The historie of the holy vvarre by Thomas Fuller ...

Book V.

Chap. 1.

The executing of the Templars in France.

MY task is done.* 1.1 Whatsoever remaineth is vo∣luntary and over-measure, onely to hemme the end of our historie that it ravel not out: As to shew, What became of the Templars, the Teutonick Order, and the Hospitallers; What were the hindrances of this warre; What nation best deserved in it; What of∣fers were afterwards made to recover Jeru∣salem; By how many challengers that title at this day is claimed; What is the present strength of Jerusalem; What hope to regain it; with some other passages which offer attendance on these principall heads.

Know then, Some nineteen yeares after the Christians had lost all in Palestine, the Templars, by the cruel deed of Pope Clement the fifth, and foul fact of Philip the Fair King of France,* 1.2 were finally* 1.3 exstirpared out of all Christendome. The historie thereof is but in twilight, not clearly delivered, but dar∣kened with many doubts and difficulties: We must pick out let∣ters and syllables here and there aswell as we may; all which put together spell thus much.

Pope Clement having long sojourned in France, had received many reall courtesies from Philip the King; yea, he owed little lesse then himself to him. At last, Philip requested of him a boon, great enough for a King to ask and a Pope to grant; name∣ly, all the lands of the Knights Templars through France, for∣feited

by reason of their horrible heresies and licentious living. The Pope was willing to gratifie him in some good proportion for his favours received (as thankfulnesse is alwayes the badge of a good nature) and therefore being thus long the Kings guest, he gave him the Templars lands and goods to pay for his enter∣tainment.

On a sudden all the Templars in France they clapt into prison, wisely catching those Lions in a net, which had they been fairly hunted to death, would have made their part good with all the dogs in France. Damnable sinnes were laid to their charge; as, sacrificing of men to an idol they worshipped, rosting of a Tem∣plars bastard and drinking his bloud, spitting upon the crosse of Christ, conspiring with Turks and Saracens against Christiani∣tie, Sodomie, bestialitie, with many other villanies out of the rode of humane corruption, and as farre from mans nature as Gods law.

Well; the Templars thus shut in prison, their crimes were half-proved. The sole witnesse against them was one of their own Order, a notorious malefactour; who at the same time be∣ing in prison and to suffer for his own offenses, condemned by the Master of their Order, sought to prove his own innocency by charging all his own Order to be guiltie. And his case stand∣ing thus, he must either kill or be killed, die or put others to death, he would be sure to provide water enough to drive the mill, and fwore most heartily to whatsoever was objected a∣gainst the Order. Besides, the Templars being brought upon the rack, confessed the accusations to be true wherewith they were charged. Hereupon all the Templars through France were most cruelly burned to death at a stake, with James the grand Master of their Order.

Chap. 2.

Arguments produced on either side, both for the innocencie and guiltinesse of the Templars.

THere is scarce a harder question in later historie then this, Whether the Templars justly or unjustly were condemned to suffer. On the one side, it is dangerous to affirm they were in∣nocent, because condemned by the Pope, infallible in matters of such consequence. This bugbear affrighteth many, and ma∣keth their hands shake when they write hereof. If they should say the Templars were burned wrongfully, they may be fetched over the coals themselves for charging his Holinesse so deeply;

yea, hereby they bring so much innocent bloud on the Popes head as is enough to drown him: Some therefore in this matter know little,* 1.4 and dare speak lesse, for fear of afterclaps. Secondly, some who suspect that one eye of the Church may be dimme; yet hold that both the eyes, the Pope and generall Council to∣gether, cannot be deceived.

Now the Council of Vienne countenanced the exstirpation of the Templars, determined the dissolution of their Order, and adjudged their lands to be conferred to the Knights-Hospital∣lers. Men ought then to be well advised how they condemn a generall Council to be accessorie post factum to the murder of so many men.

For all this, those who dare not hollow, do whisper on the other side, accounting the Templars not malefactours but martyrs: First, because the witnesse was unsufficient, a malefa∣ctour against his Judge; and secondly, they bring tortured men against themselves. Yea, there want not those that maintain that a confession extorted on the rack is of no validitie, If they be weak men and unable to endure torment, they will speak any thing; and in this case their words are endited not from their heart but outward limbes that are in pain: and a poor conquest it is, to make either the hand of a child to beate, or the tongue of the tortured man to accuse himself. If they be sturdie and stubborn, whose backs are paved against torments, such as bring brasen sides against steely whips, they will con∣fesse nothing. And though these Templars were stout and va∣liant men, yet it is to be commended to ones consideration, whether slavish and servile souls will not better bear torment, then generous spirits, who are for the enduring of honourable danger and speedie death, but not provided for torment, which they are not acquainted with, neither is it the proper object of valour.

Again, it is produced in their behalf, that being burned at the stake, they denied it at their death, though formerly they had confessed it; and whose charitie, if not stark-blind, will not be so tender-eyed as to believe that they would not breath out their soul with a lie, and wilfully contract a new guilt in that very instant wherein they were to be arraigned before the Judge of heaven? A Templar being to be burned at Burde∣aux, and seeing the Pope and King Philip looking out at a window, cried unto them,* 1.5 Clement thou cruell Tyrant, see∣ing there is no higher amongst mortall men to whom I should appeal for my unjust death, I cite thee together with King Phi∣lip to the tribunall of Christ the just Judge who redeemed me, there both to appear within one yeare and a day; where I will lay open my cause, and justice shall be done without any

by-respect. In like manner,* 1.6 James grand Master of the Tem∣plars, though by piece-meal he was tortured to death, craved pardon of God, and those of his Order, that forced by extre∣mitie of pain on the rack,* 1.7 and allured with hope of life, he had accused them of such damnable sinnes, whereof they were in∣nocent.

Moreover, the people with their suffrage acquitted them: happie was he that could get an handfull of their ashes into his bosome, as the Relique of pious martyrs, to preserve. Indeed little heed is to be given to peoples humours; whose judgement is nothing but prejudice and passion, and commonly envie all in prosperitie, pitie all in adversitie, though often both undeser∣vedly: And we may believe that the beholding of the Tem∣plars torments when they were burned, wrought in the people first a commiserating of their persons, and so by degrees a justi∣fying of their cause. However vulgus non semper errat, aliquan∣do elìgit: and though it matters little for the gales of a private mans fancie, yet it is something when the wind bloweth from all corners: And true it is, they were generally cryed up for in∣nocents.

Lastly, Pope Clement and King Philip were within the time prefixed summoned by death to answer to God for what they had done. And though it is bad to be busie with Gods secrets; yet an argment drawn from the event, especially when it goeth in company with others, as it is not much to be depended on, so it is not wholly to be neglected. Besides, King Philip missed of his expectation, and the morsell fell besides his mouth; for the lands of the Templars, which were first granted to him as a por∣tion for his youngest sonne, were afterwards by the Council of Vienne bestowed on the Knights-Hospitallers.

Chap. 3.

A moderate way what is to be conceived of the suppression of the Templars.

BEtwixt the two extremities of those that count these Tem∣plars either Malefactours or Martyrs, some find a middle way; whose verdict we will parcell into these severall parti∣culars.

1. No doubt there were many novices and punies amongst them, newly admitted into their Order; which if at all, were little guiltie; for none can be fledge in wickednesse at their first hatching: To these much mercy belonged: The punishing

of others might have been an admonition to them; and crueltie it was, where there were degrees of offenses, to inflict the same punishment,* 1.8 and to put all of them to death.

2. Surely many of them were most hainous offenders. Not to speak what they deserved from God (who needeth not pick a quarrel with man, but alwayes hath a just controversie with him) they are accounted notorious transgressours of humane laws: yet perchance if the same candle had been lighted to search, as much dust and dirt might have been found in other Orders.

3. They are* 1.9 conceived in generall to be guiltlesse and inno∣cent from those damnable sinnes wherewith they were charged: Which hainous offenses were laid against them,* 1.10 either because men out of modestie and holy horrour should be ashamed and afraid to dive deep in searching the ground-work and bottome of these accusations, but rather take them to be true on the cre∣dit of the accusers; or that the world might the more easily be induced to believe the crimes objected to be true, as conceiving otherwise none would be so devilish as to lay such devilish of∣fenses to their charge; or lastly, if the crimes were not believed in the totall summe, yet if credited in some competent portion, the least particular should be enough to do the deed, and to make them odious in the world.

4. The chief cause of their ruine was their extraordinary wealth: They were feared of many, envied of more, loved of none. As Naboths vineyard was the chiefest ground for his blas∣phemie, and as in England,* 1.11 S^r John Cornwall Lord Fanhop said merrily, That not he, but his stately house at Ampthill in Bedford-shire, was guiltie of high treason: so certainly their welath was the principall evidence against them, and cause of their overthrow. It is quarrell and cause enough, to bring a sheep that is fat to the shambles. We may believe King Philip would never have tooke away their lives if he might have took their lands without putting them to death: but the mischief was, he could not get the hony unlesse he burnt the bees.

Some will say, The Hospitallers had great, yea greater re∣venues, nineteen thousand Mannors to the Templars nine thou∣sand; yet none envied their wealth. It is true: but then they busied themselves in defending of Christendome, maintaining the Island of Rhodes against the Turks, as the Teutonick order defended Pruss-land against the Tartarian; the world there∣fore never grudged them great wages who did good work. These were accounted necessary members of Christendome, the Tem∣plars esteemed but a superfluous wenne; they lay at rack and manger and did nothing: who had they betook themselves to any honourable employment, to take the Turks to task either in

Europe or Asia, their happinesse had been lesse repined at, and their overthrow more lamented. And certain it is, that this their idlenesse disposed them for other vices; as standing waters are most subject to putrifie.

I heare one* 1.12 bird sing a different note from all the rest in the wood; namely, that what specious shews soever were pretended, the true cause of their ruine was, that they began to desert the Pope and adhere to the Emperour. If this was true, no doubt they were deeply guiltie, and deserved the hard measure they suffered. Sure I am, how-ever at this time they might turn edge, they had formerly been true blades for his Holinesse.

All Europe followed the copie that France had set them. Here in England King Edward the second of that name, suppressed the Order, and put them to death; So by vertue of a writ sent from him to Sir John Wogan, Lord chief Justice in Ireland, were they served there; and such was the secrecie of the contrivance of the businesse, that the storm fell upon them before they saw it, and all the crannies were so closely stopped that none could steal a glimpse of the mischief intended against them.

In Germany they found some mercy and milder dealing:* 1.13 for * 1.14 Hugh Wildgrave coming with twenty of his Order all in ar∣mour into a Council of Dutch Bishops, who intended to execute the sentence of the Pope upon them, there protested his inno∣cencie, and appealed to the next Pope who should succeed Cle∣ment, as to his competent judge. Hereupon their lives were spa∣red; onely they were forced to renounce the name of Templars, and to enter themselves into other Orders; chiefly of Hospital∣lers and Teutonicks, on whom their lands were bestowed. We will conclude all with that resolution of a* 1.15 brace of Spanish writers, who make this epilogue to this wofull tragedie; Con∣cerning these Templars, whether they were guiltie or not, let us suspend our censure till the day of judgement; and then and no sooner shall we certainly be informed therein.

Chap. 4.

Of the Teutonick Order; When they left Pale∣stine, and on what conditions they were entertain∣ed in Prussia; Their Order at last dissolved.

FRequent mention hath been formerly made of the Teuto∣nick Order, or that of Dutch Knights, who behaved them∣selves right valiantly clean through the holy Warre: And,

which foundeth much to their honour, they cannot be touched either for treason or faction, but were both loyall and peaceable in the whole service.

But at last they perceived, that by the course of the cards they must needs rise losers if they continued the warre in the Holy land, and even resolved to abandon it. It happened at the same time, that Conrade Duke of Mazovia offered them most honou∣rable conditions; namely, the enjoying of Prussia, on condition they would defend it against the Infidels which annoyed it. In∣deed the fratres gladiferi, or sword-bearing brothers, brave slashing lads, undertook that task: but finding either their arms too weak, or swords too blunt to strike through their enemies, they imployed the aid of, and conjoyned themselves to this Teutonick Order. Hereupon, in the yeare of our Lord 1239, Hermannus de Saltza, fourth Master of these Dutch Knights, came with most of his Order into Prussia; yet so that he left a competent number of them still in Palestine, which con∣tinued and did good service there even to the taking of Ptole∣mais.

But the greater number of the Dutch Knights, in Prussia, did knight-service against the Tartarians, and were Christendomes best bank against the inundations of those barbarous people. By their endeavours the Prussians which before were but heathen-Christians, were wholly converted; many a brave citie builded, specially Marienburg, where formerly a great oak stood; (who would think so many beautifull buildings would spring out of the root of one tree?) and those countreys of Prussia and Livo∣nia, which formerly were the course list, are now become the rich fringe of Europe.

At last the Prussians grew weary of the tyrannous oppression of those Dutch knights, (as appeareth by the grievances they presented) and applied themselves to Casimire King of Poland. He took to task Lewis Erlinfuse the Master of their Order; and so ordered him, that whereas before he pleaded himself to be a free Prince of the Empire, hereafter he should acknowledge the King of Poland for his Lord and Master. The successours to this Lewis fretted against this agreement, as prejudicial to them: They could do no lesse then complain, and could do little more; for the King of Poland in spite of their resistance held them to their agreements.

Albert of the house of Brandenburg was the last grand Ma∣ster of this Order, and first Duke of Prussia. He breake the vow of their Order, losing his virginitie to keep his chastitie, and married Dorothie daughter to the King of Denmark. The other Teutonicks protested against him, and chose Gualther Croneberg in his roome: Yea, Albert was proscribed in a

Diet in Germanie, and his goods confiscated, but the proscripti∣on never executed, the Emperour of Germanie being the same time employed in matters of greater moment which more near∣ly concerned himself. And thus in this Albert, for ought we can find to the contrarie, the Teutonick Order had its end, and was quite dissolved.

Chap. 5.

The severall flittings of the Knights-Hospitallers, from Cyprus, by Rhodes, Nice, Syracuse, to Malta.

WE must now wait on the Hospitallers to their lodgings, and we have done. We left them driven from Ptolemais, and landed at Cyprus; where King Henry courteously enter∣tained them. But a friends house is no home: Hence therefore they were conveyed to their severall Alberges in Europe.

But such active spirits could not long be idle; such running streams would not end in a standing pond. Wherefore they used all their own strength, and improved their interest with all their benefactours, to furnish out a fleet: Which done, under Fulk de Villeret their grand Master they wonne the Island of Rhodes from the Turks, eighteen yeares after Ptolemais was lost, and there seated themselves.

Besides Rhodes, they also enjoyed these five adjacent Islands, saith my Authour, Nicoria, Episcopia, Iolli, Limonia, and Sira∣na; places so small, that consulting with maps will not find them out: enough almost to make us think with Tertullian of Delos, that once there were such Islands, which at this day are quite vanished away.

Two hundred and fourteen yeares, to the terrour of the Turks, comfort of the Christians, and their own immortall fame, they maintained this Island, and secured the seas for the passage of Pilgrimes to Jerusalem: till at last in the yeare 1523, after six moneths siege they surrendred the citie to their own ho∣nour, and shame of other Christians who sent them no succour in season.

Yet changing their place they kept their resolution to be honourably imployed. Hence they sailed to Nice in Piemont, a city lying opposite to Africa, from whence the Moores and Saracens much infested Christendome. Wherefore Charles Duke of Savoy bestowed that citie upon them to defend it;

counting the courtesie rather done to him then by him, that they would accept it.

Afterwards, they perceived it was more needfull to stop the Turks invasions then their pillagings: They had lately wonne Buda, and (as it was thought) would quickly stride over the Adri∣atick sea, and have at Italie. Wherefore the Hospitallers left Nice, and planted themselves at Syracuse in Sicilie: Where they right valiantly behaved themselves in defending that coun∣trey.

But Charles the fifth, a politick Prince, though he saw their help was usefull, yet desired not much to have them live in his own countrey. He liked their neighbourhood better then their presence, to have them rather neare then in his Kingdome. Wherefore he appointed them the Island of Malta to keep for themselves, their grand Maister onely paying yearly to the King of Spain a* 1.16 Falcon in acknowledgement they held it from him. Loth were the Hospitallers to leave Sicilie, that Paradise of pleasure, and went very unwillingly from it.

Malta is an Island in the mid-land-sea, seated betwixt Europe and Africa, as if it meant to escape out of both as being in nei∣ther. Here S. Paul suffered shipwrack, when the viper stung him not, but the men did,* 1.17 condemning him for a murderer. And here the Hospitallers seated themselves, and are the bul∣wark of Christendome to this day, giving dayly evident proof of their courage. But their master-piece was in the yeare 1565, when they couragiously defended the city of Malta besieged by Soliman: When he discharged seventie eight thousand bullets (some of them seven spans in compasse) against it, big enough not onely to overthrow walls but overturn mountains; yet not∣withstanding they held out valiantly five moneths, and at last forced the Turk to depart.

These Knights of Malta are at this day a good bridle to Tunis and Algiers. I am informed by a good* 1.18 friend (who hath spent much yet lost no time in those parts) that these Knights are bound by vow not to flie from the Turks, though one man or one galley to foure (half which ods Hercules himself durst not venture on;) but if there be five to one, it is interpreted wis∣dome not cowardlinesse, to make away from them: Also if a Christian ship wherein there is a Knight of Malta take a Turkish ship, that Knight is bound by his Order first to go aboard to enter it. The grand Master of this Order hath a great command, and is highly esteemed of; insomuch that the* 1.19 Authour of the Catalogue of the glory of the world, believeth he is to take place next to absolute Kings, above all other temporall Princes, even above Kings subject to the Empire. Sure he meaneth, if they will give it him; otherwise it seemeth improper that the

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alms-man should take place of his benefactours. Yet the Lord Prior of the Hospitallers in England was chief Baron of the Realm, and had precedencie of all other Lords: and here his Order flourished with great pomp till their finall period; which I now come to relate.

Chap. 6.

The Hospitallers in England stoutly withstand three severall assaults, which overthrew all other Religious foundations.

THe suppression of the Hospitallers in England deserveth especiall notice, because the manner thereof was different from the dissolving of other Religious houses; for manfully they stood it out to the last, in despite of severall as∣saults.

1. Cardinall Wolsey, by leave from the Pope, suppressed certain small houses of little value, therewithall to endow his Colledges in Oxford and Ipswich. He first shewed Religious places were mortall, which hitherto had flourished in a seeming eternitie. This leading case of Wolseys did pick the motter out of all the Abbeys-walls in England, and made a breach in their strongest gate-houses, teaching covetousnesse (an apt scholar) a ready way to assault them: (For it is the dedication, not the value of the thing dedicated, stampeth a character of sacred∣nesse upon it.) And King Henry the eighth concluded, if the Cardinall might eat up the lean Covents, he himself might feed on the far ones, without danger of a sacrilegious surfet. True it is, Wolsey not wholly but in part alienated the lands of these pettie houses, reserving them still to the generall end of pious uses: But the King followed this pat∣tern so farre as it was for his purpose, and neglected the rest.

2. For not long after, the* 1.20 Parliament granted him all re∣ligious houses of and under the value of two hundred pounds yearly: and it was thought, that above ten thousand persons, masters and servants, lost their livelihoods by the demolish∣ing of them. And for an introduction to the suppression of all the residue, he had a strait watch set upon them, and the Regu∣lars therein tied to a strict and punctuall observation of their orders, without any relaxation of the least libertie; insomuch that many did quickly un-nunne and disfriar themselves, whose

sides formerly used to goe loose, were soon galled with strait lacing.

3. Then followed the grand dissolution or judgement-day on the world of Abbeys remaining; which of what value so∣ever were seised into the Kings hands. The Lord Cromwell, one of excellent parts but mean parentage, came from the forge to be the hammer to maul all Abbeys. Whose magnificent ruines may lesson the beholders, That it is not the firmnesse of the stone nor fastnesse of the morter maketh strong walls, but the integritie of the inhabitants. For indeed foul matters were pro∣vided against some of them, as Sodomie and much uncleannesse: Whereupon unwillingly willing, they resigned their goods and persons to the Kings mercie. But the Knights-Hospitallers (whose chief mansion was at S^t. Johns, nigh London) being Gentlemen and souldiers of ancient families and high spirits, would not be brought to present the King such puling petitions and publick recognitions of their errours as other Orders had done. They complained it was a false consequence, as farre from charitie as logick, from the induction of some particular delinquents to inferre the guiltinesse of all Religious persons. Wherefore like stout fellows they opposed any that thought to enrich themselves with their ample revenues, and stood on their own defense and justification.

Chap. 7.

The Hospitallers at last got on an advantage and suppressed.

BUt Barnabe's day it self hath a night; and this long-lived Order, which in England went over the graves of all others, came at last to its own.

They were suffered to have rope enough, till they had halter∣ed themselves in a Praemunire: For they still continued their obe∣dience to the* 1.21 Pope, contrary to their allegiance, whose usurped authoritie was banished out of the land; and so (though their lives otherwise could not be impeached for any vitiousnesse.) they were brought within the compasse of the law. The case thus standing, their deare friends perswaded them to submit to the Kings mercie, and not to capitulate with him on conditions, nor to stop his favour by their own obstinacie, but yield whilest as yet terms honest and honourable, would be freely given them: That such was the irresistiblenesse of

the Kings spirit, that like a torrent it would bear down any thing which stood betwixt him and his desires; If his anger were once inflamed, nothing but their bloud could quench it: Let them not flatter themselves into their own ruine, by relying on the aid of their friends at home, who would not substitute their own necks to save theirs from the ax; nor by hoping for help from forrein parts, who could send them no seasonable succour.

This counsell harsh at first, grew tunable in the eares of the Hospitallers; so that contented rather to exchange their clothes for worse then to be quite stript, they resigned all into the Kings hands. He allowed to S^r William Weston Lord Prior of the Order, an annuall pension of one thousand pounds: But he re∣ceived never a penny thereof, but died* 1.22 instantly, struck to the heart when he first heard of the dissolution of his Priory:* 1.23 and lieth buried in the Chancell of Clarkenwell, with the portrai∣ture of a dead man lying on his shroud, the most artificially cut in stone (saith my* 1.24 Authour) that ever man beheld. Others had rent assigned them of 200l, 80^l, 60^l, 50^l, 20^l, 10^l, according to their severall qualities and deserts.

At the same time justs and tornaments were held at Westmin∣ster: wherein the challengers against all comers, were S^r John Dudly, S^r Thomas Seymore, S^r Thomas Poinings, S^r George Carew, Knights; Anthonie Kingstone, and Richard Crom∣well, Esquires; To each of whom for reward of their valour, the King gave a hundred markes of yearely revenues, and a house to dwell in, to them and their heires, out of the lands belonging to these Hospitallers. And at this time, many had Danae's happinesse, to have golden showres rained into their bosomes.

These Abbey-lands, though skittish mares to some, have gi∣ven good milk to others: Which is produced as an argument, That if they prove unsuccessefull to any, it is the users default, no inherencie of a curse in the things themselves. But let one keep an exact Register of lands, and mark their motions, how they ebbe and flow betwixt buyers and sellers, and surely he will say with the Poet, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And this is most sure; Let land be held in never so good a tenure, it will never be held by an unthrift.

The Hospitallers Priory-church was preserved from down-pulling all the dayes of King Henry the eighth: but in the third yeare of King Edward the sixth,* 1.25 with the bell-towre (a piece of curious workmanship, graven, gilt, and enamelled) it was undermined and blown up with gunpowder, and the stone imployed in building the Lord Protectours house in the Strand.

Thus as chirurgeons in cutting off a gangrened leg, alwayes cut it off above the joynt, even where the flesh is whole and sound: so (belike for fear of further infection) to banish Mon∣kerie for ever, they rased the structures and harmlesse build∣ings of Priories, which otherwise in themselves were void of any offence. They feared if Abbeys were onely left in a swound, the Pope would soon get hot water to recover them: To pre∣vent which, they killed them and killed them again, overturning the very foundation of the houses, infringing, altering, and transferring the lands, that they might never be reduced to their own propertie. Some outrages were committed in the manner of these dissolutions: Many manuscripts, guilty of no other superstition then red letters in the front, were condemned to the fire: and here a principall key of antiquitie was lost, to the great prejudice of posteritie. But in sudden alterations it is not to be expected that all things be done by the square and compasse.

Chap. 8.

Queen Mary setteth up the Hospitallers again; They are again deposed by Queen Elisabeth.

QUeen Mary (a Princesse more zealous then politick) at∣tempted to restore Abbeys to their pristine estate and for∣mer glory: And though certain of her counsellers objected, that the state of her Kingdome and dignity thereof and her Crown imperiall could not honourably be furnished and maintained without the possession of Abbey-land; yet she * 1.26 frankly restored, resigned, and confirmed by Parliament all ecclesiasticall revenues which by the authority of that high Court in the dayes of her Father were annexed to the Crown, protesting she set more by her salvation, then by ten King∣domes.

But the Nobilitie followed not her example: They had eat∣en up the Abbey-lands, and now after twenty yeares posses∣sion digested and turned them into good bloud in their estates: they were loth therefore to emptie their veins again; and the forwardest Romanist was backward enough in this costly piece of devotion.

However, out of her own liberalitie, she set up two or three bankrupt Covents, as Sion and Westminster, and gave them stock to trade with. The Knights also of S. John of Jerusa∣lem she reseated in their place; and S^r Thomas Tresham of

Rushton in Northamptonshire was the first and last Lord Prior after their restitution: For their nests were plucked down before they were warm in them, by the coming in of Queen Elisa∣beth.

To conclude; in the founders of religious houses were some good intents mixt with superstitious ends; amongst the Religi∣ous persons themselves, some pietie, more loosnesse and lazi∣nesse; in the confounders of those houses, some detestation of the vices of Friars, more desire of the wealth of Friaries; in God, all just, all righteous, in permitting the badnesse and cau∣sing the destruction of these numerous Fraternities.

Chap. 9.

Observations on the Holy warre; The horrible superstition therein.

WE have finished the story of the Holy warre: And now I conceive my indentures are cancelled, and I discharged from the strict service and ties of an Historian; so that it may be lawfull for me to take more libertie, and to make some observa∣tions on what hath been past.

Before I go further, I must deplore the worlds losse of that worthy work which the Lord Verulam left unfinished, con∣cerning the Holy warre; an excellent piece, and alas! it is but a piece: so that in a pardonable discontent we may almost wish that either it had been more, wholly to have satisfied our hunger, or lesse, not at all to have raised our appetite. It was begun not in an historicall but in a politick way, not reporting the Holy warre past with the Turks but advising how to ma∣nage it in the future. And no doubt if he had perfected the work, it would have proved worthy the Authour: But since, any have been deterred from finishing the same; as ashamed to add mud∣walls and a thatched roof to so fair a foundation of hewen and polished stone.

From that Authour we may borrow this distinction, That three things are necessary to make an invasive warre lawfull; the lawfullnesse of the jurisdiction, the merit of the cause, and the orderly and lawfull prosecution of the cause. Let us apply it to our present purpose in this Holy warre: For the first two, Whether the jurisdiction the Christians pretended over the Turks dominions was lawfull or not; and, Whe∣ther this warre was not onely operae but vitae pretium, worth the losing so many lives; we referre the reader to what

hath been said in the* 1.27 first Book. Onely it will not be amisse, to adde a storie or two out of an* 1.28 Authour of good account. When Charles the sixth was King of France, the Duke of Bourbon sailed over into Africa with a great armie, there to fight against the Saracens. The Saracen Prince sent an herald to know of him the cause of his coming: The Duke answered, it was to revenge the death of Christ the Sonne of God, and true Prophet, whom they had unjustly crucified. The Saracens sent back again their messenger to demonstrate their innocencie, how they were not Saracens but Jews which put Christ to death, and therefore that the Christians (if posteritie should be punished for their predecessours fault) should rather revenge themselves on the Jews which lived a∣mongst them.

* 1.29 Another relateth, that in the yeare of our Lord 1453, the great Turk sent a letter to the Pope, advertising him how he and his Turkish nations were not descended from the Jews, but from the Trojans, from whom also the Italians derive their pedegree, and so would prove himself a kinne to his Holinesse. Moreover he added, that it was both his and their dutie to repair the ruines of Troy, and to revenge the death of their great grand∣father Hector upon the Grecians; to which end, the Turk said he had already conquered a great part of Greece. As for Christ, he acknowledged him to have been a noble Prophet, and to have been crucified of the Jews, against whom the Christians might seek their remedie. These two stories I thought good to insert, because though of later date, and since the Holy warre in Palestine was ended, yet they have some reference thereunto, because some make that our quarrel to the Turks.

But grant the Christians right to the Turks lands to be lawfull, and the cause in it self enough deserving to ground a warre upon: yet in the prosecuting and managing thereof, many not onely ve∣niall errours but unexcusable faults were committed; no doubt, the cause of the ill successe.

To omit the book called the Office of our Lady, made at the beginning of this warre to procure her favourable assistance in it, (a little manual, but full of blasphemies in folio, thrust∣ing her with importunate superstitions into Gods throne, and forcing on her the Glory of her maker;) superstition not one∣ly tainted the rind, but rotted the core of this whole action. Indeed most of the pottage of that age tasted of that wild gourd. Yet farre be it from us to condemn all their works to be drosse, because debased and allayed with superstitious in∣tents: No doubt there was a mixture of much good metall in them, which God the good refiner knoweth how to sever, and

then will crown and reward. But here we must distinguish be∣twixt those deeds which have some superstition in them, and those which in their nature are wholly superstitious, such as this Voyage of people to Palestine was. For what opinion had they of themselves herein, who thought that by dying in this warre, they did make Christ amends for his death? as one saith: Which if but a rhetoricall flourish, yet doth hyperbolize into blasphemie. Yea, it was their very judgement, that hereby they did both merit and supererogate; and by dying for the Crosse, crosse the score of their owne sinnes, and score up God for their debtour. But this flieth high, and therefore we leave it for others to follow. Let us look upon Pilgrimages in ge∣nerall, and we shall finde Pilgrimes wandring not so farre from their own countrey as from the judgement of the ancient Fathers.

Wee will leave our armie at home, and onely bring forth our champion: Heare what* 1.30 Gregorie Nyssene saith, who lived in the fourth Centurie, in which time voluntary Pilgri∣mages first began; though before there were necessary Pil∣grimes, forced to wander from their countrey by persecution. Where, saith hee, our Lord pronounceth men blessed, hee reckoneth not going to Jerusalem to be amongst those good deeds which direct to happinesse. And afterwards, speaking of the going of single-women in those long travels; A woman, saith he, cannot go such long journeys without a man to con∣duct her; and then whatsoever we may suppose, whether shee hireth a stranger or hath a friend to waite on her, on neither side can shee escape reproof, and keep the law of continencie. Moreover; If there were more Divine grace in the places of Jerusalem, sinne would not be so frequent and customarie amongst those that live there: Now there is no kinde of un∣cleannesse which there they dare not commit; malice, adul∣tery, thefts, idolatrie, poysonings, envies and slaughters. But you will say unto me, If it be not worth the paines, why then did you goe to Jerusalem? Let them heare therefore how I defend my self; I was appointed to goe into Arabia to an ho∣ly Councel, held for the reforming of that Church: and Ara∣bia being neare to Jerusalem, I promised those that went with me, that I would go to Jerusalem to discourse with them which were presidents of the Churches there; where matters were in a very troubled state, and they wanted one to be a media∣tour in their discords. We knew that Christ was a man born of a Virgin, before wee saw Bethlehem; wee believed his re∣surrection from death, before we saw his sepulchre; we con∣fessed his ascension into heaven, before we saw mount Olivet: but we got so much profit by our journey, that by comparing

them, wee found* 1.31 our owne more holy then those outward things. Wherefore you that feare God, praise him in what place you are. Change of place maketh not God nearer unto us: wheresoever thou art, God will come to thee, if the Inne of thy soul be found such, as the Lord may dwell and walke in thee, &c.

A patrone of Pilgrimages not able to void the blow, yet wil∣ling to break the stroke of so pregnant and plain a testimony, thus seeketh to ward it; That indeed Pilgrimages are unfitting for women, yet fitting for men. But sure God never appointed such means to heighten devotion necessary thereunto, whereof the half of mankinde (all women) are by their very creation made uncapable.

Secondly, he pleadeth, That it is lawfull for secular and lay∣men to goe on Pilgrimages, but not for Friars, who lived re∣cluse in their cells, out of which they were not to come: and against such (saith hee) is Nyssens speech directed. But then, I pray, what was Peter, the leader of this long dance, but an Hermite? and (if I mistake not) his profession was the very dungeon of the Monasticall prison, the strictest and severest of all other Orders. And though there were not so many cowls as helmets in this warre, yet alwayes was the Holy armie well stocked with such cattell: So that on all sides it is con∣fessed that the Pilgrimages of such persons were utterly unlaw∣full.

Chap. 10.

Of superstition in miracles in the Holy warre, ranked into foure sorts.

BEsides superstition inherent in this Holy warre, there was also superstition appendant or annexed thereunto, in that it was the fruitfull mother of many feigned miracles. Hither∣to wee have refrained to scatter over our storie with them; it will not be amisse now to shovell up some of them in a heap.

* 1.32 One Peter (not the Hermite) found out the lance where∣with Christ was pierced: and to approve the truth thereof against some who questioned him herein, on Palm-sunday taking the lance in his hand, hee walked through a mightie fire without any harm: but it seemeth hee was not his crafts-master, for hee died soon after.

* 1.33 An image of our Lady brought from Jerusalem, but set

up neare Damascus, began by degrees to be clothed with flesh, and to put forth breasts of flesh, out of which a liquour did constantly flow: Which liquour the Templars carried home to their houses, and distributed it to the Pilgrimes which came to them, that they might report the honour thereof through the whole world.

* 1.34 A Sultan of Damascus who had but one eye, chanced to lose the other, and so became stark-blinde; when coming de∣voutly to this image, though he was a Pagan, having faith in God, and confidence therein, he perfectly was restored to his sight.

Infinite are the sholes of miracles done by Christs Crosse in Jerusalem; insomuch that my* 1.35 Authour blamed the Bishop of Acon, who carried the Crosse in that battel wherein it was lost to the Turks, for wearing a corselet; and therefore (saith he) he was justly slain: because his weak faith relied on meanes, not on the miraculous protection thereof.

When Conrade Landt-grave of Thuringia was inrolled in the Teutonick Order to goe to the Holy warre, and received his benediction (as the fushion was) the* 1.36 Holy Ghost visibly descended upon him in the shape of fire. The said Conrade re∣ceived of God as a boon for his valour in this service, the rare facultie,* 1.37 That by looking on any man he could tell whether or no he had committed a mortall sinne, yea, at first fight descrie their secret sinnes.

But the last miracle of our Lady in Palestine is the Lady of all miracles; which was this: In the yeare 1291, when the Holy land was finally subdued by the Turks, the chamber at Nazareth wherein the Angel Gabriel saluted her with joyfull tydings, was wonderfully* 1.38 transported into Sclavonia. That countrey being unworthy of her divine presence, it was by the Angels carried over into Italie, anno 1294. That place also being infested with thieves and pirates, the Angels removed it to the little village of Loretto; where this Pilgrime-Chappel resteth it selfe at this day, and liketh her entertainment so well, it will travel no further.

But enough: for fools meat is unsavourie to the taste of the wise. I have transgressed already: two instances had been suf∣ficient (as Noah preserved but two of all unclean creatures) the rest might be lost without losse, and safely be drowned in obli∣vion. How-ever, we may observe these millions of miracles are reducible to one of these foure ranks:

1. Falsely reported, never so much as seemingly done. Asia the theatre whereon they were acted, is at a great distance, and the miracles as farre from truth, as the place from us. And who knoweth not, when a lie is once set on foot, besides the

first founders, it meeteth with many benefactours, who contri∣bute their charitie thereunto.

2. Falsely done; insomuch as at this day, they are* 1.39 sented amongst the Romanists. Who would not laugh to see the picture of a Saint weep? Where one devout Catholick lifteth up his eyes, ten of their wiser sort wag their heads.

3. Truly done, but by the strength of nature. Suppose one desperately sick, a piece of the Crosse is applied to him, he re∣covereth; is this a miracle? Nothing lesse; how many thou∣sands have made an escape after Death in a manner hath arrested them? As therefore it is sacriledge, to father Gods immediate works on naturall causes; so it is superstition, to intitle naturall events to be miraculous.

4. Many miracles were ascribed to Saints which were done by Satan. I know it will non-plus his power to worke a true miracle; but I take the word at large: and indeed vulgar (not to say, humane) eyes are too dimme to discern betwixt things wonderfull and truly miraculous. Now Satan, the ma∣ster-juggler needeth no wires or ginnes to worke with, being all ginnes himselfe; so transcendent is the activitie of a spirit. Nay, may not God give the Devil leave to goe beyond him∣self; it being just with him, that those who will not have Truth their king and willingly obey it, should have Falshood their tyrant to whom their judgement should be captivated and inslaved.

Chap. 11.

The second grand errour in prosecuting the Ho∣ly warre, being the Christians notorious breaking their faith with Infidels.

NExt unto Superstition, which was deeply inlayed in the Ho∣ly warre, we may make the Christians Truce-breaking with the Infidels the second cause of their ill successe. Yet never but once did they breake promise with the Turks; which was (as I may say) a constant and continued faith-breaking, ne∣ver keeping their word. To omit severall straining of the si∣newes and unjoynting the bones of many a solemne peace, we will onely instance where the neck thereof was clearly broken asunder.

1. When Godfrey first won Jerusalem, pardon was proclaim∣ed to all the Turks which yielded themselves; yet three dayes

after in cold bloud, they were all, without difference of age or sex, put to the sword.

2. Almerick the First swore, effectually to assist the Saracens in driving the Turks out of Egypt; and soon after invaded E∣gypt, and warred upon the Turks against his promise. I know something he pretended herein to defend himself, but of no va∣liditie; and such plausible and curious wittie evasions to avoid perjurie, are but the tying of a most artificiall knot in the halter, therewith to strangle ones own conscience.

3. There was a peace concluded for some time betwixt King Guy and Saladine; which non obstante, Reinold of Ca∣stile robbed Saladines own mother: Whereupon followed the miserable overthrow of the Christians, and taking of Jeru∣salem.

4. Our Richard, at his departure from Palestine, made a firm peace for five yeares with Saladine, and it stood yet in force when Henry Duke of Saxonie coming with a great armie of new adventurers invaded the Turkish dominions.

5. Frederick the Second, Emperour, made a truce of ten yeares with the Sultan of Babylon; and yet in despite thereof, Theobald King of Navarre forraged the countrey of Gaza, to the just overthrow of him and his armie.

6. Reinold Vice-roy of Palestine, in the name of Frederick the Emperour, and after him our Richard Earl of Cornwall, drew up a firm peace with the said Sultan; which was instantly disturbed and interrupted by the turbulent Templars.

7. Lastly, the Venetians, in the name of all Christian Princes, concluded a five yeares peace with Alphir the Mammaluke Prince of Egypt; yet some voluntaries in Ptolemais pillaged and robbed many Saracen merchants about the citie. But pardon them this last fault, we will promise they shall never do so any more in Palestine, hereupon losing all they had left there.

And how could Safetie it selfe save this people, and blesse this project so blackly blasted with perjury! As it is obser∣ved of tyrants, Where one goeth, ten are sent to the grave; so where one truce concluded with the Turks did naturally expire and determine, many were violently broken off. A sinne so re∣pugnant to all moral honestie, so injurious to the quiet and peace of the world, so odious in it selfe, so scandalous to all men, To dissolve a league when confirmed by Oath (the strongest bond of conscience, the end of particular strife, the souldier of publick peace, the sole assurance of amitie betwixt divers nations, made here below, but inrolled in his high court whose glorious name doth sign it;) a sinne, I say, so hainous, that God cannot but must severely punish it. David asketh,* 1.40 Who shall dwell upon thy holy hill? and answereth himselfe, Hee that sweareth to his neigh∣bour,

and disappointeth him not, though it were to his own hin∣drance. No wonder then, though the Christians had no longer abidance in the Holy hill of Palestine (though this, I confesse, is but the bark-of the text) driving that trade wherewith none ever thrived, the breaking of promises: Wherewith one may for a while fairly spread his train, but he will moult his feathers soon after.

Chap. 12.

Of the hindrances of the good successe in the Holy warre; whereof the Popes, and Empe∣rours of Greece, were the two principall.

SO much concerning those laesa principia in this Holy warre, Superstition and Perjurie, which struck at the root of it. Come we now to consider many other hindrances, which abated the good successe thereof. Amongst these we will not be so he∣retical as to deny the Popes Primacie; but account him the first cause of their ill success. Such wounds as we finde in his credit, we will neither widen nor close up; but even present them to the Reader as we found them. In foure respects he baned the Chri∣stians good speed in this warre:

1. He caused most of their truce-breaking with the Turks, urging men thereunto. Thus Pope Celestine drove on the Chri∣stians against the Turks, whilest as yet the peace our Richard concluded with them was not expired; and so many other times also. For alas! this was nothing with his Holinesse; who sitting in the temple of God, so farre advanceth himself above God, as to dispense with oathes made sacred by the most holy and high name of God; and professing himselfe the sole Umpire and Peace-maker of the world, doth cut asunder those onely sinews which hold peace together.

2. In that twice the Kingdome of Jerusalem was offered to the Christians, and the Popes Legates would not suffer them to accept it: (No doubt, by instructions from their Master; this being to be presumed on, That those his absolute creatures altered not a tittle, but went according to the copie that was set them) Once anno 1219; when Pelagius the Legate refused the free offer of Melechsala: And the second time, some thirtie yeares after; when the same bountifull profer was refused by Odo the Popes Legate: For when the same Melechsala againe offered the free resignation of the whole Kingdome of Jeru∣salem,

whereby the same day great quietnesse had entered into all Christendome, with the end of much bloudshed and miserie; the Legate* 1.41 frontosè contradioens, would in no wise receive the conditions offered.

3. Frederick the second, Emperour, was possessed of it; when the Pope molested him, and stirred up the Templars against him, as so many needles to prick him when he was to sit down on the throne.

4. By diverting the Pilgrimes, and over-titling his own quar∣rels to be Gods cause; nothing being more common with him, then to employ those armies which were levied for the Holy warre, in subduing the Albingenses and many other of his pri∣vate enemies.

By all these it plainly appeareth, That what fair shews soever his Holinesse made, calling Councils, appointing Le∣gates, providing preachers, proclaiming pardons, to advance this warre; yet in very deed, he neither intended nor desired that the Christians should make a finall conquest of Palestine, but be imployed in continuall conquering it. He would have this warre go on cum decente pausa, fair and softly: let the Christians now beat the Turks, and then the Turks beat the Christians; and so let them take their turns, whilest his pri∣vate profit went on. For (as we touched before) to this warre the Pope condemned all dangerous persons (especially the Em∣perours of Germanie) to be there imployed. As little children are often set to school, not so much to learn, as to keep them out of harmes way at home: so this carefull Father sent ma∣ny of his children to the Holy warre, not for any good he knew they would either do or get there, but it would keep them from worse doing; which otherwise would have been paddling in this puddle, raking in that channel, stirring up que∣stions and controversies unfavourie in the nostrils of his Holi∣nesse, and perchance falling into the fire of discord and dissen∣sion against their own Father. Indeed at last this warre ended it self in despite of the Pope: Who no doubt would have driven this web (weaving and unweaving it, Penelope-like) much longer if he could: yet he digested more patiently the ending thereof, because the net might be taken away when the fish was already caught, and the warre spared now the Ger∣mane Emperours strength thereby was sufficiently abated in Italie.

Much also this warre increased the intrado of the Popes revenues. Some say, Purgatory-fire heateth his kitchen: they may adde, the Holy warre filled his pot, if not paid for all his second course. It is land enough, to have the office of collecting the contributions of all Christendome given to this

warre. So much for his great receits hereby. And as for what he expended, not too farre in the point. If the Pope (saith * 1.42 their law) thrusteth thousands of souls into hell, none may say to him, Why dost thou so? It is presumption then to make him answer for money, who is not accountable for men.

With the Pope let the Emperours of Greece their Jealousie go, as the second bane of the Christians successe in this warre. These Emperours tormented themselves in seeking that they would have been loth to find, the treacherie of the Latines; and therefore to begin first, used them with all treacherie: Whereof, largely* 1.43 formerly. And surely, though a cautious circumspecti∣on be commendable in Princes; yet in such over-fear, they were no lesse injurious to themselves then to the western Pil∣grimes. Yea generally, suspiciousnesse is as great an enemy to wisdome, as too much credulitie; it doing oftentimes as hurt∣full wrong to friends, as the other doth receive wrongfull hurt from dissemblers.

Chap. 13.

The third hindrance, the Equalitie of the un∣dertakers; the fourth, the length of the jour∣ney.

THe next cause of their ill successe was the discord arising from the paritie of the Princes which undertook this voy∣age. Many of them could abide no equall; all no superiour: so that they had no chief, or rather were all chiefs; The swarm wanted a master-Bee, a supreme commander, who should aw them all into obedience. The Germane Emperour (though above all) came but seldome, and was not constant amongst them: The King of Jerusalem (especially in the declining of the State) was rather slighted then feared: The Popes Le∣gate usurped a superioritie, but was never willingly nor ge∣nerally obeyed. Surely smaller forces being united under one command would have been more effectuall in proof (though not so promising in opinion and fame) then these great armies variously compounded by associations and leagues, and of the confluence of Princes otherwise unconcurring in their severall courses.

Livie writing of that great battel (the criticall day of the worlds Empire) betwixt Hannibal and Scipio,* 1.44 It is small, saith he, to speake of, yet of much moment in the matter itself, that

when the armies joyned, the shouting of the Romanes was farre more great and terrible, as being all of one voice from the same nation; whilest Hannibals souldiers voices were different and disagreeing, as consisting of severall languages. If such a toy be considerable, and differing in tongues lesseneth the terriblenese in an armie; how doth dissenting in hearts and affections abate the force thereof? and what advantage had the united Turks against divided Christian Princes which managed this warre? Had the emulation betwixt those equall Princes onely been such as is the spurre of vertue, farre from enmitie and hatefull conten∣tion, striving with good deserts to outstrip those who by the same means sought to attain to the like end; had it been mixed with love in regard of the affinitie of their affections and sympa∣thie of their desires, not seeking the ruine of their competitour but succouring him in danger; then such simultates had been both honourable and usefull to the advantage of the Holy cause: But on the other side, their affections were so violent, and disposi∣tions so crooked, that emulation in them boyled to harred, that to malice, which rested better satisfied with the miser∣able end of their opposite partner, then with any tropheys de∣servedly erected to their own honour. And herein the warres betwixt the Venetians and Genoans in Syria are too pregnant an instance.

The length of the journey succeedeth as the fourth impe∣diment. There needed no other hindrance to this voyage then the voyage; the way was so long. In sensation, the object must not be over-distant from the sense; otherwise Lynceus eyes may see nothing: So it is requisite in warlike adventures, that the work be not too farre from the undertakers. Indeed the Romanes conquered countreys farre from home: but the lands betwixt them were their own, wherein they refreshed them∣selves; and well may one lift a great weight at armes end if he hath a rest to stay his elbow on. So though Spain hath sub∣dued much in the Indies, yet there they met with none or naked resistance. It fared not thus with the Christians in this warre: By the tediousness of their journey their strength was exhausted; they ranne dregs when first they were broched in Syria, and as it were scattered their powder in presenting, before they came to discharge.

Frederick Barbarossa wrote a braving letter to Saladine, reckoning up the severall nations in Europe under his com∣mand, and boasting what an army of them he would bring in∣to Syria.* 1.45 Saladine answered him, That he also ruled over as many peoples, and told him, that there was no sea which hindred his men from coming quickly together; whereas saith he, you have a great sea, over which with pains and dan∣ger

you must passe before you can bring your men hither. Besides, if the Christians shaped their journey by land, then their miseries in Hungarie, Grecia, and Asia the lesse, made their land-journey more tedious and troublesome, then if they had gone by sea.

Chap. 14.

The fifth impediment, Clergie-men being Ca∣ptains.

THat Prelates and Clergie-men were often Generalls in this action (as Peter the Hermite, Pelagius the Cardinall, and many others) was another cause of their ill successe: For allow them able in their own way, for matter of learning, yet were they unsufficient to manage martiall affairs. Many who in Eng∣land have learned the French tongue, aud afterwards have gone over into France, have found themselves both deaf and dumbe in effect, neither hearing to understand, nor speaking to be under∣stood: They in like manner, who frame themselves in their studies a model of leading an armie, find it as full of errours as rules, when it cometh to be applied; and a measure of warre taken by book, falleth out either too long or too short, when brought into the field to be used.

I have heard a storie of a great map-monger, who undertook to travel over England by help of his maps, without asking the least direction of any he met. Long he had not ridden but he met with a non plus ultra, a deep unpassable gullet of water, without bridge, ford, or ferry. This water was as unknown to his Camdens or Speeds maps, as to himself; because it was nei∣ther body nor branch of any constant river or brook, (such as onely are visible in maps) but an ex-tempore- water, flowing from the snow which melted on hills. Worse unexpected acci∣dents surprise those who conceive themselves to have conned all martiall maximes out of Authours, and warrant their skill in warre against all events, out of their great reading; when on the sudden some unwonted occurrent taketh them unprovided, stan∣ding amazed till destruction seiseth on them.

Indeed, sometimes such unlooked-for chances arrest even the best and most experienced Generalls, which have long been acquainted with warre; nor are they priviledged by all their experience from such casualties, nor are they so omnisci∣ent but that their skill might be posed therewith, a minute shewing sometimes what an age hath not seen before: But

then such aged commanders have this advantage, that finding themselves at a fault, they can soonest know where to beat about and recover it.

Adde to the inabilitie, the incongruitie of Prelates going to sight. True, in defensive warres necessitie is their sufficient dis∣pensation; but otherwise it is improper. In the battel against Amalck, Josua fought; Moses prayed; the Levites bare the ark, no office of command in the Camp. And better it had been that Cardinall Columna had been at his beads, or in his bed, or any where else, then in the camp in Egypt; where by his indiscreet counsel he brought all the lives of the Christians into danger.

Chap. 15.

The sixth hindrance, the diversity of the cli∣mate disagreeing with the bodies of Europe; And what weakneth Northern men going Southward.

NOw followeth the Diversitie of the climate, which caused the death of many thousands of the Christians, sweeping them away with horrible plagues and other diseases. For even as men when they come into a new Corporation, must pay their fees before they can be freemen thereof and set up trading there∣in; so it alwayes cost the Christians of Europe a dangerous sick∣nesse at least, before they could be well acquainted with the aire and climate of Palestine.

Amongst other diseases the Leprosie was one epidemicall in∣fection which tainted the Pilgrimes coming thither. This (though most rise in our Saviours time, God so ordering it that Judea was sickest while her Physician was nearest) at this time of the Holy warre was very dangerous. Hence was it brought over into England (never before known in this Island) and many Lazar-houses erected for the relief of those infected therewith: Their chief houses was at Burton-lazars in Leceister-shire. I say not, as this disease began with the Holy warre in England, so it ended with it: Sure such hath been Gods goodnesse, that few at this day are afflicted therewith; and the leprosie of Leprosie, I mean the contagion thereof, in this cold countrey is much abated.

Many other sicknesses seised on the Pilgrimes there, especi∣ally in summer. The Turks, like Salamanders, could live in that

fiery countrey, whose scorching our Northern bodies could not endure. Yea, long before I find it observed by Vitruvius, that they who come cold into hot countreys, cannot long subsist, but are dissolved; whilest those that change out of hot into cold, find not onely no distemper and sicknesse by the alteration, but also grow more healthfull, solid, and compacted: But this per∣chance is easilyer said then maintained.

But let us not hereupon be disheartened to set on our Sou∣thern foes for fear to be impaired, nor they invited to invade us by hope to be improved. Know, it is not so much the climate, as bad and unwholesome diet inraging the climate against us, which unfineweth those Northern nations when they come into the South: which bad diet, though sometimes necessary for want of better food, yet is most-times voluntary through mens wilfull intemperance. In the Portugall action anno 1589, more English owed their Calenture to the heat of wine then weather. Why do our English merchants bodies sadge well enough in Southern aire? why cannot our valour thrive as well there as our profit; but chiefly for this, That merchants are carefull of them∣selves, whilest souldiers count it basenesse to be thristie of their own healths?

Besides, the sinnes of the South unmasculine Northern bo∣dies. In hot countreys the Sirens of pleasure sing the sweet∣est, which quickly ravish our eares unused to such musick. But should we marching Southwards observe our health in some proportion of temperance, and by degrees habituate ourselves to the climate; and should we keep ourselves from their sinnes, no doubt the North might pierce the South as farre, and there∣in erect as high and long-lasting tropheys, as ever the South did in the North.

Nor must it have admittance without examination into a judi∣cious breast, what some have observed; That Northern people never enjoyed any durable settled government in the South. Experience avoweth they are more happie in speedy conquering then in long enjoying of countreys.

But the first Monarch the world ever knew (I mean, the Assyrian) came from the North: Whence he is often styled in Scripture, The King of the North; conquering, and for many yeares enjoying those countreys which lie betwixt him and the sunne; as Chaldea, Mesopotamia, Babylonia, Syria, Egypt: To speak nothing of the Turks, who in the dichotomizing of the world fall under the Northern part, and coming out of Scythia at first subdued most Southern countreys.

Chap. 16.

The seventh impediment, the Vitiousnesse of the undertakers.

THus are we fallen on the next hindrance of successe in this Holy warre, the Vitiousnesse of the undertakers. But here first we must make an honourable reservation for many adven∣turers herein, whom we confesse most pious and religious per∣sons. Let us not raise the opinion of our own piety by trampling on our predecessours, as if this age had monopolized all good∣nesse to it self. Some no doubt most religious and truly valiant (as fearing nothing but sinne) engaged themselves in this action; of whom I could onely wish, that their zeal herein had either had more light or lesse heat. But with these, I say not how ma∣ny, but too many went most wicked people, the causers of the ill successe.

It will be objected, Sanctitas morum hath been made of some a note of the true Church, never the signe of a fortunate ar∣mie: Look on all armies generally, we shall find them of the souldiers religion, not troubled with over-much precisenesse: As our King John said, (whether wittily or wickedly, let others judge) that the Buck he opened was fat, yet never heard Masse: so many souldiers have been successefull without the least smack of pietie; some such desperate villains, that fortune (to errone∣ous judgements) may seem to have favoured them for fear.

True: but we must not consider these adventurers as plain and mere souldiers, but as Pilgrimes and Gods armie; in whom was required, and from whom was expected more pietie and puritie of life and maners then in ordinarie men: whereas on the con∣trarie, we shall make it appear, that they were more vitious then the common sort of men. Nor do we this out of crueltie or wan∣tonnesse, to wound and mangle the memorie of the dead; but to anatomize and open their ulcerous insides, that the dead may teach the living, and lesson posteritie.

Besides those that went, many were either driven or fled to the Holy land. Those were driven, who having committed some * 1.46 horrible sinne in Europe, had this penance imposed on them, To travell to Jerusalem to expiate their faults. Many a whore was sent thither to find her virginitie: Many a murderer was injoyned to fight in the Holy warre, to wash off the guilt of Christian bloud by shedding bloud of Turks. The like was in all other offences; malefactours were sent hither to satisfie for their former wickednesse. Now God forbid we should con∣demn

them, if truly penitents, for impious. May he who speak∣eth against penitents, never have the honour to be one; since Re∣pentance is the younger brother to Innocence it self. But we find that many of them reverted to their former wickednesse: they lost none of their old faults and got many new, mending in this hot countrey as sowre ale in summer. Others fled hither, who having supererogated the gallows in their own countries by their severall misdemeanours, theft, rapes, incest, murders, to avoid the stroke of Justice, protected themselves under this voyage; and coming to Palestine, so profited in those Eastern schools of vices, that they learned to be more artificially wicked. This plainly appeareth, as in sundrie other Authours, so chiefly in Tyrius, a witnesse beyond exception, who* 1.47 often complaineth hereof. And if we value testimonies rather by the weight then number, we must credit so grave a man, who writeth it with griefe, and had no doubt as much water in his eyes as ink in his pen, and surely would be thankfull to him that herein would prove him a liar.

Chap. 17.

The eighth hindrance, the Treacherie of the Templars; of Sacriledge alledged by Baronius, the cause of the ill successe.

RObert Earl of Artois upbraided the Master of the Tem∣plars, That it was the common speech, that the Holy land long since had been wonne, but for the false collusion of the Templars and Hospitallers with the Infidels: Which words, though proceeding from passion in him, yet from premeditati∣on in others, not made by him but related, deserve to be obser∣ved the rather, because common reports (like smoke, seldome but from some fire, never but from much heat) are generally true. It is not to be denied, but that both these Orders were guiltie herein, as appeareth by the whole current of the storie. Yea, King Almerick fairly trussed up twelve Templars at once,* 1.48 hanging them for delivering up an impregnable fort to Syracon. These like a deceitfull chirurgeon, who hath more corruption in himself then the sore he dresseth, prolonged the cure for their private profit; and this Holy warre being the trade whereby they got their gains, they lengthened it out to the utmost: So that their Treacherie may passe for the eighth im∣pediment.

Baronius* 1.49 concludeth this one principall cause of the Chri∣stians ill successe, That the Kings of Jerusalem took away that citie from the Patriarchs thereof, herein committing sacriledge, a sinne so hainous, that malice it self cannot wish an enemy guilty of a worse. But whether or no this was sacriledge, we referre the reader to what hath been largely discussed before.

And here I could wish to be an auditour at the learned and unpartiall arguing of this question, Whether over-great dona∣tions to the Church may not afterwards be revoked? On the one side it would be pleaded, who should be judge of the over-greatnesse? seeing too many are so narrow-hearted to the Church, they count any thing too large for it; yea, some would cut off the flesh of the Churches necessary maintenance, under pretense to cure her of a tympanie of superfluities. Besides, it would be alledged, What once hath been bestowed on pious uses, must ever remain thereto: To give a thing and take a thing, is a play too childish for children; much lesse must God be mocked therewith, in resuming what hath been conferred up∣on him. It would be argued on the other side, That when Kings do perceive the Church readie to devoure the Commonwealth by vast and unlimited donations unto it, and Clergie-men grown to suspicious greatnesse, armed with hurtfull and dange∣rous priviledges derogatorie to the royaltie of Princes; then, then it is high time for Princes to pare their overgrown great∣nesse. But this high pitch wee leave to stronger wings: Sure I am in another kinde, this Holy warre was guiltie of sacriledge, and for which it thrived no whit the better; in that the Pope exempted six and twentie thousand manours in Europe, be∣longing to the Templars and Hospitallers, from paying any tithes to the Priest of the parish; so that many a minister in England smarteth at this day for the Holy warre. And if this be not sacriledge, to take away the dowrie of the Church without assuring her any joynture in lieu of it, I report my self to any that have not the pearl of prejudice in the eye of their judgement.

Chap. 18.

Three grand faults in the Kingdome of Ierusa∣lem, hindring the strength and puissance thereof.

COme we now to survey the Kingdome of Jerusalem in it self: We will take it in its verticall point, in the beginning of Bald wine the third, when grown to the best strength and beau∣tie; yet even then had it some faults, whereby it was impossible ever long to subsist.

1. It lay farre from any true friend. On the West it was bounded with the mid-land-sea, but on all other sides it was en∣vironed with an Ocean of foes, and was a countrey continually besieged with enemies. One being to sell his house, amongst other commendations thereof, proclaimed, That his house had a very good neighbour; a thing indeed considerable in the pur∣chase, and might advance the sale thereof a yeares value: Sure I am, the Kingdome of Jerusalem had no such conveniencie, ha∣ving bad neighbours round about: Cyprus indeed their friend lay within a dayes sail; but alas! the Kings thereof had their hands full to defend themselves, and could scarce spare a finger to help any other.

2. The Kingdome was farre extended, but not well com∣pacted: all the bodie thereof ran out in arms and legs. Besides that ground inhabited formerly by the twelve tribes, and pro∣perly called the Holy land; the Kingdome of Jerusalem ranged Northward over all Coelosyria and Cilicia in the lesser Asia: North-eastward, it roved over the Principalities of Antioch and Edessa, even unto Carrae beyond Euphrates: Eastward, it pos∣sessed farre beyond Jordan the strong fort of Cracci, with a great part of Arabia Petrea: Southward, it stretched to the entrance of Egypt. But as he is a strong man, whose joynts are well set and knit together, not whom nature hath spunne out all in length and never thickened him; so it is the united and well compacted Kingdome entire in it self which is strong, not that which reach∣eth and strideth the farthest. For in the midst of the Kingdome of Jerusalem lay the Kingdome of Damascus, like a canker feeding on the breast thereof: and clean through the Holy land, though the Christians had many cities sprinkled here and there, the Turks in other strong holds continued mingled amongst them.

3. Lastly, (what we have touched once before) some sub∣jects to the Kings of Jerusalem, namely, the Princes of Anti∣och, Edessa and Tripoli, had too large and absolute power

and authoritie; They would do whatsoever the King would command them, if they thought good themselves. Now sub∣jects should be Adjectives, not able to stand without (much lesse against) their Prince, or they will make but bad construction otherwise.

These three hindrances in the Kingdome of Jerusalem added to the nine former, will complete a Jurie. Now if any one chance to censure one or two of them, let him not triumph there∣in; for we produce not these impediments severally but joyntly, not to fight single duells but all in an armie; Non noceant quam∣vis singula, juncta nocent.

Chap. 19.

What is to be conceived of the incredible nume∣rousnesse of many armies mentioned in this storie.

FRequent mention hath been made through this Holy warre of many armies, aswell Christian as Turkish, whose number of souldiers swell very great; so as it will not be amisse once for all to discusse the point concerning the numerousnesse of armies an∣ciently. And herein we branch our opinion into these severals.

1. Asian armies are generally observed greater then those of Europe: There it is but a sucking and infant company to have ten thousand; yea, under fiftie thousand no number. The reason of their multitude is, not that Asia is more populous, but more spatious then Europe. Christendome is enclosed into many small Kingdomes and free States; which severally can send forth no vast numbers, and seldome agree so well as to make a joynt collection of their forces: Asia lieth in common, in large coun∣treys, and many of them united under one head. Besides, it is probable (especially in ancient times, as may be proved out of Scripture) that those Eastern countreys often spend their whole stock of men, and imploy all their arms-bearing people in their martiall service, not picking or culling them out, as we in Europe use to do.

2. Modern armies are farre lesse then those in former ages. The warre-genius of the world is altered now-a-dayes, and supplieth number with policie; the foxes skinne pieceth out the lions hide. Especially armies have been printed in a smal∣ler letter since guns came up: One well-mounted cannon will

spare the presence and play the part of a whole band in a battel.

3. Armies both of Europe, and chiefly in Asia (as farther off) are reported farre greater then truth. Even as many old men use to set the clock of their age too fast when once past seven∣tie; and growing ten yeares in a twelve-moneth, are presently fourscore, yea, within a yeare or two after, climbe up to an hundred: So it is in relating the number of souldiers; if they exceed threescore and ten thousand, then adrotunditatem numeri, they are hoised up to an hundred, and then fiftie thousand more cast in for advantage. Not to speak of the facil mistake in figures; One telleth, at the first voyage of Pilgrimes there went forth* 1.50 six hundred thousand:* 1.51 another counteth three hundred thousand slain at the last taking of Ptolemais: their glib pens making no more reckoning of men then of pinnes. We perchance may do justly in imitating the unjust steward, setting down in the bill of our belief but fifty for every hundred.

Nor is it any Paradox, but what will abide the touch, That competent forces of able and well-appointed and well-disci∣plined souldiers under an experienced Generall, are farre more usefull then such an unwieldie multitude. Little loadstones will in proportion attract a greater quantitie of steel then those which be farre greater, because their poles are nearer toge∣ther, and so their virtue more united: So shall we find braver atchievements by moderate armies, then by such portentous and extravagant numbers. I never read of any miracle done by the statue of S. Christopher in Paris, though he be ra∣ther of a mountainlike then manlike bignesse. Yea, such im∣moderate great armies are subject to great inconveniences. 1. They are not so easily manageable; and the commands of their Generall cool, and lose some virtue in passing so long a journey through so many. 2. It is improbable that so many thousands can be heaped together, but the armie will be very heterogeneous, patched up of different people unsuiting in their maners, which must needs occasion much cumbrance. 3. These crowds of souldiers may hinder one another in their service; as many at the same time pressing out at a wicket. 4. Victuals for so many mouthes will not easily be pro∣vided; the provisions of a countrey serving them but a meal, they must fast afterwards. 5. Lastly, such great numbers (though this, I must confesse, is onely per accidens, yet often incident) beget carelessenesse and confidence in them; as if they would not thank God for their victories, but conceive it a due debt owed to their multitudes. This hath induced some to the opinion to maintain, That a competent able armie

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of thirtie thousand (which number Gongaza that brave Ge∣nerall did pitch on as sufficient and complete) need not fear upon a paritie in all other respects, any company whatsoever to come against them: such are enough, being as good as a feast, and farre better then a surfeit.

Chap. 20.

Of the numberlesse Christians which lost their lives in this service.

XErxes viewing his armie, consisting of more then a million, from an high place all at a sight, is said to weep at the thought, That within an hundred yeares all those would be mowed down with death: But what man could behold without flouds of teares, if presented to him at one view, the infinites of people which lost their lives in this action!

In the first voyage went forth (as the most conscionable* 1.52 counters report) three hundred thousand: Of these we can make the reader but spend-thrifts accounts, All is gone, without shew∣ing the particulars. For after the taking of Jerusalem, this armie was drawn so low,* 1.53 that Godfrey being to fight with Ammira∣vissus the Egyptian, and bringing forth his whole strength,* 1.54 had but twelve hundred horse and nine thousand foot left him.

At the second setting forth,* 1.55 of two hundred and fiftie thou∣sand led hither by Hugh brother to the King of France and sun∣drie other Bishops, not a thousand came into Palestine.

In the third voyage, Conrade the Emperour led forth no fewer then two hundred thousand foot and fiftie thousand horse; nor was the armie of King Lewis of France farre inferiour: Of whom such as returned make no noise, as not considerable in number.

At the fourth setting forth, Frederick Barbarossa counted an hundred and fiftie thousand souldiers in his armie: Of whom when they came to Ptolemais, no more then* 1.56 eighteen hundred armed men remained.

Fifthly, what numbers were carried forth by our Richard the first and Philip of France, I find not specified; no doubt they did bear proportion to the greatnesse of the underta∣kers: All which at their return were consumed to a very small companie.

To omit severall other intermediate actions of many Prin∣ces, who went forth with armies and scarce came home with families; King Lewis carried forth two and thirty thousand: Of

which onely six thousand came home, as their own writers re∣port, who tell their tale as it may best found for the credit of their countrey; whilest* 1.57 others count eightie thousand to have lost their lives in that voyage: yea,* 1.58 some reckon no sewer then and hundred thousand common men, besides seven Counts, to have died in Cyprus of the plague.

* 1.59 At his second voyage to Tunis, of an hundred and twentie ships which lay at anchor at Trape in Sicily, there were no more saved then the mariners of one onely French ship, and the thir∣teen ships of our Prince Edward; all the rest, with men, armour and munition did miserably perish.

But enough of this dolefull subject. If young Physicians with the first fee for their practise are to purchase a new church-yard, Pope Urbane the second might well have bought some ground for graves when he first perswaded this bloudie project; where∣by he made all Jerusalem, Golgotha, a place for seulls; and all the Holy land, Aceldama, a field of bloud.

Chap. 21.

The throne of Deserts: What nation merited most praise in this warre; And first of the French and Dutch service therein.

AS in the first book we welcomed each severall nation when they first entred into this service; so it is good manners now to take our solemn farewell of them at their going out, and to examine which of them deserved most commendation for their valour in this warre. And herein me thinketh the distincti∣on usuall in some Colledges, of Founders, By founders, and Be∣nefactours, may properly take place. The Founders of this Holy warre, are the French; the By-founders, the Dutch, English, and Italian; the Benefactours (according to the different de∣grees of bountie) the Spanish, Polish, Danish, Scots, and all other people of Europe.

The French I make the Founders for these reasons: First, because they began the action first. Secondly, France in pro∣portion sent most adventurs. Some voyages were all of French, and all voyages were of some French. Yea, French men were so frequent at Jerusalem, That at this day all Western Europeans there are called Franks (as once I conceived, and perchance not without companie in my errour) because so many French men came thither in the Holy warre. Since, I am converted from that false opinion, having found that two

hundred yeares before the Holy warre was dreamed of, namely, in the time of Constantine* 1.60 Porphyrogenetes Emperour of the East, all Western Christians were known to the Greeks by the name of Franks; so that it seemeth the Turks borrowed that ap∣pellation from the Grecians. Thirdly, as France sent the most so many of most eminent note: She sheweth for the game no worse cards then a pair royall of Kings; Lewis the Young, Phi∣lip Augustus, and Saint Lewis; besides Philip the Bold his sonne, who went half-way to Tunis. The first and last Christian King of Europe that went to Palestine was a French man; and all the Kings of Jerusalem, Frederick the Emperour onely ex∣cepted, originally were of that nation. Fouthly, even at this day France is most loyall to the cause. Most grand Masters of the Hospitallers have been French men: And at this day the Knights of Malta, who have but four Albergies or Seminaries in all Christendome, have* 1.61 three of them in France; viz. one of France in generall, one of Avergne, and one of Provence. Yet France carrieth not the upper hand so clearly, but that Ger∣manie justleth for it; especially if we adde to it the Low-coun∣treys, the best stable of wooden horses, and most potent in shipping in that age of any countrey in Europe: which though an amphibion betwixt both, yet custome at this day adjudgeth it Dutch.

Now these are the severall accents of honour in the Ger∣mane service: First, That countrey sheweth three Emperours in the Holy warre; Conrade, Frederick Barbarossa, and Fre∣derick the second. The last of these was solemnly crowned and peaceably possessed King of Jerusalem. Secondly, Ger∣manie sent more Princes to this warre then all Europe be∣sides. It would be an infinite task to reckon them all; it being true of the Germane Nobility, what Logicians say of a line, that it is divisibilis in semper divisibilia. Here honours equally descend to sonnes and daughters; whereby they have Counts without counting in the whole Empire: There were seven∣teen Princes of Henault, and seven and twenty Earls of Mans∣field all living together: So that one of their own countrey men saith, that the Dutch esteem none to be men, but onely such as are Noble-men. We will not take notice of Germanie as it is minced into petty Principalities, but as cut into principall Provinces. We find these regnant Princes (for as for their younger brethren, herein they are not accounted) to have been personally present in the Holy warre:

Prince Palatine of Rhene,

• Henry 1197

Duke (or as others, King) of Bohemia,

• Joboslaus, or Ladislaus 1147

Duke of Saxonie,

• Henry the younger 1197

Mar quesse of Brandenburg,

• Otho 1197

Archbishops of Mentz,

• 1 Conrade
• 2 Siphred 1197

Archbish. of Triers,

• Theodoricus 1216

Archbish. of Colen,

• Theodoricus 1216

Dukes of Austria,

• 1 Leopoldus the second 1190
• 2 Frederick 1197
• 3 Leopoldus the third, surna∣med the Glorious 1216

Dukes of Bavaria,

• 1 Guelpho 1101
• 2 Henry 1147
• 3 Lewis 1216

Landt-graves of Thuringia,

• 1 Herman 1197
• 2 Lewis 1227

Marquesse of Moravia,

• Conrade 1197

Duke of Mechlenburg,

• Henry 1277

Earls of Flandres,

• 1 Theodoricus 1147
• 2 Philippus 1190
• 3 Baldwine 1200
• 4 William Dampier 1250
• 5 Guido 1270

Dukes of Brabant,

• 1 Godfrey 1195
• 2 Henry 1227

Earl of Holland,

• William 1216

All these (I say not, these were all) went themselves, and led forth other companies, suitable to their greatnesse. The Reader, as he lighteth on more, at his leisure may strike them into this catalogue. Thirdly, Germanie maintained the Teutonick Or∣der, wholly consisting of her nation; besides Templars and Hospitallers, whereof she had abundance: of whose loyall and valiant service we have spoken largely before. Lastly, She fought another Holy warre at the same time against the Tartars and other barbarous people, which invaded her on her North-east∣part. And though some will except, That that warre cannot be intituled Holy, because being on the defensive, it was rather of nature and necessitie then pietie: yet upon examination it will appear, that this service was lesse superstitious, more charitable to Christendome, and more rationall and discreet in it self; it being better husbandrie, to save a whole cloth in Europe, then to winne a ragge in Asia.

Chap. 22.

The English and Italian service compared; Of the Spanish, Polish, Norvegian, Hungarian, Danish, and Swedish performance in this warre.

NExt in this race of honour follow England and Italie be∣ing verie even and hard-matched. England (it is no flat∣terie to affirm what envie cannot denie) spurreth up close for the prize; and though she had a great disadvantage in the starting, (Italie being much nearer to Palestine) yet she quick∣ly recovered it. Our countrey sent one King, (Richard the first) and three Kings sonnes (Robert Courthois, Richard of Cornwall, and Prince Edward) to this warre. Yea, England was a dayly friend to this action: and besides these great and grosse summes of visible adventurers, she dropped and cast in privily many a Pilgrime of good qualitie; so that there was scarce any remarkable battel or memorable siege done through the warre wherein there were not some English of eminent desert.

Yet Italy cometh not any whit behind, if the atchievements of her severall States, Venetians, Genoans, Pisans, Sicilians, Florentines, were made and moulded up together. Yea, for sea∣service and engineers in this warre, they bear the bell away from all other nations. But these things allay the Italian service: 1. It was not so abstracted from the dregs of mercinarinesse as that of other countreys, (whose adventurers counted their very work herein sufficient wages) but before they would yield their assistance they indented and covenanted with the King of Jerusa∣lem to have such and such profits, pensions, and priviledges in all places they took, to them and their posteritie; not as an ho∣norarie reward freely conferred on them but in nature of wages ex pacto contracted for aforehand: as the Genoans had in Ptole∣mais, and the Venetians in Tyre. 2. These Italians stopped two gaps with one bush:* 1.62 they were Merchant-Pilgrimes, and together applied themselves to profit and pietie. Here in Tyre they had their banks, and did drive a sweet trade of spices and other Eastern commodities. 3. Lastly, As at first they gave good milk, so they kicked it down with their heel, and by their mutuall discord caused the losse of all they helped to gain in Syria.

Spain was exercised all the time of this warre in defending her self against the Moores and Saracens in her own bowels: Yet such was her charitie, that whilest her own house was on

burning, she threw some buckets of water to quench her neigh∣bours: and as other nations cast their superfluitie, she her wi∣dows mite into the treasurie of this action; and produceth two Theobalds Kings of Navarre, and Alphonse King of Castile, that undertook expeditions to Palestine.

Hungary sheweth one King, Andrew; who washed himself in Jordan, and then shrinking in the wetting returned present∣ly home again. But this countrey, though it self did go little, yet was much gone through to the Holy warre (being the rode to Syria for all land armies) and merited well in this action, in giving peaceable passage and courteous entertainment to Pil∣grimes; as to Duke Godfrey, and Frederick Barbarossa, with all their souldiers as they travelled through it. Had the Kings of Hungarie had the same principle of basenesse in their souls as the Emperours of Grecia, they had had the same cause of jea∣lousie against the Christians that passed this way; yet they used them most kindly, and disdained all dishonourable suspicio••s. True it is, at the first voyage, King Coloman, not out of crueltie but carefulnesse and necessary securitie, did use his sword against some unruly and disorderly Pilgrimes: but none were there abu∣sed which first abused not themselves. But what-ever Hungarie was in that age, it is at this day Christendomes best land bul∣wark against the Turks: Where this prettie custome is used, That the men wear so many feathers as they have killed Turks; which if observed elsewhere, either feathers would be lesse, or valour more in fashion.

Poland could not stirre in this warre, as lying constant per∣due of Christendome against the Tartarian;* 1.63 yet we find* 1.64 Bo∣leslaus Crispus Duke or King thereof (waiting on, shall I say? or) accompanying Conrade the Emperour in his voyage to Palestine; and having defraid all his and his armies costs and charges towards Constantinople, he returned home, as not to be spared in his own Countrey. But if by King Davids* 1.65 sta∣tute, the keepers of the baggage are to be sharers in the spoil with the fighters of the battel, then surely Poland and such other countreys may entitle themselves to the honour of the warre in Palestine; which in the mean time kept home, had an eye to the main chance, and defended Europe against forrein invaders.

Norway (in that age the sprucest of the three Kingdomes of Scandia, and best tricked up with shipping; though at this day the case is altered with her, and she turned from taking to paying of tribute) sent her fleet of tall souldiers to Syria: who like good fellows, asked nothing for their work but their victuals, and valiantly wonne the city of Sidon for the King of Jerusalem. And it is considerable, that Syria (but a step or

stride from Italie) was a long race from Norway; so that their Pilgrimes went not only into another countrey but into ano∣ther world.

Denmark was also partner in the foresaid service. Also after∣wards, Ericus* 1.66 her King, though he went not quite through to the Holy land, yet behaved himself bravely in Spain, and there assisted the winning of Lisbon from the Infidels. His successour * 1.67 Canutus anno 1189, had provided his navie, but was prevented by death: his ships neverthelesse came to Syria.

Of Sweden in this grand-jurie of nations I heare no Vous avez; but her default of appearance hath been excused* 1.68 be∣fore.

Chap. 23.

Of the Scottish, Welsh, and Irish, their severall adventures.

THere remain behind the Scottish, Welsh, and Irish. It may occasion suspicion, that these nations either did neglect or are neglected in this Holy warre, because clean through this Historie there is no mention of them or their atchievements. True it is, these countreys can boast of no King of their own sent to Syria, nor of any great appearing service by them alone per∣formed. It seemeth then they did not so 〈◊〉〈◊〉 much play the game themselves, as bet on the hands of others: and haply the Scot∣tish service is accounted to the French; the Welsh and Irish, to the English.

That Scotland was no ciphre in this warre, plainly appear∣eth; 1. In that* 1.69 David, Earl of Huntington, and younger bro∣ther to William the Elder King of Scotland, went along with our Richard the first; no doubt suitably attended with souldi∣ers. This David was by a tempest cast into Egypt, taken ca∣ptive by the Turks, bought by a Venetian, brought to Con∣stantinople, there known and redeemed by an English mer∣chant, and at last safely arrived at* 1.70 Alectum in Scotland; which Alectum he in memorie and gratitude of his return called Dundee, or Dei donum, Gods gift. 2. By the plentifull provision which there was made for the Templars and Ho∣spitallers: Who here enjoyed great priviledges: this amongst many others,* 1.71 (Take the Scottish law in its pure naturals) That the Master of the Knicts of the Temple and chief Priors of the Hospitall of Jerusalem (wha were keepers of strangers to the Haly grave) sould be receaved themselves personally in any

suit without entertaining a procuratour for them. Nor must we here forget a Saint, Willam a Scot, of Perth by birth, by trade a baker, in charitie so abundant that he gave his tenth loaf to the poore, in zeal so fervent that he vowed to visit the Holy land. But in his journey, as he passed through Kent,* 1.72 he was slain by his servant, buried at Rochester; afterwards Sainted, and shewed many miracles.

Neither may we think, whilest all other nations were at this Martiall school, that Wales the while truanted at home. The Welsh, saith my* 1.73 Authour, left their forrests; and now with them no sport to the hunting of Turks: especially after that * 1.74 Wizo and Walter his sonne, had founded the fair Comman∣drie for Hospitallers at Slebach in Pembroke-shire, and endow∣ed it with rich revenues.

Ireland also putteth in for her portion of honour in this service. Indeed, for the first fourescore yeares in the Holy warre, Ireland did little there, or in any other Countrey. It was divided into many pettie Kingdomes; so that her peoples va∣lour had no progressive motion in length, to make any impres∣sion in forrein parts, but onely moving round in a circle at home, their pettie Reguli spending themselves against them∣selves, till our Henry the second conquered them all. After which time the Irish began to look abroad into Palestine: wit∣nesse many houses for Templars, and the stately Priorie of Kilmainam nigh Dublin for Hospitallers; the last Lord Prior whereof at the dissolution, was Sir John Rawson. Yea, we may well think, that all the consort of Christendome in this warre could have made no musick if the Irish harp had been wanting.* 1.75

Chap. 24.

Of the honourable Arms in scutcheons of Nobi∣litie occasioned by their service in the Holy warre.

NOw for a corollarie to this storie, if we survey the scutche∣ons of the Christian Princes and Nobilitie at this day, we shall find the Arms of divers of them pointing at the atchieve∣ments of their predecessours in the Holy warre.

Thus the* 1.76 Dukes of Austria bear Gules a Fesse Argent, in memory of the valour of Leopoldus at the siege of Ptolemais; whereof before.

The Duke of Savoy* 1.77 beareth Gules a Crosse Argent, being the Crosse of S. John of Jerusalem; because his predecessours were speciall benefactours to that Order, and assisted them in de∣fending of Rhodes.

Queens Colledge in Cambridge (to which I ow my educati∣on for my first seven yeares in that Universitie) giveth for parcel of her Arms, amongst many other rich Coats, the Crosse of Je∣rusalem; as being founded by Queen Margaret, wife to King Henry the sixth, and daughter of Renate Earl of Angiers and titular King of Sicilie and Jerusalem.

The noble and numerous familie of the Douglasses in Scot∣land (whereof at this day are one Marquesse, two Earls, and a Vice count) give in their Arms a mans Heart, ever since* 1.78 Robert Bruce King of Scotland bequeathed his heart to James Dou∣glasse, to carry it to Jerusalem; which he accordingly performed.

To instance in particulars were endlesse: we will only summe them up in generals. Emblemes of honour born in Coats occa∣sioned by the Holy warre, are reducible to these heads:

1. Scallop-shells: which may fitly for the workmanship thereof be called artificium naturae. It seemeth Pilgrimes carried them constantly with them, as Diogenes did his dish, to drink in. * 1.79 I find an order of Knights called Equites Cochleares, wearing belike Cocle or Scallop-shells, belonging to them who had done good sea-service, especially in the Holy warre: and many Hol∣landers (saith my Authour) for their good service at the siege of Damiata were admitted into that Order.

2. Saracens heads; It being a maxime in Heraldrie, that it is more honourable to bear the head then any other part of the bodie. They are commonly born either black or bloudie. But if Saracens in their Arms should use Christians heads, I doubt not but they would shew ten to one.

3. Pilgrimes or Palmers Scrips or Bags; the Arms of the worshipfull family of the* 1.80 Palmers in Kent.

4. Pilgrimes Staves, and such like other implements and accoutrements belonging unto them.

5. But the chiefest of all is the Crosse, which though born in Arms before, yet was most commonly and generally used since the Holy warre. The plain Crosse, or S. Georges Crosse, I take to be the mother of all the rest; as plain-song is much se∣niour to any running of division. Now as by transposition of a few letters, a world of words are made; so by the varying of this Crosse in form, colour, and metall (ringing as it were the changes) are made infinite severall Coats: The Crosse of Ie∣rusalem or five crosses, most frequently used in this warre; Crosse Patée, because the ends thereof are broad; Fichée, whose bottom is sharp, to be fixed in the ground; Wavée, which those may

justly wear who sailed thither through the miseries of the sea, or sea of miseries: Molinée, because like to the rind of a mill: Saltyrée, or S. Andrews Crosse: Florid, or garlanded with flow∣ers: the Crosse crossed: Besides the divers tricking or dressing; as piercing, voiding, fimbriating, ingrailing, couping; And in fan∣sie and devices there is still a plus ultra; insomuch that Crosses alone as they are variously disguised, are enough to distinguish all the severall families of Gentlemen in England.

Exemplary is the Coat of George Villiers Duke of Bucking∣ham; five Scallop-shells on a plain Crosse, speaking his prede∣cessours valour in the Holy warre. For Sir Nicolas de Villi∣ers Knight, followed Edward the first in his warres in the Ho∣ly land; and then and there assumed this his new Coat: For formerly he bore Sable three Cinquefoils Argent. This* 1.81 Ni∣colas was the ancestour of the Duke of Buckingham, lineally descended from the ancient familie of Villiers in Normandie; then which name none more redoubred in this service: For we * 1.82 find John de Villiers the one and twentieth Master of the Hospitallers; and another Philip de Villiers Master of Rhodes, under whom it was surrendred to the Turks; a yielding equall to a conquest.

Yet should one labour to find a Mysterie in all Arms, relating to the qualitie or deserts of the owners of them (like Chrysip∣pus, who troubled himself with a great contention to find out a Stoicall assertion of Philosophie in every fiction of the Poets) he would light on a labour in vain. For I believe (be it spoken with loyaltie to all Kings of Arms, and Heralds their Lieute∣nants in that facultie) that at the first, the* 1.83 will of the bearer was the reason of the bearing; or if at their originall of assuming them there were some speciall cause, yet time since hath cancel∣led it: And as in Mythologie, the morall hath often been made since the Fable; so a sympathy betwixt the Arms and the bearer hath sometimes been of later invention. I denie not but in some Coats some probable reason may be assigned of bearing them: But it is in vain to digge for mines in every ground, because there is lead in Mendip hills.

To conclude; As great is the use of Arms, so this especially, To preserve the memories of the dead. Many a dumbe mo∣nument, which through time or sacriledge hath lost his tongue, the epitaph, yet hath made such signes by the scutcheons about it, that Antiquaries have understood who lay there en∣tombed.

Chap. 25.

Some offers of Christian Princes for Palestine since the end of the Holy warre, by Henry the fourth of England, Charles the eighth of France, and Iames the fourth of Scotland.

AS after that the bodie of the sunne is set, some shining still surviveth in the West: so after this Holy warre was expi∣red, we find some straggling rayes and beams of valour offering that way; ever and anon the Christian Princes having a bout with that design. To collect the severall essayes of Princes glancing on that project, were a task of great pains and small profit; specially, some of them being umbrages and State-re∣presentations rather then realities, to ingratiate Princes with their subjects, or with the oratorie of so pious a project to wooe money out of peoples purses, or thereby to cloke and cover armies levied to other intents: Besides, most of their designes were abortive, or aborsive rather, like those untimely mis∣carriages not honoured with a soul or the shape and lineaments of an infant. Yet to save the Readers longing, we will give him a tast or two; and begin with that of our Henry the fourth of England.

The end of the reign of this our Henry was peaceable and prosperous. For though his title was builded on a bad foun∣dation, yet it had strong buttresses: most of the Nobilitie fa∣voured and fenced it: And as for the house of York, it ap∣peared not; its best bloud as yet ranne in feminine veins, and therefore was the lesse active. Now King Henry in the sunne-shine evening of his life (after a stormy day) was dis∣posed to walk abroad, and take in some forrein aire. He pitch∣ed his thoughts on the Holy* 1.84 warre, for to go to Jerusalem, and began to provide for the same. One principall motive which incited him was, That it was told him he should not die till he had heard Masse in Jerusalem. But this proved not like the revelation told to old* 1.85 Simeon: for King Henry was fain to sing his Nunc dimittis, before he expected; and died in the chamber called Ierusalem in Westminster. By com∣paring this prophesie with one of Apollo's oracles, we may conclude them to be brethren (they are so alike) and both be∣gotten of the father of lies: for the Devil eartheth himself in an homonymie, as a fox in the ground; if he be stopped at one hole, he will get out at another. How-ever, the Kings purpose

deserveth remembrance and commendation, because really and seriously intended.

Farre better, I believe, then that of Charles the eighth King of France: Who in a braving Embassage which he sent to our Henry the seventh, gave him to understand his resolutions; to make re-conquest of Naples, but as of a bridge to* 1.86 transport his forces into Grecia; and then not to spare bloud or treasure (if it were to the impairing of his Crown and dispeopling of France) till either he had overthrown the Empire of the Otto∣mans, or taken it in his way to paradise; and hence (belike) he would have at Jerusalem, invited (as he said) with the former example of our Henry the fourth. But our King Henry the seventh (being too good a fencer to mistake a flourish for a blow) quickly resented his drift (which was to perswade our King to peace, till Charles should perform his projects in little Britain and elsewhere) and dealt with him accordingly. And as for the gradation of King Charles his purposes, Naples, Grecia, Jerusa∣lem, a stately but difficult ascent, (where the stairs are so farre asunder, the legs must be long to stride them) the French nation was weary of climbing the first, and then came down, vaulting nimbly into Naples and out of it again.

More cordiall was that of* 1.87 James the fourth King of Scot∣land, that pious Prince: who being touched in conscience for his fathers death (though he did not cause it, but seemed to counte∣nance it with his presence) ever after, in token of his contrition, wore an iron chain about his body; and to expiate his fault, in∣tended a journey into Syria. He prepared his navie, provided his souldiers, imparted his project to forrein Princes; and verily had gone, if at the first other warres, and afterwards sudden death had not caused his stay.

Chap. 26.

The fictitious voyage of William Landt-grave of Hesse to Palestine confuted.

THese are enough to satisfie; more would cloy. Onely here I must discover a cheat, and have it pilloried, lest it trouble others as it hath done me: The storie I find in Calvisius, anno 1460: take it in his very words;

William the Landt-grave ap∣pointed an holy voyage to Palestine; chose his company out of many Noblemen and Earles, in number ninetie eight: He happily finished his journey; onely one of them died in Cy∣prus. He brought back with him six and fourtie ensignes of

horse.

Seven moneths were spent in the voyage, Fab. So tarre Calvisius, avouching this Fab. for his authour. Each word a wonder; not to say, an impossibilitie. What? in the yeare 1460, when the deluge of Mahometanes had overrun most of Grecia, Asia, and Syria? William, a Landt grave (of Hesse, no doubt) neither the greatest nor next to the greatest Prince in Germanie, farre from the sea, unfurnished with shipping, not within the suspicion of so great a performance? Six and fourtie horse-ensignes taken? Where? or from whom? Was it in warre, and but one man killed? A battel so bloudlesse seemeth as truth∣lesse; and the losing but of one man savoureth of never a one. But seven moneths spent? Such atchievements beseem ra∣ther an apprentiship of yeares then moneths. Besides, was Fame all the while dead, speechlesse, or asleep, that she trum∣peted not this action abroad? Did only this Fab. take notice of it? be he Faber, Fabius, Fabianus, Fabinianus, or what you please. Why is it not storied in other writers? the Dutch men giving no scant measure in such wares, and their Chronicles be∣ing more guiltie of remembring trifles then forgetting matters of moment.

Yet the gravity of Calvisius recording it, moveth me much on the other side; a Chronologer of such credit, that he may take up more belief on his bare word then some other on their bond. In this perplexitie, I wrote to my oracle in doubts of this nature, M^r. Joseph Mead fellow of Christs Colledge in Cambridge, since lately deceased: Heare his answer;

Sir,

I have found your storie in Calvisius his posthume Chronologie, but can heare of it no where else. I sought Reusners Basilica Genealogica, who is wont with the name of his Princes to note briefly any act or accident of theirs memorable, and sometimes scarce worth it: but no such of this William Landt-grave. So in conclusion, I am resolved it is a fable out of some Romainza; and that your Authour Fab. is nothing but Fabula defectively written. But you will say, Why did he put it into his book? I an∣swer, He himself did not; but had noted it in some paper put into his Chronologte, preparing for a new and fuller Edition: which, himself dying before he had digested his new Edition (as you may see I think somewhere in his preface) those who were trusted with it after his death to write it out for the presse, foolishly transfer∣red out of such a paper or perhaps out of the margin, into the text; thinking that Fab. had been some Historian, which was nothing but that she-authour Fabula. If this will not satisfie, I know not what to say more unto it. Thus with best affection I rest

Yours, JOSEPH MEAD.

Christ. Coll. June 20. 1638.

This I thought fit to recite, not for his honour but to honour my self, as conceiving it my credit to be graced with so learned a mans acquaintance.

Thus much of offertures. I will conclude with that speech of the Lady Margaret, Countesse of Richmond and Derbie, and mother to our King Henry the seventh (a most pious woman, as that age went; though I am not of his faith that believed her to be the next woman in goodnesse to the Virgin Mary:) She used to say, that if the Christian Princes would undertake a war against the Turks to recover the Holy land, she would be their * 2.1 laundresse. But I believe she performed a work more accepta∣ble in the eyes of God, in founding a Professours place in either Universitie, and in building Christs and S. Johns Colledges in Cambridge, (the seminaries of so many great scholars and grave Divines) then if she had visited either Christs sepulchre or S. Johns Church in Jerusalem.

Chap. 27.

The fortunes of Ierusalem since the Holy warre; and her present estate.

SEven yeares after the Latine Christians were finally expel∣led out of Syria, some hope presented it self of reestablish∣ing them again. For Casanus the great Tartar Prince, having of late subdued the Persians, and married the daughter of the Armenian King (a Lady of great perfection) and of a Ma∣hometane become a Christian, at the request of his wife he be∣sieged the citic* 2.2 Jerusalem, and took it without resistance. The Temple of our Saviour he gave to the Armenians,* 2.3 Georgians, and other Christians, which flocked thick out of Cyprus there to inhabit. But soon after his departure it fell back again to the Mammalukes of Egypt; who enjoyed it till Selimus the great Turk, anno 1517, overthrew the Empire of Mammalukes, and seised Jerusalem into his hand: whose successours keep it at this day.

Jerusalem better acquitteth it self to the eare then to the eye; being no whit beautifull at all. The situation thereof is very uneven, rising into hils and sinking into dales; the lively embleme of the fortunes of the place; sometimes advanced with prosperitie, sometimes depressed in misery. Once it was well compacted, and* 2.4 built as a citie that is at unitie in it self; but now distracted from it self: the suspicious houses (as if afraid to be infected with more miserie then they have alreadie, by

contiguousnesse to others) keep off at a distance, having many waste places betwixt them; not one* 2.5 fair street in the whole citie.

It hath a castle, built (as it is thought) by the Pisans,* 2.6 tole∣rably fortified. Good guard is kept about the citie, and no Chri∣stians with weapons suffered to enter. But the deepest ditch to defend Jerusalem from the Western Christians, is the remote∣nesse of it; and the strongest wall to fence it, is the Turkish Em∣pire compassing it round about.

Poor it must needs be, having no considerable commoditie to vent; except a few beads of Holy earth, which they pay too deare for that have them for the ferching. There is in the citie a covent of Franciscans, to whom Christians repair for protection during their remaining in the citie. The Padre Guardian appoin∣teth these Pilgrimes a Friar, who sheweth them all the monu∣ments about the citie: Scarce a great stone, which beareth the brow of reverend antiquitie, that passeth without a peculiar le∣gend upon it: But every vault under ground hath in it a deep mysterie indeed. Pilgrimes must follow the Friar with their bodies and belief; and take heed how they give tradition the lie, though she tell one never so boldly. The survey finished, they must pay the Guardian both for their victuals and their wel∣come, and gratifie his good words and looks; otherwise if they forget it, he will be so bold as to remember them. The Guardi∣an farmeth the Sepulchre of the Turk at a yearly rent: and the Turks which reap no benefit by Christs death, receive much profit by his buriall; and not content with their yearly rent, squeez the Friars here on all occasions, making them pay large summes for little offenses.

The other subsistence which the Friars here have, is from the benevolence of the Pope and other bountifull benefactours in Europe. Nor getteth the Padre Guardian a little by his fees of making Knights of the Sepulchre: of which Order I find, some hundred yeares since, S^r John Chamond of* 2.7 Lan∣cels in Cornwall to have been dubbed Knight. But I believe no good English subject at this day will take that honour, if offered him; both because at their creation they are to swear loyaltie to the Pope and* 2.8 King of Spain, and because honours conferred by forrein Potentates are not here in England acknow∣ledged, neither in their style nor precedency, except given by courtesie: Witnesse that famous case of the Count Arundel of Wardour, and Queen Elisabeths peremptory resolve, That her sheep should be branded with no* 2.9 strangers mark, but her own.

The land about it (as Authours generally agree) is barren. Yet * 2.10 Brochard a Monk, who lived here some two hundred yeares

since, commendeth it to be very fruitfull. Sure he had better eyes to see more then other men could; or else by a Synecdoche he imputeth the fertilitie of parcels to the whole countrey. But it is as false a consequence, as, on the other side, to conclude from the basenesse of Bagshot-heath, the barrennesse of all the Kingdome of England. We may rather believe, that since the fall of the Jews from Gods favour, the once-supernaturall ferti∣litie of the land is taken away, and the naturall strength thereof much abated and impaired.

Chap. 28.

Whether it be probable that this Holy warre will ever hereafter be set on foot again.

THus we state the question; Whether this Holy warre, I mean, for the winning of the citie of Jerusalem and recover∣ing of Palestine, will probably ever hereafter be projected and acted again. We may believe this tragedie came off so ill the last acting, that it will not be brought on the stage the second time.

1. The Pope will never offer to give motion to it, as know∣ing it unlikely to succeed. Policies of this nature are like sleights of hand, to be shewed but once; lest what is admired at first be derided afterwards.

2. Princes are grown more cunning, and will not bite at a bait so stale, so often breathed on. The Popes ends in this warre are now plainly smelt out; which though prettie and pleasing at first, yet Princes are not now, like the native Indians, to be co∣zened with glasse and gaudie toyes: The loadstone to draw their affection (now out of non-age) must present it self necessary, profitable, and probable to be effected.

3. There is a more needfull work nearer hand; to resist the Turks invasion in Europe. Heark how the Grecians call unto us, as once* 2.11 the man in the vision did to S. Paul, Come over into Macedonia, and help us. Yea, look on the Popes projects of the last Edition, and we shall find the businesse of the Sepulchre buried in silence, and the Holy warre running in another chanel, against the Turks in Christendome.

4 Lastly, who is not sensible with sorrow of the dissensions (better suiting with my prayers then my penne) wherewith Christian Princes at this day are rent in sunder? wounds so wide that onely Heavens chirurgerie can heal them: Till which time no hope of a Holy warre against the generall and common foe of our Religion.

We may safely conclude, that the regaining of Jerusalem and the Holy land from the Turks, may better be placed a∣mongst our desires then our hopes; as improbable ever to come to passe: except the Platonick yeare, turning the wheel of all actions round about, bring the spoke of this Holy warre back again.

Chap. 29.

Of the many Pretenders of titles to the King∣dome of Ierusalem.

NO Kingdome in the world is challenged at this day by such an armie of Kings as this of Jerusalem: It is sooner told what Princes of Europe do not, then what do lay claim to it; they be so many. Take their names as I find them in the Catalogue of Stephen a Cypriot.

• 1. The Emperours of the East.
• 2 The Patriarchs of Ierusalem.
• 3 The Lusignans, Kings of Cyprus.
• 4 Emfred Prince of Thorone.
• 5 Conrade de la-Rame Marquesse of Montferrat.
• 6 The Kings of England.
• 7 His Holinesse.
• 8 The Kings of Naples.
• 9 The Princes of Antioch.
• 10 The Counts of Brienne.
• 11 The Kings of Armenia.
• 12 The Kings of Hungarie.
• 13 The Kings of Aragon.
• 14 The Dukes of Anjou.
• 15 The Dukes of Loraine.
• 16 Lewis the eleventh, King of France.
• 17 The Dukes of Bourbon.
• 18 The Dukes of Savoy.
• 19 Iames de Lusigna, base sonne to the King of Cyprus.
• 20 Charles de Lusigna, sonne to the Prince of Galilee.
• 21 The State of Genoa.
• 22 The Marquesse of Montferrat.
• 23 The Count of la-Vall.
• 24 The Arch Duke of Nize.
• 25 The Sultan of Egypt.
• 26 The Emperour of the Turks.

It seemeth by the naming of Lewis ••he eleventh and James the bastard of Cyprus, that this list was taken about the

yeare 1466. And now how would a Herald sweat with scouring over these time-rustie titles, to shew whence these Princes deri∣ved their severall claims, and in whom the right resteth at this day? and when his work is done, who should pay him his wages?

My clew of thread is not strong enough, on the guidance thereof for me to venture into this labyrinth of Pedegrees; we will content our selves with these generall observations:

1. It seemeth this catalogue containeth as well those who had jus in Regno as those who had jus ad Regnum: as namely, the Prince of Thorone, and Patriarchs of Jerusalem, and State of Genoa; whose ambition surely soared not so high as to claim the Kingdome of Jerusalem, but rather perched it self upon some lands and Signories challenged therein.

2. A small matter will serve to intitle a Prince to a titular Kingdome: In this case, Kings can better digest corrivals where they be many, and all challenge what is worth nothing. In this catalogue it seemeth some onely intitle themselves out of good fellowship and love of good company: These like squirrels re∣cover themselves, and climbe up to a claim on the least bough, twig, yea leaf of a Right. Thus the Counts of Brienne in France (if any still remain of that house) gave away their cake and kept it still; in that John Bren parted with his right to this Kingdome, in match with Iole his daughter to Frederick the second Emperour, and yet the Earls of his familie pretend still to Jerusalem.

3. We may believe, that by matches and under-matches some of these titles may reside in private Gentlemen; especially in France: And what wonder? seeing within fourteen generati∣ons, the* 2.12 royall bloud of the Kings of Judah ran in the veins of plain Joseph a painfull carpenter.

4. At this day some of those titles are finally extinct: as that of the Emperours of the East, conquered by the Ottoman fami∣ly: Their Imperiall Eagle was so far from beholding the sunne, that the half-moon dazzled, yea quite put out his eyes. Rank in the same form the Kings of Armenia, and Sultans of Egypt.

5. Some of these titles are translated: That of the Lusignans, Kings of Cyprus, probably passed with that Island to the State of Venice; The claim of the Hungarian Kings seemeth at this day to remain in the Germane Emperour.

6. Some united: The claim of the Archdukes of Nize (a style I meet not with elsewhere) twisted with that of the Duke Savoy; The Kings of Naples and Aragon now joyned in the King of Spain.

7. Of those which are extant at this day, Englands appear∣•••• first; our Richard receiving it in exchange of King Guy 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Island of Cyprus. Guy's resignation was voluntarie

and publick; the world was witnesse to it: He truly received a valuable consideration, which his heirs long peaceably enjoyed; and our English Kings styled themselves* 2.13 Kings of Jerusalem, till afterwards they disused it for* 2.14 reasons best known to them∣selves. Our Poet Harding, in a paper he presented to King Henry the sixth, cleareth another double title of our Kings thereunto: And because some palates love the mouldie best, and place the goodnesse of old verses in the badnesse of them, take them as they fell from his penne;

To Ierusalem, I say, ye have great right From Erle Geffray that hight Plantogenet, Of Aungeoy Erle, a Prince of passing might, The eldest sonne of Fouke, and first beget, King of Ierusalem by his wife dewly set; Whose sonne Geffray foresaid gat on his wife Henry the second, that was known full rise.

Yet have ye more, from Bawldwyne Paralyticus King afterward, to the same King Henry The Crown sent and his Banner pretious, As very heire of whole Auncestrie Descent of bloud by title lineally From Godfray Boleyn, and Robert Curthose, That Kings were thereof and chose.

8. Then cometh forth the Pope title; who claimeth it many wayes: Either because he was the first and chiefest mover and advancer of this warre, Lord Paramont of this action, and all the Pilgrimes no better then his servants; and then according to the rule in Civil law,* 2.15 Quodcunque per servum acquiritur, id Domino acquiritur suo: Or else he challengeth it from John Bren, who * 2.16 subjected that Kingdome to the See of Rome; and yet the said John used the style of Jerusalem all the dayes of his life, and also gave it away in match with his daughter: Or else he deri∣veth it as forfeited to him by the Emperour Frederick the second and his sonnes, for taking arms against the Church. But what need these farre-abouts? They go the shortest cut, who accoun∣ting the Pope Gods Lieutenant on earth (though by a Com∣mission of his own penning) give him a temporall power (espe∣cially in ordine ad spiritualia) over all the Kingdomes of the world.

The originall right of Jerusalem he still keepeth in himself, yet hath successively gratified many Princes with a title deri∣ved from him: Nor shineth his candle the dimmer by light∣ing of others. First he bestowed his title on Charles of Anjou,

King of Sicilie (from which root spring the many-branched French competitours) and since hath conferred the same on the house of Aragon, or King of Spain. Which King alone weareth it in his style at this day, and maketh continuall warre with the Turk, who detaineth Jerusalem from him: Yea, all West Chri∣stendome oweth her quiet sleep to his constant waking, who with his galleys muzzleth the mouth of Tunis and Algier. Yea, God in his providence hath so ordered it, that the Dominions of Catholick Princes (as they term them) are the case and cover on the East and South to keep and fense the Protestant countreys.

The quit-rent which the King of Spain payeth yearly to the Pope for the Kingdomes of Jerusalem, Naples, and Sicilie, is foure thousand crowns, sent to his Holinesse upon a* 2.17 hackney: Who grudgeth his tenant so great a penie-worth; yet cannot help himself, except he would follow the Friars advice, To send home the Spanish Hackney with a great Horse after him. What credit there is to be given to that through-old (if not doting) prophecie, That a* 2.18 Spaniard shall one day recover Jerusalem, we leave to the censure of others; and mean time we will conclude more serious matters with this pleasant passage:

When the late warres in the dayes of Queen* 2.19 Elisabeth were hot between England and Spain, there were Commissioners on both sides appointed to treat of peace: They met at a town of the French Kings: and first it was debated, what tongue the negotiation should be handled in. A Spaniard, thinking to give the English Commissioners a shrewd gird, proposed the French tongue as most fit, it being a language which the Spaniards were well skilled in; and for these Gen∣tlemen of England, I suppose (said he) that they cannot be ignorant of the language of their fellow-subjects; their Queen is Queen of France as well as England. Nay in faith, Masters (replyed Doctor Dale, the Master of Requests) the French tongue is too vulgar for a businesse of this secrecie and impor∣tance, especially in a French town: we will rather treat in He∣brew the language of Jerusalem, whereof your Master is King; I suppose you are herein as well skilled as we in French.

At this day the Turk hath eleven points of the law in Jeru∣salem, I mean possession: and which is more, prescription of a hundred and twentie yeares, if you date it from the time it came into the Ottoman familie; but farre more, if you compute it from such time as the Mammaluke Turks have enjoyed it. Yea, likely they are to keep it, being good at hold-fast, and who will as soon lose their teeth as let goe their prey. With

the description of the greatnesse of which Empire will we (God willing) now close this Historie.

Chap. 30.

Of the greatnesse, strength, wealth, and wants of the Turkish Empire; What hopes of the approching ruine thereof.

THe Turkish Empire is the greatest and best-compacted (not excepting the Romane it self in the height thereof) that the sunne ever saw. Take sea and land together (as bones and flesh make up one bodie) and from Buda in the West to Tauris in the East, it stretcheth about three thousand miles: little lesse is the extent thereof North and South. It lieth in the heart of the world, like a bold champion bidding defiance to all his bor∣derers, commanding the most fruitfull countreys of Europe, Asia, and Africa: Onely America (not more happy in her rich mines then in her remotenesse) lieth free from the reach there∣of.

Populous it is not; for men will never grow thick where meat groweth thinne: It lieth waste, according to the old Proverb, Grasse springeth not where the Grand Signors horse setteth his foot. Besides, a third part (I may say, halfe) of those in Turkie are not Turks, but either Jews or Chri∣stians.

The strength of this Empire consisteth either in bones or stones, men or munition. Of the first, The best stake in the Turks hedge is his great number of Horsemen called* 2.20 Tima∣riots, conceived to exceed seven hundred thousand fighting men: These are dispersed over all Dominions, and have lands allotted unto them in reward of their good service and valour, much in the nature of those souldiers of the Romish Empire called Beneficiari. And indeed the Turkish Empire resembleth the Romane in many particulars: not that they ever studied imitation, and by reading of Historie conform∣ed their State to Romane precedents, (farre be it from us to wrong them with the false imputation of so much learn∣ing) but rather casually they have met in some common principles of policie. Of these Timariots, on occasion and competent warning, he can bring into the field an hundred and fiftie thousand, all bound by the tenure of their lands to arme, clothe, feed, pay themselves: So great an armie,

which would drain the wealth of other Princes, doth cost the great Turk no drop of expense.

Next follow his best footmen, called Janizaries, taken young from their Christian parents (parallel to the Romane Pretorian souldiers) being the guard of the Grand Signors person. But as they watch about him, so he casteth a watch∣full eye on them; seeing of late they are grown from painfull to be proud, yea insolent and intolerable: it being true of these Janizaries in the Turkish Empire, as of Elephants in an armie; If well ruled, they alone are enough to winne the battel; if unruly, they alone are enough to lose it. As for all other sorts of the Turks, both foot and horse, they are but slugs; as whom the Grand Signor little trusteth, and others need lesse fear.

His Frontier cities, especially those which respect Christen∣dome, are exactly fortified. Rank with these such places of im∣portance and castles as command passages of consequence. As for his inland-cities, there is no superfluous, scarce competent, strength in them. But if we allow those people to be chaste who never were solicited to be otherwise, then may many cities lying in the bowels of his Empire passe for strong, which for a long time have not had not in haste are likely to have the temp∣tation of a siege.

Of Ordinance he hath great store, and hath excellent mate∣rials to make them of; and is also very powerfull in shipping. Indeed ships of great burden would be burdensome in those narrow seas, and experience hath found lesser vessels of greater use, whereof he hath store. And though the Turks either want ingenie or industrie, either care not or cannot be good ship-wrights themselves; yet the spite is, as long as there is gold amongst the Turks there will be drosse amongst the Christi∣ans, I mean some who for base gain will betray the mysteries of our usefull arts unto them. As for wood to build with, he hath excellent in Bithynia; yea, generally in this wild Empire, trees grow better then men. To his sea-munition may be re∣duced his multitude of slaves, though not the informing yet (against their wills) the assisting form of his Galleys, and in whom consisteth a great part of their strength and swift∣nesse.

Nor must we forget the Pirates of Tunis and Algier, which are Turks and no Turks: Sometimes the Grand Signor dis∣claimeth, renounceth, and casteth them off to stand upon their own bottom; as when those Christian Princes which are con∣federate with him, complain to him of the wrongs those sea∣••obbers have done them. But though he sendeth them out to seek their own meat, he can clock them under his wings

at pleasure: And we may verily believe, though sometimes in the summer of his own prosperitie he throweth them off as an upper garment of no use, yet in cold weather he will buckle them on again; and if necessitie pincheth him, receive them not as re∣tainers at large but as his best servants in ordinarie.

Nor is it the last and least part of the strength of this Empire, that all her native people are linked together in one religion: The discords about which in other Kingdomes have been the cause, first of the unjoynting, and then of the finall ruine and de∣solation of many worthy States: Whereas here, the Mahometane religion (if I wrong it not with so good a name) is so full of unitie and agreement, that there is no difference and dissension about it. Yea, well may that coat have no seam which hath no shape. A senselesse ignorant profession it is, not able to go to the cost of a controversie: And all colours may well agree in the dark.

Next the strength followeth the wealth; yea, it is part there∣of: For all rich Kingdomes may be strong, and purchase artifici∣all fortification. The certain and constant revenues of the great Turk are not great, if withall we consider the spatiousnesse of his Dominions. Some have mounted his ordinarie yearly in∣come to eight* 2.21 millions of gold. But men guesse by uncertain aim at Princes revenues; especially if they be so remote: We may believe that in their conjecture herein, though they misse the mark, they hit the butt. Farre greater might his intrado be, if husband••ie, and chiefly merchandise, were plied in his coun∣trey; merchants being the Vena porta of a Kingdome; without which it may have good limbes, but emptie veins, and nourish little. Now although this Empire be of a vast extent, having ma∣ny safe harbours to receive strangers there, and Stable commo∣dities (chiefly if industrie were used) to allure them thither; yet hath it in effect but foure prime places of trading; Constanti∣nople, Cairo, Aleppo, and Tauris. As for the extraordinarie revenues of the Grand Signor, by his escheats and other courses, if he pleaseth to take them, they are a Nemo scit: For in effect he is worth as much as all his subjects (or flaves rather) through∣out his whole Empire are worth, his spunges to squeeze at pleasure.

But the Lion is not so fierce as he is painted, nor this Empire so formidable as fame giveth it out. The Turks head is lesse then his turbant, and his turbant lesse then it seemeth; swel∣ling without, hollow within. If more seriously it be consi∣dered, this State cannot be strong, which is a pure and abso∣lute tyrannie. His subjects under him have nothing certain but this, That they have nothing certain; and may thank the Grand Signot for giving them whatsoever he taketh not away from them. Their goods they hold by permission not proprietie;

not sure that either they or theirs shall reap what they sow, or eat what they reap: and hereupon husbandrie is wholly neg∣lected: For the plowman (aswell as the ground he ploweth) will be soon out of heart, if not maintained and (as I may say) composted with hopes to receive benefit by his labours. Here great officers, if they love themselves, must labour not to bee beloved: for popularitie is high treason; and generally wealth is a sinne to be expiated by death. In a word, it is a cruel tyran∣nie, bathed in the bloud of their Emperours upon every successi∣on; a heap of vassals and slaves; no Nobles (except for time being, by office) no Gentlemen, no Free-men, no inheritance of land, no Stirp or ancient families; a nation without any mora∣litie, arts and sciences, that can scarce measure an acre of land or houre of a day.

And needeth not that Kingdome constant and continued pointing, which is cemented with fear not love? May wee not justly think, that there be many in this Empire which rather wait a time then want desire to overthrow it? For though some thinke the Grecians in Turkie bear such inveterate hate to the Latine Christians, that they would rather refuse delive∣rance then accept them for their deliverers; yet surely both they, and perchance some native Turks, out of that principle of desiring libertie (the second rule next preserving life in the charter of Nature) would be made (if this Empire were seri∣ously invaded, so that the foundation thereof did totter) sooner to find two hands to pluck it downe then one finger to hold it up.

And we have just cause to hope that the fall of this unwiel∣die Empire doth approch. It was high noon with it fiftie yeares ago; we hope now it draweth near night: the rather, because luxurie, though late, yet at last hath found the Turks out, or they it. When first they came out of Turcomania, and were in their pure naturals, they were wonderfully abstemious, neg∣lecting all voluptuousnesse, not so much out of a dislike as igno∣rance of it: But now having tasted the sweetnesse of the cup, they can drink as great a draught as any others. That Paradise of cor∣porall pleasure which Mahomet promised them in the world to come, they begin to anticipate here, at leastwise to take an earnest of it, and have well soked themselves in luxurie. Yea, now they begin to grow covetous, both Prince and people, ra∣ther seeking to enjoy their means with quiet then enlarge them with danger.

Heaven can as easily blast an oak as trample a mushrome. And we may expect the ruine of this great Empire will come: for of late it hath little increased its stock, and now begin∣neth to spend of the principall. It were arrant presumption

for Flesh to prescribe God his way; or to teach him, when he meaneth to shoot, which arrow in his quiver to choose. Per∣chance the Western Christians, or the Grecians under him (though these be better for seconds then firsts, fitter to foment then raise a faction) or his own Janizaries, or the Persian, or the Tartarian, or some other obscure Prince not as yet come into play in the World, shall have the lustre from God to maul this great Empire. It is more then enough for any man to set down the fate of a single soul; much more to resolve the doom of a whole nation when it shall be, These things we leave to Providence to work, and posteritie to behold: As for our gene∣ration, let us sooner expect the dissolutions of our own Micro∣cosmes, then the confusion of this Empire: For neither are our own sins yet truly repented of, to have this punishment removed from us; nor the Turks wickednesse yet come to full ripenesse, to have this great judgement laid upon them.

Soli Deo gloria.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Anno Dom.
• * 1.2

  1310
• * 1.3

  Sabellicus, Enn. 9. lib. 7. Platina, in vita Clem. V.
• * 1.4

  1310
• * 1.5

  Hospin. de orig. Mon. cap. 18. fol. 193.
• * 1.6

  P. Aemylim in Philippo Pulchro.
• * 1.7

  1301
• * 1.8

  1310
• * 1.9

  Urspergens. Paralip. fol. 368.
• * 1.10

  Antonius; tit. 21. cap. 1. §. 3••.
• * 1.11

  Camdens Brit. in Bed∣fordshire.
• * 1.12

  Jacob. Ste∣phanus, De jurisdictione, lib. 4. cap. 10. §. 18.
• * 1.13

  1311
• * 1.14

  Hospin. De orig. Mon. cap. 18. fol. 193.
• * 1.15

  Hicronima Romano, De la republica Christ. lib. 7. cap. 6. Et Pero Mexya, De la silva de varia letti∣on. lib. 2. cap. 5.
• * 1.16

  Hospin. De orig. Mon. cap. 17. fol. 190.
• * 1.17

  Acts 28. 4.
• * 1.18

  Mr. Gr. Gibs of S. Perrot, Dorset.
• * 1.19

  Cassanaem. part. 9. consi∣derat. 4.
• * 1.20

  Statut. in 27^• Henr. viii.
• * 1.21

  Parlam. Anno 320. Henr. viii.
• * 1.22

  Weaver, Mon. pag. 114.
• * 1.23

  1540 May 7'
• * 1.24

  Idem, pag. 430.
• * 1.25

  stow.
• * 1.26

  Parlam. Anno 2^• & 3^• Phil. & Mariae.
• * 1.27

  Chap. 9. and 10.
• * 1.28

  Froissard, lib. 4. cap. 18, 19.
• * 1.29

  Monstrell. lib. 3. cap. 68.
• * 1.30

  Epist. seu Orat. de iis qui adeunt Hiero∣sol. Edit. Gr. Lat. Parisils, 1615.
• * 1.31

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.32

  M. Paris. in anno 1099.
• * 1.33

  Idem.
• * 1.34

  M. Paris.
• * 1.35

  Roger Hove∣den, in anno 1187.
• * 1.36

  Nauclcrus Gen. 42.
• * 1.37

  Chron. Pruten.
• * 1.38

  Spondanus, in anno 1291.
• * 1.39

  Miraeula, si pi••a utilitate aut necessitate careant, de facto suspecta sunt & rejici∣enda, Gerson.
• * 1.40

  Psal. 15.
• * 1.41

  M. Paris. pag. 1047. Huic pacis formae ex Pa∣pae mandato rebellis erat Legatus, & frontosè con∣tradicens, &c.
• * 1.42

  Dist. 40. can. Si ••apa suae & fraternae salutis negli∣gens.
• * 1.43

  Book 2. chap. 9, 27.
• * 1.44

  Lib. 3^•.
• * 1.45

  M. Paris. pag. 197.
• * 1.46

  Totum vul∣gus, tam casti quàm incesti, adul∣teri, homi∣cidae, perjuri, praedones, Albertus A∣queusis, Chron. Hierosol. lib. 1. cap. 2. Besoldus, pag. 101. ex Bro∣chardo, Male∣factor depre∣hensus, homi∣cida, latro, fur, incestuo∣sus, adulter, fornicator, timet à judice condignam poenam, & transfretat in terram San∣ctam.
• * 1.47

  Especially in the end of King Alme∣ricks life.
• * 1.48

  Tyrius, lib. 19. cap. 11.
• * 1.49

  Annal. Ec∣clesiast. in an∣no 1100, & 1104.
• * 1.50

  Malmesb. lib. 4. pag. 133. Sexa∣gies (surely a mistake for sexies) cen∣tum millia.
• * 1.51

  Lamp. Mel∣lific. hist. pag. 313.
• * 1.52

  1095
• * 1.53

  Tyrius, lib. 9. cap. 12.
• * 1.54

  1099
• * 1.55

  Ursperg. in Chron. pag. 239.
• * 1.56

  P. Aemyl in Phil. Aug. pag. 175.
• * 1.57

  Knolls, Turk. hist. pag. 106.
• * 1.58

  Magdeburg. Cent. 13. col. 606.
• * 1.59

  Fox, in Martyrol. in Hen. 3. pag. 337.
• * 1.60

  Vide M. Solden on Polyelbion, pag. 150.
• * 1.61

  Sāndy; Tra∣vels, pag. 229.
• * 1.62

  Tyrius, lib. 10 cap. 28. & lib. 12. cap. 25.
• * 1.63

  1147
• * 1.64

  Munst. Cosmog. in Polon.
• * 1.65

  1. Sam. 30. 24.
• * 1.66

  Vide Cal∣visium in an∣no 1145. & Io. Magnum, Hist. Goth. lib. 19. cap. 10.
• * 1.67

  Baroni••s, in anno 1189.
• * 1.68

  Lib. cap. ••3.
• * 1.69

  Buchan. in Guilielmo Senjore.
• * 1.70

  Hect. Boeth.
• * 1.71

  Third book of Majest. cap. 18.
• * 1.72

  Lambert, Per∣amb. Kent.
• * 1.73

  w. Malms. lib. 4. pag. 133.
• * 1.74

  Cambden, in Pembr.
• * 1.75

  1147
• * 1.76

  Pantal. De illustr. Germ. part. 2. pag. 201.
• * 1.77

  Hospin. De orig. Mon. cap. 17. fol. 190.
• * 1.78

  Camden in his descript. of Cludisdale.
• * 1.79

  Zuerius Boxborn his Apologie for the Holland shipping.
• * 1.80

  Guill. in his Heraldrie.
• * 1.81

  Burton in Leicestershire.
• * 1.82

  Hospin. De orig. Mon∣in Ioan.
• * 1.83

  D^r. Ridly, View of the Civil law, § 5. pag. 100.
• * 1.84

  Lord Veru∣lam, in his Henry vii. pag. 87.
• * 1.85

  Luke 2. 26.
• * 1.86

  L. Verulam. in Henry vii.
• * 1.87

  Buchanan, in the life of Iames iiii.
• * 2.1

  Camdens Remains.
• * 2.2

  Centuriato∣res. pag. totius operis penult.
• * 2.3

  1298
• * 2.4

  Psal. 122. 3.
• * 2.5

  Bydulph, pag. 117.
• * 2.6

  Sandys Travels, pag. 158.
• * 2.7

  Carew, in his survey of Cornwall. pag. 118.
• * 2.8

  Bydulph. pag. 119.
• * 2.9

  Camdens Elisabeth. in anno 2 96.
• * 2.10

  Deterra Sancta. part. 2. cap. 1.
• * 2.11

  Acts 16. 9.
• * 2.12

  Matth. 1. 16.
• * 2.13

  Sabcllicus, Ennead. 9. lib. 5. pag. 378.
• * 2.14

  In his Pro∣eme, fol. 5.
• * 2.15

  Institut. lib. 1. tit. 8. §. 1.
• * 2.16

  Knolls, Hist. Turk. pag. 123.
• * 2.17

  Sr. Edwin Sandys, View of the West world, pag. 137.
• * 2.18

  Centur ia∣tores. Cent. 13. cap. 16. col. 692.
• * 2.19

  Heylin. Mi∣crocos. in Pa∣lestine.
• * 2.20

  Knolls, in his descrip. of the greatnesse of the Tur∣kish Empire.
• * 2.21

  Knolls.