berty of Reading Scripture, and being in a manner their own Expositours; of en∣tertaining what Opinions in Religion best pleased their Fancies; and promulga∣ting those Opinions, which they entertained. So that the English for a time enjoy∣ed that Liberty, which the Romanes are affirmed by Tacitus () to have enjoyed without comptrol in the Times of Nerva; that is to say, A liberty of Opining whatsoever they pleased, and speaking freely their Opinions wheresoever they listed. Which whether it were such a great Felicity, as that Authour makes it, may be more then questioned.

Of this Sort al••o was the Act. entituled An Act against such, as speak against the Sacrament of the Altar; and for the receipt thereof in both kinds: cap. 1. In the first part whereof it is Provided with great Care and Piety; That, () Whatsoever person, or persons, from, and after the first day of May next coming, shall deprave,

despise, or contemn the most Blessed Sacrament, by any contemptuous words, or by any words of depraving, despising, or reviling, &c. that then he, or they, shall suf∣fer Imprisonment, and make Fine and Ransome, at the King's pleasure. And, to say Truth, it was but time, that some provision should be made to sup∣press that Irreverence and Profaness, with which this Blessed Sacrament was at that time handled by too many of those, who seemed most ignorantly Zea∣lous of a Reformation. For, whereas the Sacrament was in those Times deliver∣ed unto each Communicant in a small round Wafer, called commonly by the name of Sacramentum Altaris, or The blessed Sacrament of the Altar; and that such parts thereof, as were reserved from time to time, were hanged up over the Altar in a Pix, or Box: those zealous ones, in hatred to the Church of Rome, reproached it by the odious Names of Jack-in-a-box, Round-Robin, Sacrament of the Halter, and other Names, so unbecoming the Mouths of Christians; that they were never taken up by the Turks, and Infidels. And though Bishop Ridley, a right Learned, and Religious Prelate, frequently in his Sermons had rebuked the irreverent behaviour of such light and ill-disposed Persons; yet neither he, nor any other of the Bishops were able to Reform the Abuse: (the Quality, and Temper of the Times considered) which therefore was thought fit to be committed to the power of the Civil Magistrate; the Bishop being called in, to assist at the Sentence.

In the last branch of the Act, it is First declared, According to the Truth of Scripture, and the Tenour of approved Antiquity; That it is most agreeable both to the Institution of the said Sacrament, and more conformable to the common Vse, and Practice, both of the Apostles, and of the Primitive Church, by the space of five hundred years after Christ's Ascension; that the said Blessed Sacrament should rather be ministred unto all Christian people under both the Kinds of Bread and Wine; then under the form of Bread onely. And thereupon it was Enacted, That, The said most Blessed Sacrament should be hereafter commonly delivered, and ministred unto the People, within the Church of England, and Ireland, and other the King's Do∣minions, under both the Kinds; that is to say, of Bread and Wine. With these Provisoes notwithstanding, If necessity did not otherwise require: as in the Case of suddain Sickness; and other such like Extremities, in which it was not possi∣ble, that Wine could be provided for the Use of the Sacrament, nor the Sick∣man depart this life in peace without it. And Secondly, That the permitting of this Liberty to the People of England, and the Dominions of the same, should not be construed to the condemning of any other Church, or Churches, or the Vsa∣ges of them, in which the contrary was observed. So far the Parliament Enacted, in relation to the thing it self to the subject Matter; that the Communion should be delivered in both Kinds to all the good People of the Kingdoms. But for the Form, in which it was to be administred, that was left wholly to the King, and by the King committed to the Care of the Bishops: (of which more hereafter) the Parliament declaring onely, That a Godly ••xhortation should be made by the Ministers, therein expressing the great Benefit and Comfort promised to them. Which worthily receive the same; and the great Danger threatned by God to all such persons, as should unworthily receive it.

Now, That there is not any thing, either in the Declaration of this Parlia∣ment, or the Words by which it was Enacted, which doth not every way a∣gree with Christ's Institution: appears most plainly by this Passage of Bishop Jewel. I would demand (saith he) of Master Harding, what things he would require to Christ's Institution, of Words, Christs Words be plain; If Example, Christ Himself Ministred in both Kinds; If Authority, Christ commanded His Disciples, and in them all other Ministers of His Church to do the like; If Cer∣tainty of His Meaning, the Apostles, endued with the Holy Ghost, so practised the same, and understood He meant so; If Continuance of Time. He ••ad the same to be continued, till His Coming again. Jewel against H••rding, Art. 2. Sect. 4. Which said, he thus proceedeth in the eight Sect. (that is to say) Some say, that the

Priests in Russia, for lack of Wine, used to Consecrate in Metheglin. Others, That Innocent the Eight, for the like want, dispensed with the Priests of Norway, to Consecrate without Wine. It were no Reason to binde the Church to the Necessity, or Imbecillity of a few. For, otherwise the same Want, and Imbecillity, which Master Harding hath here found for the one part of the Sacrament, may be found for the o∣ther. For Arrianus, De Rebus Indicis, and Strabo, in his Geography, have written, That, There be whole Nations and Countries, that have no Bread. There∣fore it should seem necessary by this Conclusion, that, in Consideration of them, the whole Church should abstain from the other Portion of the Sacrament also, and so have no Sacrament at all. But, because he may be suspected to be over-partial, in favour of the Church of England, let us see next what is confessed by Do∣ctour Harding, the first who took up Arms against it in Queen Elizabeth's Time: who doth acknowledge in plain Terms; That, The Communion was delive∣red in both kinds at Corinth, as appeareth by Saint Paul; and in many other places also, as may mo••t evidently be found in the Writings of many Antient Fathers: And finally, that it was so used for the space of six Hundred years, and after. Art. 2. Sect. 8▪ 28.

But, because Harding leaves the point at 600, and after, I doubt not, but we may be able, on an easie search, to draw the Practice down to six hundred more, and possibly somewhat after also. For Haymo of Halbe••stadt, who flourished in the year 850. informs us, that, () The Cup is called the Cup of the Communion of the Blood of Christ because all Communicate thereof. And we are certified in the History of A••toni••us, Arch-Bishop of Florence; that William Duke of Nor∣mandy, immediately before the Battail near Hastings, Anno 966; caused His whole Army to communicate in both Kinds; as the use then was. And finally, It is observed by Thomas Aquinas, who lived in, and after the year 1260. That, In some Churches of his Time the Cup was not given unto the People. Which though he reckoneth f••r a () Provident and Prudent Vsage: yet, by restraining it onely to some few Churches, he shews the General Usage of the Church to have been otherwise at that time, as indeed it was. So that the Parliament in this Case appointed nothing, but what was consonant to the Institution of our Lord and Saviour, and to the Practice of the Church for 1260 years, and upwards: which is sufficient to discharge it from the Scandal of an Innovation. Nor pro∣bably had the Parliament appointed this▪ but that it was advised by such Godly Bishops, as were desirous to Reduce the Ministration of that most Blessed Sa∣crament to the first Institution of it, and the Primitive Practice: the Convoca∣tion of that year not being enpowered to act in any Publick business; for ought appearing on Record.

The next great Business was the Retriving of a Statute made in the 27th. year of King Henry the Eight: by which all Chanteries, Colleges, Free-Chapels, and Hospitals, were permitted to the Disposing of the King for Term of His Life. But the King dying, before He had taken many of the said Colleges, Hospi∣tals, Chant••ries, and Free-Chapels, into His Possession, and the Great Ones of the Court not being willing to lose so Rich a Booty; it was set on Foot again, and carried in this present Parliament. In, and by, which it was Enacted. That, All such Colleges, Free-Chapels, and Chanteries, as were in Being within five years of the present Session, which were not in the Actual Pos∣session of the said late King, &c. other then such, as by the King's Commissions should be altered, transported, and changed; together, with a•••• ••an••••••s, Laxds, Tenements, Rents, Tithes, Pensions, Portions, and other Hereditaments, to the s••me belonging: after the Feast of Easter then next coming should be adjudged, and deemed, and also be, in the Actual and Real Poss••ssion, an•• S••isin of the King, His Heirs, and Succ••ssours for ever. And though the Hospitals, being at that time an hundred and ten were not included in this Grant, as they had been in that to the King decealed: yet the Revenue, which by this Act was designed to the King, His Heirs, and Successours, must needs have been a great Improvement to the

Crown; if it had been carefully kept together, as it was first pretended: there being accounted 90. Colleges within the Compass of that Grant, (those in the Universities not being reckoned in that Number) and no fewer then 2374. Free-Chapels and Chanteries: the Lands whereof were thus conferred upon the King by Name, but not intended to be kept together for His Benefit onely. In which Respect it was very stoutly insisted on by Arch-Bishop Cranmer, that the dissolving of these Colleges, Free-Chapels, and Chanteries, should be deferred untill the King should be of Age; to the intent that they might serve the better to furnish and maintain His Royal Estate, then that so great a Treasure should be consumed in His Nonage, as it after was. Of this we shall speak more in the following year, when the Grant of the said Chanteries, Free-Chapels, &c. came to take Effect.

In the mean time, It will not be amiss to shew, that these Chanteries consisted of Salaries, allowed to one or more Priests to say daily Mass, for the Souls of their deceased Founders, and their Friends. Which, not subsisting on themselves, were generally Incorporated, and United to some Parochial, Collegiate, or Cathe∣dral Church. No fewer then 47. in Number, being found, and Founded, in Saint Paul's. Free-Chapels, though Ordained for the same Intent, were Indepen∣dent of themselves, of stronger Constitution, and Richer Endowment, then the Chanteries severally were; though therein they fell also short of the Col∣leges, which far exceeded them, both in the Beauty of their Building, the num∣ber of Priests▪ maintained in them and the Proportion of Revenue allotted to them. All which Foundations, having in them an Admixture of Superstition, (as Pre-supposing Purgatory, and Prayers to be made for Deliverance of the Soul from thence) were therefore now suppressed upon that Account, and had been granted to the late King upon other Pretences. At what time it was Preached at Mercers-Chapel, in London, by one Doctour Cromer, (a Man that wished exceeding well to the Reformation) That, If Trentals, and Chantery-Masses, could avail the Souls in Purgatory, then did the Parliament not well, in giving away Colleges, and Chanteries; which served principally for that purpose. But if the Parliament did well in dissolving and bestowing them upon the King: (which he thought that no man could deny) then was it a plain Case, that such Chanteries, and private Masses did con∣fer no Relief on the Souls in Purgatory. Which Dilemma, though it were unan∣swerable: yet was the matter so handled by the Bishops, seeing how much the Doctrine of the Church was concerned therein, that they brought him to a Re∣cantation at Saint Paul's Cross, in the June next following: (this Sermon be∣ing Preached in Lent) where he confessed himself to have been seduced by naugh∣ty books, contrary to the Doctrine then received in the Church. But the Cur∣rent of these Times went the other way, and Cromer might now have Preached that safely, for which before he had been brought into so much trouble.

But that, which made the greatest Alteration, and threatened most danger to the State Ecclesiastical, was the Act, entituled An Act for Election of Bishops, and what Seals, and Styles, shall be used by Spiritual Persons. &c. In which it was Ordained, (for I shall onely repeat the Sum thereof) That, Bishops should be made by the King's Letters Patents, and not by the Election of the Deans and Chapters: That all their Processes, and Writings, should be made in the King's Name onely, with the Bishop's Teste added to it: and sealed with no other Seal, but the King's, or such, as should be Authorised and Appointed by Him. In the Compounding of which Act there was more Danger couched, then at first appeared. By the last Branch thereof it was plain and evident, that the Intent of the Contrivers was, by degrees to weaken the Authority of the Episcopal Order, by forcing them from their Strong-hold of Divine Institution, and ma∣king them no other, then the King's Ministers onely, His Ecclesiastical Sheriffs (as a man might say) to execute His Will, and disperse His Mandates. And of this Act such use was made, (though possibly beyond the true intention of it) that the Bishops of those Times were not in a Capacity of conferring Or∣ders:

but as they were thereunto enpowered by especial Licence. The Tenour whereof (if Sanders be to be believed) was in these words following: viz. The King to such a Bishop Greeting. Whereas all, and all manner of Jurisdiction, as well Ecclesiastical, as Civil, flows from the King, as from the Supreme Head of all the Body, &c. We therefore give, and grant to thee full Power, and Lice••ce, to continue during Our Good Pleasure, for holding Ordination within thy Diocess of N. and for promoting fit Persons unto Holy Orders, even to that of the Priest-hood. Which being looked on by Queen Mary, not onely as a dangerous Diminuti∣on of the Episcopal Power; but as an Odious Innovation in the Church of Christ •• She caused this Act to be repealed in the first Year of Her Reign; lea∣ving the Bishops to depend on their former claim, and to act all things, which belonged to their Jurisdiction, in their own Names, and under their own Seals, as in former Times. In which Estate they have continued, without any Legal In∣terruption, from that time to this.

But in the first Branch there was somewhat more, then what appeared at the first sigh••. For, though it seemed to aim at nothing; but that the Bishops should depend wholly on the King, for their preferment to those great and eminent Places: yet the true Drift of the Design was to make Deans and Chapters useless, for the time to come, and thereby to prepare them for a Dissolution. For, had nothing else been intended in it, but that the King should have the sole Nomi∣nation of all the Bishops in His Kingdoms, it had been onely a Reviver of an An∣tient Power: which had been formerly Invested in His Predecessour's, and in all other Christian Princes. Consult the Stories, and Records, of the E••der Times▪ and it will readily appear, not onely that the Romane Emperours of the House of France, did nominate the Popes themselves: but that, after they had lost that Power, they retained the Nomination of the Bishops in their own Dominions. The like done also by the German Emperours, by the Kings of England, and by the Antient Kings of Spain: the Investiture being then performed Per An∣nulum & Baculum, as they used to Phrase it; that is to say, by delivering of a Ring, together with a Crosier, or Pastoral Staff, to the Party nominated. Ex∣amples of which Practice are exceeding obvious in all the Stories of those Times. But the Popes▪ finding at the last, how necessary it was in order to that absolute Power, which they ambitiously affected over all Christian Kings, and Princes, that the Bishops should depend on none but them, challenged this pow∣er unto themselves: declaring it in several Petit Councels for no less then Si∣mony, if any man should receive a Bishoprick from the Hands of his own Na∣tural Prince. From hence those long and deadly Quarrels begun between Pope Hildebrand and the Emperour Henry the Fourth, and continued by their Successours for many years after. From hence the like Disputes in England, between Pope Vrban the Second and King William Rufus; between Pope Inno∣cent and King I••hn: till in the end the Popes prevailed both here and elsewhere, and gained the point unto themselves. But so: that, to disguise the matter, the Election of the future Bishop was committed to the Prior and Convent, or to the Dean and Chapter of that Cathedral, wherein he was to be Installed. Which, passing by the Name of Free Elections, were wholly, in a manner, at the Pope's Disposing.

The Point thus gained, it had been little to their Profit, if they had not put the same in Execution Which being done by Pope Innocent the Fourth, in Con∣secrating certain English Bishops at Lyons in France, without the King's Know∣ledge & Consent: it was observed by Matthew Paris () to be dishourable to the King and of great Dammage to the Kingdom▪ So much the more, by how much the Mischief grew more common, and the Design, concealed under that Disguise, became more apparent: which plainly was▪ () that being bound unto the Pope in the stricter Bonds, and growing into a Contempt of their Natural King, they might the more readily be inclined to worke any Mischief in the Kingdom. The Danger whereof being considered by King Edward the First, He came at last to

this Conclusion with the Popes then being; that is to say, That the said Priors and Convents, or the said Deans and Chapters, as the Case might vary, before they proceeded to any Election, should demand the King's Writ of Cong•••• D'••esliere: and, after the Election made, to crave his Royal Assent unto it, for Confirmation of the same. And so much was avowed by the Letters of King Edward the Third to Pope Clement the Fifth. In which it was declared; That all the Cathedral Churches in England were Found∣ed, and Endowed by His Progenitours; () and that therefore, as often as those Churches became void of a Bishop, they were filled again with fit Persons by His said Progenitours, as in their own Natural and proper Right. The like done by the French Kings to this very day, partly by virtue of the Pragmatical San∣ction, established at the Councel of Basil, and partly by the Concordate between King Francis the First, and Pope Leo the Tenth. And the like also challenged by the State of Venice, within the Verge, and Territories of that Republick. For which consult the English History of that State, Decad. 5. lib. 9. fol. 229. So that, upon the whole matter, there was no Innovation made, as to this particular: but a Restoring to the Crown an antient Power, which had been Naturally and Originally in the Crown before. But howsoever, having the appearance of an Alteration from the received manner of Electings in the Church of Rome; and that, which was Established by the late King for the Realm of England: it was repealed by Queen Mary, and put into the former Chanel by Queen Eli∣zabeth.

But from this Alteration, which was made in Parliament, in reference to the manner of Making Bishops, and the way of Exercising their Authority, when they were so made, let us proceed unto such Changes, as we finde made amongst the Bishops themselves. The first whereof was the Election of Doctor Nicholas Ridley to the See of Rochester: to which he had been nominated by King Henry the Eighth, when Holbeck, who preceded him, was designed for Lincoln. But, the King dying shortly after, the Translation of Holbeck was deferred till the Time of King Edward: which was no sooner done, but Ridley was chosen to suc∣ceed him; although not actually Consecrated till the fifth of September. A man of great Learning, as the Times then were, and for his excellent way of Preach∣ing highly esteemed by the late King; whose Chaplain he had been for many years before His death: and upon that onely designed to this Preferment, as the reward of his Service. Being well studyed in the Fathers, it was no hard matter for him to observe; That, as the Church of Rome had erred in the Point of the Sacrament: so, as well the Lutheran, as the Zuinglian Churches, had run themselves into some errour, by opposing the Papists: the one being forced upon the Figment of Consubstantiation; the other to fly to Signs and Figures, as if there had been nothing else in the blessed Eucharist. Which being obser∣ved, he thought it most agreeable to the Rules of Piety, to frame his Judgement to the Dictates of the Antient Fathers: and so to hold a Real Presence of Christ's Body and Blood in the Holy Sacrament; as to exclude that Corporal Eating of the same, which made the Christian Faith a scorn both to the Turks and Moors. Which Doctrine as he stoutly stood to in all his Examinations at Oxford, when he was preparing for the Stake, so he maintained it constantly in his Sermons also: in which it was affirmed; That, In the Sacrament were truly and verily the Body and Blood of Christ, made forth effectually by Grace, and Spirit. And, being so perswaded in his own Opinion he so prevailed by Discourse and Argument with Arch-Bishop Cranmer, as to bring him also to the same; (for which consult the Acts and M••n. fol.) a man of a most even and constant spirit, as he declared in all his Actions: but in none more, then in the opposition, which he made against Bi∣shop Hooper in Maintainance of the Rites, and Ceremonies, then by Law Establish∣ed: of which we shall have opportunity to speak more hereafter.

In the next place, we are to look upon the Preferment of Doctor Bar∣low, to the Bishoprick of Bath and Wells; succeeding in the place of

Knight, who dyed on the twenty ninth of the same September. He had been once Prior of the Monastery of Bisham, in the County of Berks: from whence preferred to the See of Asaph, in the end of February, An. 1535. And, in the April following, Translated to the Church of St. David's. During his sitting in which See, he fell up∣on an honest and convenient Project, for removing the Episcopal See from the decayed City of St. David's, most incommodiously Scituate in the remotest Angle of all the Diocess, to the rich Borough of Caer-marthen, in the midst there∣of; in the Chief Church whereof, being a Monastery of Grey-Friars, the body of Edmond Earl of Richmond, the Father of K. Henry the Seventh received Inter∣ment. Which Project he presented to Cromwel, being then Vicar General, endearing it by these Motives and Propositions; that is to say, That, being scitu∣ate in the midst of the Diocess, it was very opportune for the profiting of the King's Subjects, for the Preferment of God's Word, for abolishing all An∣tichristian Superstition, and settling in the Diocess the King's Supremacy; That it was furnished with all things necessary for the conveniency of the Canons, and might be done without any prejudice to the Friars: for every one of which he offered to provide a sufficient, Maintainance. And, to advance the work the more, he offered to remove his Consistory thither, to found therein a Gram∣mar-Schole, and settle a daily Lecture in Divinity there, for the reducing of the Welsh from their ancient Rudeness to the Civility of the Time. All which I finde in the Memorials of Sir Robert Cotton. And unto these he might have added, That he had a fair Episcopal House at Abberguilly, very near that Town: in which the Bishops of that Diocess have for the most part made their Dwelling. So that all Parties seemed to have been provided for in the Proposition: and therefore the more to be admired; That, in a Time so much addicted unto Alterations, it should speed no better. For, notwithstanding all these Motives, the See re∣mained where it was, and the Bishop continued in that See till this present year; in which he was made use of, amongst many others, by the Lord Protectour, for Preaching up the War against Scotland. For which and many other good Servi∣ces already passed, but more to be performed hereafter, he was Translated to this See on the death of Knight: but the precise Day, and Time thereof, I have no where found. But I have found, that, being Translated to this See, he gratified the Lord Protectour with a Present of eighteen or nineteen Manours, which antiently belonged unto it; and lying, all, or most part of them, in the County of Sommerset, seemed very conveniently disposed of, for the better Maintain∣ance of the Dukedom, or rather of the Title of the Duke of Sommerset; which he had took unto himself. More of which strange Donations we shall finde in others: the more to be excused, because there was no other means (as the Times then were) to preserve the whole; but by advancing some part thereof to the Spoil of others.

Anno Regni Edw. Sexti 2^o. An. Dom. 1547, 1548.

THe Parliament ending on the twenty fourth day of December (as before was said,) seems to have put a stop to all Publique Businesses; as if it had been done of purpose to give the great Ministers of State a time of breathing. But no sooner was the year begun, (I mean the second year of the King) but that a Letter is sent from the Arch-Bishop to Doctour Bonn••r, Bishop of London; requiring him in the name of his Majesty, and the Lords of his Council, to pro∣ceed unto the Reformation of such Abuses, as were therein mentioned, and to give Order for the like to the rest of the Suffragans. By antient Right, the Bishops of London are accounted Deans of the Episcopal College; and, being such, were by their place to signifie the pleasure of their Metropolitane to all the

Bishops of the Province, to execute his Mandates, and disperse his Missives, on all Emergency of Affairs: as also to preside in Convocations, or Provincial Synods; during the vacancy of the See, or in the necessary absence of the Metro∣politane. In which Capacity, and not out of any Zeal he had to the Reformati∣on, Bishop Bonner, having received the Arch-Bishop's Letters, communicateth the Contents thereof to the rest of the Suffragan-Bishops, and amongst others to Doctour Thomas Thirlby, then Bishop of Westminster, in these following words.

My very Good Lord,

AFter my most hearty Commendations, These are to Advertise your Good Lordship, that my Lord of Canterbury's Grace, this present 28th. of January, sent unto me his Letters Missive, containing this in Effect; That my Lord Protectour's Grace, with advice of other the King's Majestie's Honourable Privy Council (for certain Considerations them moving) are fully resolved, that no Candles shall be borne upon Candlemass•• day; nor also, from henceforth, Ashes, or Palms, used any longer; requiring Me thereupon by his said Letters, to cause Admonition, and Knowledg thereof, to be given unto your Lordship, and other Bishops, with celerity accordingly. In considera∣tion whereof, I do send at this present these said Letters to your Good Lord∣ship, that you thereupon may give Knowledge, and Advertisement thereof, within your Diocess, as appertaineth. Thus committing your Good Lordship to Almighty God, as well to fare, as your Good heart can best desire.

Written in haste at my House in London, the said 28th. of January, 1547/8.

Such was the Tenour of this Letter: the Date whereof doth very visibly declare, that the Counsel was as suddain, as the Warning short. For, being Dated on the 28th▪ of January, it was not possible, that any Reformation should be made in the first particular; but onely in the Cities of London, and Westminster, and the parts adjoyning: the Feast of Purification following within five days after. But yet the Lords drove on so fast; that, before this Order could be published, in the remote parts of the Kingdom, they followed it with another, (as little pleasing to the main body of the People) concerning Images; which in some places of the Realm were either not taken down at all, as was required the year before by the King's Injunctions, or had been re-advanced again assoon as the first Heats of the Visitation had began to cool. Which, because it cannot be expressed more clearly, then in the Letters of the Council to the Lord Arch-Bishop, and that the Reader be not troubled with any Repetitions; I shall commit the Nar∣rative thereof to the Letters themselves: which are these that follow.

AFter Our Right Hearty Commendations to Your Good Lordship, where now of late, in the King's Majestie's Visitations, amongst other Godly In∣junctions, Commanded generally to be observed through all parts of this His Highness Realm, One was set forth for the taking down of such Images, as had at any time been abused with Pilgrimages, Offerings, or Censes; albe∣it that this said Injunction hath in many parts of the Realm been quietly obey∣ed, and executed; yet, in many other places, much strife and contention hath ri∣sen, and dayly riseth, and more and more increaseth, about the exe∣cution of the same. Some men being so Superstitious, or rather Willfull; as they would, by their good Wills, retain all such Images still, though they have

been most manifestly abused. And almost in every place is Contention for Images, Whether they have been abused, or not. And whilst these men go on on bothsides con∣tentiously to obtain their minds, contending whether this Image, or that I••age hath been Offered unto, Kissed, Censed, and otherwise abused; Paris have in some places been taken in such sort, as further Inconveniences be like to ensue, if remedy be not found in time. Considering therefore, that almost in no place of this Realm is any sure quietness; but where all Image; be clean taken away, and pulled down already: to the intent, that all Contention, in every part of this Realm, for this matter, may be clearly taken away; and the lively Image of Christ should not contend for the dead Ima••es, which be things not necessary; and without the which the Churches of Christ continued most Godly many years: We have thought good to signifie unto you, that his Highness Pleasure, with the Advice, and Consent of Vs, the Lord Protectour, and the rest of the Council, is, That immediately, upon sight hereof, with as convenient diligence as you may, you shall not onely give Order, that all the Images, remaining in any Church, or Chapel, within your Diocess, be removed, and taken away; but also, by your Letters, signifie unto the rest of the Bishops, within your Pro∣vince, this his Highness pleasure, for the like Order to be given by them, and every of them, within their several Diocesses. And in the Execution hereof We require both you, and the rest of the said Bishops, to use ••uch for••-sight, as the same may be quietly done, with as Good satisfaction of the People, as may be.

From Sommerset- Place, the 11th. of Febr. 1547.

Your Lordship's assured Loving Friends,

• Edw. Sommerset,
• Hen. Arundel,
• Anth. Wingfield,
• John Russell,
• Thomas Seimour,
• William Paget.

These quick Proceedings could not but startle those of the Romish Party, though none so much, as Bishop Bonner▪ who, by his place, was to disperse those unwelcome Mandates in the Province of Canterbury. And though he did per∣form the service with no small Reluctancy, yet he performed it at the last; his Letter to the Bishop of Westminster (his next neighbouring Bishop) not bear∣ing Date untill the twentieth of that Moneth. Nor was Bishop Gardiner better pleased, when he heard the News: who thereupon signified, in his Letter to one Mr. Vaughan, his great dislike of some Proceedings had at Portsmouth, in ta∣king down the Images of Christ, and his Saints; certifying him withall, not one∣ly, that with his own eyes he had seen the Images standing in all Churches, where Lu∣ther was had in Estimation; but that Luther himself had purposely written a Book against some men, which had defaced them. And therefore it may well be thought, that Covetousness spurred on this business, more then Zeal▪ there being none of the Images so poor and mean, the Spoyl whereof would not afford some Gold and Silver, (if not Jewels also) besides Censers, Candlesticks, and many other rich Utensils appertaining to them. In which Respect, the Commissioners hereto Authorised were entertained in many places with scorn, and railing: and the further they went from London, the worse they were handled. Insomuch, that one of them, called Body▪ as he was pulling down Images in Cornwal, was stabbed into the body by a Priest. And though the Principal Offender was ••ang∣ed in Smithfield▪ and many of his Chief Accomplices in other Parts of the Realm, which quieted all Matters for a time; yet, the next year the storm broke out

more violently then before it did: not onely to the endangering of the Peace of those Western Counties, but in a manner of all the Kingdom.

Which great Commotions the Council could not but fore-see, as the most probable Consequents of such Alterations: especially when they are suddain, and pressed too fast. There being nothing, of which People commonly are so tender, as they are of Religion: on which their Happiness dependeth, not one∣ly for this World, but the World to come. And therefore it concerned them, in point of Prudence, to let▪ the People see, that there was no intention to abo∣lish all their antient Ceremonies; which either might consist with Piety, or the Profit of the Common-Wealth. And, in particular, it was held expedient to give the generality of the Subject some contentment, in a Proclamation for the strict keeping of Lent, and the Example of the Court in pursuance of it. For Doctour Glas••er having broke the Ice, (as before was said) there was no scarci∣ty of those, that cryed down all the Observations of Days, and Times; even to the Libelling against that antient and Religious Fast, in most scandalous Rhythms. Complaint whereof being made by Bishop Gardiner, in a Letter to the Lord Protectour; a Proclamation was set out, bearing Date in January, by which all People were Commanded to abstain from Flesh in the time of Lent; and the King's Lenten-Dyet was set out, and served, as in former Times.

And now comes Bishop Latimer on the Stage again: being a man of Parts and Learning, and one that seemed inclinable enough to a Reformation. He grew into esteem with Cromwel: by whose Power and Favour with the King, he was made Bishop of Worcester▪ An. 1535. continuing in that See, till on the first of Ju••ly, 1539. he chose rather willingly to Resign the same, then to have any hand in Passing the Six Articles, then Agitated in the Convocation, and Confirm∣ed by Parliament. After which time, either upon Command, or of his own accord, he forbore the Pulpit for the space of eight whole years, and upwards; betaking himself to the retiredness of a private life: but welcome at all times to Arch-Bishop Cranmer; to whom the Piety, and Plainness of the Man was exceeding acceptable. And possible enough it is, that being Sequestred from Preaching, and all other Publick Acts of the Ministration, he might be usefull to him in Composing the Homilies; having much in them of that plain and familiar Style, which doth so visibly shew it self in all his Writings. On New-Years▪ Day last past, being Sunday, he Preached his first Sermon at St. Paul'••-Cr••ss: (the first, I mean, after his re-Admission to his former Ministry) and, at the same place again, on that Day seven-night, and on the Sunday after also; and, final∣ly, on the day of St. Paul's Conversion, the twenty fifth of that Moneth. By means whereof he became so Famous, and drew such multitudes of People af∣ter him to hear his Sermons; that, being to Preach before the King on the first Friday in Lent, it was thought necessary, that the Pulpit should be placed in the King's Priv••-Garden; where he might be heard of more, then four times as many Auditours, as could have thronged into the Chapel. Which, as it was the first Sermon, which was Preached in that place; so, afterward, a fixed, and standing Pulpit was erected for the like Occasions: especially for Lent-Sermons on Sundays in the after-noon; and hath so continued ever since, till these later Times.

Now, whilst Affairs proceeded thus in the Court and City, some Godly B••shops, and other Learned and Religious Men, were no less busily imploy∣ed in the Castle of Windsor; appointed by the King's Command to Consult together about one Vniform Order for Administring the Holy Communion in the English Tongue, under both Kinds of Bread and Wine, according to the Act of Parliament made in that behalf. Which Persons so convened toge∣ther (if at the least they were the same, which made the first Liturgie of this King's time, as I think they were) were these, who follow: that is to say, Thomas Cranmer, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury; Thomas Goodrick,

Bishop of Ely, and afterwards Lord Chancellour; Henry Holbeck, Bishop of Lincoln; George Day, Bishop of Chichester; John Skip, Bishop of Hereford; Thomas Thirlby, Bishop of Westminster; Nicholas Ridley, Bishop of Ro∣chester; Richard Cox, Almoner to the King, and Dean of Christ-Church; Doctour May, Dean of St. Paul's; Doctour Taylor, then Dean (after Bishop) of Lincoln; Doctour Heyns, Dean of Exeter; Doctour Robertson, afterwards Dean of Durham; Doctour Ridley, Master of Trinity-College in Cambridge. Who, being thus Convened together, and taking into Con∣sideration as well the right Rule of the Scripture, as the Usage of the Primitive Church, agreed on such a Form, and Order; as might comply with the Intention of the King, and the Act of Parliament, without gi∣ving any just Offence to the Romish Party. For they so Ordered it; that the whole Office of the Mass should proceed, as formerly, in the Latine Tongue; even to the very end of the Canon, and the receiving of the Sacrament by the Priest himself. Which being passed over, they began with an Exhortation in the English Tongue, directed to all those, which did intend to be part••kers of the Holy Communion. Which Exhortation, beginning with these Words, Dearly-beloved in the Lord, ••ye coming to this Holy Communion, &c. is in ef∣fect the last of those, which afterwards remained in the Publick Liturgie. Then followed the Invitation thus; You, that do truly, and earnestly repent you of your sins, &c. proceeding to the General Confession, the Absolu∣tion, the Comfortable Sentences out of Holy Scripture; and so unto the Pray∣er of Humble Address; We do not presume to come to this Table, &c. the Di∣stribution of the Sacrament to the People present, continuing still upon their knees, and finally dismissing them, In the Peace of God. Which Godly Form, being presented to the King, and the Lords of the Council, and by them exceeding well approved; was Published on the eighth of March, together with his Majestie's Proclamation, Authorising the same, and Commanding all His Loving Subjects to conform unto it, in this Manner following.

By the King.

EDWARD, by the Grace of God, King of England▪ France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith; and of the Church of England, and Ireland, in Earth the Supreme Head: To All, and Singular, Our Lo∣ving Subjects, Greeting. For so much, as in Our High Court of Parliament, lately holden at Westminster, it was by Vs, with the consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Commons there Assembled▪ most Godly, and a∣greeable to Christ's Holy Institution, Enacted; That the most Blessed Sacra∣ment of the Body and Blood of our Saviour Christ should from hence∣forth be commonly Delivered, and Ministred unto all Persons, within Our Realm of England, and Ireland, and other Our Dominions, un∣der both Kinds, that is to say, of Bread and Wine; (except necessity other∣wise require) lest, every man fantasying and devising a sundry way by himself in the Vse of this most Blessed Sacrament of Vnity, there might thereby arise any unseemly, or ungodly Diversity: Our pleasure is, by the Advice of Our most Dear Vncle the Duke of Sommerset, Governour of Our Person, and Pro∣tectour of Our Realms, Dominions, and Subjects, and other Our Privy Council; that the said Blessed Sacrament be Ministred unto Our People, ••nely after such Form, and Manner, as hereafter by Our Authority,

with the Advice before-mentioned, is set out, or declared; Willing eve∣ry man with due Reverence, and Christian Behaviour, to come to this Holy Sacrament, and most Blessed Communion; lest that, by the unworthy receiving of such high Mysteries, they become guilty of the Body and Blood of the Lord, and so eat and drink their own Damnation: but rather diligently try∣ing themselves, that they so come to this Holy Table of Christ, and so be par∣takers of this Holy Communion; that they may dwell in Christ, and have Christ dwelling in them: And also with such Obedience and Conformity, to receive this Our Ordinance, and most Godly Direction; that we may be incou∣raged from Time to Time further to travail for the R••formation, and setting forth of such Godly Orders, as may be most to God's Glory, the Edifying of Our Subjects, and for the Advancement of true Religion; which is thething We (by the help of God) most earnestly endeavoured to bring to effect: Willing all Our Loving Subjects in the mean time to stay, and quiet themselves, with this Our Direction; as men content to follow Authority (according to the bound∣en Duty of Subjects) and not enterprising to run before: and so by their Rash∣ness become the greatest Hinderers of such things, as they, more arrogantly then Godly, would seem (by their own Private Authority) most hotly to set forward. We would not have Our Subjects so much to mistake Our Judge∣ment, so much to mistrust Our Zeal; as though we either would not discern what were to be done, or would not do all things in due time: God be praised, We know both what by his Word is meet to be redressed, and have an earnest mind by the Advice of Our most Dear Vncle, and other of Our Privy Coun∣cil, with all diligence and convenient speed, so to set forth the same, as it may most stand with God's Glory, and edifying and quietness of Our People▪ Which We doubt not, but all Our Obedient and Loving Subjects will quietly and reverendly tarry for.

The next Care was, to see the said Order put in execution: of which the Lords of the Council discharged the King, and took the whole Burthen on themselves. For, causing a sufficient Number of the Printed Copies to be sent to each Bishop in the Realm, they there withall directed Letters to them; Requiring, and in Hi•• Majestie's Name Commanding them, and every of them, to have an earnest Dili∣gence, and carefull Respect, both in their own Persons, and all their Officers, and Ministers, for causing the said Books to be so delivered to every Parson, Vicar, and Curate in their several Diocesses; that they may have sufficient time well to in∣struct and advise themselves for the Distribution of the most Holy Communion, ac∣cording to the Order of the said Book, before Easter following: and that▪ by the good Means of them, (the said Bishops) they may be well directed to use such Good, Gentle, and Charitable Instructions, to their simple and unlearned Parishioners; as may be to their good Satisfaction: Letting them further know, that, as the said Order was set forth, to the intent there should be in all parts of this Realm, and among all men, one Vniform manner quietly used; so that the Execution thereof did very much stand in the Diligence of them, and others of their Vocation, who there∣fore were again required to have a diligent respect unto it: as they tendred the King's pleasure, and would answer the contrary. Which Letter, bearing Da••e on the thirteenth of March, was subscribed by the Arch-Bishop Cranmer, the Lord Chancellour Rich, the Earl of Arundel, the Lords St. John and Russel, Mr. Secretary Petre, Sir Anthony Wingfield, Sir Edward North, and Sir Ed∣ward ••otton. In Obedience unto whose Commands, as all the Bishops did not perform their parts alike: (Gardiner of Winchester, Bonner of London, Voysie of Exeter, and Sampson of Coventry and Lich-field, being more backward then the rest) so many Parish-Priests, not being willing to Advance so good a Work, laboured to disaffect the People to the present Government. And to that end it was endeavoured in their Sermons, to possess their Auditours with an ill opinion of the King; as if he did intend to lay strange Exactions on the Subject,

by forcing them to pay half a Crown a piece for every one, who should be Mar∣ried, Christened, or Buried. For Remedy whereof it was Ordered by Procla∣mation, bearing Date the twenty fourth of April; That none should be permitted to Preach: but such as were Licenced under the Seals of the Lord Protectour, or the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury.

In the next place we must attend the King's Commissioners, dispatched in the beginning of March, into every Shire throughout the Realm, to take a Survey of all Colleges, Free-Chapels, Chanteries, and Brother-Hoods, within the com∣pass of the Statute, or Act of Parliament. According to the Return of whose Commissions, it would be found no difficult matter to put a just estimate and va∣lue on so great a Gift, or to know how to parcell out, proportion, and divide the Spoil betwixt all such, who had before in hope devoured it. In the first place, as lying nearest, came in the Free-Chapel of Saint Stephen, Originally Founded in the Palace at Westminster, and reckoned for the Chapel-Royal of the Court of England. The whole Foundation consisted of no fewer▪ then thirty eight Persons: viz. one Dean, twelve Canons, thirteen Vicars, four Clerks, six Choristers; besides a Verger, and one that had the Charge of the Chapel. In place of whom a certain Number were appointed for Officiating the daily Service in the Royal-Chapels: (Gentlemen of the Chapel they are commonly called) whose Sa••aries, together with that of the Choristers, and other Servants of the same, amounts to a round yearly Sum: and yet the King, if the Lands belonging to that Chapel had been kept together, and honestly ••aid unto the Crown, had been a very rich Gainer by it▪ the yearly Rents thereof being valued at 1085 l. 10 s. 5 d. As for the Chapel it self, together with a Clolyster of curious Workmanship, built by John Chambers, one of the King's Physicians, and the last Master of the same; they are still standing as they were: the Chapel having been since fitted, and imployed for an House of Commons, in all times of Par∣liament.

At the same time also fell the College of St. Martin's, commonly called St. Martin's le Grand, scituate in the City of London, not far from Aldersgate: first founded for a Dean, and Secular Canons, in the time of the Conquerour, and afterwards, privileged for a Sanctuary; the Rights whereof it constantly en∣joyed without interruption, till all privilege of Sanctuary was suppressed in this Realm by King Henry the Eighth. But the Foundation it self being now found to be Superstitious, it was surrrendred into the hands of King Edward the Sixth: who after gave the same, together with the remaining Liberties, and Precincts thereof, to the Church of Westminster: and they, to make the best of the King's Donation, appointed, by a Chapter held the seventh of July, that the Body of the Church, with the Quire and Iles, should be Leased out for fifty years, at the Rent of five Marks per Annum to one H. Keeble of London; excepting out of the said Grant, the Bells▪ Lead, Stone, Timber, Glass and Iron, to be sold and disposed of, for the sole Use and Benefit of the said Dean and Chapter. Which foul Transaction being made, the Church was totally pulled down; a Tavern built in the East part of it: the rest of the site of the said Church and College, together with the whole Precinct thereof, being built upon with se∣veral Tenements, and let out to Strangers; who very industriously affe∣cted to dwell therein (as the natural English since have done) in regard of the Privileges of the place, exempted from the Jurisdiction of the Lord Mayor, and Sheriffs of London; and governed by such Officers amongst themselves, as are appointed thereunto by the Chapter of Westminster.

But for this Sacrilege the Church of Westminster was called immediately in a manner to a ••ober Reckoning. For the Lord P••otectour, thinking it alto∣gether unnecessary, that two Cathedrals should be Founded so near one another, and thinking, that the Church of Westminster, (as being of a late Foundation) might best be spared, had cast a longing eye upon the goodly Patrimony, which remained unto it. And being then unfurnished of an House, or Palace, propor∣tionable

unto his Greatness, he doubted not to finde room enough; upon the Dissolution and Destruction of so large a Fabrick, to raise a Palace, equal to his vast Designs. Which coming to the ears of Benson, the last Abbot, and first Dean of the Church, he could be••hink himself of no other means to preserve the whole▪ but by parting for the present with more then half the Estate, which belonged un∣to it. And thereupon a Lease is made of seventeen Manours, and good Farms, lying almost together in the County of Glocester, for the Term of ninety nine years; which they presented to the Lord Thomas Seimour, to serve as an Addition to his Manour of Sudeley: humbly beseeching him to stand their Good Lord and Pa∣tron, and to preserv them in a fair Esteem, with the Lord Protectour. Another Present of almost as many Manours, and Farms, lying in the Counties of Gloc••••ster, Worcester, and Hereford, was made for the like Term to Sir John Mason, a special Confident of the Duke's: not for his own, but for the use of his Great Master; which, after the Duke, all came to Sir John Bourn, principal Secretary of Estate in the time of Queen Mary. And yet this would not serve the Turn, till they had put into the Scale their Manour of Islip, conferred upon that Church by King Edward the Confessour; to which no fewer then two hundred Customary Tenants owed their Soil and Service: and, being one of the best wooded things in those parts of the Realm, was to be granted also without Im∣peachment of Wast, as it was accordingly. By means whereof the Deantry was preserved for the later Times; how it succeeded with the Bishoprick, we shall see hereafter. Thus Benson saved the Deanery; but he lost himself: ••or, calling to remembrance, that formerly he had been a means to surrender the Ab∣by, and was now forced on the 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Dilapidating the Estate of the Deanery, he fell into a great disquiet o•• ••••nd, which brought him to his death within few Moneths after. To whom succeeded Doctour Cox, being then Almo∣ner to the King, Chancellour of the University of Oxford, and Dean of Christ-Church: and afterwards preferred by Queen Elizabeth to the See of Ely.

I had not singled these two (I mean St. Martin's, and St. Stephen's) out of all the rest: but that they were the best, and richest in their several kinds; and that there was more depending on the Story of them, then on any others. But Bad Examples seldome end where they first began. For the Nobility, and inferi∣our Gentry, possessed of Patronages, considering how much the Lords, and Great men of the Court had improved their Fortunes, by the suppression of those Chanteries, and other Foundations, which had been granted to the King; conceived themselves in a capacity of doing the like, by taking into their hands the yearly Profits of those Benefices, of which by Law they onely were entrusted with the Presentations. Of which abuse Complaint is made by Bishop Latimer, in his Printed Sermons. In which we finde, That the Gentry of that Time in∣vaded the Profits of the Church; leaving the Title onely to the Incumbent: and That Chantery-Priests were put by them into several Cures▪ to save their P••nsions; p••g. 38. that many Benefices were let out in Fee-Farms, (pag. 71) or given unto Ser∣vants for keeping of Hounds, Hawks, and Horses, and for making of Gardens; pag. 91, 114. And finally, That the Poor Clergy, being kept to some sorry Pittances, were forced to put themselves into Gentlemens Houses, and there to serve as Clerk•• of the Kitching, Surveyour••, Receivers, &c. pag. 241. All which Enormities (though tending so apparently to the D••shonour of God, the Disservice of the Church, and the Disgrace of Religion) were generally connived at by the Lords, and others; who onely had the power to Reform the same: because they could not question those, who had so miserably invaded the Churches Patrimony, without con∣demning of themselves.

Thus leaving England for a while, we are to take a short Survey of Affairs in Scotland, into which the French had put ten thousand Souldiers; three thou∣sand of them being Almains, under the Command of Mounsieur D' Essie; who, joyning with the Scots▪ laid Siege before the Town of Haddington, on St. Peter's-Eve. For the Relief whereof a strength of one thousand three hun∣dred

Horse was sent from Berwick, under the Conduct of Sir Robert Bowes, and Sir Thomas Palmer; who, falling very unfortunately into the Hands of the Ene∣my, were for the most part slain or taken. The English notwithstanding made good the Town▪ and held it out so long; that in the end the Earl of Shrewsbu∣ry, with a Power of sixteen thousand men, (of which there were four thousand Lansquenets, or Germane Souldiers) appeared in fight. On whose approach, the Enemy withdrew themselves, and raised their Siege on or about the twenti∣eth day of August; giving great commendation to the English Garison, for the notable service they had done in defence of the Town. The Siege being raised, the Earl of Shrewbury with his Forces returned for England; leaving the Town well stored with Victuals, and plentifully furnished with all manner of Ammuni∣tion▪ which put the Souldiers of the Garison into so good heart; that they made many Sallies out, and frequently Skirmished with the French, and Scots, whom they found Quartered in the Villages and Towns adjoyning. But, the matter being taken into Debate by the Council of England, it was Resolved, especially by those, who secretly envied at the Power and Greatness of the Lord Protectour; That the keeping of the Town would not quit the Cost; as being farthest from the Borders, and not to be Relieved, if it were distressed, without the raising and imploying of a Royal Army. And thereupon the Earl of Rutland was sent thither with three thousand of the Lansquenets, and as many Borderers: who, coming to the Town on the twentieth of September, sleighted the Works; and, having de∣stroyed the Houses, caused all the Ordnance, and Carriages, to be sent to Ber∣wick, and returned without Battail. The voluntary quitting of which Town drew after it the loss of all the Peeces, which we held in Scotland.

The English Forces being removed from the Town of Haddington, the French immediately prepared for their going home-wards: carrying a richer Lading with them; then all the Arms, and Ammunition, which they brought at their coming. For, while the Army lay at the Siege at Haddington, the Ministers of the French King were busied in Treaty with the Scots, for putting the Young Queen into their Power, transporting her into France, and Marrying her un∣to the Daulphin. But in this point they found the Council much divided. Some thought, That the Conditions, offered by the Lord Protectour, (not till then gene∣rally known) were to be embraced; in regard it gave them an assurance of ten years Peace at the least; and that, if either of the Princes died within that time, they should be left at Liberty, to Order the Affairs of that Kingdom to the most Ad∣vantage. But against this it was alledged by those of the opposite Party; (whom the French King had bought with ready Money, and Anual Pensions.) That, as long as the Queen remained amongst them, they should never be Free from the Pretensions of the English. From which, there was no question, but they would desist; when they saw the Ground thereof to be taken away by the Queens Re∣moval. Of which Party, (besides those, which were corrupted by the Gold of France) were the Bishops and Clergy; who, being Zealous for the preserva∣tion of their Old Religion, abominated nothing more, then the Alliance with En∣gland. And so the matter being carried in behalf of the French, and there being now no further need of them for defence of the Countrey, they gave Order to make ready their Shipping, and nominated a set day for their Departure. Which day being come, they Coasted about Scotland, by the Isles of Orkney, took in the young Queen at Dun••britton-Castle, and passing through St. George's Chanel arrived in Bretaigne; whilest a strong Squadron of the English attended for their coming in the Narrow-Seas.

But this Departure of the French, though it much weakened, did not disani∣mate the Scots, for making trial of their Fortune against the English. Hume-Castle, and Fast-Castle, remained (amongst some others) as Thorns in their Sides: but they regained them both this year. Hume-Castle they surprised by means of some of their own Nation; who, being reputed Friends, and suffered to have free and frequent Access unto it, had Opportunity, both to discover the

Weaknesses of it, and by what Ways it might most easily be taken. And, being more cordially affected to their Old Country-men, then their New Acquaintance, they directed a select number of Souldiers to some secret Pa••sages; by which, having fi••st climbed up a very steep Rock, they found an Entrance into the Castle, put the secure Garison to the Sword, and possessed the Place, leaving a fair warning unto all others; Never to trust the Courtesies, or Services of those, whom they have provoked to be their Enemies. Fast-Castle they surprised by a War∣like Stratageme. For the Governour having Commanded the neighbouring Villages, at a prefixed day, to bring in their Contribution of Corn, and other necessary Provision; the Enemy makes Use of this Opportunity. Souldiers, habited like Peasants, came at the day, fraught with their Burthens; whereof having eased their Horses, they carry them on their shoulders over the Bridg, (which joyned two Rocks together) and so gained Entrance: the Watch-word being given, they cast down their Burthens, till the Sentinels open the Gates to their Fellows; and become Masters of the Place. The News of which Surpri∣sals, together with that of the Queens Removal, being brought into the Court of England, which then began to be divided into Sides and Factions; there was no further Care taken for the Prosecution of the Scotish War: which for the p••esent much refreshed that impove••ished K••ngdom.

Now while these Traverses of War were made in Scotland, there was no solid Peace, though no open Discord in the Church of England. It hath been shew∣ed; that Bishop Gardiner, having long lain Prisoner in the Fleet, was, on the Morrow after Twel••th-Day last, restored to Liberty; and permitted to return un∣to his Diocess. Where, contrary to the Promise made at his Enlargment, he began to shew himself displeased with the King's Proceedings in the case of Ima∣ges. Concerning which he wrote a long Letter to the Lord Protectour, on the twenty first of May, and backed it with another of the sixth of June: and o∣therwise appeared so cross to the King's Designs; that he was sent for to the Co••rt, and after some Reproofs dismissed unto his house in South-Wark, where he was commanded to remain untill further Order. But there also he behaved himself with much unquietness, medling in many matters, which concerned the King; for which he had neither Warrant, nor Commission: whereof being once again admonished by their Lordships, he did not onely promise to conform him∣self like a good Subject; but to declare his Conformity to the World, in an o∣pen Sermon, in sundry Articles agreed upon; that such, as were offended, might be satisfied in him. St. Peter's-Day, then near at hand, was given him for the Day, whereon he was to Preach this Sermon. In which though he allowed the Sacrament to be Administred in both Kinds, and shewed his Approbation of the King's Proceedings in some other Points: yet in the rest he gave such little sa∣tisfaction to the King and Council; that the next day he was sent Prisoner to the Tower, where he remained till his Enlargment by Queen Mary.

The Punishment of this great Prelat•• did not so much discourage those of the Romish Party: as his Example animated, and emboldened them to such I••confor∣mity; as gave no small Disturbance to the King's Proceedings. For notwith∣standing His great Care to set forth one Vniform Order of Administring the Holy Communion in both Kinds; yet so it happened, that, (through the perverse Ob∣stinacy, and froward Dissembling of many of the inferiour Priests, and Mini∣sters, of Cathedral, and other Churches of this Realm) there did arise a marvai∣lous Schisme, and Variety of Factions, in celebrating the Communion-Service, and Administration of the Sacraments, and other Rites, and Ceremonies of the Church. For some, zealously allowing the King's Proceedings, did gladly fol∣low the Order thereof; and others▪ though not so willingly admitting them, did yet dissemblingly and patchingly use some part of them: but many, causlesly contemning them all, would still continue in their former Popery. Besides, it is Observed in the Register-Book of the Parish of Petworth;

That many at this time affirmed the most Blessed Sacrament of the Altar to be of little re∣gard;

that in many places it was irreverently used, and cast out of the Church, and many other great Enormities committed: which they second∣ed by oppugning the established Ceremonies; as Holy Water, Holy Bread, and divers other Usages of the seven Sacraments.

And yet these were not all the Mischiefs, which the Time produced. For, in Pursuance of this Schism, and to confirm the People in their former ways, ma∣ny of those, which had been Licenced in Form, and Manner prescribed by the Proclamation of the twenty fourth of April▪ appeared as Active in Preaching against the King's Proceedings; as any of the Unlicenced Preachers had been found to be. Which being made known unto the King, and the Lords of the Council, it was advised; That a Publick Liturgie should be drawn, and confirm∣ed by Parliament▪ with several Penalties to be inflicted on all those, who should not readily con••orm to the Rules, and Appointments of it For though some ill-affected men m••ght look upon the late Order for Administring the Holy Sacra∣m••nt in the English Tongue, as the Act of some few Persons about the King; and not proceeding reall•• from the King Himself: yet, when the King's Pleasure came to be dec••ared by Act of Pa••li••ment, it was to be presumed; that (all such, Sub∣terfuges and Ev••sio••s being t••ken away) the Subjects would conform unto it without fu••ther trouble. Which being thus resolved upon, He caused those Godly Bishops, and other Learned Divi••es, whom He had formerly imployed in drawing up the Order for the Holy Communion, to attend His pleasure on the first day of September then next following. Attending at the day appointed, it pleased His Majesty to commend unto them the framing of a Publick Liturgie, which should contain the Order of Morning and Evening Prayer, together with a Form of Ministring the Sacraments and Sacramentals, and for the Cele∣brating of all other Publick Offices; which were required by the Church, of good Christian People. Which as His Majesty commanded out of a most Religious Zeal to the Honour of God, the Edification of His Subjects, and to the Peace and Happiness of His Dominions; so they (who knew no better Sacrifice, then Obedience) did chearfully apply themselves to the Underta∣king.

And, that they might proceed therein, not onely with the less Disquiets, but with the greater Hope of gaining their desired End; it pleased His Majesty to declare by His Proclamation, bearing Date the twenty third day of the said Mo∣neth of September, into what course he had put this Business: letting them know; That, for the settling of an Vniformity and Order th••oughout his Realm, and for putting an End to all Controversies in Religion, He had caused certain Godly Bi∣shops, and other notable Learned men to be Congregated, or called together. And thereupon doth inferr, That, notwithstanding many of the Preachers, formerly Licenced, had behaved themselves very discreetly, and wisely; to the Honour of God, and the Contentation of His Highness: yet till such time, as the said Order should be generally set forth throughout the Realm, His Majesty did thereby inhi∣bit all manner of Persons, whatsoever they be, to Preach in open Audience, in the Pulpit, or otherwise, by any sought colour, or fraud, to the disobeying of His Com∣mandment. And this he did to this intent; That the whole Clergy in the mean space m••ght apply themselves, to Prayer to Almighty God, for the better atchieving of this same Godly Intent and Purp••se; not doubting, but that all His Loving Sub∣jects in the mean time would occupie themselves to God's Honour, with due Prayer in the Church, and patient Hearing of the Godly Homili••s, heretofore set forth by His Highness Injunctions: and so endeavour themselves, that they may be t••e more rea••y, with thankfull Obedience to receive a most quiet, Godly and Vniform Order, through all His said Realms, and Dominions. And to the end, that His Majestie's Pleasure in the Premisses should be the more punctually obeyed, He wil••∣••th and r••quireth all His Loving Officers and Ministers, as well Justices of the Peace; as Maors Sheriffs, Bailiffs, Constables, or any other His Officers, of what State, Degree, and Condition soever they be, to be attendant upon this Procla∣mation,

and Commandment: and to see the Infringers, and Breakers thereof, to be Im∣prisoned, and His Highness, or the Lord Protectour's Grace, or His Majestie's Coun∣cil, to be certified thereof immediately, as they tendered His Majestie's Pleasure, and would answer to the contrary at their Perils.

And here it is to be Observed; That those, who had the chief directing of this weighty Business, were before-hand resolved, that none but English Heads, or Hands, should be used therein: left otherwise it might be thought, and per∣haps Objected; that they rather followed the Example of some other Churches, or were swayed by the Authority of those Foreign Assistants; then by the Word of God, and the most uncorrupted Practice of the Primitive Times. Certain it is, that, upon the very first Reports of a Reformation here intended, Calvin had offered his Assistance to Arch-Bishop Craenmer; as himself confesseth. But the Arch-Bishop knew the Man, and refused the Offer. And it appears in one of Bishop Latimer's Sermons, that there was report, about this time, of Melan∣cthon's coming; but it proved onely a Report. And, though it was thought ne∣cessary, for the better seasoning of the Vniversities in the Protestant Refor∣med Religion; that Martin Bucer, and Peter Martyr, two eminent Divines of the Foreign Churches, should be invited to come over: yet the Arch-Bishop's Letter of Invitation, sent to Martin Bucer, was not written till the twelfth day of October. At what time the Liturgie then in hand, being the chief Key to the whole Work of Reformation, was in very good forwardness: and must needs be compleatly finished, before he could so settle, and dispose his Affairs in Germa∣ny; as to come for England. And though Peter Martyr, being either more at Leasure, or less engaged, or otherwise more willing to accept of the Invitation, came many Moneths before the other: yet neither do we finde him here, till the end of November▪ when the Liturgie had been approved of by the King and Coun∣cil, if it had not also passed the Approbation of both Houses of Parliament. Nor was it likely, that they should make use of such a Man in composing a Liturgie; wherein they were resolved to retain a great part of the Antient Ceremonies: who, being made Canon of Christ-Church in Oxford, and frequently present at Divine Service in that Church, could never be prevailed with, to put on the Surplice.

Being left therefore to themselves, they were at the more liberty for follow∣ing the King's most Godly, and most Wise Directions: having in the first place an eye, and respect, to the most sincere, and Pure Religion, taught by the Scri∣pture; and, in the second, to the Vsages of the Primitive Church: and making, out of both, one convenient and meet Order, Rite, and Fashion of Common Prayer, and Administration of the Sacraments▪ to be had, and used in the Realm of Engl••nd, and the Principality of Wales. Which being finished, they all sub∣scribed their Names unto it; but () Day of Chichester: who would by no means have his Hand in the Subscription; as is related in the Register-Book of the Parish of Petwo••th. But▪ being subscribed by all the rest, it was by them, with all due Reverence, humbly presented to the King: by whom it was received to His great Comfort, and Quietness of mind; as the Statute () telleth us. And be∣ing by him commended to the Lords, and Commons, then Assembled in Parlia∣ment; (which Parliament took beginning on the fourth day of November) they, did not on••ly give His Highness most hearty and lowly thanks, for his Care therein: but, on peru••a•• of the Book, declared it to be done by the aid of the Holy Ghost. And ther••upo••, considering the Godly Prayers, Orders, Rites, and Ceremonies, in the said Book mentioned; and also the reasons of Altering of those things, which be altered, and the retaining those things, which be retained; together with the Ho∣••our of God, and the great Quiet••ess, which by the Grace of God, was likely to en∣s••e on su••h an U••iform Order, in Common Prayer, Rites, and External Cere∣monies to be used in all England, and Wales, in Calice, and the Marches of the ••ame: it was E••ac••ed; That all, and singular, Ministers, in any Cathedral, or 〈◊〉〈◊〉-Church, or other Place, within this Realm of England, Wales, Calce▪

and the Marches of the same, or other the King's Dominions, should from, and after the Feast of Pentecost, next coming, (that Interval being given for the Print∣ing of it) be bounden to say, and use the Mattens, Even-song, Celebration of the Lord's Supper, ••••mmonly ca••••ed The Mass, and Administration of each of the Sacraments, and all their Common and Open Prayer▪ in such Order, and Form, as is mentioned in the same Book, and no otherwise: with several Penalties therein mentioned, to be imposed on all such in their several places, as either should willfully refuse to Officiate by it; or hinder the Lawfull Ex••cution o•• it; or speak any thing in Derogation of the said Book, or any thing therein con∣tained.

The passing of this Act gave great Offence to those of the Romish Pa••ty: not, that they could except against it, in regard either of the Manner, or Matter of it; (which they acknowledged to be Consonant to the Antient Forms) but b••cause it was communicated to the People in the Vulgar Tongue. And this they charged, as a g••eat E••rour in those Men; who had the chief Hand in the Conduct of that Aff••i••: beca••se that, by the Rules thereof, the Scriptures were to be read publ••ckly in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Tongue. Which, what else was it, (as they said) but the committing so much Heavenly Treasure unto R••tten Vessels? the trusting so much Excellent 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to such Musty B••ttles? And, being that there are many things in he Divine Offices of the Church, quae secreta esse debent, as the Cardinal telleth us, which ought to have been kept as Secrets from all Vulgar knowledg▪ it must needs be of very ill Con••equence, to communicate them to all sor••s of People. But certainly the Holy Ghost was able to direct the Church in •• bet••er way; then such, as should be subject unto Man's Exceptions. And he directs the Service of the Church to be Officiated in such a Language, to which the ignorant, and unlearned may say Amen; 1 Cor. xiv. 9, 16. Upon which Words it is observed by Lyra, and Aquinas; two as great Clerks as any in the Church of Rome: That, The Publick Service of the Church, in the Primitive Times, was in the Common Vulgar Language. The like affirmed by Doctour Ha••aing, as great a Stickler for that Church, and the Doctrines of it, as any o∣ther of his Time: adding withall; That it was necessary in the Primitive Times, that it should be so: and granting also▪ That it were still better, that the Peo∣ple had their Service in their own Vulgar Tongue, for their better understanding of it. So he, in Answer to the Challenge made by Bishop Jewel, Art. 3. Sect. 28, and 33. And the••efore having the confession, and acknowledgment of the very Adve••sa••y; not onely as to the Antiquity, but the Fitness also of Celebra∣ting Divine Offices in the Vulgar Language: it may be thought a loss both of Time and Travail▪ to press the Argument any further.

Which n••twithstanding, for the more perfect clearing of the Point in questi∣on, it w••ll be found upon a very easie seach; that the Jews did Celebrate their Divine Offi••es, Tractatus, and Oblationes (as the Father hath it) most com∣monly in the Syriack, and sometimes in the Hebrew Tongue, the natural Lan∣guages of that People; as is affirmed by St. Ambrose, upon 1 Cor. cap. 14. and out of him by Durand, in his Rationale. Eckius, a great Servant of the Popes, affirmeth in his Common Places; That the Indians have their Service in the Indian Tongue; and that St. Hierom▪ having Translated the whole Bible into the Dalmatick, procu∣red that the Service should be celebrated in that Language also. The like St. Hierom himself, in his Epistle to Heliodorus, hath told us of the Bessi, a Sarma∣tian People. The like St. Basil, in his Epistle to the Neo-Caesarians, assures us for the Egyptians, Lib••ans, Palestinians, Phoenicians, Arabians, Syrians, and such as dwell about the Bank of the River Euphrates. The Aethiopians had their M••ssal, the Chaldeans theirs, each in the Lan••uage of their Countries; which they still retain: so had the Moscovites of old, and all the scattered Chu••ches of t••e Eastern Parts; which they conti••••e to this day. Nay, rather then the People sh••uld be kept in Ignorance of the Word of God, and the Divine Of∣fices of the Church, a signal Miracle should be wrought to command the con∣trary.

For we are told of the Sclavonians, by Aeneas Sylvius, (who being afterwards Pope, was called Pius the Second,) that being converted unto the Faith, they made suit unto the Pope, then being, to have their Publick Service in their Natural Tongue: but some delay being made therein by the Pope and Cardinals, a voice was heard, seeming to have come from Heaven, saying in the Latine Tongue; Omnis Spiritus laudet Dominum, & omnis lingua confiteatur Ei: that is to ••ay, Let every Soul praise the Name of God, and every Tongue or Language make Pro∣fession of it; whereupon their Desires were granted without more delay. Which probably might be a chief Inducement to Innocent the Third, to set out a Decree in the Lateran Councel, importing. That in all such Cities, in which there was a Concourse of divers Nations, and consequently of Different Languages (as in most Towns of Trade there doth use to be) the Service should be said, and Sacraments administred, Secundum diversitates Nationum, & Linguarum; that is, According to the Difference of their Tongues and Nations. So that, if we consider the Direction of the Holy Ghost▪ the Practice of the Primitive Times, the General Vsage of all Nations not inthralled to the Popes of Rome, the Confession of the very Adversary, the Act and Approbation of the Pope himself, and finally, the Declaration of God's P••easure by so great a Miracle: The Church did nothing in this Case, but what was justifiable in the sight, both of God, and Man.

But then again it is Objected on the other side, That neither the underta∣king was advised, nor the Book it self approved, in a Synodical Way, by the Bi∣shops and Clergy: but that it was the Act onely of some few of the Prelates, im∣ployed therein by the King, or the Lord Protectour, without the Privity, and Approbation of the rest. The Consideration whereof shall be referred to a∣nother place: when we shall come to speake of the King's Authority for the composing, and imposing of the Scotish Liturgy.

In the mean time, we must take notice of another Act, of as great importance for the Peace, and Honour of the Church, and the Advancing of the Work of Reformation: which took away those positive Laws▪ by which all men in Holy Orders were restrained from Marriage. In which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 it is first declared, That; It were much to be desired, that Priests, and all others in Holy Orders, might ab∣stain from Marriage, that, thereby being freed from the Cares of Wed-lock, and abstracted from the Troubles of Domestical Business, they might more diligently attend the Ministery, and apply themselves unto their Studie••. But, then withall it is considered, That as all men have not the Gift of Continence, so many great Scandals, and other notable Inconveniencies, have been occasioned in the Church by the enforced Necessity of a single Life, in those admitted unto Orders. Which seeing it was no more imposed on them, then on any other, by the Word of God, but onely such positive Laws and Constitutions, as had been made to that Effect by the Church of Rome: It was therefore Enacted by the Authority of the present Parliament; That, All such Positive Laws, and Ordinances, as prohibited the Marriages of Priests, or any other in Holy Orders, and Pains and Forfeitures therein contained, should be utterly void. Which Act, permitting them to mar∣ry, but looked on as a matter of Permission onely, made no small Pastime a∣mongst those of the Romish Party: reproaching both the Priests, and much more their Wives, as not lawfully married; but onely suffered to enjoy the Company of one another, without Fear of Punishment. And thereupon it was Enacted in the Parliament of the fifth and sixth of Edw. 6. cap. 12. that, The Marriages of the Priests should be reputed lawfull, th••mselves being made Capa∣ble of being Tenants by Courtesie, their Wives to be endowed, as others, at the Com∣mon Law, a••d their Child••en Heritable to the Lands of their Fathers, or M••∣thers. Which Privileges, or Capacities rather, (notwithstanding the Repeal of this Statute in the Time of Queen Mary) they, and their Wives, and Children, still enjoyed without D••sturbance, or Dispute.

And to say truth, it was an Act, not onely of much Ch••istian Piety; but more Civil Prudence: the Clergy by this means being taken off from all Dependance

on the Popes of Rome, and rivited in their Dependance on their Natural Princes, to whom their Wives and Children serve for so many Hostages. The Consequents whereof was so well known to those of Rome: that when it was desired by the Ambassadours of the Emperour, and the Duke of Bavaria, in the Councel of Trent, That Marriage might be permitted to the Priests in their several Territo∣ries, it would by no means be admitted. The Reason was; Because that having Houses, Wives and Children, they would depend no longer upon the Pope, but onely on their several Princes: that the Love to their Children would make them yield to many things, which were prejudicial to the Church, and in short time confine the Pope's Authority to the City of Rome▪ For otherwise if the Pope•• were not rather governed in this business by Reason of State, then either by the Word of God, or the Rules of Piety, they had not stood so stiffly on an Inhibition, ac∣companied with so much Scandal, and known to be the onely Cause of too much Lewdness and Impu••ity in the R••mane Clergy. If they had looked upon the Scriptures, they would have found, that Marriage was a Remedy ordained by God, for the preventing of Incontinencies, and wandring Lusts, extending generally to all, as much to those in Holy Orders, as to any others; as being subject all al••ke to Humane Infirmities. If they had ruled the Case by the Procee∣dings o•• the Councel of Nice, or the Examples of many Good, and Godly men in the Primitive Times; they would have found, that, when the single Life of Pri••sts was moved at that great Councel, it was rejected by the general Consent of all the Fathers there assembled, as a Yoke intolerable: that Eupsychius, a Cappad••cian Prelate, was married after he had taken the Degree of a Bishop: the like observed of one Phileus, an Egyptian Prelate: and that it is affirmed by Hierom, That many Priests in h••s Time had their proper Wives. Had they con∣sulted with the Stories of the middle Times, when Priests were forced to put a∣way their Wives, by the Pope's Commandment, or else to lose the Benefices, which they were possessed of; they would have found what horrible Confusions did ensue upon it in all the Kingdoms of the West, what Tragical Exclamations were made against the Popes, for so great a Tyranny. Or finally, If they had looked upon the scandalous Effects, which this forced Coelibate produced, they could not but have heard some News of Pope Gregory's Fish Pond: and must have been in∣formed in their own Panormitan, that the greatest part of the Clergy were given over to prohibited Lusts; and by others of their Canonists, that Clerks were not to be deprived for their Incontinency: considering, how few there were to be found without it; so universal was the Mischief, that it was thought uncapable of any Remedy.

If we desire to be further informed in it, as a matter Doctrinal, we shall finde many eminent men in the Church of Rome, to state the point in favour of a married Clergy. By Gratian it is said, That the Marriage of Priests is neither prohibited by the Law, or any precept in the Gospel, or any Canon of the Apo∣stles. By Cardinal Cajetan, That it can neither be proved by Reason, nor good A••thority, that a Priest committeth any sin by being married. By the same Caje∣tan, That Orders neither in themselves, nor as they are accompanied by the Title of Holy, are any Hinderances, or Obstructions in the Way of Marriage. By Panormitan, The Coelibate, or the single Life of Priests, is neither of the Essence of Holy Orders, nor required by the Law of God. By Antoninus, That there is nothing in the Episcopal Function, which can disable the Bishop from the married life. By the Authour of the Gloss upon the Decrees, That the Greek Priests neither explicitely, nor implicitely, do bind themselves to Chastity or a single life. By Pope Pius himself in the Councel of Basil, That many might be saved in a married Priesthood, which are in danger to be damned by living un∣married. By Durand, That it would be profitable to the Church, if Marriage were allowed to Priests, from whom it hath been found a very vain thing to look for chastity. And finally by Martinus, That it seemed fi•• to many good, and Godly men, that all Laws for compell••ng a single life should be wholly ab∣rogated

for the avoiding of those Scandals, which ensued upon it. For 〈◊〉〈◊〉 which Passages▪ together with the words of the several Authours in the Latine Tongue, I shall refer the Reader to the Learned and Laborious Works of Bishop Jewel, in the Defence of his Challenge against Doctour Harding, cap. 8. 1. 3. And so I shut up this Discourse, and therewith the Defence of this Act of Parliament, with the most memorable Apophthegm of the said Pope Pius, viz. That the Law had taken away Priests Wives, and the Devil had given them Concubines to supply their places.

Two other Acts were passed in this present Parliament, exceeding necessary for the Preservation of the Churches Patrimony, and the Retaining of good Order. The fi••st was made for the Encouragement and Support of the Parochial Clergy, in the true Payment of their Tithes, lately invaded by their Patrons, and otherwise in danger to be lost for ever, by the avaritiousness of the Parishioners, as before was said. For Remedy whereof, it was Enacted, That no Person, or Persons, should from thenceforth take, or carry away, any Tithe, or Tithes, which had been received, or paid, within the space of fourty years next before the Date thereof, or of Right ought to have been paid, in the place, or places, tithable in the same, before he hath justly divided, or set forth for the Tithe thereof, the tenth part of the same, or otherwise agree, for the same Tithes, with the Parson, Vicar, or other Owner, Proprietary, or Farmer of the same, under the Pain or Forfeiture of the treble Value of the Tithes, so taken, or carried away. To which a Clause was also added, enabling the said Parsons, Vicars, &c. to enter upon any man's Land, for the due setting out of his Tithes, and carrying away the same with∣out Molestation; with other Clauses no less beneficial to the injured Clergy. And because the Revenue of the Clergy had been much diminished by the Loss of such Offerings, and Oblations, as had been accustomably made at the Shrines of Certain Images, now either defaced, or removed; it was thought meet, to make them some amends in another way. And thereupon it was Enacted, That every Person exercising Merchandises, Bargaining, and Selling, Cloathing, Han∣dy-Craft, and other Art, and Faculty, being such kind of Persons, and in such Places, as heretofore, within the space of fourty years then before passed, have accu∣stomably used to pay such Personal Tithes, or of right ought to pay, (other then such as the Common Day-Labourers shall yearly, at, or before the Feast of Easter,) shall pay for his Personal Tithes, the tenth part of his clear Gains; his Charges, and Expences, according to his Estate, and Condition, or Degree, to be there a••owed, aba∣ted and deducted; with a Proviso for some Remedy to be had therein before the Ordinary, in the case of Tergiversation, or Refusal. But the Power of the Bi∣shops, and other Ordinaries, growing less and less; and little, or no execution, following in that behalf, this last Clause proved of little Benefit to those, whom it most concerned: who, living for the most part in Market-Towns, and having no Predial Tithes to trust to, are thereby in a far worse Condition, then the Rural Clergy.

There also passed another Act, for Abstinence from Flesh upon all such Days, as had been formerly taken, and reputed for Fasting••days. By which it was enjoyned; That for the better subduing of the Body to the Soul, and the Flesh to the Spirit, as also for the Preservation of the breed of Cattle, the Encouragement of Mari∣ners, and increase of Shipping; all manner of Persons should abstain from eating Flesh, upon the days there named; that is to say, all Frydays and Saturdays in the year, the Time of Lent, the Ember-Days, the Eves, or Vigils, of such Saints, as had been antiently used for Fasts by the Rules of the Church. An Act, or Ordinance, very seasonable, as the case then stood, the better to beat down the Neglect of all Days and Times of publick Fastings: which Doctour Glasier had cryed up, and his Followers had pursued in contempt of Law. And here I should have closed this year, but that I am to remove some Errours about the Time of Doctour Farra'rs Consecration to the See of Saint David's; put off by ••ishop Godwin to the following year 1549. and ante-Dated by the Acts and

Monuments to the fifth day of December, in the year fore-going, An. 1547. But by neither rightly. For first, I finde on good Record, that Knight depart∣ed not this life till Michaelmass-Day, An. 1547. At what time, and for some time after, Doctour Barlow, who succeeded Knight, was actually Bishop of St. Davia's; and therefore Farrars could not be Consecrated to that See some weeks before. I finde again in a very good Authour, that Doctour Farrar was the first Bishop made by Letters Patents, without Capitular Election: which could not be till after the end of the last years Parliament; because till then the King pretended not to any such Power of making Bishops. And Thirdly, if Bishop Barlow had not been Translated to the See of Wells, till the year 1549. as Bishop Godwin saith he was not; it must be Barlow, and not Farrars, who first enjoy∣ed the benefit of such Letters Patents: because Barlow must first be removed to Wells, before the Church of St. Davia's was made void for Farrars. So that the Consecration of Farrars, to the See of St. David's, being placed by the Canons of that Church, (in an Information made against him) on the fifth of September; it must be on the fifth day of September, in this present year: and neither in the year 1547. as the Acts and Monuments make it; nor in the year 1549. as in Bishop Godwin.

Anno Regni Edw. Sexti 3^o. An. Dom. 1548, 1549.

THere remains yet one Act of this Parliament, which we have not spoke of; but of a different nature from all the rest: I mean the Act for the At∣tainder of the Lord Thomas Seimour; whose Tragedy came on but now, though the Ground thereof was laid in the former year. The occasion, much like that of the two great Ladies in the Roman Story. Concerning whom it is related by Herodian: that, when the Emperour Commodus was unmarried, he permitted his Sister Lucilla, whom he had bestowed on Pompeianus, a Right Noble Senatour, to have a Throne erected for Her on the Publick Theatre; Fire to be borne be∣fore H••r when she walked abroad; and to enjoy all other Privileges of a Prin∣c••'s Wife. But, when Commodus had Married Crispina, a Lady of as great a Spirit, though of lower Birth; Lucilla was to lose her place, and to grow less in Reputation, then before she was. This so tormented her proud heart, when she perceived that nothing could be gained by disputing the Point: that she ne∣ver lest practicing one mischief on the neck of another, till she had endangered the young Emperour's life; but utterly destroyed her self, and all those friends, whom she had raised to advance her Interess. VVhich Tragedy (the Names of the Actours being onely changed) was now again played over in the Court of England.

Thomas Lord Seimour, being a man of lofty Aims, and aspiring Thoughts, had Married Queen Katharine Parr, the Relict of the King deceased; who look∣ing on him as the Brother of the Lord Protectour, and being looked on as Queen Dowager in the eye of the Court, did not conceive, that any Lady could be so forgetfull of her former Dignity, as to contend about the place. But therein she found her self deceived: for the Protectour's Wife, a Woman of most infinite Pride, and of a Nature so imperious, as to know no rule but her own Will; would needs conceive her self to be the better Woman of the two. For, if the one were widow to the King deceased; the other thought her self to st••nd on the Higher ground, in having all advantages of Power above her.

For what said She within Her self; Am not I wife to the Protectour, who is King in Power▪ though not in Title; a Duke in Order and Degree; Lord Treasu∣rer, and Earl Marshal, and what else he pleaseth; and one, who hath En••obled

His highest Honours by his late great Victory? And did not Henry Marry Katharine Parr in His doting Days: when he had brought himself to such a Condition by His Lusts, and Cruelty; that no Lady, who stood upon Her Honour, would adventure on Him? Do not all Knees bow before Me, and all Tongues celebrate My Praises, and all Hands pay the Tribute of Obedience to Me, and all Eys look upon Me, as the first in State; through whose Hands the Principal Offices in the Court, and chief Preferments in the Church, are obser∣ved to pass? Have I so long Commanded him, who Commands two Kingdoms? And shall I now give place to Her; who, in her former best Estate, was but Latimer's Widow, and is now fain to cast Her self, for Support and Countenance, into the despised Bed of a younger Brother? If Mr. Admiral teach his Wife no better Manners; I am She, that will: and will choose rather to remove them both, (whether out of the Court, or out of the World; shall be no great m••tter) then be out-shined in My own Sphere, and trampled on within the Verge of my Jurisdi∣ction.

In this Impatiency of Spirit, she rubs into the Head of the Duke her Husband (over whom she had obtained an absolute Mastery) How much he was despised by the Lord Admiral for his Mildness and Lenity: What secret Practices were on foot, in the Court, and Kingdom, to bring him out of Credit with all sorts of People. What ••tore of Emissaries were imployed to cry up the Lord Admiral, as the Abler man: And finally, that, if he did not look betimes about him, he would he forthwith dispossessed of his Place and Power; and see the same confer∣red on one of his own preferring. This first begat a Diffidence in the Duke of his Brother's Purposes; which afterwards improved it self to an estranging of Affe∣ction, and at last into an open Breach. But before Matters could proceed to the last Extremity, the Queen died in Child-birth, (which happened September last, 1648) being delivered of a Daughter; who afterwards was Christened by the name of Mary. A Lady of a mild and obliging Nature, honoured by all the Court for her even Behaviour, and one, who in this Quarrel had been meerly passive; rather maintaining what she had, then seeking to invade the place, which belonged not to her.

And here the Breach might have been closed, if the Admiral had not ran him∣self into further Dangers, by practicing to gain the good Affections of the Princess Elizabeth. He was (it seems) a man of a strange Ambition in the choice of his Wives, and could not level his Affections lower, then the Bed of a Princess. For an Essay whereof he first addressed himself to the Lady Mary, Duchess of ••ichmond and Sommerset, Daughter of Thomas Duke of Nor∣folk, and Widow of Duke Henry before mentioned, the King's Natural Bro∣ther. But, she being of too high a Spirit to descend so low, he next applied himself to the W••dow-Queen: whom he beheld, as double Jointured, one, who ha•• filled her Coffers in the late King's Time; and had been gratified with a Le∣gacy of four thousand pounds in Plate, Jewels, and Mony: which he had Means enough to compass; though all other Debts and Legacies should remain unpaid. And on the other side She looked on him, as one of the Peers of the Realm, Lord Admiral by Office, Uncle to the King, and Brother to the Lord Protectour, with whom she might enjoy all Content and Happiness, which a vertuous Lady could desire. And that they might appear in the greater Splen∣dour, he took into his hands the Episcopal House, belonging to the Bishop of Bath and Wells: which, being by him much Enlarged, and Beautified, came af∣terwards to the Possession of the Earls of Arundel, best known of late Times, by the name of Arundel-House. And so far all things went on smoothly betwixt him and his B••other; though afterwards there were some distrust between them: but this last Practice gave such an hot Alarum to the Duchess of Sommerset; that noth••ng could content her, but his absolute Ru∣in. For what hope could she have of Disputing the Precedence with any of King Hen••••e's Daughters: who, if they were not married out of the Realm, might

Create many Troubles, and Disturbances in it? Nor was the Lord Pr••tect••ur so insensible of his own Condition, as not to fear the utmost Danger; which the Effecting of so great an Enterprise might bring upon him: so that the Rupture, which before had began to close, became more open then before, made wid••r by the Artifices of the Earl of Warwick; who, secretly playing with both hands, exasperated each of them against the other, that so he might be able to destroy them both.

The Plot being so far carried on, the Admiral was committed to the Tower, on the sixteenth of January, but never called unto his Answer, it being thought safer to Attaint him by Act of Parliament, where Power and Faction might pre∣vail, then put him over to his Peers in a Legal way. And, if he were guilty of the Crimes, which I finde charged upon him in the Bill of Attainder, he could not, but deserve as great a Punishment, as was laid upon him. For, in that Act, he stands condemned, for Attempting to get into his Custody the Person of the King, and the Government of the Realm: for obtaining many Offices, retaining many Men into his Service, for making great Provision for Money, and Victuals: for endeavouring to marry the Lady Elizabeth the King's Sister, and for perswading the King, in His Tender Age, to take upon Him the Rule, and Order, of Himself. But Parliaments being Governed by a ••allible Spirit, the Business still remaineth under such a Cloud: that he may seem rather to have fallen a Sacrifice to the Private Malice of a Woman; then the Publick Justice of the State. For, the Bill of Attain∣der passing at the End of the Parliament, which was on the fourteenth day of March, he was beheaded at Tower-Hill, on the sixth day after, (the War∣rant for his Execution coming under the hand o•• his own Brother,) at what time he took it on his Death: That, he had never committed, or meant any Trea∣son against King, or Kingdom. Thus, as it is aff••••med of the Emperour Valenti∣nian; that, by causing the right Noble Aetius to be put to Death, he had cut off his Right Hand with his Left: so might it be affirmed of the Lord Prote∣ctour; that, when he signed that unhappy Warrant, he had with his Right Hand robbed himself of his greatest Strength. For as long as the two Brothers stood together, they were good support unto one another: but now, the one being taken away, the other proved not Sub••tantive enough to stand by himself, but fell into his Enemies hands within few Moneths after. Comparing them to∣gether, we may finde the Admiral to be Fierce in Courage, Courtly in Fashi∣on, in Personage Stately, in Voice Magnificent; the Duke to be Mild, Affa∣ble, Free, and Open, more easie to be wrought upon, and no way Malicious: the Admiral generally more esteemed amongst the Nobles; the Duke Honoured by the Common People: the Lord Protectour, to be more desired for a Friend; the Lord Admiral, to be more feared for an Enemy. Betwixt them both, they might have made one excellent man; if, the Defects of each being taken a∣way, the Virtues onely had remained.

The Protectour, having thus thrown away the chief Prop of his House, hopes to repair that Ruin, by erecting a Magnificent Palace. He had been bought out of his purpose for building on the Deanery and Close of Westminster, and casts his Eye upon a piece of Ground in the Strand; on which stood three Episcopal Hou∣ses, and one Parish-Church: the Parish-Church Dedicated to the Virgin Mary; the Houses belonging to the Bishops of Worcester, Lichfield, and Landaff. All these he takes into his Hands; the Owners not daring to oppose, and therefore wil∣lingly consenting to it. Having cleared the place, and projected the intended Fabrick, the Workmen found, that more Materials would be wanting to go thorough with it, then the Demolished Church and Houses could afford unto them. He thereupon resolves for taking down the Parish-Church of Saint Mar••arets in Westminster, and turning the Parishioners, for the celebrating of all Divine Offices, into some part of the Nave, or main Body, of the Abby-Church, which should be marked out for that purpose. But the Workmen had no sooner advanced their Scaf••olds; when the Parishioners gathered together in great Multitudes, with Bows, and Arrows, Sta••es, and Clubs, and other

such offensive Weapons; which so terrified the Workmen, that they ran a∣way in great Amazement, and never could be brought again upon that Imploy∣ment.

In the next place, he is informed of some superfluous, or rather Superstitious Buildings on the North-side of Saint Paul's, that is to say, a goodly Cloyster, environing a goodly piece of Ground, called Pardon-Church-Yard, with a Cha∣pel in the midst thereof, and beautified with a piece of most curious Workman∣ship, called the Dance of Death, together with a fair Charnel-House, on the South-side of the Church, and a Chapel thereunto belonging. This was conceiv∣ed to be the safer undertaking, the Bishop then standing on his good Behaviour, and the Dean and Chapter of that Church, (as of all the rest) being no better in a manner by reason of the late Act of Parliament) then Tenant at Will of their great Landlords. And upon this he sets his Workmen, on the tenth of April: takes it all down, converts the Stone, Timber, Lead, and Iron, to the use of his inten∣ded Palace, and leaves the Bones of the dead Bodies to be buried in the Fields in unhallowed Ground. But, all this not sufficing to compleat the Work, the Stee∣ple, and most parts of the Church of Saint John's of Jerusalem, not far from Smith∣field, most beautifully built not long before by Dockwray, a late Priour thereof, was blown up with Gunpowder; and all the Stone thereof imployed, to that pur∣pose also. Such was the Ground, and such were the Materials of the Duke's New Palace, called Sommerset-House: which either he lived not to finish, or else it must be very strange; that having pulled down two Churches, two Chapels, and three Episcopal Houses, (each of which may be probably supposed, to have had their Oratories) to finde Materials for this Fabrick, there should be no room purposely erected for Religious Offices.

According unto this Beginning, all the year proceeds; in which there was no∣thing to be found; but Troubles, and Commotions, and Disquiets, both in Church and State. For about this Time there started up a sort of men, who ei∣ther gave themselves, or had given by others, the Name of Gospellers: of whom Bishop Hooper tells us, in the Preface to his Exposition on the Ten Command∣ments; That, They be better Learned then the Holy Ghost: for they wickedly attri∣bute the Cause of Punishment, and Adversity to God's Providence, which is the Cause of no Ill, as he himself can do no ill; and of every Mischief that is done, they say it is God's Will. And at the same time, the Anabaptists, who had kept them∣selves unto themselves in the late King's Time, began to look abroad, and dis∣perse their Dotages. For the preventing of which Mischief, before it grew unto a Head, some of the Chiefs of them were convented, on the second of April, in the Church of Saint Paul, before the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and the Bishop of Westminster, Doctour Cox, Almoner to the King, Doctour May, Dean of that Church, Doctour Cole, Dean of the Arches, and one Doctour Smith, af∣terwards better known by the Name of Sir Thomas Smith. And, being convicted of their Errours, some of them were dismissed onely with an Admonition, some sentenced to a Recantation, and others condemned to bear their Faggots at Saint Paul's Cross. Amongst which last, I finde one Campneys: who, being suspected to incline too much to their Opinions, was condemned to the bearing of a Fag∣got, on the Sunday following, (being the next Sunday after Easter,) Doctour Miles Coverdale, who afterwards was made Bishop of Ex••ter, then preaching the Rehearsal Sermon; which Punishment so wrought upon him, that he relinqui∣shed all his former Errours, and entred into Holy Orders, flying the Kingdom for the better keeping of a good Conscience in the Time of Queen Mary, and com∣ing back again with the other Exiles, after Her Decease. At what time he published a Discourse, in the way of a Letter, against the Gospellers above-men∣tioned. In which he proves them to have laid the blame of all sins, and wicked∣ness, upon God's Divine Decree of Predestination, by which men were compelled unto it. His Discourse answered not long after by John Veron, one of the Pre∣••ends of Saint Paul's, and Robert Crowley, Parsons of Saint Giles's near Cripple∣gate;

but answered with Scurrility and Reproach enough, according to the Hu∣mour of the Predestinarians.

And now the Time draws on for putting the New Liturgie in Execution, fra∣med with such Judgment out of the Common Principles of Religion, wher••in all Parties do agree, that even the Catholicks might have resorted to the same with∣out Scruple, or Scandal; if Faction more then Reason did not sway amongst them. At Easter, some began to officiate by it, followed by others as soon as Books c••••ld be provided. But on Whitsunday, being the day appointed by Act of Parliament, it was solemnly Executed in the Cathedral Church of Saint Paul, by the Command of Doctour May, for an example unto all the rest of the Churches in London: and consequently of all the Kingdom. In most parts whereof, there was at the first a greater forwardness then could be rationally ex∣pected, the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 men amongst the Papists conforming to it, because they 〈…〉〈…〉 in the maine (no not so much as in the Canon of the 〈…〉〈…〉 Latine Se••vice. And the unlearned had good reason to be plea∣sed 〈…〉〈…〉, in regard that all Divine Offices were Celebrated in a Tongue whic•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 understood, whereby they had means and opportunity to be∣come acq••aint•••• with the ch••e•• Mysteries of their Religion, which had been before 〈◊〉〈◊〉 s••cret fr••m ••hem. But then withall, many of those, both Priests and B••shops, who ••pe••••y had Officiated by it, to avoid the Penalty of the Law, did Celebrate their private Masses in such secret places, wherein it was not easie to discover their doings. More confidently ca••ried in the Church of St. Paul: in many Chapels whereof, by the Bishop's sufferance, the former Masses were kept up; that is to say Our Ladies Mass, the Apostles Mass, &c. performed in Latine, but Disguised by the English names of the Apostles Communion, and Our Ladies Communion. Which coming to the knowledg of the Lords of the Council, they add••••ssed their Letters unto Bonner: Dated the twen••y fourth of June; and Subscribed by the Lord Protectour, the Lord Chancellour Rich, the Earl of Shrewsbury, the Lord St. John, Chief Justice Mountague, and Mr. Cecil, made not long after one of the Secretaries of State. Now the Te∣nour of the said Letters was as followeth.

AFter Hearty Commendations; having very credible notice, that within that your Cathedral Church, there be as yet the Apostles Mass, and Our Ladies Mass, and other Masses of such peculiar name, under the defence and nomination of Our Ladies Communion, and the Apostles Communion, u∣sed in private Chapels, and other remote places of the same, and not in the Chancel, contrary to the King's Majesties Proceedings: the same being for that misuse displeasing unto God; for the place, Pauls, in example not to∣lerable; for the fondness of the name, a scorn to the Reverence of the Com∣munion of Christ's Body and Blood: We, for the Augmentation of God's Glo∣ry, and Honour, and the Consonance of His Majestie's Lawes, and the avoid∣ing of Murmur, have thought good, to will and Command you, that from henceforth no such Masses in this manner be in your Church any longer used; but that the Holy Blessed Communion, according to the Act of Parliament, be Administred at the High Altar of the Church, and in no other places of the same; and onel•• at such time as your High Masses were wont to be used: ex∣cept some number of People desire (for their necessary business) to have a Com∣munion in the Morning, and yet the same to be executed at the Chan∣cel on the High Altar; as it is appointed in the Book of the Publick Ser∣vic••; without Cautele, or Digression from the Common Order. And here∣in you shall not onely satisfie Our Expectation of your Conformity in all Lawfull things; but also avoid the murmur of sundry, that be therewith just∣ly offended. And so We bid your Lordship farewell, &c.

These Commands being brought to Bon••er, he commits the Execution of them to the Dean and Chapter; not willing to engage himself too far upon ei∣ther

side, till he had seen the Issue of such Commotions, as were then raised in many Parts of the Kingdom on another occasion. Some Lords and Gentlemen, who were possessed of Abbey-Lands, had caused many inclosures to be made of the waste Grounds in their several Mannours; which they conceived to be (as indeed it was) a great advantage to themselves, and no less profitable to the Kingdom. Onely some poor and indigent people were offended at it, in being thereby abridged of some liberty, which before they had in raising to them∣selves some inconsiderable profit from the Grounds enclosed. The Lord Pro∣tectour had then lost himself in the love of the Vulgar, by his severe, if not un∣natural proceedings against his Brother; and somewhat must be done for his re∣storing to their good opinions, though to the prejudice of the Publick. Upon this ground he caused a Proclamation to be Published in the beginning of May; Commanding, that they who had inclosed any Lands, accustomed to be common, should upon a certain pain, before a day signed, lay them open again. Which so encouraged the rude Commons, in many Parts of the Realm, that without Ex∣pecting the time limitted by the Proclamation, they gathered together in a rio∣tous, and tumultuous manner; pulled up the Pales, flung down the Banks, and filled the Ditches, laying all open as before. For which, some of them had been set upon, and sl••in in Wiltshire, by Sir William Herbert; others suppressed by force of Armes, conducted by the Lord Gray of Wilton, as were those in Oxfordshire; and some again reduced to more moderate, and sober courses, by the perswasion of the Lords and Gentlemen; as in Kent, and Sussex. But the most dangerous commotions, which held so long, as to Entitle them to the name of Rebellions, were those of Devonshire, and Norfolk; places remote from one another, but such as seemed to have communicated Counsels, for carrying on of the design.

The first of these in Course of time, was that of Devonshire, began (as those in other places) under pretence of throwing open the enclosures, but shortly found to have been chiefly raised, in maintainance of their old Religion. On Whitson-Munday, June the tenth, being next day after the first exercising of the Publick Liturgi••. Some few of the Parishioners of Samford Courtney, compelled their Parish-Priest, who is supposed to have invited them to that compassion, to let them have the Latine Mass, as in former times. These being seconded by some others, and finding that many of the better sort were more like to engage in this quarrel, then in the other; prevailed with those which before had Declared onely against Inclosures, to pretend Religion for the cause of their coming toge∣ther. And that being done, they were first Headed by Humphry Arundel Esquire, Commander of St. Michaels Mount, and some other Gentlemen, which so in∣creased the Reputation of the Cause, that in short time they had made up a Body of ten thousand men. Of this Commotion, there was but little notice taken at the first beginning, when it might easily have been crushed; the Lord Protectour not being very forward to suppress those Risings, which seemed to have been made by some incouragement from his Proclamations. In which Respect, and that his good fortune now began to fail him, when the mischief did appear with a face danger, and could not otherwise be redressed but by force of Arms; in stead of putting himself into the Head of an Army, the Lord Russel is sent down with some slender Forces, to give a stop to their Proceedings. But whe∣ther it were, that he had any secret instructions to drill on the time, or that he had more of the States-Man, then the Souldier in him; or that he had not strength enough to encounter the Enemy, he kept himself aloofe, as if he had been sent to look on, at a distance, without approaching near the dan∣ger.

The Rebels in the mean time increasing as much in confidence, as they did in numbers; sent their Demands unto the King. Amongst which, one more spe∣cially concerned the Liturgie, which therefore I have singled out of all the rest, with the King's Answer thereunto, in the words that follow. It was demanded

by the Rebels; That, for as much as we constantly believe, that after the Priest hath spoken the words of Consecration, being at Mass there Celebrating, and Con∣secrating the same; there is very really the Body and Blood of our Saviour Jesus Christ, God and Man; and that no substance of Bread and Wine remaineth after, but the very self-same Body, that was born of the Virgin Mary, and was given up∣on the Cross for our Redemption: therefore we will have Mass Celebrated as it was in Times past, without any man communicating with the Priests; for as much as ma∣ny, presuming unworthily to receive the same, put no difference between the Lord's Body, and other kind of meat; some saying, that it is Bread both before and after; some saying, that it is profitable to no man, except he receive it, with many other abu∣sed Terms.

To which Demand of theirs the King thus Answered; viz. That for the Mass, I assure you, no small study, nor travail hath been spent, by all the Learn∣ed Clergy therein, and, to avoid all contention, it is brought even to the very use as Christ left it, as the Apostles used it, as the holy Fathers delivered it; indeed somewhat altered from that, to which the Popes of Rome, for their Lucre, had brought it. And, although (saith He) ye may hear the contrary from some Popish evil men, yet. Our Majesty, which for Our Honour may not be blemished and stained, assureth you, that they deceive, abuse you, and blow these Opinions into your heads, to finish their own purposes.

But this Answer giving no content, they Marched with all their Forces to the Siege of Exeter; carrying before them in their March (as the Jews did the Ark of God, in the Times of old) the Pix, or Consecrated Host, borne under a Canopie, with Crosses, Banners, Candlesticks, Holy-Bread, and Holy-Water, &c. But the Walls of Exeter fell not down before this False Ark; as Dagon did before the True. For the Citizens were no less gallantly resolved to make good the Town; then the Rebels were desperately bent to force it. To which Resolution of the Ci∣tizens, the natural Defences of the City, (being round in Form, scituate on a rising Hill, and environed with a good Old Wall,) gave not more Encouragement: then some insolent speeches of the Rebels; boasting, that they would shortly measure the Silks, and Sattens therein, by the length of their Bows. For fourty days the Siege continued, and was then seasonably raised; the Rebels not being able to take it sooner, for want of Ordnance: and the Citizens not able to have held it longer, for want of Victuals; if they had not been Succoured, when they were. One fortunate Skirmish the Lord Russel had with the daring Rebels about the passing of a Bridg, at which he slew six hundred of them: which gave the Citizens the more Courage to hold it out. But the coming of the Lord Gray, with some Companies of Almain-Horse, seconded by three hun∣dred Italian-Shot under the Command of Baptista Spinoli, put an end to the Business. For, joyning with the Lord Russel's Forces, they gave such a strong Charge upon the Enemy: that they first beat them out of their Works; and then compelled them, with great Slaughter, to raise their Siege. Blessed with the like Success in some following Fights, the Lord Russel entereth the City on the sixth of August; where he was joyfully received by the half-starved Citizens: whose Loyalty the King rewarded with an encrease of their Privileges; and giving to their Corporation the Manour of Eviland. The sixth of August, since that Time, is observed amongst them for an Annual Feast, in perpetual Gratitude to Al∣mighty God, for their Deliverance from the Rebels; with far more Reason, then many such Annual Feasts have been lately Instituted in some Towns, and Cities, for not being gained unto their King. But, though the Sword of War was Sheathed, there remained work enough for the Sword of Justice; in Execu∣ting many of the Rebels, for a Terrour to others. Arundel, and the rest of the Chiefs, were sent to London, there to receive the recompense of their Deserts; most of the Raskal Rabble Executed by Martial Law; and the Vicar of St. Tho∣mas, one of the Principal Incendiaries, hanged on the Top of his own Tower, apparailed in his Popish Weeds, with his B••ads at his Girdle.

The Norfolk Rebels brake not out, till the twentieth of June; beginning first at a place called Ail-borough: but not considerable, either for Strength, or Number, till the sixth of July; when mightily encreased by Ket, a Tanner of Windham: who took unto himself the conducting of them. These men pre∣tended onely against Enclosures: and, if Religion was at all regarded by them, it was rather kept for a Reserve; then suffered to appear in the Front of the Bat∣tail. But, when their Numbers were so vastly multiplyed, as to amount to twen∣ty thousand; nothing would serve them, but the suppression of the Gentry, the placing of New Councellours about the King, and somewhat also to be done in fa∣vour of the Old Religion. Concerning which they thus Remonstrate to the King, or the People rather; viz: First, That the Free-born Commonalty was oppressed by a small Number of Gentry: who glutted themselves with Pleasure; whilest the poor Commons, wasted with dayly Labour, did, like Pack-Horses, live in extreme Slavery. Secondly, That Holy Rites, Established by Antiquity, were abolished, New ones Authorised, and a New Form of Religion obtruded; to the subjecting of their Souls to those Horrid Pains, which no Death could terminate. And therefore, Thirdly, That it was necessary for them, to go, in person, to the King, to place New Councellours about him, during his Minority; removing those, who, ruling as they list, confounded things Sacred and Profane, and regarded no∣thing but the enriching of themselves with the Publick Treasure, that they might Riot it amidst these Publick Calamities.

Finding no satisfactory Answer to these proud Demands, they March direct∣ly towards Norwich; and possess themselves of Moushold-Hill: which gave them not onely a large Prospect over; but a full Command upon that City: which they entered, and re-entered as they pleased. For what could a Weak City do in Opposition to so Great a Multitude: being neither strong by Art, nor Nature; and therefore not in a capacity to make any Resistance. Under a large Oak, on the top of this Hill, (since called The Oak of Reformation) Ket keeps his Courts, of Chancery, King's Bench, &c. forcing the neighbouring Gentry to submit to his lawless Ordinances; and committing many huge Enormities, under pretense of rectifying some Abuses. The King sends out his Gracious Pardon; which the proud Rebels entertain with Contempt, and Scorn. Whereupon it was resolved; that the Marquess of North-hampton should be sent against them, accompanied with the Lords Sheffield, and Wentworth, and divers Gen∣tlemen of Note, assisted by a Band of Italians (under the Command of Ma∣la-testa, an Experienced Souldier.) The Marquess was an excellent Courtier; but one more skilled in Leading a Measure, then a March: so that being beaten out of Norwich, (into which he had peaceably been admitted) with loss of some Persons of Principal Quality, and the firing of a great part of the City, he re∣turns ingloriously to London.

Yet all this while, the Lord Protectour was so far from putting himself upon the Action, that he suffered his most dangerous Enemy, the Earl of Warwick, to go against them, with such Forces, as had been purposely provided for the War of Scotland. Who, finding the City open for him, entertained the Rebels with divers Skirmishes; in most of which he had the better: which put them to a Resolution of forsaking the Hill, and trying their Fortune in a Battail, in a place called Dussing-dale, where they maintained a bloody Fight. But, at the last, were broken by the Earl's good Conduct, and the valiant Loyalty of his For∣ces. Two thousand of the Rebels are reported to have been slain in the Fight and Chase, the residue of them scattered over all the Country, the Principals of them taken, and deservedly Executed: Robert Ket hanged on Norwich-Castle; Willi∣am, his Brother, on the top of Windham-Steeple; nine of his chief Followers on as many Boughs of the Oak, where Ket held his Courts. Which great Deliverance was celebrated in that City by a Publick Thanks giving on the twenty seventh of August: and hath been since perpetuated Annually on that day, to these present Times. The like Rising happened about this time in York-shire, began by Dale,

and Ombler two seditious persons, and with them it ended, for being taken in a Skirmish, before their number had amounted to three thousand men, they were brought to York, where they were executed, with some others, on the twenty first of September▪ then next following.

The breaking out of these Rebellions, but most especially that of Devonshire, quickned the Lords of the Council to a sharper course, against all those whom they suspected not to favour the King's Proceedings, nor to advance the Exe∣cution of the Publick Liturgie, amongst whom, none was more distrusted then Bonner of London, concerning whom it was informed, that by his negligence, not onely many People within his Diocess, were very forgetfull of their Duty to God, in frequenting the Divine Service, then by Law established, but divers others utterly despising the same, did in secret places often frequent the Popish Mass. For this he is Commanded to attend the Lords of the Council on the eleventh of August, by whom he was informed of such Complaints as were made against him, and so dismissed with certain private Injunctions to be obser∣ved by him for the time to come. And for a further Trial to be made of his Zeal and Loyalty (if it were not rather for a Snare to entrap him in) he was Com∣manded to Preach against the Rebels, at Saint Paul's Cross, on the first of September, and there to shew the unlawfullness of taking Arms on Pretence of Religion. But on the contrary, he not onely touched•• not upon any thing which was enjoyned him by the Council, but spent the most part of his Sermon in maintenance of the Gross, Carnal, and Papistical presence of Christs Body and Blood, in the most Blessed Sacrament of the Altar. Complaints whereof, being made by William Latimer, Parson of St. Laurence Poult••ey, and John Hooper, sometimes a Cister'ian Monk; a Commission is issued out to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of Rochester and Peterborough, Sir Thomas Smith, and Doctour May, before whom he was convented at Lam∣beth, on the tenth of the Moneth, where after many Shifts on his part, and much patience on theirs, he is taken pro confesso, on the twenty third, and in the beginning of October deprived of his Bishoprick. To whom succeded Do∣ctour Nicholas Ridley, Bishop of Rochester, a Learned, Stout, and Resolute Prelate, as by the Sequel will appear: not actually translated till the twel••th of April, in the year next following, and added not long after to the Lords of the Council.

The necessary Execution of so many Rebels, and this seasonable Se∣verity against Bishop Bonner, did much facilitate the King's Proceedings in the Reformation. As certainly the Opposition to A••thority when it is sup∣pressed, both makes the Subject, and the Prince more absolute. Howso∣ever to make sure Work of it, there passed an act of Parliament in the follow∣ing Session, (which also took beginning on the fourth of November) for ta∣king down such Images, as were still remaining in the Churches; as also for the bringing in of all Antiphonaries, Missalls, Breviaries, Offices, Horaries, Pri∣mers, and Processionals, with other Books of False and Superstitious Worship. The Tenour of which Act was signified to the Subject by the King's Procla∣mations, and seconded by the Missives of Arch-Bishop Cranmer, to the Suffra∣gan Bishops, requiring them to see it put in execution with all Care and Dili∣gence. Which so secured the Church on that side, that there was no further Opposition against the Liturgie by the Romish Party, during the rest of this King's Reign. For what can any workman do when he wants his Tools, or how could they Advance the Service of the Church of Rome, when the Books by which they should officiate it, were thus taken from them.

But then there started up another Faction, as dangerous to the Church, as opposite to the Publick Liturgie, and as destructive of the Rules of the Refor∣mation, then by Law established, as were those of Rome. The Arch-Bishop and the rest of the Prelates, which co-operated with him in the Work, having so far proceeded in abolishing many Superstitions, which before were used, re∣solved

in the next place to go forwards with a Reformation in a Point of Do∣ctrine. In Order whereunto Melancthon's coming was expected the year before, but he came not then. And therefore Letters were directed by the Arch••Bishop of Canterbury to Martin Bucer, and Peter Martyr, two Great and Eminent Divines, but more addicted to the Zuinglian, then the Lutheran Doctrines, in the point of the Sacrament. Martyr accordingly came over in the end of No∣vember, and, having spent some timewith the Arch-Bishop in his House at Lam∣beth, was dispatched to Oxford, where he was made the King's Professour for Divinity, and about two years after made Canon of Christ-Church. In his first Lectures he is said by Sanders (if he may be credited) to have declared himself so much a Zuinglian in that point, as to give great offence to Cranmer, and the rest of the Bishops; but afterwards, upon notice of it, to have been more moderate, and to conform his Judgment to the Sense of those Learned Pre∣lates: Which whether it be true or not, certain it is, that his Readings were so much disliked by some of that University; that a publick Disputation was shortly had, betwixt him, and some of those who disliked his Doings: in which he publick∣ly maintained these two Propositions: 1. That the Substance of the Bread and Wine was not changed; and 2. That the Body and Blood of Christ was not Carnal∣ly and Bodily in the Bread and Wine; but united to the same Sacramentally. And for the better Governing of the Disputation, it was appointed by the King, that Doctour Cox, Chancellour of that University, assisted by one Mr. Morrison, a right Learned man, should preside as Judges, or Moderatours, as we call them; by whom it was decl••red in the open Scholes, that Martyr had the upper hand, and had sufficiently answered all Arguments, which were brought against him. But Chadsey the chief of the Opponents, and the rest of those who disputed with him, acknowledged no such Satisfaction to be gi∣ven unto them; their party noising it abroad (according to the Fate of such Dispu••ations) that they had the Victory.

But Bucer not coming over at the same time also, he was more earnestly in∣vited by Pet. Alexander, the Arch-Bishop's Secretary. whose Letters bear Date March 24. which so prevailed with him at the last, that in June we finde him here at Canterbury, from whence he writes to Peter Martyr, who was then at Oxford. And being here, he receives Letters from Calvin, by which he was advised to take heed of his old fault (for a fault he thought it) which was to run a moderate course in his Reformations. The first thing that he did at his coming hither (as he saith himself) was to make himself acquainted with the English Liturgie; translated for him into Latine, by Alexander Alesius, a Learned Scot, and generally well approved of by him, as to the main Frame, and Body of it, though not well satisfied perhaps in some of the particular Branches. Of this he gives account to Calvin, and desires some Letters from him to the Lord Protectour (with whom C••lvin had already began to tamper) that he might finde the greater favour, when he came before him, which was not till the Tumults of the time were composed and quieted. Having received a courteous enter∣tainment from the Lord Protectour, and being right heartily welcomed by Arch-Bishop Cranmer, he is sent to take the Chair at Cambridg. Where his first Rea∣dings gave no such distast to the Learned Academicks, as to put him to the necessity of challenging the Dissentients to a Disputation: though in the Ordi∣nary Form, a Disputation was there held at his first••coming thither, concerning the Sufficiency of Holy Scripture, the Fallibility of the Church, and the true Nature of Justification. But long he had not held the place, when he left this life, deceasing on the nineteenth of January, 1550. according to the computation of the Church of England, to the great loss and grief of that University. By the chiefest Heads whereof, and most of the Members of that Body, he was attended to his Grave with all due Solemnity: of which more hereafter.

But so it was, that the Account which he had given to Calvin of the English Liturgie, and his desiring of a Letter from him to the Lord Protectour,

proved the occasions of much trouble to the Church, and the Orders of it. For Calvin, not forgetting the Repulse he found at the hands of Cranmer, when he first offered his Assistance, had screwed himself into the Favour of the Lord Protectour. And thinking nothing to be well done, which either was not done by him, or by his Direction (as appears by his Letters to all Princes, which did but cast an eye towards a Reformation) must needs be meddling in such Matters, as belonged not to him. He therefore writes a very long Letter to the Lord Protectour; in which, approving well enough of set Forms of Prayer, he descends▪ more particularly to the English Liturgy, in canvasing whereof, he there except∣eth against Commemoration of the Dead (which he acknowledgeth however to be very Antient,) as also against Chrism, and Extreme Vnction; the last of which being rather allowed of, then required by the Rules of that Book: which said, he maketh it his Advice, that all these Ceremonies should be abrogated, and that withall he should go forwards to Reform the Church without fear or wit, without regard of Peace at home, or Correspondency abroad: such Considera∣tions being onely to be had in Civil Matters: but not in Matters of the Church; wherein not any thing is to be Exacted, which is not warranted by the Word, and in the managing whereof, there is not any thing more distastfull in the ey•• of God, then Worldly Wisdom, either in moderating, cutting off, or going backwards, but meerly as we are directed by his Will revealed.

In the next place, he gives a touch on the Book of Homilies, which Bucer, (as it appears by his Epistle to the Church of England) had right-well approved of. These very faintly he permits for a season onely; but by no means allows of them for a long continuance, or to be looked on as a Rule of the Church, or constant∣ly to serve for the instruction of the People: and thereby gave the hint to the Zuinglian Gospellers, who ever since almost have declaimed against them.

And whereas some Disputes had grown by his setting on, or the Pragmatick Humour of some Agents, which he had amongst us, about the Ceremonies of the Church, then by Law established, he must needs trouble the Protectour in that business also. () To whom he writes to this effect, That the Papists would grow insolenter every day then other, unless the differences were composed about the Ceremonies. But how? not by reducing the Opponents to Conformity, but by encouraging them rather in their Opposition: which cannot but appear most plainly to be all he aimed at, by soliciting the Duke of Sommerset, in behalf of Hooper, who was then fallen into some troubles upon that; of which more hereafter.

Now in the Heat of these Imployments, both in Church and State, the French and Scots lay hold on the Opportunity, for the Recovering of some Forts, and Peeces of Consequence, which had been taken from them by the English in the former War. The last year Bulloign-Siege was attempted by some of the French, in hope to take it by Surprize, and were couragiously repulsed by the English Garison. But now they are resolved to go more openly to work, and there∣fore send an Herald to defy the King, according to the Noble manner of those Times, in proclaiming War, before they entred into Action against one ano∣ther. The Herald did his Office on the eighth of August, and pre••ently the French, with a considerable Army, invade the Territory of Bulloign. In less then three weeks, they possess themselves of Blackness, Hamiltue, and New-Haven, with all the Ordnance, Ammunition, and Victuals in them. Few of the Souldiers escaped with Life: but onely the Governour of New-Haven, (a Bastard Son of the Lord Sturton's,) who was believed to have betrayed that Fort unto them, because he did put himself immediatly into the Service of the French. But they sped worse in their Designs by Sea, then they did by Land: for giving themselves no small Hopes in those broken Times, for taking in the Islands of Guer••sey and Jersey, they made toward them with a great number of Gallies: but they were so manfully encountred with the King's Navy, which lay then hovering on those Coasts; that, with the loss of a Thousand men, and great

spoil of their Gallies, they were forced to retire into France, and desist from their purpose. Nor were the Scot••, in the mean time, negligent in preparing for their own Defence; against whom some considerable Forces had been prepared in the Beginning of this Summer, but most unhappily diverted: though very fortunately imployed for the Relief of Exeter, and the taking of Norwich. So that, no Succours being sent for the Relief of those Garisons, which then re∣mained unto the English; the Scots, about the middle of November following▪ couragiously assault the strong Fort of Bouticrage, take it by Storm, put all the Souldiers to the Sword; except the Captain: and him they spared, not out of any Pity, or Humane Compassion, but because they would not lose the Hope of so great a Benefit, as they expected for his Ransom. Nothing now left unto the English, of all their late Purchases, and Acquists in Scotland: but the strong Fort of Aymouth, and the Town of Rox-borough.

The loss of so many Peeces in France, one after another, was very sad News to all the Court; but the Earl of Warwick. Who purposely had delayed the sending of such Forces, as were prepared against the French, that the Forts above-menti∣oned might be lost: that, upon the loss thereof, he might project the Ruin of the Lord Protectour. He had long cast an envious Eye at his Power and Greatness, and looked upon himself, as a man of other parts, both for Camp and Counsel; fitter in all Respects to Protect the Kingdom, then he that did enjoy the Ti∣tle. He looked upon him also, as a man exposed to the Blows of Fortune, in being so fatally deprived of his greatest strength, by the Death of his Brother: after which he had little left unto him, but the worst half of himself; feared by the Lords, and not so well beloved by the Common People, as he had been for∣merly. There goes a Story, that Earl Godwine, having treacherously slain Prince Alfred, the Brother of Edward the Confessour, was afterwards present with the King, when his Cup-bearer, stumbling with one foot, recovered himself by the Help of the other. One Brother helps another, said Earl Godwine merrily: And so, replyed the King as tartly, My Brother might have been useful unto me; if you had pleased to spare his Life, for my present Comfort. The like might have been said to Earl Dudly of Warwick: That, if he had not lent an helping hand to the Death of the Admiral, he could not so easily have tripp'd up the Heels of the Lord Prote∣ctour. Having before so luckily taken in the Out-Works, he now resolves to plant his Battery for the Fort it self. To which end he begins to muster up his Strengths, and make ready his Forces, knowing which way to work upon the Lords of the Court: many of which began to stagger in their good Affections, and some openly to declare themselves the Protectour's Enemies. And he so well applyed himself to their several Humours, that in short time his Return from Nor∣folk▪ with Success and Honour, he had drawn unto his side the Lord Chancel∣lour Rich; the Lord Saint-John, Lord Great Master: the Marquess of North-hampton; the Earl of Arundel, Lord Chamberlain; the Earl of South-hampton; Sir Thomas Cheny, Treasurer of the Houshould; Sir John Gage, Constable of the Tower; Sir William Peter, Secretary; Sir Edward Mountague, Chief Ju∣stice of the Common Pleas; Sir Edward North, Sir Ralph Sadlier, Sir John Ba∣ker, Sir Edward Wotton, Doctour Wotton, and Sir Richard Southwell. Of which some shewed themselves against him upon former Grudges, as the Earl of South-hampton; some out of hope to share those Offices amongst them, which he had ingrossed unto himself; many, because they loved to follow the strongest side; few in regard of any Benefit, which was like to Redound by it to the Com∣mon-Wealth; the greatest part complaining▪ that they had not their equal Di∣vidend, when the Lands of Chanteries, Free-Chapels, &c. were given up for a Prey to the greater Courtiers; but all of them disguising their private Ends, un∣der pretense of doing service to the Publick.

The Combination being thus made, and the Lords of the Defection convent∣ed together, at Ely-House in Holborn, where the Earl then dwelt: they sent for the Lord Mayour, and Aldermen, to come before them. To whom it is declared by

the Lord Chancellour Rich (a man of Sommerset's own preferring) in a long Ora∣tion, in what dangers the Kingdom was involved by the mis-Government, and Pra∣ctices of the Lord Protectour: against whom he objected also many Misdemean∣ours: some frivolous, some false, and many of them of such a Nature, as either were to be condemned in themselves, or forgiven in him. For in that Speech he charged him, amongst other things, with the loss of the King's Peeces in France, and Scotland, the sowing of Dissension betwixt the Nobility and the Com∣mons, Embezelling the Treasures of the King, and inverting the Publick stock of the Kingdom to his private use. It was Objected also; That he was wholly acted by the Will of his Wife, and therefore no fit man to command a King∣dom: That he had interrupted the ordinary Course of Justice, by keeping a Court of Requests in his own House, in which he many times determined of mens Free-holds: That he had demolished many Consecrated Places, and E∣piscopal Houses, to Erect a Palace for himself, spending one hundred pounds per diem, in superflous Buildings: That by taking to himself the Title of Duke of Som∣merset, he declared plainly his aspiring to the Crown of this Realm: and finally, having so unnaturally laboured the Death of his Brother, he was no longer to be trusted with the Life of the King. And thereupon he desires, or conjures them rather, to joyn themselves unto the Lords, who aimed at nothing in their Counsels; but the Safety of the King, the Honour of the Kingdom, and the Pre∣servation of the People in Peace and Happiness. But these Designs could not so closely be contrived, as not to come unto the Knowledg of the Lord Protectour, who then remained at Hampton-Court, with the rest of the Lords, who seemed to continue firm unto him. And, on the same day, on which this meeting was at London, (being the sixth day of October) he causeth Proclamation to be made at the Court-Gates, and afterwards in other places near adjoyning; requiring all sorts of persons to come in, for the defence of the King's Person: whom he conveyed the same night unto Windsore-Castle, with a strength of five hundred men, or thereabouts; too many for a Guard, and too few for an Army. From thence he writes his Letters to the Earl of Warwick, to the rest of the Lords, as al∣so to the Lord Mayour, and City of London, of whom he demanded a supply of a thousand men for the present service of the King. But that Proud City, seldom true to the Royal Interess, and secretly obsequious to every popular Pretender, seem∣ed more inclinable to gratifie the Lords in the like Demands, then to comply with his Desires. The News hereof being brought unto him, and finding that Master Secretary Peter, whom he had sent with a secret Message to the Lords in Lon∣don, returned not back unto the Court, be presently flung up the Cards: ei∣ther for want of Courage to play out the Game; or rather choosing willingly to lose the Set, then venture the whole Stock of the Kingdom on it. So that, up∣on the first coming of some of the opposite Lords to Windsore, he puts himself into their hands: by whom, on the fourteenth day of the same Moneth, he is brought to London, and committed Prisoner to the Tower; pitied the less, even by those that loved him, because he had so tamely betrayed himself.

The Duke of Sommerset▪ no longer to be called Protectour, being thus laid up; a Parliament beginneth (as the other two had done before) on the fourth of November. In which there passed two Acts of especial consequence, (besides the Act for removing all Images out of the Church, and calling in all Books of false and superstitious Worship, before-remembred,) to the concernments of Religion. The first declared to this Effect; That Such form, and manner of making, and Consecrating Arch-Bishops, and Bishopt, Priests, Deacons, and other Ministers of the Church, as by six Prelates, and six other Learned Men of this Realm, learned in God's Law, by the King to be appointed and assigned, or by the most number of th••m, shall be devised for that purpose, and set forth under the Great Seal, before the First of A∣pril next coming, shall be lawfully exercised, and used, and no other. The number of the Bishops, and the Learned Men, which are appointed by this Act, assure me, that the King made choice of the very same; whom he had formerly im∣ployed

in composing the Liturgie; the Bishop of Chichester being left out, by reason of his Refractoriness in not subscribing to the same. And they accord∣ingly applyed themselves unto the Work, following therein the Rules of the Primitive Church, as they are rather recapitulated▪ then ordained, in the fourth Councel of Carthage, Anno 401. Which, though but National in it self, was generally both approved, and received (as to the Form of Consecrating Bishops, and inferiour Ministers) in all the Churches of the West. Which Book, being fi∣nished, was made use of, without further Authority, till the year 1552. At what time, being added to the second Liturgie, it was approved of, and confirmed, as a part thereof, by Act of Parliament, An. 5. Edw. 6. cap. 1. And of this Book it is, we finde mention in the 36th. Article of Queen Elizabeth's Time. In which it is Declared; That, Whosoever w••re Consecrated, and Ordered, according to the Rites thereof, should be reputed, and adjudged to be lawfully Consecrated, and right∣ly Ordered. Which Declaration of the Church was afterwards made good by Act of Parliament, in the eighth year of that Queen: in which the said Ordinal, of the third of King EDVVARD the Sixth, is confirmed, and ratified.

The other of the said two Acts was, For enabling the King to nominate Eight (Bishops, as many Temporal Lords, and sixteen Members of the Lower House of Parliament: for reviewing all such Canons, and Constitutions, as remained in force, by Virtue of the Statute made in the 25th. year of the late King HENRY; and fitting them for the Vse of the Church, in all Times succeeding. According to which Act, the King directed a Commission to Arch-Bishop Cranmer, and the rest of the Per∣sons, whom he thought fit to nominate to that imployment. And afterwards ap∣pointed a Sub-Committee of eight Persons, to prepare the Work, & make it ready for the rest; that it might be dispatched with the more expedition: which said eight persons were, the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury▪ Doctour Thomas Goodrick, Bishop of El••; Doctour Richard Cox, the King's Almoner; and Peter Martyr, Doctour in Divinity; William May, and Rowland Taylour, Doctours of the Laws; John Lu∣cas, and Richard Goodrick, Esquires. By whom the Work was undertaken, and di∣gested, fashioned according to the Method of the Romane Decretals; and called by the Name of Reformati•• Legum Ecclesiasticarum, &c. But not being Commissiona∣ted hereunto, till the eleventh of November in the year 1551, they either wanted time to communicate it to the chief Commissioners, by whom it was to be presen∣ted to the K••ng: or found the King encumbred with more weighty matters; then to attend the pe••••sal of it. And so the King dying (as he did) before he had given life unto it by his Royal Signature, the Design miscarried: never thought fit to be resumed in the following Times, by any of those; who had the Government of the Chu••ch, or were concerned in the Honour, and Safety of it.

There also passed another Act, in Order to the Peace of the Common-Wealth, but especially procu••ed by the Agents of the Duke of Sommerset; the better to secure him from all Attempts, and Practices, for the Times ensuing; by which his Life might be illegally endangered. The purport of which Act was, to make it High Treason, for any twelve Persons, or above, assembled together, to kill, or imprison any of the King's Council; or alter any Laws; or continue together the space of an hour, being Commanded to return by any Justice of the Peace, Mayour, Sheriff, &c. Which Act, intended by his Friends for his Preservation, was afterwards made use of by his Enemies, for the onely means of his Destructi∣on; deferred a while, but still resolved upon, when occasion served. It w••s not long before Earl Dudly might perceive; that he had served other mens Tur••s against the Duke, as well as his own: and that, having served their Turns therein, he ••ound no such forwardness in them, for raising him unto the Place. They were all willing enough to unhorse the Duke; but had no mind, that such a rank Rider▪ as the Earl, should get into the Saddle. Besides, he was not ••o be told; that there was nothing to be charged against the Duke, which could touch his life; that so many men, of d••fferent Humours, were not like to hold ••ong in a Plot together, now their Turns were served; that the Duk••'s Friends

could not be so dull, as not to see the emptiness of the Practice▪ which was forged against him; nor the King so forgetfull of his Uncle, when the Truth was known, as not to raise him up again to his former height: it therefore would be fittest for his ends, and purposes, to close up the Breach, to set the Du••e at Liberty, from his Imprisonment; but so to order the Affair, that the Benefit should be acknowledged to proceed from himself alone. But first, the Duke must so acknowlege his Offences; that his Adversaries might come off with Honour. In Order whereunto, he is first Articled against, for many Crimes and Misdemea∣nours, rather imputed to him, then proved against him. And unto all these he must be laboured to subscribe, acknowledging the Offences contained in them; to beg the Favour of the Lords, and cast himself upon his Knees, for his Maje∣stie's Mercy. All which he very poorly did, subscribing his Confession on the twenty third of December. Which he subjoyned unto the Articles, and so re∣turned it to the Lords.

Anno Regni Edw. Sexti 4^o. An. Dom. 1549, 1550.

THe Lords, thus furnished with sufficient matter for a Legal Proceeding▪ condemned him, by a Sentence passed in the House of Peers, unto the Loss of all his Offices; of Earl Marshal, Lord Treasurer, and Lord Protectour: as also to ••he Forfeiture of all his Goods, and near two thousand pounds of good yearly Rents. Which being signified unto him, he acknowledged himself, in his Letter of the second of February, to be highly ••avoured by their Lordships; in that they brought his Cause to be Finable. Which Fine, though it was to him al∣most unsupportable, yet he did never purpose to contend with them, nor once to justi∣fie himself in any Action. He confess'd, That, being none of the wisest, he might easily err: that it was hardly possible for any man, in Eminent place, so to car∣ry himself; that all his Actings should be blameless in the eye of Justice. He therefore submitted himself wholly to the King's Mercy; and to their Discreti∣ons, for some Moderation: desiring them, to conceive of what he did amiss; as ra∣ther done through Rudeness, and want of Judgment▪ then through any malicious Meaning: and, that he was ready both to do, and suffer, what they should appoint. And finally, he did again, most humbly, upon his Knees, intreat Pardon, and Favour; and they should ever finde him so lowly to their Honours, and Obedient to their Or∣ders, as he would thereby make Amends for his former Follies.

By which Submission (it may be called an Abjectedness rather) as he gave much secret Pleasure to the most of his Adversaries: so he gained so far upon the King; that he was released of his Imprisonment on the fourth day after. And by his Majestie's Grace, and Favour, he was discharged of his Fine: his Goods, and Lands, being again restored unto him; except such, as had been given away: either the malice of his Enemies being somewhat appeased, or wanting power, and credit, to make Resistance.

This great Oak being thus shrewdly shaken, there is no doubt, but there will be some gathering up of the Sticks, which were broken from him, and somewhat must be done, as well to gratifie those men, which had served the Turn, as to inclin•• others to the like Propensions. And therefore upon Can∣dlemas••-Day, being the d••y, on which he had made his humble Submission be∣fore-mentioned, William Lord St. John, Lord Great Master, and President of the Council, is made Lord Treasurer; John Dudley, Earl of Warwick, Lord High Chamberlain, is preferred to the Office of Lord Great Master; the Marquess of North-hampton created Lord High Chamberlain; Sir Anthony Wingfield, Ca∣ptain

of the Guard, is made Comptroller of the King's House, in the place of Sir William Paget▪ (of whom more anon) and Sir Thomas Darcie advanced to the Office of Vice-Chamberlain, and Captain of his Majestie's Guard. And, though the Earls of Arundel, and Sou••••-hampton, had been as forward as any of the rest, in the Duke's destruction; yet now, upon some Court-displeasures, they were commanded to their Houses, and dismissed from their Attendance at the Council-Table: the Office of Lord Chamberlain of his Majestie's Houshold being taken from the Earl of Arundel, and bestowed on Wentworth, ennobled by the Title of Lord Wentworth, in the first year of the King. Some Honours had been given before, between the time of the Duke's Acknowledgment, and the Sentence passed on him by the Lords; and so disposed▪ that none of the Factions might have any ground for a Complaint. One of each side being taken out for these Advancements. For, on the nineteenth day of Janu∣ary, William Lord St. John, a most affectionate Servant to the Earl of War∣wick, was preferred unto the Title of Earl of Wiltshire; the Lord Russell, who had made himself the Head of those; which were engaged on neither side, was made Earl of Bedford; and Sir William Paget, Comptroller of his Majestie's Houshold, who had persisted faithfull to the Lord Protectour, advanced to the Dignity of a Baron, and not long after to the Chancellour-ship of the Dutchy of Lancaster.

Furnished with Offices, and Honours, it is to be presumed, that they would finde some way to provide themselves of sufficient Means, to maintain their Dignities. The Lord Wentworth, being a younger Branch of the Wentworths of Yorkshire, had brought some Estate with him to the Court; though not e∣nough, to keep him up in Equipage, with so great a Title. The want where∣of was supplied in part, by the Office of Lord Chamberlain, now conferred upon him; but more by the goodly Manours of Stebun••th (commonly called Stepney) and Hackney, bestowed upon him by the King, in consideration of the Good and Faithfull Services before performed. For so it happened, that the D••an and Chapter of St. Paul's, lying at the Mercy of the Times, as before was said, conveyed over to the King the said two Manours, on the twelfth day after Christm••ss, now last past, with all the Members and Appertenances there∣unto belonging. Of which, the last named was valued at the yearly rent of 41. pounds, 9. ••▪ 4▪ d. The other at 140. pounds, 8▪ ••. 11. ••. ob. And, being thus vested in the King they were by Letters Patents, bearing Date the sixteenth of April, then next following, transferred upon the said Lord VV••ntworth. By means whereof, he was possessed of a goodly Territory, extending on the Thames, from St. Katharine's near the Tower of London, to the Borders of Es∣sex, near Black-wall; from thence along the River Le•• to Stratford le Bow: and, fetching a great compass on that side of the City, contains in all no fewer, then six and twenty Town-ships, Streets, and Hamlets; besides such Rows of Building, as have since been added in these later Times. The like provision was made by the new Lord P••get, a Londoner by Birth, but by good Fortune, mix∣ed with Merit▪ preferred by degrees, to be one of the Principal Secretaries to the late King Henry: by whom he was employed in many Embassies, and Negoti∣ations. Being thus raised, and able to set up for himself, he had his share in the division of the Lands of Chantery, Free-Chapels, &c. and got into his hands the Episcopal House, belonging to the Bishop of Exeter, by him enlarged, and beautified, and called Paget-House▪ sold afterwards to Robert, Earl of Lei∣cester: from whom it came to the late Earls of Essex, and from them took the name of Essex-House, by which it is now best known. But being a great House is no•• able to keep it self▪ he played his Game so well; that he got into his pos∣session the Manour of Beau-desart (of which he was created Baron) and ma∣ny other fair Estates▪ in the County of Stafford; belonging partly to the Bishop, and partly to the Dean and Cha••ter of Lichfield: neither of which was able to contend with so great a Courtier, who held the See, and had the Ear of the

Protectour, and the King's to boot. What other Course he to••k to improve his Fortunes, we shall see hereafter; when we come to the last part of the Tragedy of the Duke of Sommerset.

For Sommerset, having gained his Liberty, and thereby being put into a Ca∣pacity of making use of his Friends, found Means to be admitted to the King's Presence: by whom he was not onely welcomed with all the kind Expressions of a Gracious Prince, and made to sit down at his own Table; but the same day (the eighth of April) he was again sworn one of the Lords of the Privy Council. This was enough to make Earl Dudly look about him, and to pre∣tend a Reconciliation with him for the present; whom he meant first to make se∣cure, and afterwards strike the last blow at him, when he least look'd for it. And, that the knot of Amity might be tyed the faster, and last the longer, (a True-Loves-Knot it must be thought or else nothing worth) a Marriage was n••gotiated between John Lord Viscount L'isle, the Earl's Eldest Son, and the Lady Ann Seimour, one of the Daughters of the Duke; which Marriage was joyfully solemnized on the third of June, at the King's Mannour-House of Sh••••e; the King himself gracing the Nuptials with his Presence. And now, who could imagine, but that, upon the giving of such Hostages unto one ano∣ther, a most inviolable League of Friendship had been made between them; and that, all Animosities and Displeasures being quite forgotten, they would more powerfully Co-operate to the publick Good? But, leaving them, and their Ad••erents, to the dark Contrivances of the Court, we must leave England for a time, and see how our Affairs succeeded on the other side of the Sea. Where, in the middle of the former Dissensions, the French had put us to the Worst in the way of Arms, and after got the Better in a Treaty of Peace.

They had, the last year, taken in all the Out-works, which seemed the strong∣est Rampar••s, of the Town of Bulloign; but had not strength enough to venture on the Town it self; provided plentifully of all necessaries to endure a Siege, and bravely Garisoned by men of too much Courage, and Resolution, to give it up upon a Summons. Besides, they came to understand, that the English were then Practicing with Charles the Emperour, to associate with them in the War, ac∣cording to some former Capitulations made between those Crowns. And, if they found such D••ffi••ulties, in maintaining the War against either of them, when they fought singly by themselves, there was no hope of any good Success against them, should they unite, and poure their Forces into France. Most true it is; that, after such time, as the French had bid Defiance to the King; and that the King, by reason of the Troubles and Embroilments at home, was not in a Condition to attend the Affairs of France, Sir William Paget was sent Ambas∣sadour to Charles the Fifth to desire Succour of Him, and to lay before Him the Infancy, and several Necessities of the young King, being then in the twelfth year of His Age. This desire when the Emperour had refused to hearken to, they besought Him; that he would, at the least, be pleased to take into His Hands, the keeping of the Town of Bulloign: and that, for no longer time, then untill King EDVVARD could make an End of the Troubles of His Subjects at home▪ and compose the Discords of the Court, which threatned more Danger then the other. To which Request He did not onely refuse to hearken; except the King would promise to restore the Catholick Religion as He called it, in all His Dominions; but expresly commanded, that, neither His Men, no•• Ammu∣nition, should go to the Assistance of the English. An Ingratitude not easie to be marked with a fitting Epithete: considering what fast Friends the Kings of England had alwaies been to the House of Burgundy, the Rights whereof re∣mained in the person of Charles; with what sums of Money they had helped them; and what sundry Way•• they had made for them, both in the Nether-Lands to maintain their Authority, and in the Realm of France it self, to in∣crease their Power. For, from the Marriage of Maximilian, of the Family of Austri••, with the Lady Mary of Burgundy, (which happened in the year

1478.) unto the Death of Henry the Eight, (which fell in the year 1546) are just threescore and eight years. In which time onely, it was found, on a just ac∣count, that it had cost the Kings of England, at the least, six Millions of Pounds, in the meer Quarrels of that House.

But the French, being more assured, that the English held some secret Pra∣ctice with the Emperour, then certain what the Issue thereof might be, resolv∣ed upon a Peace with EDVVARD: in hope of getting more by Treaty, then he could by Force. To this end one Guidolti, a Florentine, is sent for En∣gland: by whom many Overtures were made to the Lords of the Coun∣cil; not as from the King, but from the Constable of France. And spying with a nimble Eye, that all Affairs were governed by the Earl of Warwick, he resolved to buy him to the French, at what price soever: and so well did he ply the Business; that, at the last, it was agreed, that four Ambassadours should be sent to France from the King of England; to treat with so many others of that King∣dom, about a Peace between the Crowns: but that the Treaty it self should be held in Guisnes, a Town belonging to the English, in the Marches of Calice. In pursuance whereof, the Earl of Bedford, the new Lord Paget, Sir William Pe∣ter, Principal Secretary of Estate, and Sir John Mason, Clerk of the Coun∣cil, were, on the twenty first of January, dispatched for France. But no sooner were they come to Calice, when Guidol••i brings a Letter to them from Moun∣sieur d' Rochpot, one of the four, which were appointed for that Treaty, in behalf of the French. In which, it was desired, that the English Ambassadours would repair to the Town of Bulloign, without putting the French to the Charge, and Trouble, of so long a Journey, as to come to Guisnes. Which being demurred on by the English, and a Post sent unto the Court, to know the pleasure of the Council in that particular: they received word, (for so the Oracle had dire∣cted) that they should not stand upon Punctilioes, so they gained the point; nor hazard the Substance of the Work, to preserve the Circumstances. Accord∣ing whereunto, the Ambassadours removed to Bulloign, and pitch'd their Tents without the Town, as had been desired, for the Reception of the French: that so they might enter on the Treaty, for which they came. But then a new D••fficulty appeared: for the French would not cross the Water, and put them∣selves under the Command of Bulloign; but desired rather, that the English would come over to them, and fall upon the Treaty in an House, which they were then preparing for their Entertainment. Which being also yielded to, af∣ter some Disputes: the French grew confident, that, after so many Condescensi∣ons on the part of the English, they might obtain from them what they li••ted, in the main of the Business. For, though it cannot otherwise be, but that in all Treaties of this Nature, there must be some Condescendings made by the one, or the other: yet he, that yields the first inch of Ground, gives the other Party a strong Hope of obtaining the rest.

These Preparations being made, the Commissioners, on both sides, begin the Treaty: where, after some Expostulations, touching the Justice, or Injustice of the War, on either side, they came to particular Demands. The English requi∣red the payment of all Debts, and Pensions, concluded on between the two Kings deceased: and, that the Queen of Scots should either be delivered to their Hands, or sent back to Her Kingdom. But unto this the French replyed; That the Queen of Scots was designed in Marriage to the Daulphin of France: and, that She looked upon it, as an high Dishonour, that their King should be esteem∣ed a Pensioner, or Tributary to the Crown of England. The French, on the o∣ther side, propounded: That, all Arrears of Debts, and Pensions, being thrown aside, as not likely to be ever paid, they should either put the higher Price on the Town of Bulloign; or else prepare themselves to keep it, as well as they could. From which Proposals when the French could not be removed, the Oracle was again consulted: by whose Direction, it was ordered in the Council of England▪ That the Commissioners should conclude the Peace, upon such Ar∣ticles,

and Instructions, as were sent unto them: Most of them ordinary, and accustomed, at the winding up of all such Treaties. But that of most Concern∣ment was; That, all Titles, and Claims on the one side, and Defences on the other, remaining to either Party, as they were before, the Town of Bulloign, with all the Ordnance found there at the taking of it, should be delivered to the French, for the Sum of four hundred thousand Crowns of the Sun. Of which four hundred thousand Crowns, (each Crown being valued at the Price of six Shillings, and six Pence,) one Moity was to be paid, within three days after the Town should be delivered, and the other at the end of six Moneths after; Hostages to be given in the mean time for the payment of it. It was agreed also, in relation to the Realm of Scot∣land; That, if the Scots razed Lowder, and Dowglass, the English should raze Rox-borough, and Aymouth; and no Fortification in any of those places to be afterwards made.

Which Agreement being signed by the Commissioners of each side, and Hosta∣ges mutually delivered for performance of Covenants, Peace was Proclaimed between the Kings on the last of March: and the Town of Bulloign, with all the Forts depending on it, delivered into the power of the French, on the twen∣ty fifth day of April, then next following. But they must thank the Earl of Warwick, for letting them go away with that commodity at so cheap a Rate: for which the two last Kings had bargained for no less, then two Millions of the same Crowns, to be paid unto the King of England, at the end of eight years; the Towns, and Territory, in the mean time to remain with the English. Nor was young Edward backward in rewarding his Care, and Diligence, in expenditing the Affair. Which was so represented to him, and the extraordinary Merit of the Service so highly magnified; that he was made General Warden of the North, gratified with a thousand Marks of good Rent in Land, and the Com∣mand of an hundred Hors-men at the King's Charge. Such is the Fortune of some Princes, to be most Bountifull to those, who are falsest to them. Gui∣dolti also was rewarded with Knighthood, a Present of a thousand Crowns, and an Annual Pension of as much, to maintain his Honour; besides a Pension of two hundred and fifty Crowns per annum, which was given to his Son. What R••compense he had of the Crown of France I have no where found; but have good Reason to believe, that he did not serve their Turn for nothing. Great Care was also taken, for the preventing of such Disorders, as the dissolv∣ing of great Garisons, and the disbanding of Armies, do for the most part carry with them. And to this end the Lord Clinton, Governour of the Town, and Territo••y of Bulloign, was created Lord Admiral; the Officers, and Ca∣ptains, rewarded with Lands, Leases, Offices, and Annual Pensions; all foreign Forces satisfied, and sent out of the Kingdom; the Common Souldiers, having all their Pay, and a Moneths-Pay over, dismissed into their several Countries, and great Charge given, that they should be very well observed, till they were quietly settled at home▪ the Light-Hors-men, and Men-at-Arms, put under the Command of the Marquess of North hampton, then being Captain of the Band of Pensioners; and finally some of the Chief Captains, with six hundred Ordinaries, disposed of on the Frontiers of Scotland.

All Things thus quieted at Home, and composed Abroad, in reference to the Civil State; we must next see how Matters went, which concerned Religion: all Parties making use of the Publick Peace for the advancing of their Private, and particular Ends. And the first Matter of Remark, which occurs this year, is the Burning of John Butcher, (by others called John Knell, but generally best known by the Name of Joan of Kent) condemned for Heresie in the year last past, about the time, that so many Anabaptists were convented in the Church of Saint Paul, before Arch-Bishop Cranmer, and his Assistants: whereof men∣tion hath been made already. Her Crime was,

That she denied Christ to have tak••n Fl••sh from the Virgin Mary; affirming (as the Valentinians did of old) that he onely passed through her Body, as Water through the Pipe of a Con∣duit,

without participating any thing of that Body, through which He passed.

Great Care was taken, and much Time spent, by the Arch-Bishop to per∣swade her to a better sence: but, when all failed, and that he was upon the Point of passing Sentence upon her, for persisting obstinate in so gross an Heresie, she most maliciously reproached him, for passing the like Sen∣tence of Condemnation on another Woman, called Ann A••kew, for denying the Carnal Presence of Christ in the Sacrament▪ telling him, That he had con∣demned the said Ann A••kew not long before for a piece of Bread, and was then ready to condemn her for a piece of Flesh.

But being convicted, and delivered over to the Secular Judges, she was by them condemned to be burnt; but no Execution done upon it, till this present year. The Interval was spent in using all Means for her Conversion, and a∣mendment; which as it onely seemed to confirm her in her former Obstinacy: so it was found to have given no small encouragement to others, for entertaining the like dangerous, and un-Christian Errours. His Majesty was therefore moved to sign the Warrant for her Death. To which when the Lords of the Council could by no means win Him: the Arch-Bishop is desired to per••wade Him to it. The King continued both in Reason, and Resolution, as before He did, notwith∣standing all the Arch-Bishop's Arguments to perswade the contrary: the King affirming, that He would not drive her headlong to the Devil, and thinking it better to cha••tise her with some corporal Punishment. But, when the Gravity, and Importunity of the Man had prevailed at last, the King told him, as He signed the Warrant, that upon him He would lay all the Charge thereof, be∣fore God. Which Words of His declare sufficiently His Aversness from having any hand in shedding of that Womans Blood, how justly soever she deserved it. But that the Arch-Bishop's Earnestness, in bringing her to exemplary Punish∣ment, should contract any such guilt in the sight of God, as to subject him to the like cruel Death, within few years after (as some would bear the World in hand) is a Surmise, not to be warranted by any Principle of Piety, or Rule of Charity. The Warrant being signed, and the Writ for Execution Sealed; she was kept a whole Week before her Death, at the Lord Chancellour's House, dai∣ly resorted to, both by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and the Bishop of Lon∣don; who spared no pains to bring her to a ••ight belief in that Particular. But the same Spirit of Obstinacy still continued with her, and held her to the very last. For, being brought to the Stake in Smithfield, on the second of May, Dr. Sco••y (not long after made Bishop of Rechester) was desired to Preach unto the People; who insisting on the proof of that Point, for denyal whereof the obstinate Wretch had been condemned, she interrupted him, and told him with a very loud Voice; that, He lied like &c. And so, the Sermon being ended, the Executioner was commanded to do his Office, which he did ac∣cordingly. And yet this terrible Execution did not so prevail, as to extirpate, and exterminate the like impiou•• Do••ages; though it suppressed them for a time. For, on the twenty ••ourth of April, in the year next foll••wing▪ I finde one George Paris, a Dutch man, to have been burnt for Arianism in the very same place.

Better Success had John à Lasco, a Polonian born, with his Congregation of Germans, and other Strangers, who took Sanctuary this year in England; ho∣ping, that here they might enjoy that Liberty of Conscience, and Safety for their Goods, and Persons, which their own Countrey had denyed them. Nor did they fall short in any thing, which their Hopes had promised them. For the Lords of the Council looking on them, as affl••cted Strangers, and persecu∣ted for the same Religion, which was here professed, interceded for them with the King. And He as Gracio••sly vouchsafed to give them, both Entertainment, and Protection; assigned them the West-part of the Church, belonging to the late dissolved House of Augustine•• Friers, for the Exercise of Religious Duties: made th••m a Corporation, consisting of a Super-intendent, and four other Mi∣nisters; with power, to fill the vacant Places by a new Succession, whensoever

any of them should be void by Death, or otherwise the Parties by them chosen to be approved by the King, and Council. And this he did, with a Command to the Lord M••your of London, the Alderme••, and Sheriffs thereof; as also to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and all other Bishops of this Realm not to disturb them, either in the Free Exercise of their Religion, and Ecclesi••stical Government; notwithstanding, that they differed from the Government, and Forms of Worship, Established in the Church of England. All which, and more, He grants by His Letters Patents, bearing Date at L••ez (the Lord Chancellour's House) on the twenty fourth of July, and the fourth year of His Re••gn. Which Grant, though in it self an Act of most 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Compassion, in respect of those Strangers, yet proved the occasion of no small disturbance to the Proceedings of the Church, and the quiet ordering o•• the State; for, by suffering these men, to live under another kind of Government, and to Wor∣ship God after other Forms, then those allowed of by the Laws, proved in effect the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 up of one Altar against another in the midst of the Church, and the erecting ••f a Common-Wealth in the midst of the Kingdom. So much the more unfortunately pe••••itted in this present Conjuncture, when such a Rep••ure began to appear amongst our selves, as was made wider by the coming in of these Dutch Reformer••, and the Indulgence granted to them: as will appear by the foll••wing Story of John Hooper, designed to the Bishoprick of Glocester; which in br••ef was this.

John Hooper▪ the designed Bishop of Glocester, being bred in Oxford, stu∣dious in the Holy Scriptures, and well-affected unto those Beginnings of the Reformation, whi••h had been countenanced by King Henry, about the time of the Six Articles, found himself so much in danger, as put upon him the ne∣cessity of forsaking the Kingdom. Settling himself at Zurich, a Town of Swit∣zerland, he acquaints himself with Bulli••ger, a Scholar, in those Times, of great Name▪ and Note: and, having stai••d there, till the Death of King Henry, he returned into England; bringing with him some very strong Affecti∣ons to the Nakendness of the Zuinglian, or Helvetian Churches: though differ∣ing in Opinion from them in some Points of Doctrine; and more especially in that of Predestination. In England, by his constant Preaching, and learned Writings, he grew into great Favour, and Esteem, with the Earl of Warwick; by whose procurement, the King most Graciously bestowed upon him, without any seeking of his own, the Bishoprick of Glocester; which was then newly void, by the Death of Wakeman, the last Abbot of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and the first Bishop of that See. Having received the King's Letters Patents for his Preferment to that Place, he applies himself to the Arch-Bishop for his Consecration: concerning which there grew a difference between them. For the Arch-Bishop would not Conse∣crate him▪ but in such an Habit, which Bishops were required to wear by the Rules of the Church: and Hooper would not take it, upon such Conditions. Repairing to his Patron, the Earl of Warwick, he obtains from him a Letter to the Arch-Bishop; desiring a forbearance of those things, in which the Lord Elect of Glo∣cester did crave to be forborne at his hands; implying also, that it was the King's desire, as well as his, that such forbearance should be used. It was desired also, that he would not charge him with any Oath, which seemed to be burthenous to his Conscience. For the El••ct Bishop, as it seems, had boggled also at the Oath of paying Can••nical Obedience to his Metropolitan; which by the Laws, then, and still in force, he was bound to take. But the Arch-Bishop still persisting in the Denyal, and being well seconded by Bishop Ridley of London, (who would by no meanes yield unto it) the King himself was put upon the business by the Earl of VVarwick; who thereupon wrote to the Arch-Bishop this ensuing Letter.

RIght-Reverend Father, and Right-Trusty, and VVell-Beloved, VVe Greet you well. VVhereas VVe, by the Advice of Our Council, have Calaen, and Chosen Our Right-VVell-Beloved, and VVell-VVorthy, Mr. John Hooper, Professour of Divinity, to be Our Bishop of Glocester: as well for his Great Learning, Deep Judgment, and Long Study, both in the Scriptures, and other Profound Learning; as also for his Good Discreti∣on, Ready Vtterance, and Honest Life for that kind of Vocation; &c. From Consecrating of whom VVe understand you do stay, because he would have you omit, and let pass certain Rights, and Ceremonies, offensive to his Consci∣ence▪ whereby you think you should fall in Praemunire of Our Laws: VVe have thought Good, by Advice afore-said, to dispence, and discharge you of all manner of Dangers, Penalties, and Forfeitures, you should run into, and be in, in any manner of way, by omitting any of the same. And this Our Let∣ters shall be your sufficient Warrant, and Discharge therefore.

Given under Our Signet, at Our Castle of Windsore, the fifth day of August, in the fourth year of Our Reign.

This Gracious Letter notwithstanding, the two Bishops, wisely taking into con∣sideration, of what Danger, and Ill Consequence, the Example was, humbly craved leave, not to obey the King against his Laws: and the Earl, finding little hope of prevailing in that suit, which would not be granted to the King, leaves the new Bishop to himself; who, still persisting in his Obstinacy, and wilfull Humour, was finally for his Disobedience, and Contempt, committed Pri∣soner; and, from the Prison, writes his Letters to Martin Bucer, and Peter Martyr, for their Opinion in the Case. From the last of which, who had declared himself no friend to the English Ceremonies, he might presume of some Encouragement; but, that he had any from the first, I have no where found. The contrary whereunto will appear by his Answer unto John à Lasco▪ in the pre∣sent Case; whereof more anon.

In which condition of Affairs, Calvin addresseth his Letters to the Lord Protect••ur, whom he desireth to lend the man an helping hand, and extri∣cate him out of those Perplexities, into which he was cast. So that, at last, the Differences were thus compromised; that is to say, That Hooper should receive his Consecration, attired in his Episcopal Robes; that he should be dispensed with∣all▪ from wearing it at ordinary times, as his dayly Habit: but that he should be bound to use it, when soever he Preached before the King, in his own Cathedral, or any other place of like Publick Nature. According to which Agreement, be∣ing appointed to Preach before the King, he shewed himself apparelled in his Bi∣shop's Robes: namely, a long Scarlet Chimere, reaching down to the ground, for his upper Garment, (changed in Queen Elizabeth's Time, to one of Black Satten) and under that a white Linen Rochet, with a Square Cap upon his head; which Fox reproacheth by the name of a Popish Attire, and makes to be a great cause of Shame, and Contumeli••, to that Godly man. And possibly it might be thought so, at that time, by Hooper himself; who from thenceforth carried a strong Grudg against Bishop Ridley, the principal man, as he conceiv∣ed, (and that not untruly) who had held him up so closely to such hard Con∣ditions: not fully reconciled unto him, till they were both ready for the Stake; and then it was high time to lay aside those Animosities, which they had here∣upon conceived on against another. But these thing•• happened not, (I mean

his Consecration, and his Preaching before the King) till March next follow∣ing; and then we may hear further of him.

And thus we have the first beginning of that Opposition, which hath conti∣nued ever since against the Liturgie it self, the Cap, and Surplice, and other Rites, and Vsages of the Anglican Church.

Which Differences, being thus begun, were both fomented, and increased, by the Pragmaticalness of John à Lasco, Opposite, both in Government, and Forms of Worship, (if not perhaps in Doctrine also) to the Church of En∣gland. For John à Lasco not content to enjoy those Privileges, which were intended for the use of those Strangers onely, so far abused His Majestie's good∣ness, as to appear in favour of the Zuinglian, or Calvinian Faction, which then began more openly to shew it self, against the Orders of the Church. For, first▪ he publisheth a Book, entituled, Forma, & ratio totius Ecclesiastici Mi∣nisterii: Wherein he maintains the Use of Sitting at the Holy Communion; con∣trary to the Laudable Custome of the Church of England, but much to the En∣couragement of all those, who impugned her Orders. A Controversie, unhappi∣ly moved by Bishop Hooper, concerning the Episcopal Habit, was presently pro∣pagated amongst the rest of the Clergy, touching Caps, and Surplices. And in this 〈◊〉〈◊〉 John à La••co must needs be one: not onely countenancing those, who re∣fused to wear them; but writing unto Martin Bucer, to declare against them For which severely reprehended by that Moderate and Learned Man▪ and all his Ca∣vils, and Objections very solidly Answered; which being sent to him, in the way of Letter, was afterwards Printed, and dispersed, for keeping down that Oppo∣site Humour, which began then to overswell the Banks, and threatned to bear all before it. And by this Passage we may rectifie a Mistake, or a Calumny ra∣ther, in the Altare Damascenum. The Authour whereof makes Martin Bu∣cer Peremptory, in refusing to wear the Square Cap, when he lived in Cambridg; and to give this simple Reason for it; That he could not wear a Square Cap, since his Head was Round. But I note this onely by the way, to shew the Honesty of those men, which erected that Altar: and return again to John à Lasco; who, being born in Poland▪ where Sitting at the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper had been used by the Arians; (who looking no otherwise on Christ, then their Elder Brother, might think it was no Robbery at all to be equal with Him, and sit down with Him at His Table) what he learned there, he desired might be Practiced here, the better to conform this Church to the Polish Conventi∣cles.

As for the other Controversie about Caps, and Surplices; though it found no Encouragement from Martin Bucer; yet it received no small countenance from Peter Martyr. For in a Letter of his, of the first of July, inscribed Vnto a nameless Friend, who had desired his Judgement in it, he first declares, according to the very Truth; That, being indifferent in themselves, they could make no man, of themselves, to be either Godly▪ or Vngodly, by the use, or forbear∣ance of them: but then he addeth, That, () He thinks it most Expedient to the Good of the Church; that they, and all others of that kind, should be taken away, when the next convenient Opportunity should present it self. And then he gives this Reason for it: That, Where such Ceremonies were so stifly contended for, which were not warranted, and supported, by the Word of God; there commonly men were less sollicitous of the Substance of Religion, then they were of the Circumstances of it. But he might well have spared his Judgement, which had so visibly appeared in his dayly Practice. For he hath told us of himself, (in one of his Epistles, bearing Date at Zurick, the fourth of November, 1559. being more then five years, after he had left this Kingdom;) That, () He had never used the Surplice, when he lived in Oxford, though he were then a Canon of Christ-Church, and frequently present in the Quire. So that, between the Authority of Peter Mar∣tyr on the one side, and the Pragmaticalness of John à Lasco on the other, ma∣ny were drawn from their Obedience to the Rules of the Church, for the time

then present, and a ground laid for more Confusions, and Disturbances in the time to come.

The Regular Clergy, in those days, appeared not, commonly, out of their own Houses; but in their Priests Coats, with the Square Cap upon their Heads; and, if they were of Note, and Eminency, in their Gowns, and Tippets. This Habit also is decryed for Superstitious; affirmed to be a Popish Attire, and alto∣gether as unfit for Ministers of the Holy Gospel, as the Chimere, and Rochet▪ were for those; who claimed to be the Successours of the Lord's Apostles, So Tyms re∣plyed unto Bishop Gardiner, when, being asked, Whether a Coat, with Stockings of divers Colours, the upper part White, and the nether-stock Russet, (in which Habit he appeared before him) were a fit Apparel for a Deacon: (which Office he had exercised in this Church) he sawcily made Answer, That his Vesture did not so much vary from a Deacon's, as his Lordships did from that of an Apostle. The less to be admired in Tyms, in that I finde the like aversness from that Grave, and Decent Habit, in some other men: who were in Parts and Place above him▪ For, while this Controversie was on Foot, between the Bishops and Clergy, about wearing Priests-Caps, and other Attire, belonging to their Holy Order, Mr. John Rogers, one of the Prebends of Saint Paul's, and Divinity-Reader of that Church, then newly returned from beyond the Seas, could never be perswaded to wear any other, then the Round Cap, when he went abroad. And, being fur∣ther pressed unto it, he declared himself thus, That he would never agree to the point of Conformity: but on this Condition, that, if the Bishops did require the Cap, and Tipper, &c. then it should also be decreed, that all Popish Priests (for a Distinction between them▪ and others) should be constrained to wear upon their Sleeves a Chalice, with an Host upon it. The like aversness is by some ascribed also to Mr. John Philpot, Arch-Deacon of Winchester, not long before returned from beyond the Seas▪ as the other was, and s••ffering for Religion in Queen Ma∣rie's Days, as the other did. Who, being by his place a Member of the Convo∣cation, in the first of Queen Mary, and required by the Prol••cutour to come apparelled, like the rest, in his Gown and Tippet, or otherwise to forbear the House, chose rather to accept of the last Condition, then to submit unto the former. But there was some thing else in the first Condition, which made him unwilling to accept it, and that was, That He must not speak, but when he was commanded by the Prolocutour. Which being so directly against the Customes of the House, and the Privileges of each Member of it▪ he had good reason, rather to forbear his Presence; then to submit himself, and consequently all the rest of the Members, to so great a Servitude.

Such were the Effects of Calvin's Interposings in behalf of Hooper; and such the Effects of his Exceptions against some Antient Usages in the Publick Li∣turgie; and such the Consequents of the Indulgence granted to John a Lasco, and his Church of Strangers, opposite, both in Practice, and point of Judgment, to the established Rules, and Orders of the Church of England. For what did follow hereupon, but a continual multiplying of Disorders in all Parts of this Church? What from the Sitting at the Sacrament, used, and maintained by John a Lasco: but first Irreverence in receiving, and afterwards a Contempt and de∣p••aving of it? What from the crying down of the Sacred Vestments, and the Grave Habit of the Clergy: but first a Disesteem of the men themselves, and by Degrees a Vilifying and Contempt of their Holy Ministery? Nay, such a p••c∣cancy of Humour began then manifestly to break out; that it was Preached at Paul's Cross by one Sir Steven, (for so they commonly called such of the Cler∣gy, as were under the Degree of Doctour) the Curate of Saint Katharine-Christ Church, That, it was fit the Names of Churches should be altered, and the Names of the Days in the Week changed; That F••sh-days should be kept on any other days, then on Fridays, and Saturdays, and the Lent at any other time, except onely between Shrove••tide, and Easter. We are told also by John Stow, that he had seen the said Sir Steven to leave the Pulpit, and Preach to the Peo∣ple

out of an high Elm, which stood in the middest of the Church-Yard; and, that being done, to return into the Church again; and leaving the High Altar, to sing the C••mmunion-Service upon a Tomb of the Dead, with ••is Face to∣ward the North. Which is to be Observed the rather; because Sir Steph••n hath found so many Followers in these later Times. For, as some of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sort have left the Church, to Preach in Woods, and Barns, &c. and, instead of the Names of the Old Days, and Moneths, can finde no other s••itle for them, then the First, Second, or Third Moneth of the Year, and the First, Second, or Third Day of the Week, &c. so was it propounded, not long since, by some State-Reform••rs: That the Lenten••Fast should be kept no longer, between Shrove∣tide and Ealster; but rather (by some Act or Ordinance, to be made for that purpose) b••••wixt Easter and▪ Whitsuntide. To such wild Fancies do men grow, when once they break those Bonds, and neglect those Rules, which wise Antiquity or∣dain••d, for the preservation of Peace, and Order.

If it be asked, What, in the mean time, was become of the Bishops, and, Why no Care w••s t••ken for the purging of these Peccant Humours: It may be Answered; That the Wings of their Authority had b••en so clipped that it was scarce able to fly ab••oad: the Se••t••nce of Excommunication▪ wherewith they formerly kept in Aw both Priest, and People no•• having been in Use, and Practice, since the first of this King. Whether it were, that any Command was lay'd upon the Bishops; by which they were restrained from the Exercise of it: Or, that some other Course was in Agitation for drawing the Cognizance of all Ecclesiastical Cau∣ses to the Courts at Westminster: Or, that it was thought inconsistent with that Dreadful S••ntence, to be issued in the King's Name: (as it had lately been ap∣pointed by Act of Parliament,) it is not easie to determine. Certain it is, that, at this Time, it was in an Abeya••ce, (as our Lawyers Phrase it) either Aboli∣sh••d for the present, or of none Effect: not onely to the cherishing of these Disorders, amongst the Ministers of the Church; but to the great encrease of Vic••ousness in all sorts of Men. So that it was not without cause▪ that it was called for so earnestly by Bishop Latimer, in a Sermon Preached before the King, where he thus presseth for the Restitution of the Antient Discipline; Lechery (saith he) is used in England, and such Lechery, as is used in no other Part of the World. And yet it is made a matter of Sport, a matter of Nothing, a Laughing matter, a Trifle, not to be Passed-on▪ nor Reformed. Well, I trust it will be amended one day, and I hope to see it mended, as old as I am. Ana here I will make a Suit to your Highness, to restore unto the Church the D••scipline of Christ, in Excommunicating such, as be notable Offenders. Nor, never devise any other Way: for no man is able to devise any better, then that God hath done, with Ex∣communication to put them from the Congregation, till they be con••ounded. There∣fore Restore Christ's Discipline, for Excommunication: and that shall be a mean, both to pacifie Go••'s Wrath, and Indignation; and also, that less Abomination shall be used, then in Times past hath been, or is at this day. I speak this of a Con∣science, and I mean to move it, of a Will, to Your Grace, and Your Realm. Bring into the Church of England, the Open Discipline of Excommunication; that open Sinners may be striken with all.

No•• were these all the Mischiefs, which the Church suffered at this Time. Many of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Nobility, and Gentry, wh••ch held Abbey-Lands, and were charged with Pensions to the Monks, out of a covetous Design to be freed of those Pensions, o•• to discharge their Lands from those Incumbrances, which by that means were la••'d upon them, had placed them in such Benefices, as were in their Gifts. This fi••led the Church with ignorant and illiterate Priest••: few of the Monks being Learned beyond their Mass-Book, utterly unacquainted with the Art of Preaching, and otherwise not well-affected to the Reformation. Of which Abuse, Complaint is made by Calvin to Arch-Bishop Cranmer: and P••ter Martyr () much bemoaneth the miserable Condition of the Church, for want of Preachers; though he touch not at the Reasons, and Causes of it.

For the rem••dy whereof (as Time, and Leasure would permit) it was Ordained, by the Advice of the Lo••ds of the Council; That, of the King's 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Cha••lains, which attended in Ordinary, two of them sh••uld be always abo••t the Court, and the other four should Travail in Preaching abroad. The first year, two in Wales, and two in Lincolnshire; the second year, two in the Marches of Scot∣land, and two in Yorkshire; the third year, two in Devonshire, and two in Hamp∣shire; the fourth year, two in Norfolk, and two in Essex; the fi••th year, two in Kent and two in Sussex: and so throughout all the Shires in England. By which means it was hoped, that the People might, in time, be well instructed in their Duty to God, and their Obedience to the Laws: in which they had not shewed themselves so forward; as, of right, they ought. But this Course be∣ing like to be long in running, and subject to more Heats and Co••ds, then the nature of the Business could well comport with; the next ca••e was, to fi••l the Church with Abler, and more Orthodox Clarks, as the Cures fell void. And, for an Example to the rest, it was Ordered; That none should be presented unto any Benefice in the King's Donation; either as in the Right of His Crown or by Promotion. Wardship, Lapse, &c. till he had Preached before the King; and thereby passed H••s Judgment, and Approbation. And it was much about this time, that Ser∣mons at the Court were increased also. For whereas formerly there were no Ser∣mons at the Court, but in time of Lent; and possibly on some ••ew of the greater Fe∣stivals; in which re••pect six Chaplains were sufficient to attend in Ordinary: it was now Ordered; That, from thenceforth, there should be Sermons every Sun∣day, for all such as were so disposed, to resort unto.

But the Great business of this Year was the taking down of Altars, in many places, by the Publick Author••ty; which in some few had formerly been pulled down, by the irregular forwardness of the Common People. The Principal Motive whereunto was, in the first place, the Opinion of some d••slikes, which had been taken by Calvin, against the Liturgie; and the desire of those of the Zuinglian Faction, to reduce this Church unto the Nakedness and Simplicity, of those Transmarine Chu••ches, which followed the H••lve••ian, or Calvinian Forms. For the Advancement of which Work, it had been Preached by Hooper, above-mentioned, before the King, about the b••ginning of this year; That, It would be very well, that it might please the Magistrate, to tu••n the Altars into Tables: according to the first Institution of Christ; and thereby to take away the fal••e per∣sw••sion of the People, which they have of Sacrifices to be done upon the Altars. Because (said he) as long as Altars remain, both the ignorant People, and the igno∣rant, and evill-perswaded Pri••st, will dream always of Sacrifice. This was ••∣nough▪ to put the thoughts of the Alteration into the Head of some Great Men about the Court, who thereby promised themselves no small Hopes of Profit, by the disfurnishing of the Altars of the Hangings, Palls, Plate, and other Rich Vtensils; which every Parish, more, or less, had provided for them. And that this Consideration might prevail upon th••m, as much, as a∣ny other, (if perhaps not more) may be collected from an E••quiry▪ made a∣bout two years after. In which, it was to be interrogated; What Jewels of Gold, and Silver, or Silver Crosses, Candl••sticks, Censers, Chalices, C••pes, and other V••stments, were then remaining, in any of the Cathedral, or Parochial Churches; or otherwise had been embezelled, or taken away: the leaving ••f one Chalice to every Church, with a Cloath, or Covering, for the C••mmunion-Table, being thought sufficient.

The matter being thus resolved on, a Letter comes to Bishop Ridley, in the name of the King, Signed with His Royal Signet, but Subscribed by Sommer∣set, and other of the Lords of the Council, concerning the taking down of Al∣tars, and setting up Tables in the stead thereof. Which Letter, because it re∣lates to somewhat, which was done before, in some of the Churches, and seems on••ly to pretend to an Vniformity in all the rest, I shall here subjoyn; that b••ing the Chief Ground, on which so great an Alteration must be suppo∣sed

to have been raised. Now the Tenour of the said Letter is, as follow∣eth.

RIght-Reverend Father in God, Right-Trusty, and Well-Beloved; We Greet You well: Whereas it is c••me to ••ur Kn••wl••dge; that being the Altars within the more part of the Churches of the Realm, upon Good and Godly Considerations, are tak••n down, there doth yet remain Altars, stand∣ing in divers other Churches; by occasion whe••eof ••uch Vari••nce, and Con∣tention, ariseth amongst sundry of Our Subjects; which, if good Fo••e-sight were not had, might perhaps engen••er great Hurt, and Inconvenience: We let you wit; that, minding to have all ••ccasions of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 taken away, which many times groweth by th••se, and s••ch l••ke Diversities and consi∣dering, that, amongst other thi••gs, belongi••g to Our 〈…〉〈…〉, an•• Care, We do account the greatest to be, to m••intain the c••mmon Quiet of Our Re••lm; We have thought Good, by the Advice of Ou•• C••urcil, to req••ire You, and nevertheless especially to Charge, a••d C••mm••nd You, for the avoidi••g of all m••tters of further 〈…〉〈…〉 about the standing, or ta••ing away of the said 〈◊〉〈◊〉, to give 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Order th••••ughout all Your Diocess; that, with al•• Dil••gence, all the Altars, in e∣very Church, or Chapel: as well in places Exempted▪ as not Exempted, within Your said Dioce••s, be taken ••own; and in stead of them, a Table to be set up, in some conven••ent part of the Chancel▪ within every such Church, or Ch••p••l, to serve for the Ministration ••f the Bl••sted Communion. And, to the intent, the same may be done, without the Offence of such Our Loving Subjects, as be not, yet, so well perswaded in that behalf, as We ••ould wish, We send unto You herewith certain Considerations, Gathered, and Collected, that mak•• for the purpose. The which, and such others, as You shall think meet, to be set forth to perswade the weak, to embrace Our Proc••edings in this pa••t, We pray You cause to be declared to the People by some discreet Preachers, in such places, as You shall thi••k ••eet, before the taking down of the said Altars: so, as both the weak Consciences of others m••y be in∣structed, and satisfied, as much as m••y be▪ and this Our Pleasure the more quietly Executed. For the better doing whereof, We require You to open the fore••said Considerations, in that Our Cathedral Church in Your own Per∣son if You conveniently may; or, otherw••••e by Your Chancellour or other Grave Preacher, both there, and in such other Mark••t-Towns, and most Notable Places, of Your Diocess, as You may think most requisite.

Which Letter, bearing Date on the twenty fourth of November, in the fourth year of the King, was Subscribed by t••e Duke of Sommerset, the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, the Lord Admiral Clinton, the Earls of Warwick, Bedford, and Wiltshire; the Bishop of Ely, the Lords Wentworth, and North.

Now t••e Effect of the said Reasons, mentioned in the last part of this Letter, were; First, ••o move the People, from the Superstitio••s Opinions of the Popish Mass, unto the right Use of the Lora's Supper. The Use of an Altar being, to Sacrifice up••n; and the Use of a Table, to Eat upon: and therefore a Table to be f••r more 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for Our feeding on Him▪ who was once onely Crucified, and Offered for us. Secondly, That, in the Book of Common-Prayer, the name of Alta••, the Lord's Board, and Table, are used indifferently, without presc••ibing any thing in the Form thereof. For as it is called a Table, and the Lord's Board, in reference to the Lord's Supper, which is there Administred, so it is called an Altar also, in reference to the Sacrifice of Praise and Thanks-giving, which is there ••ffer••d unto God. And so the changing the Altars into Tables n••t to be any way repugnant to the Rules of the Liturgie. The third Reason seems to be

no other then an Illustration of the First, for taking away the superstitious Opinion out of the Minds of the People, touching the Sacrifice of the Mass, which was not to be Celebrated, but upon an Altar. The Fourth, That the Altars were Erected for the Sacrifices of the Law; which being now ceased, the Form of the Altar was to cease together with them. The Fifth, That, as Christ did Institute the Sacrament of his Body and Blood, at a Table, and not at an Altar, (as appear∣eth by the three Evangelists) so it is not to be found, that any of the Apostles did ever use an Altar in the Ministration. And finally, That, it is declared in the Preface to the Book of Common-Prayer, That, If any Doubt arise in the Use, and Practising, of the said Book, that then, to appease all such Diversity, the Matter shall be referred unto the Bishop of the Diocess; who, by his Discre∣tion, shall take Order for the quieting of it.

The Letter with these Reasons being brought to Ridley, there was no time for him to dispute the Commands of the one, or to examine the Validity, and Strength of the other. And thereupon, proceeding shortly after to his first Visi∣tation, he gave out one Injunction, amongst others, to this Effect, That Those Churches in his Diocess, where the Altars do remain, should conform themselves unto those other Churches, which had taken them down; and that, instead of the multi∣tude of their Altars, they should set up one decent Table in every Church. But this be∣ing done, a question afterwards did arise, about the Form of the Lords Board; some using it in the Form of a Table, and others in the Form of an Altar. Which be∣ing referred unto the Determination of the Bishop, he declared himself in fa∣vour of that Posture, or Position of it; which he conceived most likely to procure an Vniformity in all his Diocess, and to be more agreeable to the King's Godly Proceedings, in abolishing divers vain, and superstitious Opinions, about the Mass, out of the Hearts of the People. Upon which Declaration, or Determi∣nation, he appointed the Form of a Right Table, to be used in his Diocess; and caused the Wall standing on the back side of the Altar, in the Church of Saint Paul's, to be broken down, for an Example to the rest. And being thus a leading Case to all the rest of the Kingdom, it was followed, either with a swifter, or a slower Pase; according as the Bishops in their several Diocesses, or the Clergie in their several Parishes, stood affected to it. No Universal Change of Altars into Tables, in all parts of the Realm, till the Repealing of the First Liturgie, in which the Priest is appointed, To stand before the middest of the Altar, in the Celebration; and the establishing of the Second, in which it is required, That The Priest shall stand on the North-side of the Table, had put an end to the Dispute.

Nor, indeed, can it be supposed, that all, which is before affirmed of Bishop Ridley, could be done at once, or acted in so short a Space, as the rest of this year: which could not give him time enough, to Warn, Commence, and carry on a Visitation; admitting, that the Inconveniency of the Season might have been dispensed with. And therefore I should rather think, that the Bishop, having received His Majestie's Order in the end of November, might cause it to be put in Execution in the Churches of London, and Issue out his Mandates to the rest of the Bishops, and the Arch-Deacons of his own Diocess, for doing the like i•• other Places within the compass of their several and Respective Jurisdictions. Which being done, as in the way of Preparation, his Visitation might proceed in the Spring next following; and the whole Business be transacted, in Form, and M••nner, as before laid down. And this may be beleived the rather; be∣cause the changing of Altars into Tables is made by Holinshead, () (a Dili∣gent and Painfull Writer) to be the Work of the next year: as, questionless it needs must be, in all Parts of the Realm; except London, and Westminster, and some of the Towns, and Villages, adjoyning to them. But, much less can I think, that the Altar-wall, in Saint Paul's Church, was taken down by the Command of Bishop Ridley, in the Evening of Saint Barnaby's-Day this present year; as is affirmed by () John Stow. For then it must be done five Moneths, before

the coming out of the Order from the Lords of the Council. Assuredly, Bishop Ridley was the Master of too great a Judgment, to run before Authority, in a Business of such Weight, and Moment. And he had also a more high Esteem of the Blessed Sacrament; then, by any such unadvised, and precipitate Action, to render it less Venerable in the Eyes of the Common People. Besides, whereas the taking down of the said Altar Wall is said to have been done ••n the first Saint Barn••••y's-Day▪ which was kept Holy with the Church: that Circumstance is alone sufficient, to give some Light to the Mistake. The Liturgie, wh••ch appoint∣ed Saint Barnaby's-Day to be kept for an Holy-Day, was to be put in Executi∣on in all parts of the Realm, at the Feast of Whitsun-tide, 1549▪ and had actually been Officiated in some Churches, for some Weeks before. So, that the first Saint Barnaby's Day, which was to be kept Holy by the Rules of that Liturgie, must have been kept in that year also; and consequently the taking down o•• the said Altar-Wall, being done ••n the Evening of that day, must be supposed to have been done above ten Moneths, before Bishop Ridley was Transl••ted to the See of London. Let therefore the keeping Holy of the first Saint Barnaby's-Day be placed in the year 1549, the Issuing of the Order from the Lords of the Council in the year 1550, and the taking down of the Altar-Wall, on the Evening of Saint Barnaby's-Day, in the year 1551. And then all Inconveni∣ences, and Contradictions, will be taken away, which otherwise cannot be avoided.

No change this year amongst the Peers of the Realm, or Principal Officers of the Court: but in the Death of Thomas Lord Wriothesly, the first Earl of South∣hampton▪ of that Name▪ a••d Family; who died at Lincoln-Place, in Hol••born, on the thirtieth day of July: leaving his Son Henry, to succeed him in his Lands, and Honours. A Man Unfortunate in his Relations to the two Great Persons of that Time; deprived of the Great Seal by the Duke of Sommerset; and re∣mov••d from his Place at the Council-Table by the Earl of Warwick: having first served the Turns of the one, in lifting him into the Saddle; and of the o∣ther, in dismounting him from that High Estate. Nor finde I any great Change thi•• year amongst the Bishops: but that Doctour Nicholas Ridley, Bishop of Rechester, was Transloted to the See of London, on the twelfth of April; and Docto••r John P••ynet, Cons••crated Bishop of Rochester, on the twenty sixth of June. By which Account he must needs be the first Bishop▪ which received Epi∣scopal Consecration according to the Fo••m of the English Ordinal: as Farrars was the fi••st, who was advanced, unto that Honour, by the King's Letters Pa∣ten••s. As for Ridley, we have spoke before; and as for Poynet, he is affirmed to have been a Man of ver•• good Learning, with Reference to his Age, and the Time he lived in: well studied in the Greek Tongue, and of no small Emi∣nence in the Arts, and Mathematical Sciences. A Change was also made in Cambridg by the Death of Bucer: which I finde placed, by F••x, on the twenty third of December; by others, with more Truth, on the nineteenth of January (both in the Compass of this year) and by some others, with less Rea••••n, on the tenth of March. But, at wh••t time sover he died, certain it is, that he was most Solemnly Interred in Saint Marie's-Church attended to Fu- his ••rave by all the Heads, and most of the Graduates in that Vniversity: his ne••al Sermon Preached by D••ct••ur Par••er, ••he first Arch-Bishop of Canterbu∣ry in Queen Eliz••beth'•• Time: the Panegyrick made by one of the Haddons▪ a Man of a mo•••• Fluen••, and Rhetorical S••yle: all that pretended to the Muses, in both Vniver••ities, setting forth his great Worth, and their own Loss in him, with the best of their Poetry.

Anno Regni Edw. Sexti 5^o. An. Dom. 1550, 1551.

WE must begin this year with the Deprivation of Bishop Gardiner, whom we left committed to the Tower the last of June in the year 1548. There he remained almost two years, without being pressed to any particular Point: the yielding unto which might procure his Liberty: or the Refusal justifie such a long Imprisonment. On the tenth of June, this year the Publick Liturgie, now being generally executed in all Parts of the Kingdom, was offered to his Considerati∣on; that some Experiment might be made, whether he would put his Hand unto it, and promise to advance the Service. Upon the fourth day after, the Duke of Sommerset, with five other of the Lords of the Council, was sent unto the Tower to receive his Answer. Which he returned to this effect; That he had deli∣berately considered of all the Offices contained in the Common-Prayer-Book, and all the several Branches of it: That, Though he could not have made it, in that Man∣ner, had the Matter been referred unto him; yet, that he found such things there∣in, as did very well satisfie his Conscience: and therefore that he would, not onely execute it in his own Person; but cause the same to be Officiated by all those of his Diocess. But this was not the Answer which the Courtiers looked for. It was their Hope, they should have found him more averse from the King's Proceed∣ings; that, making a Report of his Perversness, he might be lifted out of that Wealthy Bishoprick: which, if it either were kept Vacant, or filled with a more Tractable Person, might give them opportunity to enrich themselves by the Spoil thereof. Therefore to put him further to it, the Lord Treasurer, the Earl of Warwick; Sir William Herbert, Master of the Horse; and Mr. Secreta∣ry Petre, are sent upon the ninth of July, with certain Articles: which, for that end, were Signed by the King, and the Lords of the Council. According to the Tenour hereof, he was not onely to testifie his Consent to the Establishing of the Holy-Days, and Fasting-Days, by the King's Authority, the Allow∣ance of the Publick Liturgie, and the Abrogating of the Statute for the Six Articles, &c. but to Subscribe to the Confession of his Fault in his former Obsti∣nacy, after such Form and Manner, as was there required. To which Articles he Subscribed without any great Hesitancy: but refused to put his Hand to the said Confession; There being no reason, (as he thought; and so he answered those, which came unto him from the Court on the Morrow after) that he should yield to the Conf••ssion of a Guilt, when he knew himself Innocent.

He is now faln into the Toil, out of which he finds but Little Hope of being set free. For presently, on the neck of this, a Book of Articles is drawn up, containing all the Alteration made by the King, and His Father, as well by Acts of Parliament, as their own Injunctions, from the first Suppression of the Monasteries, to the coming out of the late Form for the Consecration of Arch-Bishops, Bishops▪ &c. Of all which Doings he is required to signifie his Approba∣tion, to make Confession of his Fault, with an Acknowledgment, that he had deserved the Punishment, which was aid upon him. Which Articles (being tendered to him by the Bishop of London, the Master of the Horse, Mr. Secretary Petre, and Goodrick▪ a Counsellour at Law) appeared to him, to be of such an hard Digestion: that he desir'd first to be set at Liberty, before he should be pressed to make a particular Answer. This being taken for a Refusal, and that Refusal taken for a Contempt: the Profits of his Bishoprick are Sequestered from him, for three Moneths, by an Order of the Council-Table, bearing date the nineteenth of the Moneth, the said Profits, in the mean time, to be collect∣ed, or received, by such Person, or Persons, as the King should thereunto ap∣point: with this Intimation in the Close; that if he did not tender his Submissi∣on, at the end of that Term, he should be taken for an Incorrigible Person, and unmeet Minister of this Church, and, Finally to be procceeded against to a Deprivati∣on.

The Term expired, and no such humble Submission, or Acknowledgment, made, as had been required at his Hands; a Commission is directed to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of London, Ely, and Lincoln, Sir William Peter, &c. authorised thereby to proceed against him, upon certain Articles in the same contained. Convented before whom at Lambeth, on the fifteenth of December, he received his Charge. Which being received, he used so many Shifts, and found so many Evasions to elude the Business; that, having appear∣ed six Days before them, without coming to a plain and Positive Answer, he was, upon the fourteenth of February, Sentenced to a Deprivation, and so re∣mitted to the Tower. But Gardiner did not mean to die so tamely, and therefore had no sooner heard the Definitive Sentence; but presently he Protesteth against the same, makes his Appeal unto the King; and causeth both his said Appeal, and Protestation, to be Registred in the Acts of that Court. Of all which he will finde a time to serve himself, in the Al••eration of Affairs.

It was presumed, that the Report of this Severity against a Man, so eminent for his Parts and Place, would either bring such other Bishops, as had yet stood out, to a fit Conformity; or otherwise expose both them, and their Estates, to the like Condemnation. But some there were, so stiff in their old Opinions: that neither Terrour, nor Perswasion, could prevail upon them; either to give their Approbation of the King's Proceedings; or otherwise to advance the Service. And some there were; who, though they outwardly complyed with the King's Commands, yet was it done so coldly, and with such Reluctancy, as la••'d them open to the Spoil, though not to the Loss, of their Bishopricks. Of which last Sort were; Kitching Bishop of Landaff, Salcot (otherwise called Capon) Bishop of Salisbury, and Sampson of Coventry and Lichfield. Of which, the last, to keep his ground, was willing to fling up a great part of his Lands; and, out of those, which either belonged unto his See, or the Dean and Chapter, to raise a Baron's Estate (and the Title of the Baronie too) for Sir William Paget, not born to any such fair Fortunes, as he thus acquired. Salcot of Salisbury, knowing himself obnoxious to some Court-Displeasures, redeems his Peace, and keeps himself out of such Danger, by making long Leases of the best of his Farms and Manours; known afterwards most commonly by the Name of Capons-Feathers. But none of them more miserably Dilapidated the Patr••mony of his See, then Bishop Kitching of Landaff. A Church so liberally endowed by the Munificence, and Piety, of some Great Persons in those Times; that if it were possessed but of a tenth Part of what once it had, it might be reckoned (as is affirmed by Bishop Godwine, one of Kitching's Successours) amongst the Rich∣est Churches in these Parts of Christendom. But whatsoever Kitching found it, it was made poor enough, before he left it: so poor, that it is hardly able to keep the Pot boiling for a Parson's Dinner.

Of the first Rank, I reckon Voysie of Exeter, Heath of Worcester, and Day of Chichester; for the Province of Canterbury: together with Bishop Tonstal 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Durham, in the Province of York. The first, once Governour to the Prin∣cess Mary, Preferred afterwards, by King Henry, to the Lord-President-ship of Wales, and the See of Exeter. Which See he found possessed, at his coming to it, of twenty two goodly Manours, and fourteen Mansion-Houses, Richly furnished. But the Man neither could approve the Proceedings of the King in the Reformation; nor cared, in that respect, to Preserve the Patrimony of the Church, for those, who might differ in Opinion from him. And being set upon the Pin, he made such Havock of his Lands, before he was brought under a Deprivation: that he left, but seven or eight of the worst Manours, and those let out into long Leases, and charged with Pensions; and not above two Houses, both bare and naked. Having lost so much Footing within his Di∣ocess, it is no marvail, if he could no longer keep his Standing. For, being found an open Hinderer of the Work in hand, and secretly to have fo∣mented the Rebellion of the Devonshire-Men, in the year 1549▪ he either was

deprived of, or (as some say) resigned his Bishoprick, within few Moneths after the Sentence passed on Gardiner: but lived to be restored again, (as Gardiner also was) in the Time of Queen Mary. Of Day, and Heath, I have nothing to remember more particularly; but, that they were both Deprived on the tenth of October, and lived both to a Restitution in Queen Marie's Reign: Heath, in the mean time, being Liberally, and Lovingly entertained by the Bishop of London, and afterwards Preferred to the Arch-Bishoprick of York, and made Lord Chancellour of England. Nor shall I now say more of Tonstal; but, that, being cast into the Tower on the twentieth day of December, he was there kept, untill the Dissolution of his Bishoprick by Act of Parliament: of which we shall speak more at large, in its proper place.

We must not leave these Churches vacant; considering, that it was not long, before they were supplyed with new Incumbents. To Gardiner, in the See of Winton succeeded Doctour John Poynet, Bishop of Rochester: a better Scholar then a Bishop; and purposely Preferred to that Wealthy Bishoprick, to serve other Mens Turns. For, before he was well warm in his See, he dismem∣bred from it the Goodly Palace of Marwel, with the Manours and Parks, of Marwel and Twiford, which had before been seised upon by the Lord Prote∣ctour, to make a Knight's Estate for Sir Henry Seimour, as before was signified. The Palace of Waltham, with the Park and Manour belonging to it, and some good Farms depending on it, were seised into the hands of the Lord Treasurer Pawlet, Earl of Wiltshire: who, having got into possession so much Lands of the Bishoprick▪ conceived himself in a fit Capacity to affect (as shortly after he obtained) the Title of Lord Marquess of Winchester. But this, with many of the rest of Poynet's Grants, Leases, and Alienations, were again recovered to the Church, by the Power of Gardiner; when, being restored unto his See, he was by Queen Mary made Lord Chancellour. To Voysie, in the See of Exeter, suc∣ceeded Doctour Miles Coverdale: one, who had formerly assisted Tyndal, in Translating the Bible into English, and for the most part, lived at Tubing, an Vniversity belonging to the Duke of Saxonie; where he received the Degree of Doctour. Returning into England, in the first year of King Edward, and grow∣ing into great Esteem, for Piety, and Diligent Preaching, he was Consecrated Bishop of this Church, the thirtieth of August: the Bones whereof were so clean picked, that he could not easily leave them with less Flesh, then he found upon them. Nor have we more to say of Scory, who succeeded Day: but, that being Consecrated Bishop of Rochester, in the place of Poynet, on the thirtieth of August also, he succeeded Day, at Chichester, in the year next following. Of which Bishoprick he was deprived of, in the Time of Queen Mary; and after∣wards preferred by Queen Elizabeth to the See of H••reford, in which place he dy∣ed. To Heath, at Worcester, no Successour was at all appointed: that Bishoprick being given in Commendam to Bishop Hooper; who, having been Consecrated Bi∣shop o•• Glocester on the eighth of March, was made the Commendatory of this See: to which he could not legally be Translat••d (as the Case then stood) both Latimer, and Heath being st••ll alive, and both reputed Bishops of it, by their se∣veral Parties. And here we have a strange Conversion of Affairs: for whereas heretofore, the County of Glocester was a part of the Diocess of Worcester, out of which it was taken by King Henry, when first made a Bishoprick; the Dio∣cess of Worcester was now lay'd to the See of Glocester Not, that I think, that Hoo∣per was suffered to enjoy the Temporal Patrimony of that Wealthy Bishop∣rick: but that he was to exercise the Jurisdiction, and Episcopality, with some short Allowance for his Pains. The Pyrates of the Court were too intent on all Advantages, to let such a Vessel pass untouched; in which they might both finde enough to enrich themselves, and yet leave that, which was sufficient to content the Merchant. An•• this perhaps may be one Reason, why Latimer was not restored unto his Bishoprick, upon this Avoydance: not in regard of any sensible Dislike, which was taken at him by the Court, for his down-right

Preaching, or that the Bishops feared from him the like Disturbances, which they had met withall in Hooper. But, I conceive, the Principal Reason of it might proceed from his own Unwillingness, to cumber his old Age with the Trouble of Business, and to take that Burthen on his Shoulders; which he had, long be∣fore, thrown off, with such great Alacrity And possible enough it is: that, find∣ing his Abilities more proper for the Pulpit, then they were for the Consistory; he might desire to exercise himself in that Imployment, in which he might appear most serviceable, both to God, and his Church. For, both before, and after this, we finde him frequent in the Pulpit before the King, and have been told of his Diligent and Constant Preaching in other places. His Sermons, for the most part (as the use then was) upon the Gospels of the Day: by which he had the Opportunity of Opening, and Expounding a greater Portion of the Word of God; then if he had confined his Meditations to a single Text. His Enter∣tainment generally with Arch-Bishop Cranmer; where he found all necessary Accommodation: and so extreamly honoured by all sorts of People, that he never lost the Name of Lord; and was still looked on, as a Bishop, though with∣out a Bishoptick.

But, notwithstanding the Remove of so many Bishops, there still remained one Rub in the Way; which did as much retard the Progress of the Reformation, as any of the rest, if not altogether. The Princess Mary, having been bred up, from Her Infancy, in the Romish Religion▪ could not be won, by any Argu∣ments, and perswasions, to change Her Minde, or permit that any Altera∣tion should be made in those Publick Offices; to which She had so long been u∣sed. The King had writ many Letters to Her, in hope to take Her off from those Affections, which She carried to the Church of Rome. The like done also by the Lords of the Council, and with like Success. For, besides that She conceived Her Judgment built on so good a Foundation, as could not easily be subverted; there were some Politick Considerations: which possibly might prevail more with Her▪ then all other Arguments. She was not to be told, That, by the Religion of the Protestants, Her Mother's Marriage was Condemned; That by the same She was declared to be Illigitimate; and Consequently, made uncapable to succeed in the Crown, in Case She should survive Her Brother. All which She must acknowledge, to be legally and justly determined. Upon these Grounds, She holds Her self to Her first Resolution, keeps up the Mass, with all the Rites, and Ceremonies belonging to it, and suffers divers Persons, besides her own Domestick Servants, to be present at it. The Emperour had so far mediated in Her behalf, that Her Chaplains were permitted to Celebrate the Mass in Her Presence: but with this Cautio•• and Restriction; That, they should Celebrate the same in Her Presence onely. For the transgressing of which Bounds, Mallet, and Barkley, Her two Chaplains were Committed Prisoners in December last: of which She makes Complaint to the Lords of the Council; but finds as cold Return from Them, as they did from Her.

A Plot is thereupon contrived: for conveying Her out of the Realm by Stealth, to transport Her from Essex, where She then lay, to the Court of the Queen Re∣gent in Flanders; some of Her Servants sent before, Flemish Ships ready to receive Her, and a Commotion to be raised in that County; that in the Heat, and Tu∣mult of it She might make Her Escape. The King is secretly advertised of this Design, and presently dispatcheth certain Forces under Sir John Gates, then newly made Lievtenant of the Band of Pensioners, to prevent the Practice, se∣cures His Coasts, orders His Ships to be in Readiness, and speeds away the Lord Chancellour Rich, with Sir William Peter▪ to bring the Princess to the Court. Which being effected at the last, though not without extream Unwil∣lingness on Her part to begin the Journey; Inglesfield, Walgrave, and Rochester, being all of Principall place about Her, on the thirtieth of October▪ were com∣mi••ted to Custody; which adds a new Affliction to Her, but there was no Re∣medy. The Lords of the Council being commanded by the King to attend upon

Her, declared in the name of His Highness, how long He had permitted Her the Mass; that, finding how unmoveable She was from Her former Courses, He re∣solved not to endure it longer, unless He might perceive some hope of Her Con∣formity, within short time after. To which the Princess Answered; That Her Soul was Goa's; and for Her Faith, that as She could not change, so She would not d••ssemble it. The Council thereunto rejoyn; That the King intended not to Constrain Her Faith▪ but to restrain Her in the outward Profession of it: in re∣gard of those many dangers, and inconveniences, which might ensue on the Ex∣ample. Which enterchange of words being passed, She is appointed, for the present, to remain with the King: but neither Mall••t, nor any other of Her Chaplains, permitted to have speech with Her, or access unto Her.

The Emperour, being certified how all things passed, sends an Ambassadour to the King, with a Threatning Message: even to the Denouncing of a W••r; in case his Cousin, the Princess Mary, were not permitted to enjoy the exercise of Her own Religion. To Gratifie whom in His desires, the Lords of the Council generally seemed to be very inclinable; they well considered of the Prejudice, wh••ch must fall upon the English Merchants, if they should lose their Trade in Fl••••∣ders; where they had a whole year's cloth, beside other Goods. And they knew well, what inconvenience must befall the King, who had there 500. Quintals of Powder, and good store of Armour; which would be seised into the Emperour's hands, and imployed against Him, if any Breach should grow between them. The King is therefore moved, with the joynt Consent of ••he whole Board, to grant the Emperour's Request: and to dispence with the utmost Rigour of the Law, in that particular; for fear of drawing upon Himself a greater mischief. But they found Him so well Studied in the Grounds and Principles of His Reli∣gion; that no Consideration, drawn from any Reason of State, could induce Him to it. It was thereupon thought fit, to send the Arch-Bishop of Canterbu∣ry, and the Bishop of London, being both Members of that Body, to try what they could do upon Him, in the way of Argument. By them, the Point being brought unto such an Issue▪ as might give them some hopes of being admit∣ed, it was Propounded to Him, as their Opinion, (after some Progress made in the Disputation,) that, Though it were a sin, to give Licence to sin; yet a connivance of it might be allowed: in case it neither were too long, nor with∣out some probable hope of a Reformation. With which Nicety the young King was so unsatisfied, that he declared a Resolution, rather to venture Life, and all things else, which were dear unto Him: then to give way to any thing; which He knew to be against the Truth. Upon which words, the King expressed His inward Trouble by a flood of Tears; and the Bishops, on the sight thereof, wept as fast as He: the King conceiving Himself wronged, in being so unreasonably pres••'d; and the Bishops thinking themselves neglected, because unseasonably denied. Thus stood they si••ent for a time: each Party looking sadly on the apprehension of those Extremities, which this Dispute had brought upon them: as certainly, the Picture of Unkindness is never represented in more lively Co∣lours; then when it breaks out betwixt those, who are most tenderly affected unto one another. The Bishops thereupon withdrew, admiring at such great Abilities in so young a King; and magnified the Name of God, for giving them a Prince of such Eminent Piety.

This being made known unto the Council, it was thought necessary to dismiss the Emperour's Embassadour with such an Answer; as should both give the English time to fetch off their Goods, and let his Master have the ••••st of the Winter to al∣lay his Heats. It was therefore signified unto him; That, The King would short∣ly send an Age••t to reside with the Emperour, Authourised, and ••••str••cted in all particulars, which might beget a right Vnderstanding between both Princes. Thus answered, he returns to the Emperour's Court: whom Wotton shortly after fol∣loweth, ••ufficiently Instructed; To desire the Emperour to be less violent in his requests; and to Advertise him, That, The Lady Mary, as She was His Cou∣••sin,

so She was the King's Sister, and, which is more, His Subject •• That seeing the King was a Sovereign Prince, without dependency upon any but God, it was not rea∣son, that the Emperour should intermeddle, either with Ordering His Subjects, or directing the Affairs of His Realm. But so far he was Authourised to offer; That whatsoever favour the King's Subjects had in the Emperour's Dominions, for their Religion, the same should the Emperour's Subjects receive in England. Fur∣ther then this, as the King, his Master, would not go, so it would be a l••st labour to desire it of him. This was enough to let the Emperour see, how little his Threats were feared, which made him the less forward in sending more. Which Passa∣ges, relating to the Princess Mary, I have lai'd together, for the better under∣standing, how all matters stood about this time, betwixt Her, and the King; though possibly the sending of Wotton to the Emperour might be the Work of the next year, when the King's Affairs were better setled, then they were at the present.

For the King, finding the extraordinary Coldness of the Emperour, when his assistance was required, for Defence of Bulloign, and the hot Pursuit of his Demands of a Toleration, for the Family of the Lady Mary, conceived it most expedient, for His Affairs, to unite Himself more strongly, and entirely, in a League with France. For entrance whereunto, an Hint was taken from some Words, which fell from Guidolti at the Treaty of Bulloign: when he propound∣ed; That, in stead of the Queen of Scots, whom the English Commissioners demanded for a Wife to their King, a Daughter of the French King might be joyned in Mariage with Him: affirming merrily. That, If it were a dry Peace, it would hardly be durable. These Words, which then were taken onely for a Slight, or Diversion, are now more seriously considered: as Many times the smallest Overtures produce Conclusions of the greatest Consequence. A Solemn Em∣bassie is thereupon directed to the Court of France: the Marquess of North∣hampton nominated for the Chief Embassadour, associated with the Bishop of Ely; Sir Philip Hobby, Gentleman-Usher of the Order; Sir William Pickering; Sir Thomas Smith, Principal Secretary of State, and Sir John Mason, Clerk of the Council; as Commissioners with him. And, that they might appear in the Court of France with the greater Splendour, they were accompanied with the Earls of Arundel, Rutland, and Ormond; and the Lords, L'isle, Fitz-water, Abergaven∣ny, Bray▪ and Evers, with Knights, and Gentlemen of Note, to the number of six and twenty, or thereabouts. Their Train so limited▪ for avoiding of con∣tention amongst themselves, that no Earl should have above four Attendants, no Baron above three; nor any Knight, or Gentleman, above two a piece; the Commissioners not being limited to any number, as the others were. Setting forwards in the Moneth of June, they were met by the Lord Constable Chastition, and by him Conducted to the Court, lying at Chasteau Bryan: the nearer to which as they approached, thē greater was the concourse of the French Nobi∣lity, to attend upon them. Being brought unto the King, then being in his Bed-chamber, the Marquess first presented him, in the name of his King, with the Order of Saint George, called The Garter: wherewith he was presently Invested by Sir Philip Hobby; who, being an Officer of the Order, was made Commissioner (as it seemed) for that purpose chiefly; rewarded for it by that King with a Chain of Gold, valued at two hundred pounds▪ and a Gown, richly trim∣med with Ayglets, which he had then upon his back.

This Ceremony being thus performed; the Bishop of Ely, in a short Speech Declared, How desirous his Master was, not onely to continue, but to encrease Amity with the French King; that for this end He had sent the Order of The Garter, to be both a Testimony, and Tye of Love between them; to which purpose principally, those Societies of Honour were first devised: Declaring, that they had Commission to make Overtures of some other matters, which was like to make the Concord betwixt the Kings, and their Realms, not onely more durable, but in all expectation perpetual; and thereupon desired the King to ap∣point

some persons, enabled with Authourity, to Treat with them. To which it was Answered, by the Cardinal of Lorrain, in the name of that King; That his Master was ready to apprehend and embrace all Offers, tending to encrease of Amity; and the rather, for that long Hostility had made their new Friend∣ship both more weak in it self▪ and more obnoxious unto Jealousies, and Distrusts: and therefore promised on the King's behalf, that Commissioners should be ap∣pointed to Treat with them about any matters, which they had in Charge. In pursuance whereof, the said Cardinal, the Constable Chastilion, the Duke of Guise, and others of like Eminent note, being appointed for the Treaty; the English Commissioners first prosecute their Old Demand for the Queen of Scots. To which it was Answered by the French, That they had parted with too much Treasure, and spent too many Lives, upon any Conditions, to let Her go: and that Conclusion had been made, long before, for her Marriage with the Daul∣phin of France. The English, upon this, proposed a Marriage between their King, and the Lady Elizabeth, the Eldest Daughter of France (who after was Mar∣ried to Philip the Second) to which the French Commissioners seemed very in∣clinable; with this Proviso notwithstanding, That neither Party should be bound, either in Conscience, or Honour, untill the Lady should accomplish twelve years of Age.

And so far Matters went on smoothly: but, when they came to talk of Portion, there appeared a vast difference between them. The English Commissioners ask no more, then fifteen hundred thousand Crowns; but fell, by one hundred thou∣sand after another, till they sunk to eight. The French on the other side began as low, at one hundred thousand; but would be drawn no higher, then to Pro∣mise two: that being (as they affirmed) the greatest Portion, which ever any of the French Kings had given with a Daughter. But, at the last, it was accorded, that the Lady should be sent into England at the French King's Charges, when She was come within three Moneths of the Age of Marriage; sufficiently appoint∣ed with Jewels, Apparel, and convenient Furniture for Her House; That, at the same time, Bonds should be delivered for Performance of Covenants, at Paris by the French, and at London by the King of England; and That, in case the Lady should not consent, after She should be of Age for Marriage, the Penalty should be one hundred and fifty thousand Crowns. The perfecting of the Negotiation, and the settling of the Ladie's Joynture referred to such Ambassadours, as the French King should send to the Court of England. Appointed whereunto were the Lord Marshal of France, the Duke of Guise, the President Mortuillier, the Prin∣cipal Secretary of that King, and the Bishop of Perigeux; who, being attended by a Train of 400. men, were conducted from Graves-end by the Lord Admiral Clinton, welcomed with Great Shot from all the Ships, which lay on the Thames, and a Vollie of Ordnance from the Tower, and lodged in Suffolk-Place in South-wark. From whence attended the next day to the King's House at Richmond: His Majesty then remaining at Hampton-Court, by reason of the Sweating Sickness (of which more anon) which at that time was at the Highest.

Having refreshed themselves that night, they were brought the next day be∣fore the King, to whom the Marshal presented, in the name of his Master, the Collar, and Habit of St. Michael, being at that time the Principal Order of that Realm: in testimony of that dear Affection, which he did bear unto him; greater then which (as he desired him to believe) a Father could not bear unto his Natural son. And then, Addressing himself in a short Speech unto His Highness, he desired him, amongst other things, not to give entertain∣ment to Vulgar Rumours, which might breed Jealousies, and Distrusts, between the Crowns; and, that if any difference did arise between the Subjects of both Kingdoms, they might be ended by Commissioners, without engaging either Nation in the Acts of Hostility. To which the King returned a very favourable Answer, and so dismissed them for the present. Two, or three days being spent in Feasting, the Commissioners on both sides settled themselves upon the matter

of the Treaty; confirming what had passed before, and adding thereunto the Proportioning of the Ladie's Jointure. Which was accorded at the last, to the yearly value of ten thousand Marks English; with this Condition interposed, that, if the King died before the Marriage, all her Pretensions to that Jointure should be buried with him. All Matters being thus brought unto an happy Conclusion, the French prepared for their Departure: at which Time the Mar∣shal presented Monsieur Boys, to remain as Legier with the King, and the Ma••∣quess presented Mr. Pickering, to be his Majestie's Resident in the Court of France. And so the French take leave of England, rewarded by the King in such a Royal and Munificent Manner, as shewed, he very well understood what belong∣ed to a Royal Suitour: those, which the French King had designed ••or the English Ambassadours, (not actually bestowed, till all things had been fully settled, and dispatched in England) hardly amounting to a fourth part of that Munificence, which the King had shewed unto the French.

Grown confident of his own Security, by this new Alliance, the King not onely made less Reckoning of the Emperour's Interposings in the Case of Reli∣gion; but proceeded more vigorously, then before, in the Reformation: the Building up of which upon a surer, and more durable Bottom, was contrived this year, though not established till the next. Nothing as yet had been conclu∣ded positively, and Dogmatically, in Points of Doctrine, but as they were to be collected from the Homilies, and the Publick Liturgie; and those but few, in Refe∣rence to the many Controversies, which were to be maintained against the Papists, Anabaptists, and other Sectaries of that Age. Many Disorders had grown up in this little time; in the Officiating the Liturgie, the Vestures of the Church, and the Habit of Church-Men, began by Calvin, prosecuted by Hooper, and countenanced by the large Immunities, which had been given to John a Lasco, and his Church of Strangers. And unto these, the change of Al∣tars into Tables gave no small Encrease: as well by reason of some Differen∣ces, which grew amongst the Ministers themselves upon that Occasion; as in re∣gard of of that Irreverence, which it ••bred in the People, to whom it made the Sacrament to appear less Venerable, then before it did. The People had been so long accustomed to receive that Sacrament upon their Knees; that no Rule, or Canon, was thought necessary to keep them to it: which thereupon was not im∣prudently omitted in the Publick Rubricks. The Change of Altars into Tables, the Practise of the Church of Strangers, and John a Lasco's Book in Maintain∣ance of sitting at the Holy Table, made ma••y think that Posture best, which was so much countenanced. And, what was like to follow upon such a Liberty, the Proneness of those Times to Heterodoxies, and Prophaness, gave just cause to fear. Somewhat was therefore to be done to prevent the Mischief: and nothing could prevent it better, then to reduce the People to their Antient Custome by some Rule, or Rubrick, by which they should be bound to receive it kneeling.

So for the Ministers themselves, they seemed to be as much at a Loss in their Offi∣ciating at the Table, as the People were in their Irreverences to the Blessed Sacra∣ment. Which cannot better be expressed, then in the words of some Popish Prelats, by whom it was objected unto some of our chief Reformers. Thus White of Lincoln chargeth it upon Bishop Ridley (to omit his prophane calling of the Lord's Table, in what Posture soever scituated, by the Name of an Oyster-Board) That, when their Table was Constituted, they could never be content i••placing the same; now East, now North, now one way, now another: untill it pleased God, of his Goodness, to place it quite out of the Church. The like did Weston (the Pro∣locutour of the Convocation, in the first of Queen Mary) in a Disputation held with Latimer; telling him with Reproach, and Contempt enough, that the Prote∣stants, having tur••ed their Table, were like a Company of Apes, that knew not which way to turn their Tails▪ looking one day East, and another West; one this way, and another that way, as their Fancies lead them. Thus finally, one Miles Hubbard, in a Book, called The Display of Protestants doth report the Business,

How long (say they) were they learning to set their Tables to minister the Com∣munion upon? First they placed it aloft, where the High Altar stood, then must it be removed from the Wall, that one might go between: the Ministers being in Con∣tention on whether part to turn their faces, either toward the West, the North, or South; some would stand Westward, some Northward, some Southward. It was not to be thought, but that the Papists would much please themselves in these Disorders; and that this Difference, and Diversity, though in Circumstance onely, might draw contempt upon the Sacrament it self, and give great Scandal unto many Moderate, and well meaning Men. A Rubrick therefore is resolv∣ed on, by which the Minister, which officiates, should be pointed to a certain Place; and, by the Rubrick then devised, the North-side was thought fitter, then any other.

But the main Matters, which were now brought under Consideration, were the reviewing of the Liturgie, and the Composing of a Book of Articles: this last for the avoiding diversities of Opinions, and for the stablishing of Consent touch∣ing true Religion; the other for removing of such Offences, as had been taken by Calvin, and his Followers, at some parts thereof. For Calvin, having broke the Ice, resolved to make his way through it to the Mark he aimed at, which was to have this Church depend upon his Direction, and not to be less estimable here, then in other places. To which end, as he formerly had applyed himself to the Lord Protectour, as appears by his Letter of the year An. 1549. So now he sets upon the King, the Council, and the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, in hope to bring them to his Bent. In his Letters to the King, and Council, (as himself signified to Bullinger, on the 29th. of August) he exciteth them to proceed to a Reformation; that is to say, to such a Reformation as he had projected, and without which his Followers would not be contented. In his Letters to the King alone, he lets him know that many things were still amiss in the State of the Kingdom, which stood in need of Reformation. And finally in those to Cranmer, he certifies him, that in the Service of this Church, as then it stood, there remained a whole Mass of Popery, which did not onely darken, but de∣story God's Holy Worsh••p. But fearing he might not edifie with so wise a Prince, assisted by such a Prudent Council, and such Learned Prelats, he hath his Agents in the Court, the Country, and the Universities, by whom he drives on his Design, in all parts at once. And so far he prevailed in the first two years, that in the Convocation, which began in the former year, An. 1550, the first Debate amongst the Prelats was of such Doubts, as had arisen about some things contained in the Common-Prayer-Book and more particularly touch∣ing such Feasts, as were retained, and such, as had been abrogated by the Rules thereof; the Form of Words used at the giving of the Bread, and the different Manner of Administring the Holy Sacrament. Which being signified unto the Prolocutour, and the rest of the Clergy, who had received somewhat in Charge about it the day before; Answer was made, that they had not yet sufficiently con∣sidered of the Points proposed, but that they would give their Lordships some account thereof in the following Session. But what account was given, appears not in the Acts of that Convocation; of which there is nothing left upon Re∣cord, but this very Passage.

For the avoiding of these Doubts, the satisfying of the Importunities of some, and rectifying the Disorders of Others, rather then in regard of any Impiety, or Impertinency in the Book it self, it was brought under a Review; and being so reviewed was ratified, and confirmed by Act of Parliament, in the following year. By the Tenour of which Act it may appear, First, That there was nothing contained in the said First Book, but what was agreeable to the Word of God, and the Primitive Church, very comfortable to all good People, desiring to live in Christi∣an Conversation, and most profitable to the Estate of this Realm. Secondly, That such Doubts, as had been raised in the use and exercise thereof, proceeded rather from the Curiosity of the Minister, and Mistakers, then of any other Worthy

Cause. And therefore Thirdly, That•• it was found expedient, that the said Bo••k should be faithfully perused, explained, and made fully perfect in all such pla∣ces, in which it was necessary to be made more earnest, and fit for the stirring up of all Christian people, to the true honouring of Almighty God. So far we are directed by the Light of this Act of Parliament, 5. 6. Edw. 6. cap. 1. But, if we would desire to know the Names of those good and Godly Men, by whom it was so explained, and altered, in that it leaves us in the dark: none of them being named, nor any way la••d open for the finding of them. So that the most, that can be done▪ is to go by Conjecture, and to ascribe it to those Men; who had first composed it, and who were afterwards Authorised, for drawing up the Form of Consecration, &c. annexed to this new Book, as a part thereof, and so adjudged to be by two Acts of Parliament.

For the avoyding of Diversities of Opinions, and for stablishing Consent, touch∣ing true Religion, it was thought necessary to compose a Book of Articles: in which should be contained the Common Principles of the Christian Faith, in which all Parties did agree; together with the most material Points, in which they differed. For the better performing of which Work, Melancthon's Company, and Assistance, had been long desired. That he held Correspondence once with the King, and Arch-Bishop Cranmer, appears by his Epistles of the year 1549, 1550, and 1551. but that he came not over, as had been expected, must be imputed, either to our home-bred Troubles, or the great Sickness of this year, or the deplorable Death of the Duke of Sommerset, on whose Integrity, and Candour, he did most rely. Yet the best was, that, though Erasmus was dead, and Me∣lancthon absent, yet were they to be found both alive, and present in their learn∣ed Writing••. By which, together with the Augustan Confession, the Compo∣sers of those Articles were much directed; not, that they looked upon them as the Rule, or Canon, but onely as subservient helps to promote the Service. But, who they were, that laboured in this weighty Work, and made it ready for De∣bate, and Conference, in the next Convocation; as I have no where found, so I cannot conjecture: unless perhaps, we may attribute the Honour of it to those Bishops, and the other Learned Men; before remembred, whose Hands and Heads had before been exercised in the publick Formulas. That Cranmer had a great hand in them, is a ••hing past question; who therefore takes upon himself, as the Authour of them: for which Consult the Acts and Mon. fol. 1704. In which, we are to understand him, as the principal Architect, who contrived the Build∣ing, and gave the inferiour Workmen their several parts, and Offices, in that great Imployment; and not, that it was the sole work of his Hands, or had been agitated and debated in no Head, but his. So did the Emperour Justinian, in the Book of Institutes, and Theodosins in the Code, Bo••iface in the Decretals, and John the 22th. in that part of the Canon Law, which they call the Extravagants: the honour of which Works was severally arrogated by them; because per∣formed by their Encouragement, and at their Appointment. But whosoever laboured in the Preparation of these Articles, certain it is, that they were onely a Rude Draught, and of no signification▪ till they had passed the V••te of the Convocation; and there we shall hear further of them.

In Reference to the Polity, and good Order of the Common-Wealth, there were two things done of great Importance: the one redounding to the Present, the o∣ther to the Future Benefit of the English Nation. Of which last sort, was the sup∣pressi••g of the Corporation of Merchant-Strangers, the Merchants of the Steel-Yard, as they commonly called them. Concerning which we are to know, that the English, in the Times foregoing, being neither strong in Shipping, nor much accustomed to the Seas, received all such Commodities, as were not of the growth of their own Country, from the hands of Strangers, resorting hither, from all Parts, to upbraid our Laziness. Amongst which, the Merchants of the East-Land ••arts of Almain, or High Germany, (well known in former Stories by the Name of Easterlings,) used to bring hither, yearly, great quantities of

Wheat, Rye, and other Grain, as also Cables, Ropes, Masts, Pitch, Tar, Flax, Hemp, Linen Cloth, Wain••coats, Wax, Steel, and other profitable Merchandises, for the use of this Kingdom. For their Encouragement wherein they were amply Privileged, exempt from many Impositions, which Mer∣chant-Strangers use to pay in all other Countries, erected into a Corporation by King Henry the Third, commonly called Guilda Aula Theutonicorum; per∣mitted first to carry out Wools unwrought, and afterwards a certain number of Cloaths, when the English were grown skilfull in that Manufacture. Their Court kept in a fair large House built near the Thames, which from an open place, wherein Steel had formerly been sold, took the Name of the Steel-Yard. Grown Rich, and driving a great Trade, they drew upon themselves the Envy (as all other Merchant-Strangers did) of the Londoners chiefly, but generally of all the Port Towns of England, who began now to think the Seas as open to them, as to any others. It was considered also, by the Lords of the Council, that by suffering all Commodities of a Foreign growth, and a great part of the Com∣modities of the growth of England, to be imported, and exported in Out-lan∣dish Bottoms, the English Merchants were discouraged from Navigation, where∣by the Shipping of the Realm was kept low, and despicable. It was therefore thought expedient, in Reason of State, to make void their Privileges, and put the Trade into the hands of the English Merchant. For the doing whereof, the Easterlings, or Merchants of the Steel-Yard, had given cause enough. For, whereas they had antiently been permitted to ship away but eighty Cloaths, af∣terwards one hundred, and at last one thousand; it was found, that, at this time, they had transported, in their own Bottoms, 44000 English Cloat••••, there being but 1100 ship'd away, by all Strangers else. It was also found, that, besides the Native Commodities of their own growth, they had brought in much Stran∣gers goods, of other Count••ies, contrary to their agreement, made with King Edward the F••urt••; and that, upon a further search, their Corporation was found imperfect, their Numbers, Names, and Nations not sufficiently known. This gave the Council ground enough for seising all their Liberties into the hands of the King, and never after to restore them; notwithstanding the great Embassies and Solicitations of the Cities of Hamborough, and Lubeck, and many other of the Hans-Towns in Germany, who had seen their Factories, and Factours. And hereunto the seasonable coming of Sebastian Cabot (of which more anon) gave no small Advantage: by whose Encouragement, and Example, the English Nation began to fall in Love with the Seas, to try their Fortunes in the Discovery of unknown Regions, and consequently to encrease their Shipping; till by de∣grees, they came to drive a wealthy Trade in most parts of the World, and to be more considerable for their Naval Power, then all their Neighbours.

But because all things could not be so well settled at the first, as not to need the Help, and Correspondencies of some foreign Nations, it was thought fit to ••earken to an Entercourse with the Crown of Sweden; which was then Oppor∣tunely offered by Gustavus Ericus, the first of the Family now reigning. By which it was agreed,

First, That, if the King of Sweden sent Bullion into England, He might carry away English Commodities without Custom.

Secondly, That He should carry Bullion to no other Prince.

Thirdly, That, if He sent Ozimus, Steel, Copper, &c. He should pay Cu∣stom for English Commodities, as an English-man.

Fourthly▪ That, if He sent other Merchandise, He should have free Intercourse; paying Custom, as a Stranger.

Wh••reupon the Mint was set on work, which brought the King, for the first year, the sum of twenty four thousand Pounds; of which the sum of fourteen thou••and pounds was designed for Ireland, and the rest lay'd up in the Exche∣quer: some other waies were devised also, that the Mint might be kept going, and some agreement made with the Mint-Masters, in the Point of Coynage:

which proved more to the Advantage of the King, then the present profit of the Subject. For, hereupon, on the ninth of July, the base Money, Coyned in the time of the King deceased, was publickly decryed by Proclamation▪ the Shilling to go for Nine Pence onely, and the Groat for Three Pence. And, on the seventeenth of August then next following, the Nine-Peny-piece was de∣cryed to Six Pence, the Groat to Two Pence, the Half-Groat to a Peny. By means whereof, he, that was worth one thousand pound on the eighth of July, without any ill-husbandry in himself, or diminution of his stock, was found, be∣fore the eighteenth day of August, to be worth no more then half that Sum; and so proportionably in all other Sums, both above, and under▪ Which, though it caused many an heavy heart, and much repining at the present, amongst all those, whose Wealth lay most especially in Trade, and Money; yet proved it by degrees a chief Expedient, for reducing the Coyn of England to it's anti∣ent Valew. For, on the thirtieth of October, the Subjects had the taft of the future benefit, which was to be expected from it; there being then some Coyns Proclaimed, both in Gold, and Silver: Pieces of thirty shillings, ten shillings, and five shillings, of the finest Gold; pieces of five shillings, two shillings six pence, one shilling six pence, &c. of the pure••t Silver. Which put the Mer∣chant in good hope, that he should drive as rich a Trade under this young King, as in the happiest dayes of his Predecessours, before the Mony was deba∣sed.

And now we come to the great Troubles in the Court, began in the Destruction of the Duke of Sommerset: but ending in the untimely death of this Hopeful King; so signified (as it was thought, upon the Post-Fact) by two strange Presages within the compass of this year, and one, which followed in the next. The first, of this year, was a great and terrible Earthquake, which happened on the twenty fifth of May, at Croydon, and some other Villages thereabouts, in the County of Surrey. This was conceived to have Prognosticated those Concussions, which af∣terwards happened ••n the Court, to the fall of the Great Duke of Sommerset, and divers Gentlemen of Note, and Quality, who perished in the same ruin with him. The last was of six Dolphins, taken up in the Thames, three of them at Queen Borough, and three near Grenwich; the least as big as any Horse. The Rarity whereof occasioned some Grave men to dispence with their Pru∣dence, and some Great Persons also to put off their State, that they might be∣hold a Spectacle, so unusual to them. Their coming up so far, beheld by Mariners, as a Presage of foul weather at Sea; but afterwards by States-Men, of those Storms, and Tempests, which afterwards befell this Nation, in the Death of King Edward, and the Tempestuous Times of Queen Marie's Reign.

But the most sad Presage of all was the Breaking out of a Disease, called the Sweating Sickness; appearing first at Shrewsbury, on the fifteenth of April, and after spreading by degrees over all the Kingdom; ending its Progress in the North, about the beginning of October. Described by a very Learned Man, to be a new, strange, and violent Disease: wherewith if any man were attached, he dy∣ed, or escaped within nine hours, of ten at most; if he slept, (as most men de∣sired to do) he dyed within six hours, if he took cold, he dyed in three. It was observed to Rage chiefly amongst men of strongest Constitution, and years: few aged Men, or Women, or young Children, being either subject to it, or dy∣ing of it. Of which last sort, those of most Eminent Rank, were two of the Sons of Cha••ls Brandon: both dying at Cambridg, both Dukes of Suffolk (as their Father had been before;) but the youngest following his dead Brother so close at the Heels, that he onely out-lived him long enough to enjoy that Title. And, that, which was yet most strange of all, no Foreigner, which was then in England (four hundred French attending here, in the Hottest of it, on that King's Ambassadours) did perish by it. The English being singled out, taint∣ed, and dying of it in all other Countries, without any danger to the Natives; called therefore, in most Latine Writers, by the name of Sudor Anglicus, or

The English Sweat. First known amongst us, in the beginning of the Reign of King Henry the Seventh; and then beheld, as a Presage of that troublesom, and Laborious Reign, which after followed: the King being for the most part in continual Action; and the Subjects, either sweating out their Blood, or Trea∣sure. Not then so violent, and extreme, as it was at the present; such infinite Multitudes being at this time swept away by it, that there died eight hundred in one week in London onely.

These being looked on as Presages, we will next take a view of those sad Events, which were supposed to be prognosticated by them; beginning first with the Concussions of the Court by open Factions, and ending in a Sweating Sickness; which drew out some of the best Blood, and most Vital Spirits of the Kingdom. The Factions Headed by the Duke of Sommerset, and the Earl of Warwick: whose reconciliation, on the Earl's part, was but feigned, and counterfeit; though he had both given, and taken Pledges for a faster Friendship. The good suc∣cess he found in his first attempt against the Duke, when he degraded him from the Office of Lord Protectour, emboldened him to make some further trial of his Fortune; to which there could not be a stronger Temptation, then the Ser∣vility of some Great Men about the Court, in prostituting their affection to his Pride, and Tyranny. Grown absolute in the Court (but more by the weakness of others, then any virtue of his own he thought it no impossible matter, to make that Weakness an improvement of his strength, and Power. And, passing from one Imagination to another, he fixed at last upon a Fancy of transferring the Imperial Crown of this Realm, from the Royal Family of the Tudors, unto that of the Dudlies. This to be done, by Marrying one of his Sons to the Lady Jane, the eldest Daughter of Henry, Lord Marquess Dorset, and of the Lady Francis his Wife, one of the Daughters, and co-Heirs of Charls Brandon, the late Duke of Suffolk, by Mary, Dowager of France, and the be••t-beloved Sister of King Henry the Eighth. In order whereunto, he must first oblige the Mar∣quess by some signal favour; advance himself to such a Greatness, as might render any of his Sons an agreeable match for either of the Marquess's Daugh∣ters; and finally devise some means, by which the Duke of Sommerset might be took out of the way: whose life he looked on, as the principal Obstacle to his great Aspirings. By this Design, he should not onely satisfie his Ambition, but al∣so sacrifice to Revenge. The Execution of his Father, in the first year of the Reign of the late King Henry, would not out of his mind; and by this means he might have opportunity to execute his just vengeance on the King's Posterity, for the unjust Murther (as he esteem'd it) of his innocent Father. Confirm∣ed in these Resolves by Sir John Gates, Lieutenant of the Band of Pensioners; who was reported afterwards to have put this Plot into his Head at the first, as he stood to him in the prosecution of it to the very last.

The Privy Council of his own thoughts having thus advised, the Privy Coun∣cil of the King was in the next place to be made sure to him; either obliged by Favours, or gained by Flatteries: those of most Power to be most Courted, through a smooth Countenance, fair Language, and other thriving Acts of in∣sinuation, to be made to all. Of the Lord Treasurer Paulet he was sure enough: whom he had found to have so much of the Willow in him, that he could bend him how he pleased. And being sure of him, he thought himself as sure of the Publick Treasure, as if it were in his own Pockets. The Marquess of North-hampton was Captain of the Band of Pensioners, encreased in Power, though not in Place; by ranging under his Command, as well the Light-Horse, as the Men at Arms, which had served at Bulloign. With him the Earl had peeced before, drew him into his first Design, for bringing down the Lord Pro∣tectour to a lower Level: but made him faster then before, by doing so many good Offices to Sir William Herbert, who had Married his Sister. Which Her∣bert, being son of Richard Herbert of Ewias, one of the Bastards of William Lord Herbert of Ragland, the first Earl of Pembroke of that House, was, of

himself, a Man of a daring Nature, Boisterously bold, and, upon that account, much favoured by King ••enry the Eighth growing into ••ore Credit with the King, in regard of the Lady Ann his Wife, the Sister of Queen Kat••••in Par, and having mightily raised h••ms••lf in the fall of Abbies, he was made chief Gen∣tleman of the Privy-Chamber, and by that Title ra••ked amongst the Execu∣tours of the King's last Will, and then appointed to be one of the Council to the King now Reigning. Being found by Dudly, a fit man to advance his ends, he is by his Procurement grat••fi••d (for I know not what Service, unless it were for furthering the Sale of Bulloign) with some of the King's Lands, amounting to five hundred pounds in yearly Rents, and made Lord Pr••sident of Wales, pro∣moted afterwards to the place of Master of the Horse, that he might be as con∣siderab••e in the Court, as he was in the Country. It was to be presumed, that he would not be wanting unto him, who had so preferred him. By these three all Affairs of Court were carried: plot••ed by Dudley, smoothed by the Court∣ship of the Marquess, and executed by the bold hand of the new Lord Pre∣sident.

Being thus fortified, he revives his former Quarrel with the Duke of Som∣merset; not that he had any just ground for it, but that he looked upon him as the onely Block, which lay in the way of his Aspirings, and ••herefore was to be removed by what means soever. Plots are lai'd therefore to entrap him, Snares to catch him, Reports raised him, as a Proud, and Ambitious Person, of whose Aspirings there would be no other end, then the Crown it self, and com∣mon Rumours spread abroad, that some of his Followers had Proclaimed him King in several places, onely to finde how well the People stood affected to it. His Doors are watched, and Notice took of all, that went in and out, his Words ob∣served, made much worse by telling, and aggravated with all odious Circum∣stances to his Disadvantage. No way untravailed in the Arts of Treachery, and Fraud, wh••ch might bring him into Suspicion with the King, and Obloquie with the common People. The Duke's Friends were not ignorant of all these Practises, and could not but perceive, but that his Ruin, and their own, was pro∣jected by them. The Law of Nature bound them to preserve themselves: but their Adversaries, were too cunning for them at the Weapon of Wit, and had too much Strength in their own Hands, to be easily overmastered in the way of Power. Some dangerous Counsels were thereupon infused into him, (more likely by his Wife, then by any other) to invite these Lords unto a Banquet, and either to kill them as they sate, or violently to drag them from the Table, and cut of their Heads; the Banquet to be made at the Lord Page••'s Ho••se, near Saint Clement's Church, and one hundred stout Men to be lodged in Sommerset-Place, not far off, for the Execution of that M••rther. This Plot confessed (if any Credit may be given to such Confessions) by one Crane, and his Wife, both great in the Favour of the Duchess, and with her committed. And after just••fied by Sir Thomas Palmer, who was committed with the Duke, in his Examination ta∣ken by the Lords of the Council. There were said to be some Consultations al∣so, for raising the Forces in the North, for setting upon the Gens'd arms, which served in the Nature of a Life-Guard (as before was said) upon some day of General-Muster: two thousand Foot, and one hundred Horse of the Duke's being designed unto that Service; and that, being done, to raise the City, by Proclaiming Liberty. To which it was added by Hammond, one of the Duke's false Servants, That his Chamber at Greenwich had been strongly guarded by Night, to prevent the Surprisal of his Person.

How much of this is true, or whether any of it be true or not, it is not easie to determ••ne, though possibly enough it is, that all this Smoak could not be without some Fire: which whosoever kindled first, there is no doubt, but that Earl Dudly blew the Coals, and made it seem greater then it was. Of all these Practises, and Designs (if such they were) the Earl is con••tantly advertised by his Espials, whom he had among•••• them; and gave them as much Lin••, and Lei∣sure,

as they could desire, till he had made all things ready for the Executing of his own Projectments. But first there must be a great day of bestowing Ho∣nours: as well for gaining the more Credit unto him, and his Followers; as, by the jollity of the Time, to take away all Fear of Danger from the Opposite Party. In Pursuit whereof, Henry Lord Gray, Marquess of Dorset, descended from Elizabeth, Wife of King Edward the Fourth, by Her former Husband, is made Duke of Suffolk: to which he might pretend some Claim▪ in Right of the Lady Frances, his Wife▪ the eldest Daughter of Charls Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, and Sister of Henry an•• Charls, the two late Dukes thereof, who dyed a few Moneths since, at Cambridg, of the Sweating Sickness. The Earl himself, for some Rea∣sons very well known to himself, and not unknown to many others, is made Duke of Northumberland: which Title had lain Dormant, ever since the Death of Henry Lord Percy, the sixth Earl of that Family, who dyed in the year 1537. or thereabouts: of whom more anon. The Lord Treasurer Pawlet, being then Earl of Wiltshire, is made Marquess of Winchester: Sir William Herbert created at the same time Lord Herbert of Cardiff, and E••rl of Pembroke. Some make Sir Thomas Darcie, Captain of the Guard, to be advanced unto the Title of Lord Darcy of Chich on the same day also: which others place, perhaps more right∣ly, on the fifth of April. The Solemnity of which Creations being passed over, the Order of Knighthood is conferred on William Cecil Esquire, one of the Se∣cretaries of Estate; John Cheek, Tutour, or Schole-Master to the King; Henry Dudley, and Henry Nevil, Gentlemen of the Privy-Chamber. At, or about which time, Sir Robert Dudley, the third Son of the new Duke of N••rthumber∣land, (but one, which had more of the Father in h••m, then all the rest) is sworn of the Bed••Chamber to the King; which was a place of greatest Trust, and Near∣ness to His Majestie's Person.

The Triumphs of this Day, being the eleventh day of October, were but a Por∣logue to the Tragedy, which began on the fifth day after. At what time the Duke of Sommerset, the Lord Gray, Sir Thomas Palmer, Sir Ralph Vane, Sir Thomas Arundel, together with Hammond, Newdigate, and two of the Sei∣mours, were seised on, and committed to Custody; all of them, except Palmer, Vane, and Arundel, being sent to the Tower. And these three kept in several Chambers, to attend the pleasure of the Council, for their Examinations. The Duchess of Sommerset, Crane, and his Wife, above-mentioned, and one of the Gentlewomen of her Chamber, were sent unto the Tower on the morrow next; followed not long after by Sir Thomas Holdcroft, Sir Miles Partridg, Sir Mi∣chael Stanhop, Wingfield, Banister, and Vaughan, with certain others: for whose Commitment there was neither cause known, nor afterwards discovered. Onely the greater Number raised the greater Noise, increas'd the Apprehension of the present Danger, and served to make the Duke more Criminal in the Eyes of the People, for drawing so many of all sorts into the Conspiracy. Much time was spent in the Examination of such of the Prisoners, as either had before disco∣vered the Practice (if any such Practice were intended) or were now fitted, and in∣structed, to betray the Duke into the Power, and Malice of his Enemies. The Con∣fessions which seemed of most importance, were those of Palmer, Crane, and Ham∣mond; though the Truth, and Reality, of the Depositions may be justly question∣ed. For, neither were they brought, face to face, before the Duke, at the time of his Trial; as in ordinary course they should have been: nor suffered loss of Life, or Goods, as some others did, who were no more guilty then themselves. And yet the Business stai▪d not here; the Earl of Arundel, and the Lord Paget, and two of the Earl of Arundel's Servants, being sent Prisoners after the rest, upon Crane's detection. It was further added by Palmer, that, on the last St. George's-Day, the Duke of Sommerset, being upon a journey into the North, would have raised the People; if he had not been assured by Sir William Her∣bert, that no Danger was intended to him.

Six Weeks there passed between the Commitment of the Prisoners, and the

Duke's Arraignment: which might have given the King more, then leisure enough to finde the depth of the Design; if either he had not been directed by such, as the new Duke of Northumberland had placed about him, or taken by a Sole∣mnity, which served fi••ly for it. For so it happened, that the Queen Regent of Scotland, having been in France to see Her Daughter, and being unwilling to re∣turn by Sea, in that cold time of the year, obtained leave of the King (by the mediation of the French Ambassadour) to take Her journey through En∣gland. Which leave being granted, She put Her self into the Bay of Ports∣mouth, where She was Honourably received, and conveyed towards London. From Hampton-Court She passed by Water, on the second day of November, to St. Paul's-Wharf. From whence She rode, accompanied with divers Noble Men, and Ladies of England, besides Her own Train of Scotland, to the Bishop's-Pa∣lace. Presented at Her first coming thither, in the name of the City, with Mut∣tons, Beefs, Veals, Poultry, Wine, and all other sorts of Provisions, necessa∣ry for Her Entertainment, even to Bread, and Fewel. Having reposed Her self two days, She was conveyed in a Chariot to the Court at White-Hall, accompa∣nied with the Lady Margaret Douglass, Daughter of Margaret, Queen of Scots, by Her second Husband; together with the Duchesses of Richmond, Suffolk, and Northumberland; besides many other Ladies of both Kingdoms, which followed after in the Train. At the Court-Gate She was received by the Dukes of Suffolk, and Northumberland, and the Lord High-Treasurer, the Guard standing on both sides, as She went along; and being brought unto the King, whom She found standing at the end of the Great Hall, She cast Her self upon Her knees, but was presently taken up, and Saluted by Him, accord∣ing to the Free Custom of the English Nation. Leading Her by the Hand to the Queen's Chamber of Presence: He Saluted in like manner all the Ladies of Scotland, and so departed for a while. Dinner being ready, the King conducted Her to the Table prepared for them, where they dined together, but had their Services apart. The Ladies of both Kingdomes were fea••ted in the Queen's Great Chamber, where they were most Sumptuously Served. Dinner being done, that Her Attendants might have time to partake of the Entertainment, the King shewed Her His Gardens, Galleries, &c. and, about four of the clock, He brought Her down by the Hand into the Hall, where He Saluted Her, and so She departed to the Bishop's-Pa••ace, as before.

Departing towards Scotland, on the sixth of that Moneth, She rode through all the Principal Streets of London; betwixt the Bishop's House, and the Church in Shore-ditch, attended by divers Noble Men, and Women, all the way She went. But more particularly the Duke of Northumberland shew∣ed himself with one hundred Horse, each having his Javelin in his hand; and fourty of them apparelled in Black Velvet, Guarded with White and Velvet Caps, and White Feathers, and Chains of Gold about their Necks. Next to these stood one hundred and twenty Horsemen, of the Earl of Pembroke's, with black Javelins, Hats, and Feathers. Next to them one hundred of the Lord Treasurer's Gentlemen, and Yeomen, with Javelins. These ranks of Horsemen reaching, from the Cross in Cheap-side, to the end of Birching-Lane in Cornhill. Brought as far as Shoreditch-Church, She was committed to the care of the Sheriffs of London, by whom She was attended as far as Wal••ham. Conducted in like manner by the Sheriffs of all the Counties, through which She passed, till She came unto the Borders of Scotland: Her Entertainment being provided by the King's appointment, at the Charge of the Counties. Which Passages, not be∣ing otherwise Material in the Course of this History, I have adventured to lay down; the better to express the Gallantry, and Glory of the English Nation, before Puritanism, and the Humour of Parity, occasioned the neglect of all the laudable Solemnities, which antiently had been observed, both in Church, and State.

The Discourse, raised on this Magnificent Reception of the Scotish Queen, so

filled all Mouths, and entertained so many Pens, that the Danger of the Duke of Sommerset seemed for a time to be forgotten; but it was onely for a time. For, on the first of December, the Duke being brought by water to Westminster-Hall, found all things there prepared for his Arraignment. The Lord High-Steward, for the time, was the Marquess of Winchester, who took his place under a Cloath of Estate, raised three steps higher, then the rest of the Scaffold. The Peers, to the number of twenty seven, sitting one step lower. Amongst these were the Duke of Northumberland, the Marquess of North-hampton, and the Earl of Pembroke: who, being Parties to the Charge, ought, in all Honesty, and Honour, to have excused themselves, from sitting in Judgment on him, at the time of his Trial. But no Challenge, or Objection, being made, or al∣lowed against them, they took place with the rest. The Court being sate, and the Prisoner brought unto the Bar, the Charge against him was divided into five Particulars: viz. Fir••••, His design of Raising men in the North- Parts of the Realm, and of assembling men at his House, to kill the Duke of Northumber∣land. 2. A resolution to assist his Attachment. 3. The Plot for killing the Gens d' Arms. 4. His intent for raising London. 5. His purpose of assaulting the Lords, and devising their Deaths. The whole Impeachment managed in the name of Treason, and Felony: because in all Treasons the intent, and pur∣pose is as Capital, as the Act it self, if once discovered, either by word, or deed, or any other material Circumstance, though it go no further. But, though Treason made the loudest noise, it was the Felony, which was especially relied up∣on, for his Condemnation. Two Statutes were pretended for the Ground of the whole Proceedings. The first made in the time of King Henry the Seventh, by which it was Enacted, to be Felony, for any inferiour Person, to contrive the death of a Lord of the Council. The second, that of the last Session of Parlia∣ment, By which it was Declared, to be Treason, for any Twelve Persons, or more, to Assemble together, with an intent to murther any of the Lords of the Council: if, after Proclamation made, they dissolved not themselves, with∣in the space of an hour.

The Indictment being Read, and the Confessions of Palmer, and the rest, being produced, and urged by the King's Council, (who spared not to press them, as is accustomed in such Cases) to the best advantage. The Duke, though much dismayed, returned this Answer to the Branches of his Accusation: viz. That He never intended to raise the North-Parts of this Realm; but that, upon some bruits, he apprehended a Fear, which made him send to Sir William Herbert, to remain his Friend; That He determined not to kill the Duke of Northumber∣land, nor any other Lord: but spake of it onely, and determined the contrary; That It had been a mad enterprise, with his hundred men, to assail the Gens d' Arms, consisting of nine hundred: which, in case he had prevailed, would nothing have advanced the pretended purpose; That Therefore this b••ing senseless, and absurd, must needs discredit other matters: which otherwise might have been be∣lieved; That At London he never projected any stir: but ever held it a good place for his security; That, For having men in his Chamber at Green∣wich, it was manifest, that he meant no harm: because, when he might have done it, he did not. And further, against the persons of them, whose Examinations had been read, he objected many things; desiring, that They might be brought to his face: which, in regard of his Dignity, and Estate, he conceived to be reasona∣ble. And so it happened unto him, as with many others; that, hoping to make his fault seem less, by a fair Confession, he made it great enough to serve for his Condemnation.

For, presently upon these words, the Council, thinking they had matter e∣nough, from his own Confession, to convict him of Felony, insisted chiefly on that Point, and flourished out their Proofs upon it, to their best Advantage. But so, that they neglected not to aggravate his Offence in the Treason also: that his Peers might be under some necessity of finding him guilty in the one; if

they should finde themselves unsatisfied, for passing their Verdict in the other. And though neither the one, nor the other, were so clear in Law, as to make him liable to a Sentence of Condemnation: if either the Statute in the Contents had been rightly opened, or the Opinion of the Judges demanded in them; yet what cannot the Great Wit of some Advocates do, when they have a mind to serve their Turn upon a Stat••te, contrary to the Mind and Meaning of them that made it. The Duke of Northumberland, thereupon, with a Counterfeit Modesty (conceiving that he had him fast enough, in Re∣spect of the Felony) desired their Lordships, that no Act against his life might be brought within the Compass of Treason; and they who understood his meaning at half a Word, after a full hearing of the Evidence, withdrew them∣selves into a Room appointed for them: and after some Conference amongst themselves, acquitting him of Tre••son, they pronounced him guilty of the Felony onely; which being returned for their Verdict, by all the Lords one af∣ter another, in their Rank and Order, and nothing objected by the Duke, that Judgement should not pass upon him, the Lord High Steward, with a seeming Sorrow, gave Sentence, That he should be had to the Place from whence he came, from thence to the Place of Execution, and there to hang while he was dead; which is the Ordinary Form of condemning Felons. A Matter not sufficiently to be admired, that the Duke should either be so ignorant, or ill advised, so de∣stitute of present Courage, or so defective in the Use of his Wit, and Judgment, as not to crave the common Benefit of his Clergy; which had he done, it must have been allowed him by the Rules of the Court: whether it were, that of his own Misfortunes might render him uncapable of laying hold on such Advanta∣ges, as the Laws admitted; or that he thought it better to die once for all, then living in a perpetual Fear of dying daily by the malicious Practises and Devises of his powerfull Adversaries; or that he might presume of a Pardon of Course, in regard of the nature of the Offence, in which neither the King, nor the Safety of the Kingdom was concerned, and that the Law, by which it was found guilty of Felony, had never been put in Execution upon a man of his Quality, if perhaps at all; or finally, whether it were some secret Judgment on him from above (as some men conceived) that he who had destroyed so many Churches, invaded the Estate of so many Cathedrals, deprived so many Learned Men of their Means, and Livelyhood, should want, (or rather not desire) the Benefit of the Clergy, in his greatest extremity. In stead whereof he suffered Judgment of death to pass upon him, gave thanks unto the Lords for his gentle Tryall▪ craved Pardon of the Duke of Northumberland, the Marquess of North-hampton, and the Earl of Pembroke, for his ill Meaning towards them; conclu∣ding with an humble Suit for his Life, and Pity to be shewed to his Wife and Children.

It is an antient Custome in the Triall of all great Persons accused of Treason, that the Ax of the Tower is carried before them to the Bar, a••d afterwards at their Return from thence, on the Pronouncing of the Sentence of Condemna∣tion. Which Ceremony not being performed at his going thence, in regard he was condemned of the Felony onely, gave an occasion unto such as had throng∣ed into the Hall, and knew not otherwise how things passed, to conceive that he had been acquitted absolutely of the whole Indictment. And thereupon so loud a Shout was made in the lower end of the Hall, that the noise thereof was heard be∣yond Charing-Cross, to the great Terrour and Amazement of his guilty Adver∣saries. But little pleasure found the Prisoner in these Acclamations, and less, the People, when they understood of his Condemnation: so that departing thence with grief, they left the way open for the Prisoner to be carried by water, to the Cranes in the Vi••etry, and from thence peaceably conveyed to the Tower a∣gain. Not long after followed the Arraignment of Sir Michael Stanhop, Sir Thomas Arundel, Sir Ralph Vane, and Sir Miles Partridge, on whom also pas∣sed the Sentence of Death; but the certain Day and Time of their Triall. I

have no where found. Most probable it is, that they were not brought to their Triall, till after the Ax had done its part on the Duke of Sommerset, which was on the twenty third of January, because I finde they were not brought to their Execution till the twenty sixth of February then next following, the two first being then beheaded, and the two last hanged, at what time they severally Pro∣tested, (taking God to witness) that they never practised Treason against the King, or against the Lives of any of the Lords of his Council; Vane adding after all the rest, that his Blood would make Northumberland's Pillow uneasie to him. None of them less lamented by the Common People, then Sir Miles Partridge, against whom they had an old Grudge, for depriving them of the best Ring of Bells, which they had at that time, called Jesus-Bells; which winning of King Henry at a Cast of Dice, he caused to be taken down, and sold, or melted for his own Advantage. If any Bell tolled for him when he went to his Death, or that the sight of an Halter made him think of a Bell-Rope, it could not but remember him of his Fault in that Particular, and mind him of calling upon Christ Jesus, for his Grace and Mercy.

But in the mean time, Care is taken, that the King should not be too appre∣hensive of these Misfortunes into which his Uncle had been cast; or enter into any Enquiries, whether he had been cast into them by his own Fault, or the Pra∣ctises of others. It was therefore thought fit to Entertain him frequently with Masks, and Dancings, brave Challenges at Tilts, and Barriers, and whatsoever Sports and Exercises, which they conceived most pleasing to him. But nothing seemed more delightfull to him, then the appearing of His Lords, and others in a General Muster, performed on the twenty third of December, in Saint James his Fields. At what time sitting on Horse-back with the Lords of His Council, the Band of Pensioners in compleat Arms, with four Trumpeters, and the King's Standard going before them, first appeared in sight: each Pensio∣ner having two Servants waiting on him with their several Spears. Next fol∣lowed, in distinct Companies of one hundred apiece, the Troops of the Lord Treasurer Paulet, the Duke of Northumberland, the Lord Privy Seal, the Marquess of North-hampton, the Earl of Pembroke, and the Lord Warden of the Cinque-Ports: a Trumpet and a Standard carried before each Troop; four∣ty of the Duke of Northumbeland's Men, and as many of the Earl of Pem∣broke's, having Velvet Goats upon their Harness; with these were mingled in like Equipage, (as to the Trumpets, and the Standards) the distinct Troops of the Earls of Rutland, and H••ntington, and the new Lord Darcy, consisting each of fifty Horse, and Rancked according to the Order, and Precedency of their several Lords. All which rode twice before the King, by five in a Ranck, all excellently well Armed, and bravely Mounted, to the great Contentment of the King, the Delight of the People, and as much to the Honour of the Nati∣on, in the Eye of all such Strangers, as were present at it. But then the Lords of England, were Lords indeed, and thought it not consistent with a Title of Honour, to walk the Streets, attended by a Lacquie onely, and perhaps not that, The Particulars of which Glorious Muster had not been specified, but for sup∣plying the Place of Musick, (as the Solemn Reception of the Queen Regent did before) betwixt the two last Acts of this Tragedy, to the last whereof we shall now come, and so end this year.

Two Moneths had passed since the Pronouncing of the Fatal Sentence of Condemnation, before the Prisoner was brought out to his Execution. In all which time it may be thought, that he might easily have obtained his Pardon of the King, who had passed the first years of His Reign under his Protection, and could not but behold him with the Eye of Respect, as his••nearest Kinsman by the Mother, But first his Adversaries, had so possessed the King with an Opi∣nion of his Crimes, and Misdemeanours, that he believed him to be guilty of them: as appears by his Letter to Fitz-Patrick, (for which Consult the Church Historian. Lib. 7. fol. 409, 410.) wherein he Summarily repeateth the Substance

of the Charge, the Proofs against him, the Proceedings of the Lords in the Ar∣raignment, and his Submiss Carriage, both before, and after the Sentence. They also filled his Ears with the Continual Noise of the Unnatural Prosecuting of the late Lord Admiral; inculcating, how unsafe it was to trust to the Fidelity of such a Man, who had so lately washed his Hands in the Blood of his Brother. And, that the King might rest himself upon these Perswasions, all ways were stopped, and all the Avenues blocked up, by which it might be possible for any of the Duke's Friends to finde access, either for rectifying the King's Opinion, or ob∣taining his Pardon. So that at last, upon the twenty second of January before-remembred (the King not being sufficiently possessed before of his Crimes, and Cruelties) he was brought to the Scaffold on Tower-Hill. Where he avouch∣ed to the People: That, His In••tentions had been not onely harmless, in regard of particular Persons, but driving to the Common Benefit, both of the King, and of the Realm. Interrupted in the rest of his Speech, upon the suddain ••ear of a Rescue, by the coming in of the Hamlets on the one side, a••d the Hopes of a Pardon, which the People conceived to have been brought him by Sir Anthony Brown, who came speedily galloping on the other, he composed himself at last to make a Confession of his Faith, heartily praying for the King, exhorting the People to Obedience, and humbly craving Pardon both of God, and Man. Which said, he chearfully submitted his Head to the stroke of the Ax, by which it was taken off at a Blow; putting an end thereby to his Cares and Sorrows.

Such was the End of this Great Person, whose Power and Greatness may be best discerned by this following Style, used by him in the Height of his former Glories: that is to say,

Edward, by the Grace of God, Duke of Sommerset, Earl of Hertford, Viscount Beauchamp, Baron Seimour, Uncle to the King's Highness of England, Governour to the King's Highness Person, Protectour of all his Realms, Dominions, and Subjects, Lieutenant General of His Maje∣stie's Armies, both by Sea, and Land, Lord High Treasurer, and Earl Marshal of England, Captain of Isles the of Garnsey, and Jarsey, and Knight of the most Honourable Order of the Garter.

As to his Parts, Person, and Abilitie, there needs no other Character of him, then what was given in the beginning, and may be gathered from the Course of this present History. More Moderate in carrying on the Work of Reformation, then those, who after had the Manage∣ing, and Conduct of it, as one, that, in himself, was more inclinable to the Lutheran (but where his profit was concerned in the spoil of Images) then th•••• Zuin∣glian Doctrines: so well beloved in general by the Common People, that divers dipt their Handkerchiefs in his Blood, to keep them in perpetual Remembrance of him. One of which, being a sprightly Dame, about two years after, when the Duke of Northumberland was led through the City, for his opposing the Title of Queen Mary, ran to him in the Streets, and, shaking out her bloody Hand∣kerchief before him, Behold (said she) the Blood of that worthy man, that good Vncle of that Excellent King, which shed by thy malicious Practice, doth now begin apparently to revenge it self on thee. The like Opinion also was conceived of the business by the most understanding men in the Court, and Kingdom; though the King seemed for the present to be satisfied in it. In which opinion they were ex∣ceedingly confirmed by the Enlargment of the Earl of Arundel, and restoring of Crane, and his Wife, to their former Liberty; but most especially by the great Endearments, which afterwards appeared between the Duke of Northumberland and Sir Thomas Palmer, and the great confidence, which the Duke placed in him for the Advancement of his Projects, in behalf of the Duke of Suffolk: of which more hereafter.

But the Malice of his Enemies stayed not here, extending also to his Friends, and Children, after his Decease: but chiefly to the eldest Son by the second Wife; in favour of whom, an Act of Parliament had been passed in the thirty second year of the late King Henry, for the entailing on his Person all such Lands, Estates, and Honours, as had been, or should be purchas••d by his Fa∣ther,

from the twenty fifth day of May, then next foregoing. Which Act they caused to be repealed, at the end of the next Session of Parliament (which began on the morrow after the Death of the Duke) whereby they strip'd the young Gentleman, being then about thirteen years of Age, of his Lands, and Titles; to which he was in part restored by Queen Elizabeth: who, in pity of his Father's Suff••rings, and his own Misfortunes, created him ••arl of Hertford, Viscount Beauchamp, &c. Nor did the Duke's Fall end it self in no other ruin, then that of his own house, and the Death of the four Knights, which suffer∣ed on the same account; but drew along with it the ••emoval of the Lord Rich, from the Place, and Office, of Lord Chancellour. For so it happened, that the Lord Chancellour, commiserating the Condition of the Duke of Sommerset, though formerly he had shewed himself against him, dispatched a Letter to him, concerning some Proceedings of the Lords of the Council, which he thought fit for him to know. Which Letter being hastily superscribed, To the Duke, with no other Title, he gave to one of his Servants, to be carried to him. By whom, for want of a more particular direction, it was delivered to the hands of the Duke of Norfolk. But, the Mistake being presently found, the Lord Chancellour knowing into what hands he was like to fall, makes his Address un∣to the King, the next morning betimes; and humbly prays, that, in regard of his great Age, he might be discharged of the Great Seal, and Office of Chan∣cellour. Which being granted by the King, though with no small difficulty; the Duke of Northumberland, and the Earl of Pembroke, (forward enough to go upon such an Errand) are sent, on the twenty first of December, to receive the Seal; committed on the morrow after to Doctour Thomas Goodwin, Bishop of Ely, and one of the Lords of the Privy Council. Who afterwards, that is to say, on the two and twentieth of January, was sworn Lord Chan∣cellour; the Lord Treasurer Paulet giving him the Oath, in the Court of Chancery.

Next followed the Losses, and Disgraces, suffered by the Lord Paget, on the Duke's account. To whom he had continued faithfull in all his Troubles; when Sir William Cecil, who had received greater Benefits from him, and most of the Dependants on him, had either deserted, or betrayed him. His House designed to be the place, in which the Duke of Northumberland, and the rest of the Lords were to be murthered at a Banquet: if any credit may be given to the Informa∣tions; for which Committed to the Tower, as before is said. But having no sufficient Proof, to warrant any further Proceeding to his Condemnation, an Enquiry is made not long after into all his Actions. In the return whereof, it was suggested; That he had sold the King's Lands, and Woods, without Commission; That he had taken great Fines for the King's Lands, and applyed them to his pro∣per use; and That he had made Leases in Reversion, for more then one and twen∣ty years. Which Spoyl is to be understood of the Lands and Woods of the Dutchy of Lancaster, of the which he was Chancellour; and for committing whereof, he was not onely forced to resign that Office, but condemned in a fine of six thousand pounds; not otherwise to be excused, but by pay∣ing of four thousand pounds within the year. This Punishment, was accompani∣ed with a Disgrace, no less grievous to him, then the loss both of his Place, and Money. He had been chosen into the Society of the Garter, An. 1548. when the Duke of Sommerset was in Power, and so continued, till the fifteenth of April, in the year next following, Anno 1552. At what time Garter, King of A••ms, was sent to his Lodging in the Tower, to take from him the Garter, and the George, belonging to him, as a Knight of that most Noble Order. Which he suffered willingly to be done, because it was His Majestie's Pleasure, that it should so be. More sensible of the Affront, without all question, then otherwise he would have been, because the said George, and Garter, were presently af••er sent, by the King to John, Earl of Warwick, the Duke of Northumberland's eldest Son, Admitted thereupon into that Society. So prevalent are the Passions of some

Great Persons; that they can neither put a measure upon their Hatred, nor an end to their Malice. Which two last Passages, though more properly belong∣ing to the following year, I have thought fit to place in this; because of that dependance, which they have on the Fall of Sommerset.

The like Ill-Fortune happened, at the same time also▪ to Doctour Robert Farrar, Bishop of St. David's; who, as he had his Preferments by him, so he suffered also in his Fall: not because Guilty of the Practice, or Conspiracy with him, as the Lord Paget, and the rest, were given out to be; but because he wanted his Support, and Countenance, against his Adversaries. A Man he was of an un∣sociable disposition, rigidly self-willed: and one, who looked for more Obser∣vance, then his place required; which drew him into a great disl••ke with most of his Clergy, with none more, then the Canons of his own Cathedral. The Faction headed, amongst others, by Doctour Thomas Young, then being the Chantour of that Church, and afterwards advanced by Queen Elizabeth to the See of York; as also Doctour Rowland Merick, preferred by the same Queen to the See of Bangor: though they appeared not visibly in the Information, which was made against him. In which I finde him charged amongst other things, for Celebrating a Marriage, without requiring the Married Persons to receive the Communion, contrary to the Rubrick in the Common-Prayer-Book; for going ordinarily abroad in a Gown, and Hat, and not in a Square Cap, as did the rest of the Clergy; for causing a Communion-Table, which had been placed, by the Official of Caer-marthen, in the middle of the Church, (the High Alltar being then demolished) to be carried back into the Chancel, and there to be disposed of, in, or near the place, where the Altar stood; for suffering ma∣ny Superstitious U••ages to be retained amongst the people, contrary to the Laws in that behalf: But chiefly for exercising some Acts of Episcopal Jurisdicti∣on, in his own name, in derogation of the King's Supremacy; and grounding his Commissions, for the exercise thereof, upon foreign, and usurped Authority. The Articles, fifty six in number; but this last, as the first in Rank, so of more Danger to him, then all the re••t, preferred against him, but not prosecu∣ted, as long as his great Patron, the Duke of Sommerset, was in place, and Power. But, he being on the sinking hand, and the Bishop too stiff to come to a Com∣pliance with those, whom he esteemed beneath him; the Suit is followed with more noise, and violence, then was consistent with the credit of either Party. The Duke being dead, the four Knights Executed, and all his Party in Disgrace, a Commission is Issued, bearing Date the ninth of March, to enquire into the Merit of the Articles, which were charged against him. On the return where∣of, he is Indicted of a Pr••••munire, at the Assizes held in Caer-marthen, in the Ju∣ly following; committed thereupon to Prison, where he remained all the rest of King Edward's time; never restored to Liberty, till he came to the Stake▪ when all his Sufferings, and Sorrows, had an end together. But this Business hath car∣ried us too far into the next year of this King: to the beginning whereof we must now return.

Anno Regni Edw. Sexti 6^o. An. Dom. 1551, 1552.

WE must begin the sixth year of the King with the fourth Session of Par∣liament, though the beginning of the fourth Session was some days be∣fore; that is to say, on the twenty third day of January, being the next day after the Death of that Great Person. His Adversaries possibly could not do it sooner, and found it very unsafe to defer it longer, for fear of being over∣ruled in a Parliamentary way, by the Lords, and Commons. There was Sum∣moned

also a Convocation of the Bishops, and Clergy of the Province of Canter∣bury, to begin upon the next day after the Parliament. Much business done in each, as may appear by the Table of the Statutes made in the one, and the passing of the Book of Articles as the Work of the other. But the Acts of this Convoca∣tion were so ill kept, that there remains nothing on Record, touching their Pro∣ceedings, except it be the names of such of the Bishops, as came thither to Ad∣journ the House. Onely I finde a Memorandum, that, on the twenty ninth of this present January, the Bishoprick of Westminster was dissolved, by the King's Letters Patents; by which the County of Middlesex, which had before been laid unto it, was restored unto the See of London: made greater then in former times, by the Addition of the Arch-Deaconry of St. Alban's; which, at the dissoluti∣on of that Monastery, had been laid to Lincoln. The Lands of Westminster so dilapidated by Bishop Thirlby, that there was almost nothing left to support the Dignity; for which good service, he had been preferred to the See of Nor••ich, in the year foregoing. Most of the Lands invaded by the Great men of the Court, the rest laid out for Reparation to the Church of St. Paul; pared al∣most to the very quick, in those days of Rapine. From hence first came that significant By-word (as is said by some) of Robbing Peter, to pay Paul. But this was no Business of that Convocation, though remembred in it.

That which most specially doth concern us in this Convocation, is the settling, and confirming of the Book of Articles, prepared by Arch-Bishop Cranmer, with the assistance of such Learned men, as he thought fit to call unto him, in the year last past; and now presented to the consideration of the rest of the Clergy. For, that they were debated, and agreed upon in that Convocation, appears by the Title of the Book, where they are called, A••ticuli, de quibus in Synodo Londinensi, An. Dom. 1552, &c. that is to say, Articles, Agreed upon in the Synod of London, An. 1552. And it may be concluded from that Title al∣so, that the Convocation had devolved their Power on some Grand Committee, sufficiently Authourised to Debate, Conclude, and Publish what they had Con∣cluded in the name of the rest. For there it is not said, as in the Articles Pu∣blished in Queen Elizabeth's time, An. 1562. That they were agreed upon by the Arch-Bishops, and Bishops of both Provinces, and the whole-Clergy, in the Convoca∣tion holden at London; but that they were agreed upon, in the Synod of London▪ by the Bishops, and certain other Learned Men; inter Episcopos, & ••lios Eruditos vi∣ros, as the Latin hath it. Which seems to make it plain enough, that the de∣bating, and concluding of the Articles, contained in the said Book, was the Work onely of some B••shops, and certain other Learned men: sufficiently em∣powered for that end, and purpose. And being so empowered to that end and purpose, the Articles, by them concluded, and agreed upon, may warranta∣bly be affirmed, to be the Acts, and Products of that Convocation; Confirm∣ed, and Published for such by the King's Authority (as appears further by the Title in due form of Law. And so it is resolved by Philpot, Arch-Deacon of Winchester, in behalf of the Catechism, which came ••ut An. 1553. with the Approbation of the said Bishops, and Learned men. Against which, when it was objected by Doctour Weston, Prolocutour of the Convocation, in the first of Queen Mary; that the said Catechism was not set forth by the Agreement of that House; it was Answered by that Reverend, and Learned man; That The said House had gran••ed the Authority, to make Ecclesiastical Laws, unto certain Persons, to be appointed by the King's Majesty; and therefore, whatsoever Eccle∣siastical Laws▪ they, or the most part of them did set forth, (according to the Sta∣tute in that behalf provided) might be well said to be done in the Synod of London.

And this may also be the Case of the Book of Articles, which may be truly, and justly said to be the Work of that Convocation: though many Members of it never saw the same, till the Book was published; in regard (I still use Philpot's words in the Acts and Mon. Fol. 1282.) that they had a Synodal Authority unto them committed, to make such Spiritual Laws, as to them seemed to be n••c••ssa∣ry,

or convenient for the use of the Church. Had it been otherwise, King Edward, a most Pious, and Religious Prince must needs be looked on, as a Wicked and most Lewd Impostour, in putting such an horrible Cheat upon all His Subjects, by Fathering these Articles on the Convocation, which begat them not, nor ever gave consent unto them. And yet it is not altogether improbable, but that these Articles being debated, and agreed upon, by the said Commitee, might also pass the Vote of the whole Convocation, though we finde nothing to that purpose in the Acts thereof, which either have been lost, or were never Regi∣stred. Besides, it is to be observed that the Church of England, for the first five years of Queen Elizabeth, retained these Articles, and no other, as the publick Te∣nents of the Church in point of Doctrine; which certainly She had not done, had they been commended to Her by a less Authority, then a Convocation.

Such hand the Convocation had in canvasing the Articles, prepared for them, and in concluding, and agreeing to so much, or so many of them, as afterwards were published by the King's Authority in the name thereof. But whether they had any such hand in Reviewing the Liturgie, and passing their Consent to such Alte∣rations, as were made therein, is another Question. That some necessity appeared both for the Reveiwing of the whole, and the altering of some Parts thereof hath been shew'd before: And it was shewed before by whose Procurement, and Sollici∣tation, the Church was brought to that necessity of doing somewhat to that Pur∣pose. But being not sufficiently Authorised to proceed upon it, because the King's sole Authority did not seem sufficient, they were to stay the Leasure, and Consent of the present Parliament. For being the Liturgie then in force had been confirmed and imposed by the King in Parliament, with the Consent, and Assent of the Lords and Commons, it stood with Reason, that they should not venture actu∣ally on the Alteration, but by their permission first declared. And therefore it is said expresly in the Act of Parliament made this present year, That The said Order of Common Service, Entituled The Book of Common-Prayer, had been Perused, Explained, and made fully perfect: not single by the King's Authority, but by the King, with the Assent of the Lords and Commons. More then the giving of their Assent, was neither required by the King, nor desired by the Prelats; and less then this could not be fought, as the Case then stood. The signifying of which Assent enabled the Bishops, and the rest of the Clergy, whom they had taken for their Assistants, to proceed to the Digesting of such Alterations, as were before considered, and resolved on, amongst themselves; and possibly might re∣ceive the like Authority from the Convocation, as the Articles had, though no such thing remaining upon Record in the Registers of it. But whether it were so, or not, certain it is, that it received as much Authority, and Countenance▪ as could be given unto it by an Act of Parliament; by which imposed upon the Subject under certain Penalties (Imprisonments, Pecuniarie Mulcts, &c.) which could not be inflicted on them by Synodical Acts.

The Liturgie being thus Settled, and Confirmed in Parliament, was by the King's Command translated into French, for the Use of the Isles of Guernsey, and Jersey, and such as lived within the Marches, and Command of Calais. But no such Care was taken for Wales, till the fifth year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth: nor of the Realm of Ireland, from that time to this. King Henry had so far prepared the Way to a Reformation, as His own Power, and Profit was concerned in it; to which Ends he excluded the Pope's Authority, and cau∣sed Himself to be declared Supreme Head on Earth of the Church of Ireland, by Act of Parliament. And by like Acts he had annexed to the Crown the Lands of all Monasteries, and Religious Orders: together with thetwentieth Part of all the Ecclesiastical Promotions within that Kingdom; and caused the like Course to be settled for the Electing, and Consecrating of Arch-Bishops, and Bishops, as had been done before in England. Beyond which, as he did not go; so, as it seems, King Edward's Council thought not fit to adventure fur∣ther. They held it not agreeable to the Rules of Prudence, to have too many

Irons in the Fire at once: nor safe, in Point of Policy, to try Conclusions on a People in the King's Minority, which were so far tenacionsly addicted to the Superstitions of the Church of Rome, and of a Nature not so tractable, as the English were. And yet that Realm was quiet, even to Admiration, notwithstanding the frequent Embroilments, and Commotions, which so miserably disturbed the Peace of England: which may be reckoned for one of the greatest Felicities of this King's Reign, and a strong Argument of the Care, and Vigilancy of such of His Ministers, as had the chief Direction of the Irish Affairs. At the first Payment of the Money for the Sale (rather then the Surrendry) of Bulloign: eight thousand pounds was set apart for the Service of Ireland; and shortly af∣ter out of the Profits, which were raised from the Mint, four hundred men were Levied, and sent over thither also; with a Charge given to the Gover∣nours, that the Laws of England should be Carefully, and Duly administred, and all such as did oppose, suppressed: by Means whereof great Countenance was given to those, who embraced the Reformed Religion there: especially within those Counties, which are called commonly by the name of the English Pale. The Common-Prayer-Book of England, being brought over thither, and used in most of the Churches of the English Plantation, without a∣ny Law in their own Parliaments to impose it on them. But nothing more conduced to the Peace of that Kingdom, then that the Governours for the most part were men of such Choice; that neither the Nobility disdained to endure their Commands, nor the inferiour sort were oppressed, to supply their Wants. Besides which, as the King drew many men from thence to serve him in his Wars against France, and Scotland, which otherwise might have disturbed the com∣mon Peace; so, upon notice of some great Preparations, which were made in France for the Assistance of the Scots, he sent over to guard the Coast of Ireland, four Ships, four Barks, four Pinnaces, and twelve Victuallers. By the Advantage of which Strength, He made good three Havens, two on the South-side toward France, and one toward Scotland; which afterwards made themselves good Booties out of such of the French, as were either cast away on the Coast of Ireland, or forced to save themselves in the Havens of it. For the French making choice rather of their Passage by Saint George's Chanel, then by the ordinary Course of Navigation, from France, to Edenborough, fell from one Danger to another; and, for fear of being intercepted, or mole∣sted by the Ships of England, were Shipwracked, as before was said, on the Coast of Ireland. Nothing else Memorable in this King's Reign, which con∣cerned that Kingdom; and therefore I have lai'd it altogether in this Place, and on this Occasion.

But we return again to England, where we have seen a Reformation made in Point of Doctrine, and settled in the Forms of Worship; the Superstitions and cor∣ruptions of the Church of Rome entirely abrogated, and all things rectified, accor∣ding to the Word of God, and the Primitive Practice: nothing defective in the Managing of so great a Work, which could have been required by equal, and im∣partial Men, but that it was not done, as they conceived it ought to have been done, in a General Council. But first we finde not any such Necessity of a Gene∣ral Council, but that many Heresies had been suppressed, and many Corrupti∣ons removed out of the Church, without any such Trouble. Saint Augustine in his fourth Book against the two Epistles of the Pelagians, cap. 12. speaks very plainly to this Purpose, and yet the Learned Cardinal, though a great Stickler in behalf of General Councils, speaks more plain then he. By whom it is affirrmed, that for seven Heresies condemned in seven General Councils (though by his leave the seventh did not so much suppress, as advance an Heresie) an huu∣dred had been quashed in National and Provincial Councils. The Practice of the Church in the several Councils of Aquilia, Carthage, Gangra, Milevis, &c. make this plain enough; all of them being Provincial, or at least but Na∣tional, and doing their own Work without Help from others. The Church had

been in an ill Condition, had it been otherwise; especially under the Power of the Heathen Emperours; when such a Confluence of the Prelats, from all Parts of the World, would have been construed a Conspiracy against the State, and drawn Destruction on the Church, and the Persons both. Or granting, that they might assemble without any such Danger, yet being great Bodies, moving slowly, and not without long time, and many Difficulties, and Disputes to be rightly Constituted: the Church would suffer more under such Delay, by the spreading of Heresie, then receive Benefit by this Care to suppress the same. So that there neither is, or can be, any such Necessity, either in Order to the Reformation of a National Church, or the Suppressing of particular Heresies, as by the Objectours is supposed.

Howsoever taking it for granted, that a General Council is the best and safest Physick, that the Church can take, on all Occasions of Epidemical Distempers; yet must it be granted at such times, and in such Cases onely, when it may conveniently be had. For where it is not to be had, or not had conveniently, it will either prove to be no Physick, or not worth the taking. But so it was, at the time of the Reformation, that a General Council could not conveniently be assembled, and more then so, it was impossible, that any such Council should assemble: I mean, a General Council rightly called, and constituted, accord∣ing to the Rules lai'd down by our Controversers.

For first they say, It must be called by such as have Power to do it.

Secondly, That it must be intimated to all Christian Churches, that so no Church, nor People may plead Ignorance of it.

Thirdly, That the Pope, and the four chief Patriarchs, must be present at it, ei∣ther in person, or by Proxie.

And lastly, That no Bishop be excluded, if he be known to be a Bishop, and not E••xcommunicated.

According to which Rules, it was impossible, I say, that any General Council should be assembled at the time of the Reformation o•• the Church of England. It was not then, as when the chief four Patriarchs, together with their Metropolitan and Suffragan Bishops, were under the Protection of the Christian Emperours, and might without Danger to themselves, or to their Churches, obey the Intimation, and attend the Service, the Patriarchs, with their Metropolitans and Suffragans, both then and now languishing under the Power and Tyranny of the Turk: to whom so general a Confluence of Christian Bishops must needs give matter of Suspicion of just Fears and Jealousies, and therefore not to be permitted (as far as he can possibly hinder it) on good Reason of State.

And then besides, it would be known by whom such a General Council was to be assembled: if by the Pope, as generally the Papists say, He, and his Court were looked on, as the greatest Grievance of the Christian Church, and it was not probable, that he should call a Council against himself, unless he might have leave to pack it, to govern it by His own Legats, fill it with Titular Bishops of His own creating, or send the Holy Ghost to them in Cloak-Bag, as he did to Trent. If joyntly, by all Christian Princes which is the Common Tenent of the Protestant; Scholes: what Hopes could any man conceive (as the Times then were) that they should lay aside their particular Interesses, to enter all together upon one design? Or, if they had agreed about it, what Power had they to call the Prelats of the East, to attend the Business, and to protect them for so doing at their going home? So that I look upon the hopes of a General Council. I mean a General Council rightly called, and constituted, as an empty Dream. The most, that was to be expected, was but a meeting of some Bishops of the West of Europe, and those but of one Party onely: as such were excommunicated, (and that might be as many as the Pope should please) being to be excluded by the Cardinal's Rule. Which how it may be called an Oecumenical, or General Council, unless it be a Topical-Oec••menical, a Particular-General (as great an Absurdity in Gram∣mar, as a Romaeu-Catholick) I can hardly see: Which being so, and so no que∣stion,

but it was, either the Church must have contin••ed without Reformation, or else it must be lawfull for National particular Churches to Reform themselves. And in that case the Church may be Reformed per partes, part after part; Province after Province, as is said by Gerson. Further then which, I shall not enter into this Dispute, this being enough to Justifie the Church of England from doing any thing Unadvisedly, Unwarrantably, or without Example.

That which remains, in Reference to the Progress of the Reformation, con∣cerns as well the Nature as the Number of such Feasts and Fast••, as were thought fit to be retained, Determined and Concluded on, by an Act of Parliament; to which the Bishops gave their Vote: but whether Predetermined in the Convo∣cation, must be left as doubtfull. In the Preamble to which Act, it is Declared; That, At all times men are not so mindfull of performing those Publick Christian Duties, which the true Religion doth require, as they ought to be; and therefore it hath been wholesomly provided, that, for calling them to their Duties and for helping their Infirmities, that some certain Times, and Days should be appointed, wherein Chri∣stians should cease from all other kinde of Labours, and apply themselves onely, and wholely unto such Holy Works, as properly pertain to True Religion; that the said Holy Works, to be performed upon those Days, are more particularly to hear, to learn, and to remember Almighty God's great Benefits, his manifold Mer∣cies, his inestimable Gracious Goodness, so plentifully poured upon all his Creatures; rendring unto him for the same our most hearty thanks; That the said Days, and Times, are neither to be called, or accounted Holy: nei∣ther in the Nature of the time, or day, nor for any of the Saints sakes, whose Memories are preserved by them; but for the Nature, and Condition, of those God∣ly, and Holy Works, with which onely God is to be Honoured, and the Congrega∣tion to be Edified; That the Sanctifying of the said Days consisteth in separating them apart from all prophane uses, and Dedicated not to any Saint, or Creature, but onely to the Worship of God; That there is no certain time, nor definite number of days appointed by Holy Scripture: but, that the appointment of the time, as also of the days, is left to the Liberty of Christ His Church by the Word of God; That the days, which from thenceforth were to be kept as Holy days in the Church of England, should be all Sundays in the Year; the Feast of the Circumcision, the Epiphany, the Purification of the Blessed Virgin, &c. with all the rest, recited at the end of the Calender, in the publick Liturgy; That the Arch-Bishops, Bi∣shops, &c. shall have Authority to punish the Offenders, in all, or any of the Pre∣misses, by the usual censures of the Church, and to impose such penance on them, as to them, or any of them shall seem expedient; and finally, that, notwithstanding any thing before declared, it shall, and may be lawfull, for any Husbandman, La∣bourer, Fisherman, &c. to labour, ride, fish, or work any kind of work, on the foresaid Holy days, not onely in the time of Harvest, but at any other time of the year, when need shall require; with a Proviso for the Celebrating of St. Georg's Feast, on the two and twenty, three and twenty, and four and twentieth Days of April yearly, by the Knights of the Right Honourable Order of the Garter, or by any of them. Which Declaration, as it is agreeable in all points to the Tenour of approved Antiquity; so can there nothing be more contrary to the Doctrine of the Sabba∣tarians, Which of late time hath been Obtruded on the Church.

Then for the number of the Fasts, It is Declared, that from that time for∣wards, every Even, or Day, going before any of the aforesaid Days of the Feasts of the Nativity of Our Lord, of Easter, of the Ascension of our Lord, Pentecost. of the Purification, and the Annunciation of the aforesaid Blessed Virgin; of All-Saints, of all the said Feasts of the Apostles, (other then of St. John the Evan∣gelist, and of St. Philip and Jacob) shall be fasted, and Commanded to be kept, and observed, and that none other Even, or Day, shall be Commanded to be Fasted. For Explication of which last Clause, it is after added, that the said Act, or any thing therein contained, shall not extend to abrogate, or take away the Abstinence from Flesh in Lent, or on Fridays, and Saturdays: or any other ap∣pointed

pointed to be kept for a Fasting-Day, but onely on the Evens of such other Days, as formerly had been kept, and observed for Holy, and were now abrogated by this Act. And for the better suppressing, or preventing of any such Fasts, as might be kept upon the Sunday, it was Enacted in the same (according to the Practice of the Elder Times) that, when it shall chance any the said Feasts, (the Eves whereof are by this Statute to be kept for Fasting-Days) to fall upon the Munday; that then the Saturday next before shall be Fasted, as the Eve thereof, and not the Sunday. Which Statute, though repealed in the first of Queen Ma∣ry, and not revived till the first year of the Reign of King James: yet in Effect it stood in Force, and was more punctually observed in the whole time of Queen Elizabeth's Reign, then after the Reviver of it.

Such course being taken for the due observing of Days, and Times; the next care was, that Consecrated Places should not be Prophaned by Fighting, and Quarrelling, as they had been lately, since the Episcopal Jurisdiction, and the Ancient Censures of the Church were lessened in Authority, and Reputation. And to that end it was Enacted in this present Parliament, that if any Persons whatsoever, after the first day of May then next following, should quarrel, chide, or brawl, in any Church, or Church-yard, he should be suspended ab ingressu Ecclesiae, if he were a Lay-man; and from his Ministration, if he were a Priest; that if any Person after the said time should smite, or lay violent hands upon an∣other, he should be deemed to be Excommunicate, ipso facto, and be excluded from the Fellowship, and Company of Christ's Congregation; and finally, that if any Person should strike another with any weapon, in the Church, or Church-yard, or draw his sword, with an intent to strike another with the same, and thereof be law∣full convicted, he should be punished with the loss of one of his Ears, &c. A sea∣sonable severity, and much conducing to the Honour both of Church, and State. There were some Statutes also made for taking away the benefit of Clergy in some certain Cases; for making such, as formerly had been of any Religious Or∣der, to be Heritable to the Lands of their Ancestours, or next of Kindred, to whom they were to have been Heirs by the Common Law; for Confirming the Marriages of Priests, and giving them, their ••ives, and Children, the like Capa∣cities, as other Subjects did enjoy, whereof we have already spoke in another place. There also passed another Act, that no Person, by any means, should lend, or forbear any Sum of Mony, for any manner of Vsury, or encrease to be received, or hoped for, above the sum lent, upon pain to for••eit the sum so lent, and the encrease, and to suffer imprisonment, and make fine at the King's plea∣sure. But this Act being found to be prejudicial to the ••rade of the Kingdom, first discontinued of it self, and was afterwards repealed in the thirteenth year of Queen Elizabeth.

This Parliament ending on the fifteenth of April gave time enough for Prin∣ting, and Publishing the Book of Common-Prayer, which had been therein Au∣thorised; the time for the Officiating of it, being fixed on the Feast of All-Saints, then next ensuing. Which time being come, there appeared no small Altera∣tion in the outward Solemnities of Divine Service, to which the people had been formerly so long accustomed. For, by the R••brick of that Book, no Copes, or other Vestures were required, but the Surplice onely; whereby the Bishops were necessitated to forbear their Crosses, and the Prebends of St. Paul's, and other Churches, occasioned to leave off their Hoods. To give a beginning here∣unto, Bishop Ridley, then Bishop of London (obediently conforming unto that, which he could not hinder) did the same day Officiate the Divine Service of the Morning in his Rochet onely, without Cope, or Vestment; he Preached also at St. Paul's Cross in the afternoon, the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Compa∣nies, in their best Liveries, being present at it; the Sermon tending for the most part to the setting forth of the said Book of Common-Prayer, and to acquaint them with the Reason of such Alterations, as were made therein. On the same day the New Liturgie was executed also in all the Churches of London. And

not long after (I know not by what strange forwardness in them that did it) the Upper Quire in St. Paul's Church, where the High-Altar stood, was broken down, and all the Qui••e thereabout; and the Communion-Table was placed in the Lower Part of the Qui••e, where the Priest sang the Dayly Service. What hereupon ensued of the Rich Ornaments, and Plate, wherewith every Church was furnished after its proportion; we shall see shortly, when the King's Com∣missioners shall be sent abroad to seise upon them in His Name, for their own Commodity.

About this time the Psalms of David did first begin to be Composed in En∣glish Meeter, by one Thomas Sternhold, one of the Grooms of the Privy-Cham∣ber; who, Translating no more then thirty seven, left both Example, and En∣couragement to John Hopkins, and others, to dispatch the rest. A Device first taken up in France, by one Clement Marot, one of the Grooms of the Bed-Chamber to King Francis the First: who, being much addicted to Poetry, and having some acquaintance with those, which were thought to have enclined to the Reformation, was perswaded by the Learned Vatablus (Professour of the He∣brew Tongue in the University of Paris) to exercise his Poetical Fancies, in Translating some of David's Psalms. For whose satisfaction, and his own, he Translated the first fifty of them: and after, flying to Geneva, grew acquainted with Beza who, in some tract of time, Translated the other hundred also; and caused them to be fitted unto several Tunes; which •• hereupon began to be Sung in private houses, and by degrees to be taken up in all the Churches of the French, and other Nations, which followed the Genevian Plat-form. Marot's Translation said by Strada, to have been ignorantly, and perversely done: as being but the Work of a man, altogether unlearned; but not to be compared with that Barbarity, and Botching, which every where occurreth in the Transla∣tion of Sternhold, and Hopkins. Which notwithstanding being first allowed for private Devotion, they were by little, and little, brought into the use of the Church: Permitted rather, then Allowed to be Sung before, and after Sermons; afterwards Printed, and bound up with the Common-Prayer-Book, and at last ad∣ded by the Stationers at the end of the Bible. For, though it be expressed in the Title of those Singing Psalms, that they were set forth, and allowed to be Sung in all Churches; before, and after Morning, and Evening Prayer: and also before, and after Sermons; yet, this Allowance seems rather to have been a Connivance, then an Approbation: No such Allowance being any where found, by such as have been most Industrious, and concerned in the search thereof. At first it was, pretended onely that the said Psalms should be Sung before, and after Morn∣ing, and Evening Prayer, and also before, and after Sermons: which shews, they were not to be intermingled in the Publick Liturgie. But, in some tract of time, as the Puritan Faction grew in strength, and confidence, they prevailed so far in most places, to thrust the Te Deum, the Benedictus, the Magnificat, and the Nunc Dimittis, quite out of the Church. But of this more perhaps here∣after, when we shall come to the Discovery of the Puritan Practices, in the Times succeeding.

Next to the business of Religion, that which took up a great part of the Pu∣blick Care, was the Founding, and Establishing of the new Hospital in the late dis∣solved House of Grey-Friers, near New-gate, in the City of London; and that of St. Thomas in the Borough of So••thwark. Concerning which we are to know, that the Church, belonging to the said House, together with the Cloysters, and almost all the Publick Building, which stood within the Liberties, and Precincts thereof, had the good Fortune to escape that Ruin, which Generally befell all other Houses of that Nature. And standing undemolished, till the last Times of King Henry, it was given by him, not many days before His Death, to the City of London: together with the late dissolved Priory, called Little St. Bar∣tholomew's; which, at the Suppression thereof, was valued at 305. pounds, 6. s. 7. d. In which Donation, there was Reference had to a Double End. The

one for the Relieving of the Poor, out of the Rents of such Messuages, and Tene∣ments, as in the Grant thereof are contained, and specified. The other for Con∣stituting a Parish-Church, in the Church of the said dissolved Grey-Friers: not onely for the use of such, as lived within the Precincts of the said two Houses; but for the Inhabitants of the Parishes of Saint Nicholas in the Shambles, and of Saint Ewines, scituate in Warwick-Lane-end, near New-gate Market. Which Chur∣ches, with all the Rents, and Profits, belonging to them, were given to the City at the same time also, and for advancing the same ends, together with five hun∣dred Marks by the year for ever; the Church of the Grey-Friers to be from thenceforth called Christ-Church, Founded by King Henry the Eighth. All which was signified to the City in a Sermon Preached at Saint Paul's-Cross, by the Bishop of Rochester, on the thirteenth of January; being no more then a Fortnight before the death of the King: so that He wanted not the Prayers of the Poor, at the Time of His Death, to serve as a Counter-Ballance for those many Curses, which the poor Monks, and Friers had bestowed upon Him in the Time of His Life.

In pursuance of this double Design, the Church of the said Friers (which had before served as a Magazine, or Store-house for such French-Wines, as had been taken by Reprise) was cleansed, and made fit for Holy uses, and Mass again sang in it on the thirteenth day of January before remembred, resorted to by such Parishioners as were appointed to it by the King's Donation. After which fol∣lowed (in the first years of King Edward the Sixth) the taking down of the said two Churches, and building several Tenements, on the Ground of the Churches, and Church-Yards, the Rents thereof to be imployed for the further maintenance, and Relief of the poor, living and loytering in, and about the City, to the great Dishonour of the same. But neither the first Grant of the King, nor these new Additions, being able to carry on the work to the end desired, it happened, that Bishop Ridley, preaching before the King, did much insist upon the settling of of some constant course for Relief of the Poor. Which Sermon wrought so far upon Him, that He caused the Bishop to be sent for, gave him great Thanks for his good Exhortation; and thereupon entred into Communication with him, about the devising of some Co••rse, by which so great, and good a Work should be brought to pass. His Advice was, That Letters should be written to the Lord Mayour, and Aldermen, for taking the Business into Consideration, in Reference to such Poor, as swarmed in great numbers about the City. To which the King so readily hearkened, that the Letters were dispatched, and Signed, be∣fore He would permit the Bishop to go out of His Presence. Furnished with these Letters, and Instructions, the Bishop calls before him Sir Richard Dobbs, then Lord Mayour of London, with so many Aldermen, as were thought fit to be advised with in the present Business. By whom it was agreed upon, That a Ge∣neral Contribution should be made by all wealthy, and well-affected Citizens, to∣wards the Advancement of a work so necessary for the publick good. For the effe∣cting whereof, they were all called to their Parish-Churches, where by the said Lord Mayour, their several Aldermen, and other grave Citizens, they were by Eloquent Orations, perswaded, how great▪ and how many Commodities, would ensue unto them, and their City; if the Poor of divers sorts were taken from out their Streets, Lanes, and Allyes, and were bestowed, and provided for in several Hospitals. It was therefore moved, that every man would signifie what they would grant, towards the preparing, and furnishing of such Hospitals, as also, what they would contribute weekly towards their Maintenance untill they were furnished with a more Liberal Endowment. Which Course prevailed so far upon them, that every man subscribed, according to his Ability, and Books were drawn in every Ward of the City, containing the Sum of that Relief: which they had contributed. Which being delivered unto the Mayour, were by Him humbly tendred to the King's Commissioners on the seventeenth of Februa∣ry.

This good Foundation being lai'd, a Beginning was put to the Reparation of the decayed Buildings, in the Gray-Friers, on the twenty sixth of July, for the Reception of such poor, fatherless Children, as were then to be provided for at the publick Charge. The like Reparation also made of the Ruinous Buildings belonging to the late dissolved Priory of Saint Thomas in the Burough of South∣wark; which the Citizens had then newly bought of the King, to serve for an Hospital of such Wounded, Sick, and Impotent Persons, as were not fit to be intermingled with the Sound. The Work so diligently followed in both places at once, that on the twenty third of November, the sick and maimed People were taken into the Hospital of Saint Thomas, and into Christ-Hospital to the number of four hundred Children; all of them to have Meat, Drink, Lodging, and Cloths, at the Charge of the City, till other means could be provided for their future Maintainance.

And long it was not, before such further Means was provided for them, by the Bounty, and Piety of the King; then drawing as near unto his End, as his Fa∣ther was, when he lai'd the first Foundation of that Pious Work. For ••earing with what chearfulness the Lord Major, and Aldermen, had conformed themselves to the effect of His former Letters, and what a great advance they had made in the Work, commanded them to attend Him on the tenth of April, gave them great thanks for their Zeal, and forwardness, and gave for ever to the City his Palace of Bridewel (erected by King Henry the Eight) to be employed as a relieving house for such Vagabounds, and thriftless Poor, as should be sent thither to receive Cha∣stisement, and be forced to labour. For the better maintainance whereof, and the more liberal Endowment of the other Hospitals before remembred, it was sug∣gested to him; that the Hospital founded in the Savoy by King Henry the seventh, for the Relief of Pilgrims, and Travellers, was lately made the Harbour, or re∣lieving Place for Loytere••s, Vagabonds, and Strumpets, who sunned themselves in the Fields all Day, and at Night found entertainment there. The Master and Brethren of the House are thereupon sent for to the King, who dealt so power∣fully and effectually with them, that they resigned the same into His Hands, with all the Lands, and Goods thereunto belonging. Out of which He presently be∣stowed the Yearly Rent of Seven Hundred Marks, with all the Beds, Bedding, and other Furniture, which he found therein, towards the maintainance of the said Work-House, and the Hospital of St. Thomas in Southwark. The Grant where∣of He confirmed by His Letters Patents, bearing Date the 26^th of June; adding thereunto a Mort-Main for enabling the City to purchase Lands, to the value of four thousand Marks per annum, for the better maintainance of those, and the other Hospitals. So that by the Donation of Bridewel, which He never built, and the suppression of the Hospital in the Savoy, which He never endowed, He was entituled to the Foundation of Bridewel, St. Bartholomew's, and St. Tho∣mas, without any charge unto himself.

But these last Passages concerning the Donation of Bridewel, the suppression of the Hospital in the Savoy, and the Endowment of the said three Houses with the Lands thereof, hapned not till the year ensuing, Anno 1553. though lai'd unto the rest in the present Narrative, in regard of the Dependence, which it hath on the former Story. Nothing else memorable in the course of this present Year, but the coming of Cardanus, the death of Leland, and the preferment of Doctor John Taylor to the See of Lincoln. The See made void by the death of Doctor Henry Holbeach, about the beginning of August, in the former year, and kept void, by some powerful men about the King, till the 26^th of June, in the year now present. At what time, the said Doctour Taylor, who before had been Dean of that Church, was Consecrated Bishop of it. During which interval, the Patri∣mony of that great and wealthy Bishoprick (one of the richest in the King∣dom) was so dismembred in it self, so parcelled, and marked out for a Prey to others, that when the New Bishop was to be restored unto his Temporals, under the Great Seal of England, (as the Custom is) there was none of all his Ma∣ours

reserved for him,marg but his Manour of Bugden, together with some Farms and Impropriations, toward the support of his Estate: The rest was to be raised out of the profits, perquisits, and emoluments of his Jurisdict •• on; yet so, that nothing was to be abated in his Tenths, and first-fruits, which were kept up according to the former value.

As for John Leland; for whose death I finde this year assigned: he had his Education in Christ's Colledg in Cambridg. Being a man of great parts, and indefatigable industry, he was imployed by King Henry the Eight to search into the Libraries, and Collect the Antiquities of Religious Houses, at such time, as they lay under the fear of suppression. Which work as he performed with more then Ordinary Diligence, so was he encour••ged thereunto by a very Liberal Exhibition, which he received annually from the late King Henry. But the King being dead, his Exhibition, and encouragments, dyed also with him. So that the Lamp of his life being destitute of the Oyl, which fed it, after it had been in a lang••ishing condition all the rest of h••s King's Reign was this year un∣fortunately Extingu••shed: unfortunately, in regard that he dyed distr••cted to the great Greif of all that knew him, and the no small sorrow of ma••y, who never saw him, but onely in his painful, and labo••ious Writings. W••ich Writ••ngs, be∣ing by him Presented to the hands of King Henry, came a••terwards into ••he pow∣er of Sr. John Che••k, Schole-master, and Secretary for the L••tine tongue to the King now Reigning. And though coll••cted Principally for the u••e of the Crown, yet, on the death of the young King, his Tu••our kept th••m to him∣self as long as he lived, and left them at his death to Henry his Eldest Son, Secre∣tary to the Councel Established at Yo••k for the N••r••hern parts. From Che••k, but not without some intermediate conveyances, four of them came in∣to the possession of William 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Leic••s••e shi••e; who having served his turn of them as well as he could, in his d••scription of that County, bestowed them, as a most choise Rarity upon Oxford Library, where the O••••ginals ••t••ll ••emain. Out of this Treasury, whilest it remained entire in the hands of Cheek, the lear∣ned Campden was supplyed with much Excellent matter toward the making up of his description of the ••sles of Britain; but not without all due acknowledg∣ment to his Benefactour, whom he both frequent cite••h, and very highly com∣mendeth for his pains▪ and industry.

In the last place comes in Cardanus, an eminent Philosopher, born in Italy, and one not easily over matched by the then supposed Matchless Sc••liger, having composed a Book, Entituled •• De varietate Rerum▪ with an Epistl•• Dedicatory to King Edward the Sixth he came over this year into England to present it to him; which gave him the Occasion of much conference with ••••m. In which he found ••uch dexterity in Him for Encountring many of his Paradoxes in natu∣ral Philosophy▪ that he seemed to be astonished between Admiration, and De∣light, and divulged his Abilities to be miracul••u••. Some Passages of which di∣scourse Cardanus hath left upon Record in these words ensu••ng. Decim••••m quintum, adhuc ag••bat Annum, cum interrogobat Latine &c. Being yet (saith he) but of the age of fifteen years he asked me in Latine (in which tongue he utter∣red his mind no less eloquently, and readily, then I could do my self) what my Book•• which I had dedicated unto him. De varietate Rerum, did contain? I an∣swered▪ that in the first Chapter was shewed the cause of Com••ts, or blazing∣stars▪ which hath been long sought for▪ and hitherto scarce fully found. What cause (sayd he) is that? The concour••e or meeting of the light of the wandring Planets, or stars. To this th•• King thus replyed again. For as much (said he) as the motion of the stars keepeth not one course, but is diverse and variable by continual Alteration, how is it then that the cause of these Comets doth not quickly v••de▪ or vanish, or that the Comet doth not keep one certain and uniform course, and motion, with the said stars, and Planets? Whereunto I an••wered, that it ••oved indeed, but with a far swifter motion then the Planets, by rea••on of the di∣versity

of Aspects, as we see in Christal, and the Sun, when a Rainbow re∣bounds on a Wall, for a little change makes a great difference of the place. The King rejoyned, How can that be done without a subject? as the Wall is the Subject to the Rainbow. To which I answered, That as in the Galaxia, or Via lactea, and in the Reflection of Lights, when many are set near one another, they do produce a certain Lucid and bright Mean. Which Conference is thus shut up by that Learn∣ed Men, That he began to favour Learning, before he could know it; and knew it, before he could tell what use he had of it: And then bemoans his short life, in these words of the Poet,

Immodic••s brevis est Aetas, & rara Senectus.

Anno Reg. Edw. Sexti 7^o Anno Dom. 1552, 1553.

SUch being the excellent Abilities of this hopeful Prince in Matters of Ab∣struser Learning, there is no question to be made, but that he was the Master of so much Perspicacity in his own Affairs, (as indeed he was, which might pro∣duce both Love, and Admiration in the Neighbouring Princes: Yet such was the Rapacity of the Times and the Unfortunateness of his Condition, that his Mi∣nority was abused to many Acts of Spoil, and Rapine (even to an high degree of Sacrilege) to the raising of some, and the enriching of others, without any manner of improvement to his own Estate. For, notwithstanding the great and most inestimable, Treasures which must needs come in, by the spoil of so ma∣ny Shrines, and Images, the sale of all the Lands belonging to Chanteries, Colleges, Free Chapels, &c. And the Dilapidating of the Patrimony of so many Bishop∣ricks, and Cathedral Churches; he was not onely plunged in Debt, but the Crown-Lands were much diminished, and impaired, since his coming to it. Be∣sides which spoils, there were many other helps, and some great ones too, of keeping him both before••hand, and full of Money, had they been used to his Ad∣vantage. The Lands of divers of the Halls, and Companies in London, were char∣ged with Annual Pensions, for the finding of such Lights, Obits, and Chantry-Priests, as were founded by the Donours of them. For the redeeming whereof, they were constrained to pay the sum of Twenty Thousand Pounds to the use of the King, by an Order from the Council-Table; not long before the payment of the first Money for the sale of Boloign Anno 1550. And somewhat was also paid by the City, to the King, for the Purchase of the Borough of Southwark, which they bought of him the next year. But the main glut of Treasure was that of the four hundred thousand Crowns, amounting in our Money to 133333 l. 13 s. 4 d. paid by the French King, on the s••rrendry of the Town, and Territory of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, before remembred Of which vast sum, (but small, in reference to the loss of so great a strength) no less then fourscore thousand pounds was laid up in the Tower; the rest assigned, to publick uses, for the peace and safety of the King∣dom. Not to say any thing of that great Yearly Profit, which came in from the Mint, after the entercourse settled betwixt Him and the King of Sweden, and the decrying so much Base Money, had begun to set the same on work. Which great Advantages notwithstanding, He is now found to be in Debt to the Bankers of An••we••p & elsewhere, no less then 251000 l, of English money. Towards which, the sending of his own Ambassadours into France, and the entertainment of the French, when they were in England, (the onely two great Charges, which we finde Him at in the whole course of His Reign) must be inconsiderable.

It was to no purpose for Him to look too much backward, or to trouble Him∣self with enquiring after the ways, and means, by which He came to be involved in so great a Debt. It must be now his own care, and the endeavours of those, who plunged Him in it, to finde the speediest way for His getting out.

And first they fall upon a course to l••ssen the Expenses of His Court a••d Family, by suppressing the Tables formerly appointed for young Lords, the Ma∣sters of the Requests, Serjeant at Arms, &c. which thought it saved some money, yet it brought in none. In the next place, it was resolved, to call such Officers to a present and publick Reckoning, who either had embezelled any of the Crown Lands, or inverted any of the King's Money to their private use. On which course they were the more intent, because they did both serve the King▪ and con∣tent the People: but might be used by them as a Scourge, for the whipping of those, against whom they had any cause of quarrel. Amongst which I finde the new Lord Paget to have been fined six thousand pound (as before was said) for divers Offences of that nature, which were charged upon him B••aumont, then Master of the Rolls, had purchased Lands with the King's Money, made longer Leases of some other Crown Lands, then he was authorized to do by his Com∣mission, and was otherwise gu••lty of much corrupt and fraudulent dealing. For expiating of which Crimes, he surrendred all his Lands and Goods to the King, and seems to have been well befriended, that he sped no worse. The like Of∣fences proved against one Whaley, one of the King's Receivers for the County of York; for which he was punished with the loss of his Offices, and adjudged to ••tand to any such Fine, as by his Majesty▪ and the Lords of h••s Council shou••d be set upon him. Which manner of proceeding, though it be for the most part pleasing to the Common People, and profitable to the Common-Wealth; yet were it more unto the honour of a P••ince, to make choice of such Officers, whom He thinks not likely to offend, then to sacrifice them to the People, and His own Displeasures having thus offended.

But the main Engine at this time for advancing Money, was the speeding of a Commission into all parts of the Realm under pretence of selling such of the Lands & Goods of Chanterys, &c as remained unsold; but, in plain truth, to seize upon all Hangings▪ Altar-Cloths, Fronts, Parafronts, Copes of all sorts, with all manner of Plate, which was to be found in any Cathedral, or Parochial Church. To which Rapacity the demolishing of the fo••mer Altars, and placing the Com∣munion Table in the middle of the Quires, or Chancels of every Church, (as was then most used) gave a very good h••••t, by rendring all such Furnitures, rich Plate, and other costly Utensils, in a manner useless. And that the business might be carryed with as much advantage to the King as might be, He gave out certain Inst••uct••ons under his Hand, by which the Commissioners were to regu∣late themselves in their Proceedings, to the advancement of the service. Amongst which pretermitting those, which seem to be Preparatori••s onely unto all the rest, I shall put down as many▪ as I think material: And that being done, it shall be left to the Reader's Judgment, whether the King, being now in the sixteenth year of his Age, were either better studied in his own Concernments or seemed to be worse principled in Ma••ters, which concerned the Church. Now the most Ma∣terial of the said Instructions were these, that follow.

1. The said Commissioners shall, upon their view and survey taken, cause due In∣ventories to be made by Bills or Book•• indented, of all manner of Goods, Plates, Jewels, Bells, and Ornaments, as yet remaining, or any wise forthcoming, and be∣longing to any Churches, Chapels, Fraternities, or Gilds; and one part of the said Inventories to send and return to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Privy Council, and the other to deliver to them, in whose hands the said Goods, Plate, Jewels, Bells, and Ornaments, shall re∣main, to be kept▪ and preserved. And th••y shall also give good Charge and Order, that the same Goods, and every part thereof, be at all times forthcoming to be answe∣red; leaving nevertheless in every Parish-Church or Chapel, of common resort, one, two, or more Chalices, or Cups, according to the multitude of People, in every such Church, or Chapel; and also such other Orname••ts as by their discretion shall seem requisite for the Divine Service▪ in every such place for the time.

2. That because Information hath been made, that in many Places great quan∣tities of the said Plate, Bells, Jewels, Ornaments, hath been embezelled by certain private men, contrary to his Majestie's express Commandment in that behalf, the said Commissioners shall substantially, and justly enquire, and attain the knowledge thereof: by whose default the same is, or hath been, or in whose hands any part of the same is come. And in that point, the said Commissioners shall have good regard that they attain to certain Names, and dwelling Places of every person, or persons, that hath sold, alienated, embezelled, taken, or carryed away; or of such also, as have coun∣selled, advised, and commanded any part of the said Goods, Plate, Jewels, Bells, Vest∣ments, and Ornaments, to be taken, or carryed away▪ or otherwise embezelled. And these things they shall as certainly, and duly, as they can, cause to be searched, and un∣derstood.

3. That up••n full search and enquiry thereof, the said Commissioners, four, or three of them, shall cause to be called before them all such persons, by whom any of the said Goods, Plate Jewels, Bells, Ornaments, or any other the Premises, have been alienated, embezelled, and taken away; or by whose means, and procurement, the same, or any part thereof hath been attempted, or to whose hands, or use, any of the same, or any profit for the same hath grown. And by such means, as to their discre∣tions shall seem best, cause them to bring into these the said Commissioners hands, to Our use, the said Plate, Jewels, Bells, and other the Premises so alienated, for the true and full value thereof: certifying unto Our Privy Council the Names of all such as refuse to stand to, or obey their Order touching their delivery, or restitution of the same, or the just value thereof. To the intent, that, as cause and reason shall require, every man may answer to his doings in this behalf.

4. To these another Clause was added, touching the moderation, which they were to use in their Proceedings; to the end, that the effect of their Commission might go forward with as much quiet, and as little occasion of trouble, or disquiet to the Mul∣titude, as might be; using therein such wise perswasions, as in respect of the place, and disposition of the People, may seem to their Wisdoms most expedient: yet so, that they take care for giving good and substantial Order to stay the inordinate and gree∣dy Covetousness of such disordered People, as should go about to alienate any of the Premises; or otherwise to let them know, that according to Reason, and Order, such as have, or should contemptuously offend in that behalf, should receive such punish∣ment, as to the quality of their doing should be thought most requisite.

Such were the Faculties, and Instructions, wherewith the Kings Commissioners were impowered and furnished. And doubt we not, but that they were as pun∣ctual and exact in the execution: which cannot better be discerned, then by that, which is reported of their doings generally in all parts of the Realm, and more particularly in the Church of St. Peter in Westminster, more richly furnished, by reason of the Pomps of Coronations, Funerals, and such like Solemnities, then any other in the Kingdome. Concerning which I find, in an old Chapter-Book belonging to it, that on May the 9. 1553. Sir Roger Cholmley Knight, Lord Chief Justice, and Sir Robert Bowes Knight, Master of the Rolls, the King's Com∣missioners, for gathering Ecclesiastical Goods, held their Session at Westmin∣ster, and called before them the Dean of that Cathedral, and certain others of the same House, and commanded them, by virtue of their Commission, to bring to them a true Inventory of all the Plate, Cups, Vestiments, and other Ecclesiasti∣cal Good••, which belonged to their Church. Which done, the Twelfth Day of the same Moneth, they sent John Hodges, Robert Smalwood, and Edmund Best, of the City of Westminster, (whom the said Commissioners had made their Colle∣ctours) with a Commandment to the Dean and Chapter, for the delivery of the said Goods; which were by Robert Crome Clerk, Sexton of the said Church, de∣livered to the said Collectors, who left no more unto the Church, then two Cups,

with the Covers all gilt; One white Silver Pot, Three Herse-Cloths, Twelve Cushions, One Carpet for the Table, Eight Stall-Cloths for the Quite, Three Pulpit-Cloths, Nine little Carpets for the Dean's Stall, Two Table-Cloths: the rest of all the rich Furniture, massie Plate, and whatsoever else was of any value, (which questionless must needs amount to a very great Sum) was seized on by the said Collect••urs, and clearly carryed away by Order, from the said Commis∣sioners. The l••ke done generally in all the other parts of the Realm, into which the Commissioners began their Circuits in the Moneth of April, as soon as the ways were open, and fit for Travail. Their business was to seize upon all the Goods remaining in any Cathedral, or Parish-Churches, all Jewels of Gold, and Silver, Crosses, Candlesticks, Censers, Chalices, and such like; with their ready Money: As also, all Copes▪ and Vestments of Cloth of Gold, Tyssue, and Sil∣ver; together with all other Copes, Vestments, and Ornaments, to the same be∣longing. Which general seizure being made, they were to leave one Chalice, with certain Table-Cloths, for the use of the Communion-Board, as the said Commissioners should think fi••: the Jewels Piate, and ready Money, to be deli∣vered to the Master of the King's Jewels in the Tower of London; the Cope of Cloth of Gold, and Tyssue, to be brought into the King's Wardrobe; the rest to be turned into ready Money, and tha•• Money to be paid to Sir Edmond Peckam, the King's Cofferer, for the defraying of the Charges of H••s Majestie's Hou∣shold.

But notwithstanding this great Care of the King on the one side, and the dou∣ble-diligence of his Commissioners on the other, the Booty did not prove so great, as the Expectation. In all great Fairs, and Markets, there are some Fore∣stallers, who get the b••st Peny-worths to themselves, and suffer not the Richest and most gainful Commodities to be openly sold. And so it fared also in the present Business, there being some, who were as much before-hand with the King's Commissioners in embezelling the said Plate▪ Jewels, and other Furnitures, as the Commissioners did intend to be with the King, in keeping always most part unto themselves. For when the Commissioners came to execute their Powers in their several Circuits, they neither could discover all, or recover much of that, which had been pur••oined; some things being utterly embezelled by Persons not responsible; in which Case, the King, as well as the Commis∣s••oners, was to lose his Right: but more concealed by Persons not detectable; who had so cunningly carryed the stealth, that there was no tracing of their ••oot-step••. And some there were, who, being known to have such Goods in the••r possession, conceived themselves too Great to be called in question; conni∣ved at will••ngly by these, who were but their Equals, and either were, or meant to b•• Offend••urs in the very same kind. So that although some Profit was here∣by raised to the King's Exchequer; yet the far greatest part of the Prey came to other hands: Insomuch, that many private men's Parlours were hung with Al∣tar-Cloths, their Tables, and Beds covered with Copes, instead of Carpets, and Cove••lids; and many made Carousing Cups of the Sacred Chalices, as once ••elsh••zzar celebrated his Drunken Feast in the Sanctified Vessels of the Temple. It was a sorry House, and not worth the naming, which had not somewhat of this Furniture in it, though it were onely a fair large Cushion made of a Cope, or Altar-Cloth, to adorn their Windows, or make their Chairs appear to have somewhat in them of a Chair of State. Yet how contemptible were these Trap∣pings, in comparison of those vast su••s of Money, which were made of Jewels, P••ate, and Cloth of Tyssue, either conveyed beyond the Seas, or sold at home, and good Lands purchased with the Money; nothing the more blessed to the Poste∣r••ty o•• them, that b••ught them, for being purchased with the Consecrated Trea∣sures of so many Temples.

But as the King was plunged in Debt, without being put to any extraordina∣ry Charges in it, so was He decayed in his Revenue, without selling any part of His Crown Lands towards the payment of His Debts. By the suppressing of some, and the surrendring of other Religious Houses, the Royal Intrado was so much increased in the late King's time; that, for the better managing of it, the King erected first the Court of Augmentation, and afterwards the Court of Surveyours. But in short time, by His own Profuseness, and the Avaritious∣ness of this King's Ministers, it was so retrenched, that it was scarce able to finde Work enough for the Court of Exchequer. Hereupon followed the dis∣solving of the said two Courts in the last Parliament of this King, beginning on the first, and ending on the last day of March. Which, as it made a loud noise in the Ears of the People, so did it put this Jealousie into their Minds. That, if the King's Lands should be thus daily wasted without any recruit, He must at last prove burthensom to the common Subject. Some course is therefore to be thought on, which might pretend to an increase of the King's Revenue, and none more easie to be compassed, then to begin with the suppression of such Bi∣shopricks, and Collegiate Churches, as either lay ••urthest off, or might best be spared. In reference whereunto, it was concluded, in a Chapter held at West∣minster, by the Knights of the Garter, That from thenceforth the said most noble Order of the Garter should be no longer ent••tuled by the Name of St. George, but that it should be called the O••der of the Garter onely; and that the Feast of the said Order should be celebrated upon Whitson-Eve, Whitson-day, and Whit∣son-Monday, and not on St. George's day, as before it was. And to what end was this concluded; and what else was to follow upon this Conclusion, but the dissolving of the Free-Chapel of St. George in the Castle of Windsor, and the transferring of the Order to the Chapel of King HENRY the Seventh, in the Abbey of Westminster? Which had undoubtedly been done, and all the Lands thereof converted to some powerful Courtiers, under pretence of laying them to the Crown, if the King's Death, which happened within four Moneths after, had not prevented the Design, and thereby respited that Ruin, which was then intended.

The like preservation happened, at the same time also, in the Church of Dur∣ham, as liberally endowed as the most, and more amply priviledged, then the best in the King's Dominions. The Bishops hereof by Charter, and long Pre∣scription, enjoyed and exercised all the Rights of a County Palatine in that large Tract of Ground, which lyes between the Tees, and the Tine, best known in those Parts by the Name of the Bishoprick; the Diocess containing also all Northumberland, of which the Bishops, and the Percies, had the greatest shares. No sooner was Bishop Tonstal committed to the Tower, which was on the Twentieth of December, 1551. but presently an Eye was cast upon his Possessions. Which, questionless, had followed the same fortune with the rest of the Bishopricks, if one, more powerful then the rest, had not preserved it from be∣ing parcelled out as the others were, on a ••••rong Confidence of getting it all unto himself. The Family of the Percies was then reduced to such a point, that it seem∣ed to have been quite expired; a Family which first came in with the Nor∣man Conquerour, by whom enriched with most of the forfeited Estates of Morchar, Gospatrick, and Waltheof, the three last Earls of Northumber∣land, of the Saxon Race. But, this Line ending in the latter times of King HENRY the First, Josseline of Lorain, descended from the Emperour CHARLES the Great, and one of the younger Brothers of Adeliza, the last Wife of the King, enrich'd himself by Marriage with the Heir-General of this House, upon condition, that keeping to himself the Arms of his own Family, he should assume the Name of Percy, to remain always afterward unto his Posteri∣ty. Advanced in that respect, by the Power and Favour of John of Gaunt, to

the Rank and Title of the Earls of Northumberland, at the Coronation of King Richard the Second. They held the same with great Power, and Honour, (the short interposing of the Marquess Mountacute excepted onely) till toward the latter end of King Henry the Eighth. At what time it happened▪ that Hen∣ry Lord Peircy, the sixth Earl of this House, had incurred the heavy displeasure of that King: First, for an old affection to the Lady Ann Bollein▪ when the King began first to be enamoured of her excellent Beauties; and afterwards for denying to confess a Precontract to have been formerly made between them; when the King (now as weary of her, as before he was fond) was seeking some fair Pretences to divorce himself from her, before she was to lose her Head. He had no Children of his own; and Th••mas his Brother, and next Heir, was, to his greater grief, attainted of Treason, for being thought to have a chief hand i•• the Northern Rebellion, Anno 1536. In both respects, he found himself at such a loss, and the whole Family without hope of a Restitution to its antient splendour; that, to preserve himself from running into further danger, he gave unto the King the greatest part of that fair Inheritance; and, dying not long after, left his Titles also to the King's disposing.

The Lands, and Titles, being thus fallen into the Crown, continued undisposed of, till the falling of the Duke of Somerset; when Dudley, Earl of Warwick, ha∣ving some projections in his Head beyond the greatness of a Subject▪ advanced himself unto the Title of Duke of Northumberland; not doubting, but he should be able to possess himself in short time also of all the Land•• of that Family, which were then remaining in the Crown. To which Estate, the Bishoprick of Du••ham, and all the Lands belonging to it, could not but be beheld as a fair Addition, if at the least it might be called an addition, which was of more value, then the Patrimony, to which it was to have been added.

He had long Reigned without a Crown, suffering the King for some years to enjoy that Title, which was to be transferred (if all Contrivances had held good) upon one of his Sons, whom He designed in Marriage to the eldest Daugh∣ter of the House of Suffolk. And then how easie was it for him, having a King of his own begetting, a Queen of his own making, the Lords of the Council at his beck, and a Parliament to serve his turn for all occasions, to incorporate both the Lands of the Peircies, and the Patrimony of that Church, into one Estate, with all the Rights, and Privileges of a County Palatine. Count Palatine of Durham, Prince Palatine of Northumberland, or what else he pleased, must be the least he could have aimed at, in that happy Conjuncture; happy to him, had the Even been answerable unto his Projections; but miserable enough to all the rest of the Kingdom, who should not servilely submit to this Glorious Up∣start. Upon which Grounds, as the Bishoprick of Durham was dissolved by Act of Parliament, under pretence of patching up the King's Revenue; so the greatest part of the Lands thereof had been kept together, that they might serve for a Revenue to the future Palatine. But all these Projects failing in the death of the King, and his own Attaindure, not long after the Peircies were restored by Queen Mary to their Lands, and Honours, as the Bishop was unto his Liberty, and to most of his Lands; it being almost impossible, that such a fair Estate should fall into the hands of the Courtiers, and no part of it be left sticking in those Glutinous Fingers.

For to begin the Year withall, the King was taken with a very strong Cough in the Moneth of January, which at last ended in a Consumption of the Lungs; the Seeds of which Malignity were generally supposed to have been sown in the last Summer's Progress, by some over-heatings of himself in his Sports, and Exer∣cises. But they, that looked more narrowly into the matter, observed some kind of decayings in him from the time that Sir Robert Dudley▪ the third Son of Nor∣thumberland, was admitted into a place of ordinary attendance about his Per∣son, which was on the same Day, when his Father was created Duke▪ For where∣as

most men gave themselves no improbable hopes, that betwixt the Spring time of his life, the Growing season of the year, and such Medicinal applications as were made unto him, the disease would wear it self away, by little and little, yet they found the contrary. It rather grew so fast upon him, that when the Parliament was to begin on the first of March, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, were Commanded to attend him at White-Hall, instead of waiting on him from thence to Westminster, in the usual manner. Where being come, they found a Sermon ready for them (the Preacher being the Bishop of London) which otherwise was to have been Preached in the Abby-Church; and the Great Chamber of the Court accomodated for an House of Peers to begin the Session. For the opening whereof, the King then sitting under the Cloth of State, and all the Lords, according to their Ranks, and Orders, he declared by the Lord Chancellor Goodrick▪ the causes of his calling them to the present Par∣liament, and so dismist them for that time. A Parliament which began, and ended in the Month of March, that the Commissions might the sooner be dispatched to their several Circuits, for the speedier gathering up of such of the Plate, Copes, Vestments, and other Furnitures, of which the Church was to be spoyled, in the time of his sickness,

Yet in the midst of these disorders there was some care taken for advancing both the honour and the interest of the English-Nation, by furnishing Sebastian Cabol for some new discoveries. Which Sebastian, the Son of John Cabol a Vene∣tian born, attended on his first imployment under Henry the seventh, Anno 1497. At what time they discovered the Barralaos, and the Coasts of Caena∣da: now called New-France, even to the 67½. degree of Northern Lati∣tude. Bending his Course more toward the South, and discovering a great part of the shoars of Florida, he returned for England; bringing with him three of the Natives of that Country, to which the name of New-Found-Land hath been since appropriated. But finding the KING unhappily Embroyled in a War with Scotland, and no present Encouragements to be given for a fur∣ther Voiage, he betook himself into the service of the KING of SPAIN, and after fourty years and more, upon some distast, abandoned SPAIN, and offered his service to this KING. By whom, being made Grand Pilot of Eng∣land, in the year 1549. he animated the English-Merchants, to the finding out of a passage by the North-East Seas to Cathay, and China; first enterprised under the Conduct of Sr. Hugh Willoughby, who unfortunately Perished in the Action; himself, and all his Company, being Frozen to Death (all the parti∣culars of his Voiage being since committed to Writing) as was certified by the Adventures in the year next following. It was upon the twentith of May in this present year that this Voiage was first undertaken, three great Ships being well manned, and fitted for the Expedition; which afterwards was followed by Chan∣celour, Burrought, Jackman, Jenkinson, and other noble Adventurers, in the times Succeding. Who though they failed of their Attempt in finding out a shorter way to Cathay, and China; yet did they open a fair Passage to the Bay of S. Nicholas, and thereby layd the first foundation of a Wealthy Trade betwixt us, and the Muscovites.

But the KING'S Sickness still encreasing, who was to live no longer then might well stand with the designs of the DVKE of Northumber-land; some Marriages are resolved on, for the Daughters of the DVKE of Suffolk, in which the KING appeared as forward, as if he had been one of the Princi∣palls in the Plot against him. And so the matter was Contrived, that the La∣dy IANE the eldest Daughter to that DVKE, should be Married to the Lord Guilford Dudly, the fourth Son (then living) of Northumberland, all the three Elder Sons having Wives before, that Katherine the second Daughter of

Suffolk, should be Married to the Lord Henry Herbert, the Eldest Son of the Earl of Pembrock, whom Dudly had made privy to all his Counsels; and the third Daughter, named Mary, being Crook-Backed, and otherwise not very taking, affianced to Martin Keys, the KING'S Gentleman-Porter. Which Marriages together with that of the Lady Katherine, one of the Daughters of Duke Dudly, to Henry Lord Hastings, Eldest Son of the Earl of Hunting∣ton, were celebrated in the end of May, or the beginning of June (for I finde our Writers differing in the time thereof) with as much Splendour and solem∣nity, as the KING'S weak Estate, and the sad Condition of the Court could be thought to bear. These Marriages all solemnized at D••rham. House in the Strand, of which Northumberland had then took possession in the name of the Rest, upon a Confidence of being Master very shortly of the whole Estate. The noise of these Marriages bred such Amazement in the Hearts of the common People, apt enough in themselves to speak the worst of Northumberland's A∣ctions; That there was nothing left unsaid, which might serve to shew their hatred against him, or express their Pity toward the KING. But the DVKE was so little troubled at it, that on the contrary he resolved to Dissemble no longer, but openly to play his Game, according to the Plot and Project; which he had been Hammering ever ••ince the Fall of the DVKE of Somerset, whose Death he had Contrived on no other Ground, but for laying the way more plain, and open to these vast ambitions.

The KING was now grown weak in Body, and his Spirits much decaied by a languishing Sickness; which Rendred him more apprehensive of such fears and Dangers, as were to be presented to him, then otherwise he could have been in a time of strength.

In which Estate, Duke Dudly so prevailed upon him, that he con••ented at the last to a transposition of the Crown from his natural sisters, to the Children of the Dutchess of Suffolk; Confirming it by Letters Patents, to the Heirs Males of the Body of the said Dutchess. And for want of such Heirs Males to be Born in the lifetime of the KING, the Crown immediately to descend on the Lady IANE (the eldest Daughter of that House) and the Heirs of her Body, and so with several Remainders, to the rest of that Family. The carriage of which Business, and the Rubs it met with in the way, shall be reserved to the particular story of the Lady IANE when she is brought unwilling upon the Stage, there on to Act the part of a Queen of England. It sufficeth in this place to note, that the KING had no sooner caused these Leters Pa∣tents to passe the Seal, but his Weakeness more visibly encreased, then it did before. And as the KING'S Weakeness did encrease, so did the DVKE of Northumberland's Diligence about him; for he was little absent from him, and had alwaies some well-assured, to Epy how the State of his Health changed every Hour; And the more joyful he was at the Heart, the more Sorrowful appearance did he outwardly Make. Whither any tokens of Poyson did Appear, reports are various. Certainly his Physicians discerned an invincible Malignity, in his disease; and the Suspicion did the more encrease, for that the Complaint proceded chiefly from the Lights; a part, as of no quickness, so no seat for any sharp Disease. The Bruit whereof being got amongst the People, they break out into immoderate Passions; Com∣plaining that, for this cause, his two Uncles had been taken away; that for this cause the most Faithful of his Nobility, and of his Council were disgraced, and removed from Court; that this was the reason why such were placed next his Person, who were most assuredly disposed, either to commit,. or permit, any Mischeif; that now it did appear, that it was not vainly conjectured some years before, by Men of Judgment and Fore∣sight,

that after Sommerset's Death the King should not long Enjoy his Life. But the DVKE regarded not much the muttering Multitude, knowing full well, that Rumours grow Stale, and Vanish with Time; and yet, somewhat to abate, or Delay them for the present, He caused speeches ••o be spread abroad that the KING began to be in a Recovery of his Health, which was the more readily Beleived, because most desired it to be true. To which Report the General Jugdment of his Physicians gave no little Countenance, by whom it was affirmed, that they saw some hopes of his Recovery, if he might be re∣moved to a Better, and more Healthful Air. But this, DVKE Dudly did not like of, and therefore he so dealt with the LORDS of the Council, that they would by no means yield unto it, upon pretense of his Inability to endure any such Remove.

And now, the time being near at hand, for the last Act of this Tragedy, a certain Gentlewoman, accounted a fit Instrument for the purpose, offer∣ed her Service for the Cure; giving no small assurance of it, if He might be com∣mitted wholy to her disposing. But from this Proposition the KING'S Phy∣sicians shewed themselves to be very averse, in regard, that as she could give no reason, either of the nature of the Disease, or of the part afflicted; so she would not declare the means, whereby she intended to work the Cure. Whose Opposition notwithstanding, it was in time resolved by the Lords of the Council, that the Physicians should be discharged, and the Ordering of the King's Person committed unto her alone. But she had not kept Him long in hand, when He was found to have fallen into such Desperate Extremity, as manifestly might Declare, that His Death was hastened, under pretense of finding out a more quick way for restoring of His Health. For now it vi∣sibly appeared, that His Vital Parts were mortally stuffed. Which brought Him to a difficulty of speech, and breathing; that His Legs▪ swelled, his Pulse failed, and his Skin changed colour; with many other horrid Symptoms of appro∣ching Death. Which being observed, the Physicians were again sent for, when it was too late; and sent for (as they gave it out) but for Fashion onely; because it was not thought fit in Reason of State, that a King should by, without having some Physicians in attendance of him, by some of which it was secretly whispered. That neither their Advice nor Applicati∣ons, had been at all regarded in the course of his Sickness, That the King had been ill dealt with, more then once, or twice; and that, when by the Bene∣fit, both of his Youth, and of careful Means, there were some fair hopes of his Recovery, He was again more strongly Over-laied then ever. And for a farther proof, that some undue Practises had been used upon him, it is Affirmed by a Writer of the Popish Party, who could have no great cause to pity such a Calamitous End, not onely that the Apothecary, who poysoned him, as well for the Horrour of the Offence, as the Disquietness of his Con∣science, did not long after drown himself; but that the Landress, who washed his Shirts, lo••t the Skin of her fingers. Again••t which general appre∣hensions of some ill Dealing toward this unfortunate Prince, it can be no suffi∣cient Argument (if any Argument at all) that Queen Mary caused no En∣quiry to be made about it, as some supposed She would have done, if the suspicion had been raised upon any good Grounds, For it may easily be Believed, that She who afterwards admitted of a Consultation for Burning the Body of Her Father, and cutting off the Head of Her Si••ter, would not be over-Careful in the search, and pun••shment of those, who had precipitated the Death of her Brother.

The differences which were between them in the point of Religion, and the King's forwardness in the Cause of the Lady Jane; His rendring Her uncapa∣able,

as much as in Him was, to succeed in the Crown; and leaving Her in the Estate of Illegitimation, were thought to have enough in them of a Supersedeas unto all Good Nature. So that the King might dye by such sinister Practises, without putting Queen MARY to the trouble of enquiring after them; who thought Her Self to have no Reason of being too sollicitous in searching out the secret Causes of His Death, who had been so injurious to Her in the time of His Life. A Life, which lasted little, and was full of trouble; so that Death could not be unwelcome to Him, when the hopes of His Recovery began to fail Him. Of which if He desired a Restitution, it was rather for▪ the Church's sake, then for His own. His dying Prayers not so much aiming at the prolonging of His Life, as the Continuance of Religion: Not so much at the freeing of Himself from His Disease, as the preserving of the Church from the danger of Popery. Which dying Prayer, as it was taken from His Mouth, was in these words fol∣lowing:

Lord God, deliver me out of this miserable, and wretched life, and take me among thy Chosen. Howbeit, not my Will, but Thine be done. Lord, I commit my Spirit to Thee. O Lord, Thou knowest, how happy it were for Me, to be with Thee: Yet, for thy Chosen's sake, send me Life, and Health, that I may truly se ve Thee. Oh my Lord God! bless my People, and save Thine Inheritance. O Lord God, save thy Chosen People of England. Oh Lord God! defend this Realm from Papistry, and maintain thy true Religion, that I, and my People, may praise thy Holy Name, for Jesus Christ his sake.

With this Prayer, and other Holy Meditations, He prepared that Pious Soul for God; which He surrendred into the Hands of His Creatout, on the sixth of July, toward Night, when He had lived fifteen Years, eight Moneths, and four and twenty Days: Of which, He had Reigned six Years, five Moneths, and eight Days over. His Body, kept a while at Greenwich, was, on the eight of August, removed to Westminster, and, on the morrow after, solemnly Interred amo••gst His Ancestours, in the Abbey Church. In the performance whereof, the Lord Treasure Paulet, with the Earls of Shrewsbury and Pembroke, served as prin∣cipal Mourners; the Funeral Sermo•• Preached by Doctour Day▪ then shortly to be re-established in the See of Chichester. And, if the Dead ••e capable of any Feli∣city in this present Woald, He might be said, to have had a special part there∣of, in this particular. viz. That, as He had caused all Divine Offices to be Cele∣brated in the English Tongue, according to the Reformation, which was made in the time of His Life; so the whole Service of the Day, together with the Form of Burial, and the Communion following on it. were Officiated in the English Tongue, (according to the same Model) on the Day of his Obsequies. But whilest these things were Acting on the C••urch of Westminster, Queen Mary held a more beneficial Obsequie for Him, (as She then imagined) in the Tower of Lon∣don, where She caused a Solemn Dirige, in the Latine Tongue, to be Chanted in the Afternoon; and, the next Day, a Mass of Requiem, to be sung for the good of His Sonl: At which, both She, and many of Her Ladies, made their accu∣stomed Offerings, according to the Form, and Manner of the Church of Kome.

Such was the Life, and such the Death of this Excellent Prince, whose Character I shall not borrow from any of our own English Writers, who may be thought to have been byassed by their own Affections, in speaking more, or less, of Him, then He had deserved. But I shall speak Him in the words of that Great Phi∣losopher Hierome Cardanus, an Italian born; and, who professing the Religion of the Church of Rome, cannot be rationally accused of Partiality in his Cha∣racter of Him.

There was in Him (saith he) a towardly Disposition, and pregnancie, apt to all Humane Literature: as who, being yet a Childe, had the knowledg of divers Tongues: First, of the English, His own Natural Tongue; of the Latine also, and of the French: Neither was He ignorant (as I hear) of the Greek, Italian, and Spanish Tongues, and of other Languages, peradventure, more. In His own, in the French, and in the Latine Tongue, singularly perfect; and, with the like fa∣cility, apt to receive all other. Neither was He ignorant in Logick, in the Prin∣ciples of Natural Philosophie, or in Musick. There was in Him, lacking neither Humanity, a Princely Gravity, and Majesty, for any kind of towardliness, beseem∣ing a Noble King. Briefly, it might seem A Miracle of Nature, to behold the Excellent Wit, and Forwardness, that appeared in Him, being yet but a Childe. And this (saith he) I speak not Rhetorically, to amplifie things, or to make them more, then Truth is; nay, the Truth is more, then I do utter. So He, in reference to His Per••onal Ab••lities and Qualifications: And for the rest, that is to say, His Piety to Almighty God, His Zeal to the Reformation of Religion, His Care for the well-ordering of the Common-Wealth, and other Qualities belonging to a Chri∣stian King, (so far as they could be found in such tender years,) I leave them to be gathered from the Passages of His Life, as before lai'd down: Remem∣bring well, that I am to play the Part of an Historian, and not of a Panegyrist, or Rhetorician.

As for the manner of His Death, the same Philosopher leaves it under a suspicion, of being like to fall upon Him, by some dangerous Practise. For, whe∣ther He divined it by his ART in Astrologie (having Calculated the Scheme of His Nativity) or apprehended it by the Course, and Carriage of Business, he made a dangerous Prediction; when he fore-saw, that the KING should shortly dye a violent Death; and (as he reporteth) fled out of the Kingdom, for fear of further danger, which might follow on it.

Of any Publick Works of Piety, in the Reign of this KING, more then the Founding and Endowing of the Hospitals before-remembred, I finde no mention in our Authours; which cannot be affirmed of the Reign of any of His Predecessours, since their first receiving of the Gospel. But their Times were for building up, and His unfortunate Reign was for pulling down. Howsoever, I finde His Name remembred amongst the Benefactours to the University of Oxford, and, by that Name, required to be commemorated in all the Prayers before such Sermons; as were Preached ordinarily by any of that Body, in Saint Marie's Church, or at Saint Paul's Cross, or finally in the Spittle without Bishops-Gate, on some solemn Festivals. But, possibly it is, that his Beneficence did extend no further, then either to the Confirmation of such Endowments, as had been made unto that Uni∣versity by King Henry the Eight, or, to the excepting of all Colleges in that, and the other University, out of the Statute, or Act of Parlia∣ment, by which all Chantries, Colleges, and Free-Chapels, were confer∣red upon Him. The want of which Redemption, in the Grant of the said Chantries, Colleges, Free-Chapels to King Henry the Eight, strook such a Terrour unto the Students of both Universities, that they could ne∣ver think themselves secure, till the Expiring of that Statute by the Death of the King; notwithstanding a very Pious and Judicious Letter, which had been written to the King in that behalf, by Doctour Richard Cox, then Dean of Christ-Church, and T••••our to His Son, Prince Ed∣ward.

But, not to leave this Reign, without the Testimony of some Work of Piety, I cannot but remember the Foundation of the Hospital of Christ in Abindon, as a Work, not onely of this Time, but the King's own Act. A Guild, or Brother-hood, had been there founded in the Pa∣rish-Church

of Saint Hellens, during the Reign of King Henry the Sixth, by the procurement of one Sir John Gollafrie (a near Neighbouring Gen∣tleman) for Building, and Repairing certain Bridges, and High-waies, a∣bout the Town; as also, for the Sustenance, and Relief of thirteen poor People, with two, or more Priests, for performing all Divine Offices, unto those of the Brother-hood. Which being brought within the Com∣pass of the Act of Parliament, by which all Chantries, Colleges, and Free-Chappels, were conferred on the Crown: the Lands hereof were seized on, to the use of the King; the Repairing of the Waies, and Bridges, turned upon the Town, and the Poor left Destitute▪ in a man∣ner, of all Relief. In which Condition it remained, till the last Year of the King, when it was moved by Sir John Mason, one of the Masters of Re∣quests (a Town-born Childe, and one of the poorest mens Children in it) to erect an Hospital in the same, and to Endow it with such of the Lands, belonging to the former Brother-hood, as remained in the Crown, and to charge it with the Services, and Pious Uses, which were before in∣cumbent on the old Fraternity. The Suitour was too powerfull to be de∣nyed, and the Work too Charitable in it self to be long demurr'd on, so that he was easily made Master also of this Request. Having obtained the King's Consent, he caused a handsome Pile of Building to be Erected near the Church, distributed into several Lodgings, for the Use of the Poor, and one convenient Common-Hall, for dispatch of Business: to which he lai'd such Farms, and Tenements in the Town, and elsewhere, as had been vested in the Brother-hood of the Holy-Cross, before remembred; and committed the Care, and Governance of the whole Revenue, to a Corporation of twelve Persons, by the Name of the Master, and Gover∣nours of the Hospital of Christ in Abindon. All which he fortified, and assured to the Town for ever, by Virtue of this His Majestie's Letters Patents, ••earing Date the nineteenth of May, in the seventh and last Year of His Reigne, Anno 1553. And so I conclude the Reign of King Edward the Sixth, sufficiently remarkable for the Progress of the Reformation; but otherwise tumultuous in it self, and defamed by Sa∣crilege, and so distracted into Sides, and Factions; that, in the end, the King Himself became a Prey to the strongest Party: which could not other∣wise be safe, but in His Destruction, contrived on Purpose, as it was ge∣nerally supposed) to smooth the Way to the Advancement of the Lady Jane Grey to the Royal Throne. Of whose short Reign, Religious Disposition, and Calamitous Death, We are next to speak.

Notes

• An. 1546/7
• Nè quis f••eree Curator, ad quem post Pupillorum obi••um specta∣ret 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Diog. Laert. i•• Vua Solo∣nis, pag. 38.
• Acts, & Mon. fol. 11••••.
• Antiqu. Jud. lib. 10. cap. 4.
• An. 1547.
• ubi & sen∣tire quae velis, & quae velis loqui liceat. Tacit. Hist. lib. 1.
• 1. Edw. 6. cap. 1.
• Appellatur Calix 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈…〉〈…〉 Haymo in 1. ad Cor. cap. 11.
• In quibus∣dam Eccle••iis provide objer∣vat••r; u•• po∣••ulo Sanguis non de••••r Sect. 3. qu. 80. Art. 11.
• Matt. Paris. in H••n. 3. An 1245.
• 〈…〉〈…〉
• Quas Ecclesias dicti Progenito∣res nostr•• du∣dum, singulis vacationibus earundem, per•• sonis ••doneis, jure suo Regio, libere confere∣bant. Apud Mason. De Mi∣nist. Anglic. lib. 4. cap. 13: pag. 497.
• An. 7/8
• An. Reg. 2^o 1547/8.
• An. Reg. 2^o 1548.
• An. Reg. 2.^o 1548.
• Sed Ri∣chardus Cis∣cestriensis (ut ipse mihi dixit) non sub••cripsit. Lib. Pe••w.
• Act. 2. Edw. 6. 1.
• See the Book called Cyprianus An∣glicus: lib. 4. An. 1637.
• Multis piis vi••um est, ut le∣ges de Coelibatu ••••llerentur pro∣pter Scanda∣lum.
• An. Reg. 3^o 1548/9.
• An. Reg. 2. 1548/9
• An. Reg. 3^o 1549.
• An. Reg. 3_o 1546.
• An. Reg. 3^o 1549.
• Mediis consiliis vel Authorem esse, vel approbato∣rem. Calv. Epist. ad Bucer.
• In quo ni∣hil non ad Dei Verbum exigi fas est. Epist. ad Prot.
• Ut vel mo∣deremur▪ vel rescindamus, &c. ibid.
• Nisi maturè compositum esset Dissidium de Ceremoniis. p. 98.
• An. Reg. 4^o 1549/50.
• An. Reg. 4^o 1550.
• Homi∣nem hortatus sum; ut Hop∣pero Manum
• Porrigeret.
• Magis ex∣ped••re judico; ut e••vestis, & alia, id genus, plura, cum fi∣eri commode posuit, auferan¦tur, &c.
• Ego, com es∣sem Oxonii, vestibus illis al∣bis, in Choro, nunanam nil volti;quam∣•••••• e••sem Cano∣nicus.
• 〈…〉〈…〉
• Fol. 1062.
• Fol. •• 604.
• An. Reg. 5^o. 1551.
• An. Reg. 5.^o 1550/51
• Acts and Mon.
• Printed 1556. pag. 81.
• Vt eos inci∣taremus ad per∣gendum. &c. pag. 98.
• In statu Re∣gni multa adhuc desiderantur. pag. 384.
• Quae non ob∣seuret modo, &c.
• An. Reg. 6^o. 1552.
• Regia Au∣thoritate in lu∣cem Ed••ti.
• Paucas fu∣isse Haereses, ad qu••s superan∣das neces∣sarium fuerit Consilinm ple∣narium Occiden∣tis, & Orientis, lib. 4 cap. 12.
• marg

  An. Reg 7. 1553.