Chap. 1.

THus the Christian affairs in Palestine were in good case and possibility of improvement.* But the Pope knew he should catch no fish if the waters were thus clear:* Wherefore he stirred up John Bren, Fredericks father in law (guesse whether his plots ran not low when he used such dregs) to raise a rebellion in Italy against him.

His Holinesse spread a false report of purpose, that Frederick was dead. Who would think there were so much substance in a shadow! This vain rumour wrought reall effects, strengthening Fredericks foes with hopes, and staggering his friends with fear and uncertainties. Bren striking the iron whilest it was hot, wonne many places from the Emperour: And though Time soon after was delivered of her daughter Truth, yet the confu∣tation came too late, to shut the door when the steed was stoln; the Pope having attained his ends, and served his turn already.

A jubile of liberty was proclaimed to all the Emperours sub∣jects, and they dispensed with from the Pope for their alle∣geance to him. Milan, and many other cities in Italy, formerly Imperiall, danced at this musick, made a foot-cloth of their Masters livery, and from this time dated themselves Free-States. Here was brave gleaning, where all ranne away with whole Page  166 sheaves; where robbery was priviledged for lawfull purchase. And the Pope, wise enough not so to give away the pie but to keep the best corner for himself, carved all Apulia for his own part.

Whilest hostility in Italy, treason beset Frederick in Syria; the Templars intimated to the S•ltan his privie project to wash himself in Jordan, that so he might be surprized. But the Sultan (no doubt out of pity to see a Lion catched in a Fox∣trap, there being a consangumity of all Princes, and the roy∣all bloud which runneth in their veins causing a sympathie of Majesty betwixt them) scorned to advantage himself by trea∣chery, and sent their letters to Frederick: Who afterwards u∣sed the Templars, and generally all the Clergie in Palestine (counting them complices with the Pope) coursely, not to say cruelly.

At last having confirmed his ten years truce, and having ap∣pointed Reinoldus Duke of Bavaria his Lieutenant in Syria, without noise he cometh into Europe. For to return triumphant∣ly in state, had been but an alarm to awaken envy, and a warning∣piece for his enemies to prepare against him. He outsailed fame it self, landing in Italy in person before he arrived there in re∣port. Then the love of his loyall subjects, hitherto rather co∣verted then quenched, appeared▪ and though formerly forced to a contrary motion, returned now quickly to their own Prince their proper centre.

Within fifteen dayes, assisted with the Duke of Spoletum, Frederick recovered all which was wonne from him, and un∣ravelled the fair web of John Brens victory, even to the very hemme thereof.

Then was all Italy (resembled by Geographers, for the fa∣shion thereof, to a mans legge) troubled with the incurable gout of schisme and faction: Not a city of note in it which was not dichotomized into the sect of the Guelfes, which fa∣voured the Pope, and Gibellines, which adhered to the Em∣perour.

Page  167

Guelfes for the Pope.
• in Rome
  • Ursini
  • Sabellii
• in Florence
  • Adimaerii
  • Bondelmontii
  • Amidei
  • Cerchii
  • Rircii
  • Medicei
  • Pactii
  • Interminelli
• in Lucea
• in Padua
• in Genoa
  • Fosci
  • Grimaldi
  • Fregosu
• in Bononia
  • Caneduli
  • Pepuli
  • Marescotii
• in Ferrara
  • Estenses
• in Milain
  • Vicecomites
• in Mantua
  • Gonzagae

Gibellines for the Emperour
• in Rome
  • Columnienses
  • Frangepanes
  • Caesarini
• in Florence
  • Paxii
  • Uberti
  • Donati
  • Albicii
  • Strozi
  • Salviati
• in Lucea
  • Obicii
• in Padua
  • Carraerii
• in Genoa
  • Spinolae
  • Adurnii
  • Dorii
• in Bononia
  • Bentivoli
  • Malvecii
• in Ferrara
  • Saligureri
• in Milain
  • Turregiani
• in Mantua
  • Bonacursii

I will not quarrel with the tradition,* That Elves and Gob∣lins in our English tongue had their first originall from the de∣pravation of the names of Guelfes and Gibellines. If so, sure I am, what now we make terriculamenta infantum, scarecrows to affright children, were then true Harpies to devour men.

I would farther prosecute these discords; and also shew how Frederick was forced to ask pardon of him who had mostwrong∣ed him, and dearly to purchase his absolution from the Pope; (For though this Emperours heart was as hard as stone, yet was it furrowed, dinted, and hallowed at last with the Popes constant dropping and incessant raining of curses upon him) But I dare wander no farther in this subject, lest any should question my Passe; but return back to the Holy land.

Chap. 2.

REinoldus Duke of Bavaria being left Fredericks Lieutenant in Syria, wisely discharged his office, and preserved the peace entire which was concluded with the Sultan of Babylon. But the Templars sought by all means to bring this ten years truce to an untimely end; which was as bad as a Lent to them, wherein they must fast from fighting, the meat and drink of tur∣bulent spirits. These counting all luke-warm which were not scalding hot, condemned Reinoldus for want of zeal in the Holy warre, and gave him many a lift to heave him from his Page  168 place;* but still he sat sure, poised with his own gravity. Not did the enmity of Henry King of Cyprus much trouble him, who challenged the Principality of Antioch, as next of kinne to the Prince deceased: For Reinold met and defeated him in battel, and bestowed Antioch on* Frederick, base sonne to Frederick the Emperour.

But that which kept both Christians and Turks in aw, and made them willing mutually to observe the truce, was the fear of the Tartars, a fierce nation, which now had their first flight out of their own nest into the neighbouring countreys.

These Tartarians, anciently called Scythians, inhabit the Northern part of Asia, a countrey never conquered by any of the Monarchs, priviledged from their victorious arms chiefly by its own barrennesse: For except souldiers were ambitious of hunger and cold, here is nothing to countervail their pains of an invasion▪ yea, no meat to maintain them. It is true, rhubarb the best of drugs groweth in this the worst of countreys: But souldi∣ers seek rather for food then physick when they invade a coun∣trey. A greater part of their land is undiscovered, though map∣makers, rather then they will have their maps naked and bald, do periwig them with false hair, and fill up the vacuum (especi∣ally towards the North) with imaginary places of† Vng, and Gog, and the plains of Bargu: So true it is what one saith wittily in the Comedie, That Phantastes the servant of Geographus travelled further beyond the Arctick circle then ever his master durst.

If it be surest to follow the most, the stream of writers make it called Tartaria from the river Tartar: but Europe and Asia will by wofull experience justifie the etymologie, if deduced from Tartarus, Hell. For when the spring-tides of this nation overflowed the banks, hell might seem to have broken loose, and to have sent so many devils abroad.

As for those that count them the off-spring of the ten tribes of Israel, which Salmanaser led away captive, because Tatari or Totari signifieth in the Hebrew and Syriack tongue, a residue or remnant,* learned men have sufficiently confuted it. And surely it seemeth a forced and overstrained deduction, to farrefetch the name of Tartars from an Hebrew word, a language so farre distant from them. But no more hereof: because perchance herein the womans reason hath a masculine truth; and the Tar∣tarians are called so, because they are called so. It may be, curi∣ous Etymologists (let them lose their wages who work in diffi∣cult trifles) seek to reap what was never sown, whilest they study to make those words speak reason, which are onely voc•s ad pla∣citum, imposed at pleasure.

Under their new name Tartarians, they keep their old nature Page  169 of Scythians, fierce, cruel; yea, sometimes in stead of other meat, making a man their meat.* One humour they have, much affecting the owl, a bird which other nations scorn and hate, as the usher of ill luck. The occasion was this: A King of Tartary sought for by his enemies, hid himself in a bush, whither his foes came to seek him; when presently an owl flew out of the place: Whereupon they desisted from further search, conceiving that that anchorite bird proclaimed nothing was there but soli∣tude and desolation. Hence in gratitude they never count them∣selves more gay then when their helmets are hung with owls feathers. Whereat I should strange more, but that I find this fowl dedicated to† Minerva the Goddesse of wit, and that Athens (schoolmistresse of the world) counted it a token of vi∣ctory. The King of these Tartarians styleth himself, The great Cham, and is monarch of a great part of the world in possession, of the rest in imagination. He taketh and his subjects give him little lesse then divine honour; who in other things at this time were pure Pagans and Idolaters. Now their countrey, which is like a po•re man whose common is overstocked with children, swarming with more bees then hives, sent their superfluous numbers to seek their fortunes amongst the Christians. They needed no steel armour who had iron bodies. Onely with bows, cruelty, and multitude they overranne Lituania, Podolia, Polonia, and those countreys which are the East-boundaries of Europe. Others took their way Southward into Asia, commit∣ting outrages as they went; and sensible how incomparably their own countrey was surpassed for pleasure and profit by these new lands, (blame not their judgement if they preferred a palace be∣fore a prison) they little cared to return home.

Their incursions into Europe were so farre and frequent, that Pope Innocent the fourth, about the yeare 1245, began to fear them in Italy. Wherefore he sent Askelin, a Friar much admi∣red in that age, with three other, into Tartaria, to convert that nation to Christianity. Where Askelin, instead of teaching them the elements of our religion, laid this foundation, to amplifie to them the power of the Pope, setting him out in his full dimensi∣ons, How he was above all men in the Christian world. A good nurse, to feed infants, in stead of milk, with such drie bones: enough almost to affright them from entring into our Church, seeing such a giant as they painted the Pope, to stand before the doore.

But Baiothnoi Chief Captain of the Tartarian army (for they were not admitted to speak with the great Cham himself) cried quits with this Friar, outvying him with the greatnesse and di∣vinity of their Cham; and sent back by them a blunt let∣ter:

Page  170*

N•ver did his Holinesse so meet with his ma•ch before. He durst not meet the great Cham of the East, his competitour in the imaginary monarchie of the world, to trie whose title was truest. Let others tear their skins, he would sleep in a whole one. And indeed that Shepherd loved his flock of Christians better, then by his absence in a long journey into Tartaria to ex∣pose them to the wolves. And so the conversion of Tartarie at that me was disappointed.

It is a pretty qu•re, Whether Turks or Tartars be easier con∣verrible to Christian religion: I mean ex parte objecti; for other∣wise all things are equally easie to an infinite agent. Now it seemeth the Tartars are reducible with most facility to our reli∣gion: For pure Paganisme and native Infidelity, like white cloth, will take the tincture of Christianity; whereas the Turks are soil∣ed and stained with the irreligious religion of Mahometanisme, which first with much pains must be scoured out of them. And though they may seem to be in some forwardnesse to conversi∣on, because they have a kind of knowledge and reverence of Christ, yet the best joynt of their belief must be broken before it can be well set, and every drop of their present religion pum∣ped out before true faith be infused into th•m. And experience, the most competent witnesse herein, hath proved. That after∣wards more Tartars, both private men and Princes, then Turks of either condition, have embraced Christianity. Enough at this time; we shall have occasion too soon to speak more of the Tartars.

Chap. 3.

IT was conceived that it would be much beneficiall to the Pil∣grimes in their voyages to Palestine, that the Latines were lately possessed of the Grecian Empire: For what is saved, is gained: And grant that the Latines in Greece should not actually assist in the Holy warre, yet it was a considerable advantage what all justly expected, That Pilgrimes should now have safe and secure passage through Grecia, the pitfall which formerly had devoured so many.

But these fair hopes soon miscarried. For what through the celerity of Theod orus Lascaris, and the gravity of John Ducas his sonne in law, who reigned as Grecian Emperours in Nice, the Greeks recovered every foot of ground that the Latines had wonne from them: Onely the Venetians being▪ good at holdfast, kept then portion when all others had spent theirs, and enjoy Candie to this day. This is imputed to their discretion in their choice, who in the sharing of this Empire amongst the Western Princes, refused the continent countreys (though greater in ex∣tent, and •cher in cities,) and chose rather the Islands, which be∣ing as little worlds in themselves, were most capable of 〈◊〉 fortifications, especially in their way, who were most powerfull as sea.

Sixty years almost did the Latines make a hard shift to hold Constantinople, under five succeeding Emperours•* 1. Baldwine the first, Earl of Flanders; 2. Henry his brother, 3. Peter, Count of 〈◊〉 in France, Henrie's sonne in law; 4. Robert; 5. Baldwine the second, and last. An example which the ob∣servers of the ominou• circulation or return of names alledge, That as a Baldwine was the first, so a Baldwine was the last La∣ti•e Emperour in Grecia.

Of these, the first Baldwine had his hands and feet out off, and died in a ditch; Peter invited to a feast, payed the shot with his life; the other three died without any violence, but with much misery. And thus their conquest of Greci•, like a little sprig stuck into the ground, did 〈◊〉 at the first whilst it had any 〈◊〉, but then withe•ed for want of a 〈◊〉.

Indeed it was impossible long to continue: For when the ge∣neration of the primitive adventurers, in this action were dead, there wanted another to succeed them; and the countreys Page  172 whence they came were so farre off that supplies of Latine peo∣ple* came thither very slowly: Onely Venice well peopled her parts from the vicinity of her dominions. And that number of souldiers which is sufficient by sudden conquest to overrunne a countrey, is incompetent without a second edition of new sup∣plies, to make good, manage, and maintain it: especially being to meddle with the Greeks, farre exceeding them in number, subject onely out of fear, longing daily for their liberty and op∣portunity to recover it.

Let never any Pilgrimes hereafter make Greece their Inne in their journey to Palestine. Yea, also at this time the furnace of the Grecian jealousie was made seven times hoter: For be∣sides this Civil, an Ecclesiasticall and Spirituall breach happen∣ed betwixt them and the Latines; which we come now to de∣scribe.

Chap. 4.

HItherto Grecians and Latines lived together in Palestine in some tolerable correspondence; differing in judgement, but complying in affections; as counting themselves two seve∣rall sides, yet both making up the body of Christians. But now by an unhappy discord they were irreconcilably parted asunder, to the great advantage of the Turks and prejudice of the Holy warre. We will fetch this flame from the first spark; and though we go farre about, the length of the journey will be recompen∣sed by the goodnesse of the way.

Anciently in the primitive time the Church of Rome was esteemed the first and chiefest of all others, but without any ju∣risdiction above them. Because that was the Imperiall citie and Queen of the world, therefore the Church therein was highest in account; as the candle which is in the fairest candlestick is al∣wayes set above the rest (though otherwise equall unto it in light) at the upper end of the table.

It happened afterward that the Emperour removed his seat from Rome to Constantinople; Whereupon orphane Rome suddenly decayed (for the Emperours court carried day with it, and left night behind it) was chief mourner at the funeralls of her own greatnesse; and from a pleasant garden turned a wil∣dernesse overgrown with Goths, Vandals, and other barbarous weeds: whilest Constantinople tricked and tired her self, started Page  173 up in an instant great, rich, and stately; insomuch that John her Patriarch claimed to be universall Bishop above all other. Gre∣gory the Great, Bishop of Rome, stoutly withstood him, pro∣testing that he was the usher of Antichrist who assumed that swelling title; wherein he heated the brand to mark his succes∣sour with: For Boniface (save one, the next) Pope of Rome so dealt with Phocas the Emperour of Constantinople, that he got himself confirmed universall Bishop over the whole world. A Chaplain and a Patrone well met, both usurpers, supporting one another (like stones in an arch) with their reciprocall aid; Phocas held Boniface in his chair, and Boniface kept Phocas in his throne. And thus was the Pope of Rome first possessed of his Primacie both of dignity and authority, both of precedencie and of power and jurisdiction over all other Churches. As for his pretence, to challenge it by commission from Christ and suc∣cession from Peter, this string to his bow is so full of gauls, frets, and knots, it cannot hold, and is broken by many learned Di∣vines.

However, Constantinople rather overborn then overcome, for want rather of strength then stomach, ever rebelled, or ra∣ther resisted (for no rebellion against usurpation) Romes supre∣macy (especially when she found her self befriended with any advantage) for many hundred years after.

It happened (to come to the matter in hand) that a Grecian * Archbishop went to Rome, there to have his confirmation. Where the Court demanded of him such unreasonable fees (toll more then the grist) that the Prelate perceived it would weaken him to be confirmed, and shake his estate to settle him in his Bishoprick. Home therefore he cometh with a loud alarm against the extortions of Rome, and mustereth together many of his countrey-men; who hereupon for ever withdrew their obedience from Rome, and threw off that heavy yoke they could not bear, hereafter owning her for their sister not mother.

It may seem strange that the Romane Court being here just∣ly taxed for extortion, would not amend it. But how often so∣ever she be told of her dirty face, she will never wash it: For re∣forming would argue a former fault; and they feared, if they yielded themselves guilty in one point, it would shake the whole fabrick of their credit. Besides, if the Grecians had re∣ceived satisfaction and redresse in this grievance, it would have given them pretence to prepare more requests, aed to think that they also were due. Lastly, no strength of perswasion will draw men from those sinnes which are glued unto them by their profit. Thus the avarice of the Romish officers (as of late the shamefull shamelesse covetousnesse of their Indulgence∣mongers Page  174 occasioned Luthers falling from them) caused the Grecians wholly to renounce their subjection to that See: and Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople now grew absolute of himself, without any dependencie on the Pope.

His Holinesse despairing to reduce them by fair means, pro∣claimed warre against them. And as formerly against the Al∣bingenses, so now against the Grecians, resolved to send an ar∣my of* Croised souldiers: It being his custome to make the secular power little better then an hangman to execute those he shall please to condemn; Yea, he hath turned the back of the sword rewards Infidels, and the edge against Christians dis∣senting from him in small matters. But few-voluntaries were found for this service, because of a pious horrour and religious reluctancie against so odious an imployment: Onely in* Cyprus (I believe in a private persecution rather then open warre) some Grecians were put to death; the Pope using the same severity against wolves and wandring sheep, foes and prodigall chil∣dren.

Chap. 5.

BEsides their rejecting of the Popes both Ecclesiasticall and Temporall tyranny, the Greeks differ from the Latines in other matters of moment: For they maintain the procession of the holy Spirit from the Father alone. As for their other te∣nents, they stand in some middle terms of opinion betwixt Pa∣pists and Protestants; yet so, that they approch near the Pa∣pists in more, to us in more weighty and dominative points. With Rome they concurre in Transubstantiation, in the whole sacrifice of the Masse,* in praying to Saints and for the dead, in Auricular Confession, in worshipping of Pictures (onely of Christ and our Lady) but all Images they detest; a kind of Purgatory they hold, but not in hell or the skirts thereof, nor by any out∣ward torment. With us they consent in the Sufficiency of the Scriptures to salvation, in denying the Infallibility of the Church, (much more of the Pope) the overplus of Merits, Ser∣vice understood, Indulgences, Liberaties out of Purgatorie, and the like.

Hereupon the Romanists condemn them all for hereticks and castawayes, killing more then a third of all Christians (as Cain did a quarter of mankind with a blow) with this their unchari∣table Page  175 censure. But heaven-gate was not so easily shut against multitudes when S. Peter himself wore the keyes at his girdle. And let us not with rash judging thrust all into the pit of hell whom we see walking near the brink thereof. We shall think better of them if we consider, That

First, their tenets wherein they dissent from the Romanists are sound enough, save that of the holy Ghost. Concerning which it is an usefull quaere, Whether, granting the first au∣thours and ringleaders of that errour in a bad condition, there be not some favour to be allowed to those who in simplicity suc∣ceed to hereditary errours received from their ancestours, if they do not wilfully barre nor bolt their eyes against the beams of the truth, but be willing (as we charitably conceive of the Greeks) to receive and embrace better instruction.

Secondly, the Master of the Sentences (waited on herein with other* learned men) is of opinion, That in the sense of the Greek Church A Filio and Per Filium is no reall difference, but a question in modo loquendi. Sure it would have grated the foun∣dation, if they had so denied the procession of the holy Ghost from the Sonne, as thereby to make an inequality betwixt the two Persons: But since their form of speech is, That the holy Ghost proceedeth from the Father by the Sonne, and is the Spi∣rit of the Sonne, without making any difference in the consub∣stantiality of the Persons, their doctrine may passe with a favou∣rable interpretation.

Thirdly, our quickest sight in the matters of the Trinity is but one degree above blindnesse. Wherefore, as concerning it, let our piety lodge there where in other disputes the deceit of sophisters used to nestle it self, namely, in universalibus, in large and generall expressions, and not descend to curious particulars. To search into the manner of the •Spirits procession, is neither manners nor religion: and rather falleth under an awfull adorati∣on and belief, then an exact and curious enquirie.

Lastly, this their tenet doth not infect any other point in Divi∣nity with its poysonous inferences. Some errours are worse in their train then in themselves, which (as the Dragon in the Re∣velation drew down a third part of the starres with his tail) by their bad consequences pervert other points of religion: But this Grecian opinion (as learned men propound it) concerning the holy Ghost, hath this happinesse, that it is barren, and beget∣teth no other bad tenets from it, being entire in it self.

More may be alledged for the lessening of this errour: But grant it in its full extent, yet surely the moderate judgement of that learned* Divine whose memory smelleth like a Field the Lord hath blessed, will abide triall; who in effect thus conclu∣deth, Their schismes are sinfull, wicked, and inexcusable; their Page  176 doctrine dangerous, but not so damnable as excluding from all possibility of salvation.

As for the observation of a* Schoolman, That afterwards the Turks wonne Constantinople on Whitsunday, the day dedi∣cated to the memoriall of the holy Spirit, as if God herein poin∣ted at the sinne of the Grecians in dishonouring the holy Ghost; we leave it to the readers discretion, desiring rather to be scepti∣call then definitive in the causes of Gods judgements.

Chap. 6.

IF that religion were surely the best which is of the greatest latitude and extent, Surveyers of land were fitter then Divines to judge of the best religion. Neither is it any matter of great moment to measure the greatnesse of either Church: But be∣cause Rome maketh her Universality such a masterpiece to boast of, let us see if the Greek Church may not outshoot her in her own bow.

If we begin with the Grecian Church in Africa under the Patriarch of Alexandria, thence proceeding into Asia, and fetch a compasse about Syria, Armenia, Asia the lesse, with Cyprus, Candie, and other Islands in the mid-land-sea, and so come into Grecia; if hence we go into Russia and Muscovia (who though differing in ceremonies, dissent not in doctrine; as a sundry dia∣lect maketh not a severall language) to take onely entire King∣domes, and omit parcels: it is a larger quantity of ground then that the Romish religion doth stretch to, since Luther cut so large a collop out of it, and withdrew North-Europe from obe∣dience to his Holinesse.

Perchance the Romanists may plead they have lately impro∣ved the patrimony of their religion by new purchases in both Indies: But who knoweth not that those people, rather watered then baptized, affrighted with cruelty into Christianity, deserve not to be accounted settled and well-grounded professours of their religion?

As for reconciliation betwixt the Grecians and Latines, it is utterly improbable, except the Greeks submit to the Popes Pri∣macie, which they will never do. No hope then of their meet∣ing together, when neither party will stirre step towards other.

Page  177True it is, some fourty years since (anno 1594) the Bishops of little Russia (a countrey following the Eastern Church, but under the King of Poland) on condition they would accept the Popes* supremacie, were dispensed with, and permitted in other matters to adhere to the Greek Church, and keep union with it; the Pope manifesting herein, that he aimeth not so much at the reduction of the Greeks to the truth, as to his own obedience.

Besides the hatred they have against the Popes pride, another great hindrance of the union is the small intercourse the Eastern Christians have or desire to have with the Western. They live amongst the Turks, and are grown to be contented slaves; and having long since parted with their hopes, now almost have lost their desire of liberty.

We must not forget, how some fifty years ago solemn news was reported in Rome, that the* Patriarch of Alexandria, with all the Greek Church in Africa, by their Embassadours had sub∣mitted and reconciled themselves to the Pope, and from him received Absolution and Benediction: All which was a politick lie, perchance therefore reported, that it might make impression in the minds, and raise and confirm the spirits of the vulgar, who easily believe all that their betters tell them. And though after∣wards this report was controlled to be false, yet mens spirits then being cold, were not so sensible of it as before: and the for∣mer news came to many mens ears who never heard afterwards of the check and confutation thereof. Nor is there any State in the world that maketh such use and advantage, as the Papall doth, of false news. To conclude; As it is a maxime in Philo∣sophy, Ex quibus constamus, ex iisdem nutrimur: so a great part of their religion consisting of errours and falshoods, it is suitable that accordingly it should be kept up and maintained with for∣geries and deceits.

To return to Palestine; This rent (not in the seam but whole cloth) betwixt these Churches was no mean hindrance to the Holy warre. Formerly the Greeks in Syria were not so clearly cut asunder from the Latines, but that they hung together by one great sinew in the common cause, agreeing against the Turk the enemy to both: But since this last breach, the Greeks did in their desires propend and incline to the Turks, being better contented they should conquer, from whom they should have fair quarter, free exercise of their religion, and secure dwelling in any citie, paying a set tribute; then the Latines, who they feared would force their consciences, and bring their souls in subjection to the Popes supremacie. Expect we then never hereafter, that either their hearts or hands should afford any assistance to our Pilgrimes in their designes.

* Some conceive, that at this day if the Western Christians Page  178 should stoutly invade Turkie with any likelihood to prevail, the Greeks therein would runne to aid them. But others are of a contrary judgement; considering, First, the inveterate and in∣laid hatred (not to be washed off) they bear the Latines: Se∣condly, the jealousie they have that they will never keep pro∣mise with them, who have alwayes a warrant dormant from the Pope to break all contracts prejudiciall to the Romish Church: Thirdly, that custome and long continuance in slavery have so hardened and brawned their shoulders, the yoke doth not wring them so much: yea, they had rather suffer the Turks, being old full flies, to suck them, then to hazard their galled backs to new hungry ones; finding by experience, That they themselves live on better terms of servitude under the Turk, lesse grated and grinded with exactions, then some of their coun∣trey-men do under the Latines; for instance, in Zante and Candie under the Venetians.

Chap. 7.

THe ten years truce by this time was expired which Frede∣rick made with the Turks;* and Reinold Vice-roy of Pale∣stine by instructions from him concluded another truce of the * same term with them. He saw that this young Christian King∣dome of Jerusalem, like an infant, would thrive best with sleep∣ing, with peace and quietnesse: Nor was it any policie for him to move at all, where there was more danger to hurt then hope to help their present estate.

But though this peace was honourable and profitable, having no fault but that Frederick made it; yet the Templars who did not relish the father, must needs distast the child: They com∣plained that this peace was not used as a slumber to refresh the souldiers spirit, but as a lethargie to benumme their valour; and chiefly snarled at this indignity, That the Turks had accesse to the temple of the Sepulchre, and that Goats had free-com∣monage in the Sheeps pasture. Wherefore Pope Gregory, to * despite the Emperour Frederick, caused the Dominicans and Franciscans his trumpeters, to incite people to the Holy warre. These were two twin-orders, but the Dominican the eldest; which now were no sooner hatched in the world, but presently chirped in the pulpits. In that age Sermons were news, and meat for Princes not common men: Yea, the Albingenses with Page  179 their preaching had drowned the voices of secular Priests, if these two Orders had not helped to out-noise those supposed here∣ticks. These amplified with their rhetorick the calamity of the Christians, tyrannie of the Turks, merit of the cause, probability of successe; performing their parts with such gravity, shew of de∣votion, accents of passion, not glued on for the present purpose but so naturall as from true affection, that many were wooed to undertake the voyage:* Principally, Theobald King of Navarre, Almerick Earl of Montfort, Henry of Champaigne, Peter Earl of Bretaigne, with many others of inferiour rank.

Ships they had none; wherefore they were fain to shape their passage by land through Grecia: where they were entertained with treachery, famine, and all the miseries which wait on di∣stressed armies. These came last that way, and (I may say) shut the door: For no Christian army ever after went that tedious journey by land.

Having passed the Bosporus, they marched into Bithynia: thence through Galatia they came unto the mountain Taurus; where they were much damnified by the Turks, who fell on and off upon them, as they were advised by their own advantages. The Christians desired no other gift but that a set battel might be given them; which the Turks would not grant, but played at distance and would never close. But with much ado the Chri∣stians recovered to Antioch, having scarce a third part of them left, their horses all dead, and themselves scarce mounted on their legs, miserably weak; as what the mercy of sword, plague, and famine had pleased to spare.

Hence the Templars conducted them to Gaza; where they fell on forraging the countrey of the Sultan, assaulting no pla∣ces which were of strength, or honour to subdue, but onely spoiled poore villages, which counted themselves walled with the truce as yet in force. Abundance of wealth they got, and were now late returning home, when after their plentifull sup∣per a dear and •harp reckoning was called for: Behold, the Turks in great numbers fell upon them near unto Gaza; and the Chri∣stians down with their bundles of spoil, and out with their swords, bravely defending themselves till such time as the night parted the fray. Here they committed a great errour, and (as one may say) a neglect in over-diligence: for in stead of repo∣sing themselves to rest, and appointing a set watch, they all lay in a manner Perdues, no one slumbering all night, but attending their enemies; contrary to the rules of an armie, which with Argus should never have all its eyes wake or sleep together. Next morning when the Turks, whose numbers were much in creased, set upon them, alas! they being but few to many, faint to fresh, were not able to make any forcible resistance: Yet, Page  180 what they could not pay in present, they pawned their lives for; that their arms being too weak for their hearts, they were rather killed then conquered. Earl Henry was slain, Almerick taken prisoner, the King of Navarre escaped by the swiftnesse of his Spanish gennet; which race, for their winged speed, the Poets feigned to be begot of the wind.

Mean time the other Christians looked on, and saw their brethren slaughtered before their eyes; and yet though they were able to help them, were not able to help them, their hands being tied with the truce, and Reinoldus charging them no way to infringe the peace concluded with the Sultan. Hereupon many cursed him as the Christians cut-throat; he as fast con∣demned the King of Navarre and his army for breaking the truce. And though the Papall faction pleaded that the former peace concluded not these late adventurers, and that it was one∣ly made with Frederick the Emperour; yet he representing the whole body of Christianity, all the bundle of their shifts could not piece out a satisfactory answer, but that they were guilty of faith-breaking.

Home hastened the King of Navarre with a small retinue, clouding himself in privatenesse; as that actour who cometh off with the dislike of the spectatours, stealeth as invisibly as he may into the tiring-house. Expectation, that friendly foe, did him much wrong; and his performance fell the lower, because men heightened their looking for great maters from him.

Chap. 8.

* FIfteen dayes after the departure of Theobald,* Richard Earl of Cornwall, brother to Henry the third then King of En∣gland, landed at Ptolemais. This Prince was our English Cras∣sus, or Croesus; Cornwall was his Indies, where he turned tinne into gold and silver. So well-moneyed he was, that for ten years together he might for every day expend an* hundred marks: So that England never since had together a poorer King and a richer Subject.

Before he began his voyage he craved a subsidie of prayers from the Monks of S. Albanes: Yea, scarce was there any Co∣vent appearing for piety, to whose devotions he recommended Page  181 not himself; counting that ship to fail the surest which is driven with the breath of godly mens prayers. Theodoricus Lord Pri∣or of the English Hospitallers, with many other Barons and brave souldiers attending him, passed through France, and was there honourably entertained by King Lewis.

Being come to the Mediterranean sea, the Popes Legate brought him a flat countermand, that he must go no further, but instantly return. Richard at first was astonished hereat: but quickly his anger got the mastery of his amazement, and he fell on fuming;* Was this Christ Vicar? Unlike was he to him, who was thus unlike to himself, who would say and unsay, so∣lemnly summon, then suddenly cashier his Holy souldiers. This was deluding of peoples devotions with false alarms, to make them put their armour on to put it off again. As for his own self, he had vowed this voyage, his honour and treasure was ingaged therein, and the Pope should not blast his settled resolutions with a breath: his ships were manned, victualled, and sailing for∣ward; and in such great actions the setting forth is more then half the journey.

All know his Holinesse to be too wary an archer to shoot away his arrows at nothing. He had a mark herein, a plot in this restraint, but that too deep for others to fathom. It could not be this, To make this rich Earl (a fish worth angling for) to commute his voyage into money, and to buy a dispensation of his Holinesse to stay at home, as formerly he had served many meaner Pilgrimes. Surely though the Popes covetousnesse might have prompted, his wisdome would have disswaded him from a project spunne with so course a threed.

On saileth Earl Richard, and safely arriveth at Ptolemais; where he is well welcomed, especially by the Clergy, solemnly singing,* Blessed is he that cometh in the name of the Lord. He pro∣claimed, No Christian should depart for want of pay; for he would entertain any, and give them good wages that would do work in this warre. But he found the Christians there shivered into severall factions, and the two great Orders, Hospitallers and Templars, two great confusions of the Holy cause. Of these the Hospitallers were the seniors in standing, their originall be∣ing dated eighteen years before the Templars; and therefore challenged superiority. But that which made the younger bro∣ther so brisk, was, that he was his fathers darling. The Tem∣plars in all their broils had support from the Pope, because the others were suspected to have a smack of the Imperiall faction. This made them active, daring, offering of affronts: And what countrey-men soever the Templars were, they were alwayes Italians, that is, true to the Triple Crown. These being madded with ambition, were the more outragious for their high fare Page  182 (their great revenues) and deserved to be dieted with a poorer pittance, except they would have used their strength better. Our Earl knew, to please one side would certainly displease the other, and to please both would probably please neither.

Wherefore he managed his matters entirely to himself, with∣out relating to either of the parties, taking no ground of their giving, but bowling at the publick good by the aim of his own eye.

The Sultans in Syria (for the Turkish power there was divi∣ded into severall Sultanies, as those of Damascus,* Cracci, Seis∣ser, but Babylon the chiefest) hearing of Richards preparations, profered peace unto him. But whilest as yet the conditions were in suspense, Richard fortified Askelon (in all the bunch there was not a better key, or harbour of more importance) not one∣ly to strength but state, with marble pillars and statues; though the silent ruines thereof at this day confesse not to the beholders that any such cost was ever bestowed there. He also caused the corpses of the Christians killed at the late battel at Gaza, and hitherto unburied, decently to be interred; and appointed an annuall salarie to a Priest to pray for their souls. Hereby he had the happinesse with little cost to purchase much credit; and the living being much taken with kindnesse to the dead, this burying of those Christians, with pious persons wonne him as much re∣pute as if he killed so many Turks.

At last the truce for ten years was concluded with the Sul∣tan;* all Christian captives were discharged and set free, many forts of them restored, and matters for the main reduced to the same estate they were at the first peace with Frederick the Em∣perour; and Richard returning through Sicily and by Rome, where he visited his Holinesse, safely came home to England: Where he was welcomed with bad news, that a discontented Cornish-man, banished for his misdemeanours, had found out tinne-mines in* Bohemia; which afterwards more asswaged the swelling of this Earls bags then all his voyage to Palestine: For till that time that metall was onely fetched from England, which afforded meat to some forrein countreys, and dishes to all.

His voyage was variously censured: The Templars which consented not to the peace, flouted thereat, as if all this while he had laboured about a difficult nothing, and as good never a whit as never the better, for the agreement would never hold long. Others thought he had abundantly satisfied any rationall expectation: For he* compelled, saith one, the Saracens to truce, (a strange compulsion without, violence, except the shew∣ing of a scabbard) he restored many to the life of their life, their liberty; which alone was worth all his pains; the peace he con∣cluded Page  183 was honourable; and a cheap Olive-branch is better then dear Bayes.

Two of our English Richards were at Palestine; one famous for drawing his sword, the other his purse. He was also remark∣able herein, that he brought all his men and ships safe home, (next of kin to a miracle) and none will deny, but that in such dangerous adventures a saver is a gainer. One good he got hereby, This journey brought him into play amongst forrein Princes; henceforward the beyond-sea-world took notice of him, and he of it. Never would he have had the face to have courted the Crown Imperiall, if these his travels had not put boldnesse and audacity into him, which made him afterwards a stiff rivall to bid for the Empire of Germany.

Chap. 9.

ABout this time (though we find not the punctuall date there∣of) happened the death of Reinoldus Fredericks Lieutenant in Syria, who by his moderation had been a good bene factour to the Holy warre. But the Templars counted him to want metall, because he would not be mad and causelesly break the truce with the Sultan. In his grave was buried the happinesse of the Chri∣stians in Palestine: for now the lawlesse Templars observe no other rule but their own will.

And now the inundation of the Tartarians in spite of all dammes and banks overranne the North of Asia, and many na∣tions fled from their own countreys for fear of them. Amongst other the Corasines (called by some Choermines, and Gro•s∣soms) a fierce and warlike people, were notwithstanding by the Tartarians forced to forsake their land.

Being thus unkennelled, they had their recourse to the Sultan of Babylon, and petitioned him to bestow some habitation up∣on them. Their suit he could neither safely grant nor deny: A deniall would egge their disconten•• into desperatenesse;* and such sturdy dangerous vagabonds might do much harm: to ad∣mit them to be joynt-tenants in the same countrey with the Turks, was a present inconvenience, and would be a future mis∣chief. In stead therefore of giving them a house, he sent them to a work-house; yet so, that they apprehended it a great cour∣tesie done unto them: For he bestowed on them all the lands which the Christians held in Palestine; liberall to give away Page  184 what was none of his, and what the others must purchase before they could enjoy. The Sultan encouraged them to invade that countrey; whose people he pretended were weak and few, the land wealthy and fruitfull, so that the conquest would be easie, especially they having his assistance in the present service, and perpetuall patronage hereafter.

Animated herewith in come the Corasines with their wives and children (bringing their housholds with them to win houses and lands for them) into Syria, and march directly to Jerusalem; which being a weak and unfortified place,* was taken without re∣sistance. Weak and unfortified! Strange! It is confessed on all sides, that Frederick the Emperour and Reinoldus his Lieute∣nant spared no expense in strengthening this city; since which time we find no solemn taking it by the Turks: Who then can expect lesse then an impregnable place, where so much cost was sown? Which driveth us to conceive one of these three things; Either that the weaknesse of this citie was chiefly in the defen∣ders hearts; Or else that formerly there happened some blind and silent dispoiling of this place not mentioned by Authours; Or lastly, that Jerusalem was a Jericho, I mean, a place cursed in building, like Pharaohs lean kine, never • whit the fatter for de∣vouring much meat; and which still went in rags, though her friends bestowed change of raiment upon her.

Thus this city, after that it had been possessed fifteen years by the Christians, was wonne by this barbarous people, never since regained to our religion. Sleep, Jerusalem, sleep in thy ru∣ines, at this day of little beauty and lesse strength, famous onely for what thou hast been.

The Christians flying out of Jerusalem with their families, took their course towards Joppa; but looking back, beheld their own ensignes advanced on the city-walls, so done in policie by their enemies. Whereupon their credulity thus commented, That their fellows had beaten the Corasines in Jerusalem, and by these* banners invited them to return: But going back, they found but cold (or rather too hot) entertainment, being slain every mothers child of them. Dull nostrils! not to sent so stale and rank a stratagem of their foes, so often used, so easily defeat∣ed; not to send some spies to taste the bait before all swallowed it. But men marked out for destruction, will runne their own heads into the halter.

Chap. 10.

THe desperatenesse of the disease priviledgeth the taking of any Physick. The Christians being now in deep distresse, re∣solved on a dangerous course, but as (as their case stood) thought necessary: For they made peace with the Sultan of Dama•cus and Seisser, and with the Sultan of Cracci; (These were Dyna∣stes in Syria of some good strength, and were at discord with the Sultan of Babylon) and swearing them to be faithfull, bor∣rowed an armie of their forces, with them joyntly to resist the Corasines; seeking, saith* Frederick the Emperour, to find fidem in perfidia, trust in treachery. Many suspected these auxi∣liary forces▪ thinking, though the forrest-wolves fell out with the mountain ones, they would both agree against the sheep.

Robert Patriarch of Jerusalem was a most active commander over all. S. Lukes day was the time agreed upon for the fatall battel; near Tiberias was the place. As the Christians were ordering themselves in aray, it was questioned in what part of their armie their new Turkish assistants should be disposed, and concluded that they should be placed in the front, where if they did no other good, they would dull the appetite of their enemies sword. This is thought to have been a notorious errour, and cause of their overthrow. For though those souldiers who mean to be false, will never be made faithfull in what place soever they be bestowed, yet may they be made lesse dangerous if cast into the body or main battel of the army, whence they have no such scope to fling out, and to take advantage of place to do mischief, as they have either in the front or wings thereof, Thus in Cesars time, Crassus an experienced Generall under him being to bid the Gauls battel,* auxiliares copias, quibus ad pugnam non multùm confidebat, in mediam aciem collocavit; that so being hemmend in before and behind, they might be ingaged to fight manfully without starting away. And to instance in later times; our Ri∣chard the third (who though he usurped the Crown, had, as none will deny, a true title both to prowesse and martiall policie) marching to Bosworth, placed* suspected persons (whose bodies were with him and hearts with Earl Henry) in the midst; and those whom he most trusted, before, behind, and on every side.

The battel being joyned, the† Turks ranne over to the other Page  186 side; though some braved them onely with cowardlinesse not treachery, and that they fled from the battel but not fell to the enemies. The Christians manfully stood to it, and though over-powred in number, made a great slaughter of their enemies, till at last they were quite overthrown. Of the Teutonick Order escaped but three; of three hundred Templars, but eighteen; of two hundred Hospitallers, but nineteen: The patriarch (to use his own words) whom God reputed unworthy of martyrdome, saved himself by flight, with a few others. And this great over∣throw, to omit lesse partner-causes, is chiefly imputed to the Templars former so often breaking the truce with the Sultan of Babylon.

Thus were the Christians conquered by the Corasines, and beaten by a beaten nation; Palestine being wonne by those who could not keep their own countrey. Improving this victorie they left nothing to the Christians but Tyre, Ptolemais, and Antioch, with some few forts. Soon after, these Corasines ela∣ted herewith fell out with the Sultan himself; who in anger rooted out their nation, so that* none of their name remained: Yea,* all writers are silent of them both before this time and ever after: as if God at this very instant had created this people to punish Christians; which service performed, they were an∣nihilated again.

Chap. 11.

SOme two years after, Lewis the ninth of that name, King of France, came to assist the Christians. The occasion of his voyage, this; He had been visited with a desperate sicknesse, insomuch that all art cried craven, as unable to help him; and the Physicians resigned him to Divines, to begin with him where they ended: They also gave him over; and for a while he lay in a trance,* not the least breath brought news of any life left in him. Then Blanch the Queen-mother (and Queen of mothers for her care of her sonne and his Kingdome)* applied a piece of the Crosse unto him. Thereat (whether thereby, let others dispute) he revived and recovered; and thereupon was Croised, and in thankfulnesse bound himself with a vow to sail to the Holy land. But his Nobility disswaded him from that designe: The dangers were certain, the successe would be doubt∣full of so long a journey; his own Kingdome would be left de∣solate, Page  187 and many mischiefs unseen as yet, would appear in his absence: Besides, his vow was made in his sicknesse, whilest reason was scarce as yet in the peaceable possession of his mind, because of the remnant-dregs of his disease: It might also be dispensed with by the Pope; yea, his deserts did challenge so much from his Holinesse. King Lewis, as perswaded hereat, laid down the Crosse to the great comfort and contentment of all the beholders: But then* altering his countenance, he required the Crosse should be restored to him again, and vowed to eat no bread untill he was recognized with the Pilgrimes badge. And because his vow should suffer no diminution or abatement from his disease, now no longer Lewis the sick, but Lewis the sound undertook the holy Warre. His Nobles seeing him too stiff to be unbent, and counting it a kind of sacrilegious counsel to dis∣swade him from so pious a work, left him to his own resoluti∣ons. There went along with him his two brothers, Charles Earl of Anjou, Robert Earl of Artois, his own Queen, and their Ladies, Odo the Popes Legate, Hugh Duke of Burgundie, William Earl of Flanders, Hugh Earl of St. Paul, and William Longspath Earl of Sarisbury with a band of valiant English men, who went without licence from Henry King of England: For in those dayes this doctrine went currant, That their Prin∣ces leave was rather of complement then essentiall to their voy∣age; as if the band of this holy Warre was an acquitance from all others. Our Henry displeased at this Earls departure, for his disobedience deprived him of his Earldome and castle of Saris∣bury, not suffering that sheep to grase in his pasture which would not own him for his shepherd. William also sonne to this * Earl, smarting for his fathers fault, never enjoyed that honour. And though King Henry himself being a Prince of more devoti∣on then policie, did most affectionately tender this Holy cause, yet he used this necessary severity towards this Earl at this time; first, because it would weaken his land thus to be dispeopled of martiall men; secondly, his subjects forwardnesse might be in∣terpreted a secret check of his own backwardnesse in that warre; thirdly, the sucking in of forrein aire did wean people from their naturall Prince, and did insensibly usher into their hearts an alienation from their own Sovereigne, and a dependence on the King of France; lastly, he had some thoughts on that voyage himself, and reserved such prime Peers to attend on his own per∣son thither.

The Pope gave to this King Lewis his charges,* the tenth of the Clergies revenues through France for three years; and the King imployed the Popes collectours to gather it, knowing those leaches were the best suckers. Hereupon the states of the Cler∣gy were shaved as bare as their crowns; and a poore Priest who Page  188 had but twenty shillings annuall pension, was forced to pay two yearly to the King: And this by my* Authour is made the cause of his following ill successe, there being much extortion used by his under-officers. No wonder then if the wings of that army did quickly flag, having so heavy a weight of curses hanging upon them. And though money be the sinews of warre, yet ill-gotten money, like gouty sinews, rather paineth then strengtheneth. True it is, that this pious King was no way guil∣ty thereof, but such as were under him; and oftentimes the head doth ach for the ill vapours of the stomach. He himself most princely caused to be proclaimed through his realm, If any merchant or other had been at any time injured by the Kings exactours,* either by oppression or borrowing of money, let him bring forth his bill, shewing how and wherein, and he should be recompensed. How this was performed we find not; but it was a good lenitive plaister to asswage the peoples pain for the present.

Having at Lyons took his leave of the Pope, and a blessing from him, he marched towards Avignon: Where some of the ci∣ty wronged his souldiers, especially with foul language. Where∣fore his Nobles desired him that he would besiege the citie, the rather because it was suspected that therein his father was poy∣soned. To whom Lewis most Christianly, I come not out of France to* revenge my own quarrels,* or those of my father or mother, but injuries offered to Jesus Christ. Hence he went without delay to his navie, and committed himself to the sea.

Chap. 12.

SAiling forward with a prosperous wind,* he safely arrived in Cyprus; where Alexius Lusignan King of the Island enter∣tained him according to the stateliest hospitality. Here the pesti∣lence (one of the ready attendants on great armies) began to rage: And though a French* writer saith it was minax mag•s quàm funesta, yet we find in others, that two hundred and fourty Gentlemen of note died by force of the infection.

Hither came the Embassadours from a great Tartarian Prince (but surely not from Cham himself) invited by the fame of King Lewis his piety, professing to him, That he had renounced Page  189 his Paganisme, and embraced Christianity; and that he intend∣ed to send messengers to Pope Innocent to be further instructed in his religion. But some Christians which were in Tartary dis∣swaded him from so doing, lest the Tartarians coming to Rome should behold the dissolutenesse of mens lives there, and so re∣fuse to suck the milk of sweet doctrine from so sowre and bitter nipples, besmeared about with bad and scandalous conversati∣on. Yea, never could the Christian religion be shewed to* Pa∣gans at any time on more disadvantages: Grecians and Latines were at deadly feud; amongst the Latines, Guelfes and Gibel∣lines sought to ruine each other: Humility was every-where preached, and pride practised: They perswaded others to la∣bour for heaven, and fell out about earth themselves: Their lives were contrary to their doctrines, and their doctrines one to another.

But as for these Embassadours,* King Lewis received them ve∣ry courteously, dismissing them with bounteous gifts. And by them he sent to their master a Ten•, wherein the history of the Bible was as richly as curiously d•picted in needle-work; ho∣ping thus to catch his soul in his eyes, and both in that glorious present: Pictures being then accounted lay-mens books, though since of many condemned as full of errata's, and never set forth by authority from the King of heaven to be means or workers of faith.

Whilest Lewis stayed in Cyprus, the Templars in the Holy land began to have his greatnesse in suspicion. This Order (as both the other, of Hospitallers and Teutonicks) though mown down to the bare roots at the last unfortunate battel, yet now in three years space sprung up as populous as ever before; their other brethren which lived in their severall Covents and Com∣mandries over all Europe, having now refurnished the houses in Palestine.

Now these Templars were loth King Lewis should come to Ptolemais, though they counterfeited he should be very wel∣come there. They formerly there had commanded in chief without controll, and were unwilling, having long sat in the sad∣dle, now to dismount and hold the stirrup to another. Besides, they would not have so neat and cleanly a guest see their slutrish houses, fearing Lewis his piety would shame their dissolutenesse, (being one so godly in his conversation, that by the preaching in his life he had converted many* Saracens) yea, perchance he being a strict Disciplinarian would punish their vicious manners. Wherefore they wrote to him out of Syria, to accept of a peace with the Sultan of Egypt now offered, and to proceed no further in warre against him.

The French King, whose heart was ever open to any fair Page  190 agreement, and shut against any dishonourable suspicions, had entertained the motion, had not the King of Cyprus, being more studied in the Templars treacheries, better instructed him: For he told him, this was but a* trick of their great Master, who under-hand had sent to the Sultan, and procured him to profer this peace onely for their own private ends, for to divert the King from coming amongst them. Lewis, though the mild∣est and most patient of Princes, yet not a drone which wanted the sting of anger, commanded the Master of the Templars up∣on the price of his head thenceforward to receive no Embassage, nor keep any intelligence with their enemy, and resolved with himself to invade Egypt.

Chap. 13.

BUt he stood so long in aiming, that the bird saw him, and had leisure to flie away, and Meladine the Egyptian King to provide himself to make resistance. Last time (some thirty years before) when the Christians under John Bren invaded Egypt, they were not impeached in their arrivall, but suffered to land with∣out any opposition. But Meladine now was sensible of the dis∣commodity in permitting his •oes safely to come on shore: For first, they wasted and spoiled the countrey & the provision about them: Secondly, opportunity was given to male contents and ill-disposed persons to flie to the enemy: Lastly, he found it most policy to keep the enemy off at arms end, and to close at the last; and not to adventure his Kingdome on the single die of a battel, but rather to set it on a chance, that so he might have the more play for it. Wherefore he resolved to strengthen his maritime places, and not suffer them to land; though also here∣in he met with many difficulties. For as nothing was more cer∣tain then that Lewis would set on Egypt, so nothing more un∣certain; and because it was unknown at what time or place he would come, all times and places were provided for. This ex∣hausted a masse of treasure to keep in pay so many souldiers for many moneths together. But it is no time to dispute about un∣necessary thirft, when a whole Kingdome is brought into questi∣on to be subdued.

And because the landing-places in Egypt are of great disad∣vantage Page  191 to the defendants, yielding them no shelter from the fu∣ry of their enemies artillery, being all open places and plain (the shores there being not shod against the sea with huge high rocks, as they are in some other countreys, because the land is low and level) Meladine was forced to fortifie welnigh an hundred and eighty miles along the sea-side; and what Nature had left bare, Art put the more clothes on; and by using of great industry (such as by Tully is fitly termed horribilis industria) in short space all that part of Egypt was fenced which respecteth the sea.

Winter being past, Robert Duke of Burgundie, and Alphonse King Lewis his brother arrived in Cyprus with a new army; and hereupon they concluded to set forward for Egypt, and at∣tempted to land near Damiata.* But the governour thereof with a band of valiant souldiers stoutly resisted them. Here was a doubtfull fight: The Egyptians standing on the firm ground, were thereby enabled to improve and* inforce their darts to the utmost, whilest the French in their ticklish boats durst not make the best of their own strength. Besides, those on land threw their weapons downwards from the forts they had erected, so that the declivity and downfall did naturally second the violent impression of their darts. How-ever, the Infidels at last were here beaten with what commonly was their own weapon, I mean, multitude; so that they fled into the town,* leaving behind them their governour and five hundred of their best souldiers dead on the shore.

Damiata was a strong city, the taking whereof was accounted the good task of an army for a yeare. But now the Egyptians within were presented afresh with the memory of the miseries they indured in the last long siege by the Christians; and fearing lest that tragedy should be acted over again, set fire on their houses, and in the night saved themselves by flight. The French issuing in quenched the fire,* and rescued much corn and other rich spoil from the teeth of the flame.

Meladine much troubled with this losse, to purchase peace * offered the Christians all Jerusalem in as ample a manner as ever formerly they had enjoyed it; all prisoners to be restored, with a great summe of money to defray their charges, and many other good conditions: So that we may much wonder at his profusenesse in these profers, and more at the Christians indis∣cretion in their refusall. For though some advised to make much of so frank a chapman, and not through covetousnesse to out∣stand their market; yet the Popes Legate and Robert Earl of Artois,* heightened with pride that they could not see their pro∣fit, and measuring their future victories by the largenesse of their first footing in Egypt, would make no bargain except A∣lexandria, the best port in Egypt were also cast in for vantage, to Page  192 make the conditions down-weight: And King Lewis, whose nature was onely bad because it was so good, would in no wise crosse his brother in what he desired. Whereupon the Turks seeing themselves in so desperate condition, their swords being sharpened on extremity, provided to defend their countrey to the utmost.

Chap. 14.

ABout this time brake out the dissensions betwixt the French and English. The cause whereof (as some say) was, for that the Earl of Sarisbury in sacking a fort got more spoil then the French. But surely the foundation of their discontents lay much lower, being on old enmity betwixt the two nations, and Robert Earl of Artois used Earl William and his men with much dis∣courtesie.

The Robert stood much on the Royaltie of his descent, being brother to King Lewis, though nothing of kin in conditions, being as bountifull to deal injuries and affronts as the other alms and charitable deeds. The English Earl, though he stood on the lower ground in point of birth, yet conceived himself to even him in valour and martiall knowledge. And though godly King Lewis used all his holy-water to quench these heart-burnings, his successe answered not this pains, much lesse his desires; onely his cooling perswasions laid their enmities for the present fairly asleep.

Amidst these broils died Meladine the Egyptian King. A worthy Prince he was; though some write very coursely of him: as he must rise early, yea, not at all go to bed, who will have every ones good word. Let Christians speak of him as they found: whose courtesies to them when they were half-drown∣ed in Egypt, if they will not confesse, they deserve to be whol∣ly drowned for their ingratitude. In the latter end of his age he quite lost the good will of his subjects, and lived unloved, and died unlamented, though a deserving and fortunate man, which oftentimes covereth a multitude of faults. The chief reason whereof was, because they suspected him to be unsound in his religion, and offering to Christianity: Besides, having reigned above thirty years, his government became stale; and good things, if of long continuance, grow •edious, they being rather affected for their variety then true worth: Lastly, the rising Page  193 sunne stole the adorers from the sunne setting; and Melechsala his sonne being an active and promising Prince, reigned before in mens desires over the Kingdome. To him now they all ap∣plied themselves; and having more wisdome in their generation then the Christians, instantly ceased their private diss•nsions. And now the Sultans of Damascus, Aleppo, and Babylon twisted themselves in a joint agreement with Melechsala to de∣fend their Mahometane religion.

Chap. 15.

FRom Damiata the French marched up towards Cairo;* the governour whereof offended with Melechsala, promised to deliver that Regall citie to the French. With some danger and more difficultie they passed an arm of Nilus, being conducted by a fugitive Saracen to a place where it was foordable. Hence Earl Robert marched forward with a third part of the army, and suddenly assaulting the Turks in their tents (whilest Melechsala was absent in solemnizing a feast) put them to flight. Hereupon this Earl pro•laimed himself in his hopes Monarch of the world: This blow made his enemies reel, the next would fell them: Now speed was more needfull then strength: This late victory, though gotten, was lost if not used: What though they were not many? the fewer the adventurers, the greater the gain: Let them therefore forwards, and set on the whole power of the Turks, which was incamped not farre off.

But the Master of the Templars,* in whom the sap of youth was well dried up, advised the Earl to stay and digest the honour he had gotten, expecting the arrivall of the rest of their armie: for the work was weighty they undertook, and needed two shoulders, the united strength of the Christians, effectually to manage it: His souldiers were weary, and must be refreshed; and it was madnesse to starve them to day in hope of a feast to morrow: That they were to march through a strange countrey, and their best instructours were behind: let them stay for their lantern, and not go in the dark. He minded him that he over∣valued his victory, not considering the enemies strength, whose harvest was not spoiled by losing an handfull of men.

But the Earl, full of the emptinesse of self-conc•it, allowed Page  194 no counsel for currant but that of his own stamp, He scorned to wait the leisure of another opportunity, and opprobriously ob∣jected to the* Templars the common fame, That the Holy land long since had been wonne, but for the collusion of the false Templars and Hospitallers with the Infidels.

Here the Earle of Sarisbury interposed himself to make peace, and to perswade Robert to listen to the wholesome counsel that was given him. But his good will was rewarded with Cow∣ard, Dastard, English tail, and such like contumelious terms. Wherefore said our Earl, Well, Generall, on in Gods name; * I believe this day you will not dare to come nigh to my hor∣ses tail. And now the touchstone must tell what is gold, what is brasse.

Marching on, they assaulted the castle of Mauzar, and were notably repulsed; and Melechsala coming in with his whole strength, hemmed them in on every side. The Christians were but the third part of the armie; and at the present, they them∣selves were scarce the half of themselves, being faint for want of refreshing. Yet never shall one read more valour in so little a volume: They played their parts most stoutly. As for the French Earl who went on like thunder, he went out like smoke, crying to the Earl of Sarisbury, Flee, flee, for God fighteth a∣gainst us. To whom our Earl, God forbid my fathers sonne should flee fom the face of a Saracen. The other seeking to save himself by the swiftnesse of his horse, and crossing the river, had there water enough to drown him, but too little to wash from him the stain of rashnesse and cowardise. Thus died the Earl of Artois: who had in him the parts of a good Generall, but inver∣ted and in transposition, bold in counsel, fearfull in execution. He was one of that princely quaternion of brothers which came hither at this voyage, and exceeded each other in some quality; Lewis the Holiest, Alphonse the Subtillest, Charles the Stout∣est, and this Robert the Proudest.

As for the Earl of Sarisbury, he resolved to sell his life at such a rate that the buyer should little boast of his penny-worth, slay∣ing many a Turk; and though unhorsed and wounded in his legs, stood on his honour when he could not stand on his feet; and refusing all quarter, upon his knees laid about him like a de∣sperate man. The longer he fought, the fewer wounds he had; and there at last he breathed forth his soul in the middest of his enemies. Of all the Christians there escaped no more then two Templars, one Hospitaller, and one common souldier, the mes∣sengers of this heavy news.

The French writers, because they can say little good, say lit∣tle of this battel, and lessen the overthrow as much as may be; which Authours of other nations have more fully reported. Page  195 Thus sometimes unfortunate gamest•rs fl•tter themselves, belie their own purses, and dissemble their losses, whereof the stand∣ers by take more accurate notice. P. Aemylius (an Italian, born at Verona; but by long writing the French history his penne is made free denison of France) though with his hand he doth hide the orifice of the wound, yet it is too narrow to cover the whole sore round about: So that it plainly appeareth, that a great and grievous and most mortall blow was here given to the Christians.

Chap. 16.

IT is easier to be conceived then expressed, what generall grief this dolefull news brought to the French; who followed not farre off, and who before had cause enough to sorrow for them∣selves: For the plague began to rage furiously amongst them, and daily swept away thousands. Mean time good King Lewis sent many of the weakest and impotentest people down the river to Damiata, there to enjoy the benefit of privacie, good atten∣dance, and physick. Melechsala having intelligence hereof, met them by the way; and setting upon them (having neither arm to fight, nor legs to runne away) either burned or drowned them all, save one English man, Alexander Giffard (whose ancient and famous family flourisheth to this day at Chellington in Staffordshire) who wounded in five places of his bodie, escaped to the French, and reported what had happened to the rest.

And by this time Melechasala understood of the correspon∣dency betwixt King Lewis and the governour of Cairo, for the betraying of the city: Whereupon he caused him suddenly to be apprehended; whereby the French King lost all hopes to ob∣tain that place of importance. Yea, now full willingly would the Christians have accepted the terms formerly offered them; and now their hungry stomachs would make dainties of those conditions which before, when full of pride, they threw away as fragments. But the Turks now sleighted them as not worth the treating with; and as knowing that these Frenchmen, who at their first landing were more then men, would at last be lesse then women.

Then began the French Lords to perswade King Lewis to Page  196 provide for the safety of his own person, and to return to Da∣miata. They told him, That if he stayed with them, there was no hope grounded on probability (and what was any other but a wilfull self-delusion?) of his escaping: If he were killed, his death would be a living shame to their religion; if taken prisoner, how would Mahomet insult over Christ! The captivity of the most Christian of the most Christian Kings would be foundation •nough for the Turks thereon to build tropheys of eternall tri∣umph. But Lewis would not leave them, that they might not leave him, but resolved to be a commoner with them in weal and wo; disdaining to be such a niggard of his life as not to spend it in a good cause in so good company.

Forward they march, and come to the fatall place where the last battel was fought. There behold the mangled, headlesse, handlesse, feetlesse corpses of their fellow-countreymen. They knew in generall they were all their friends; none knew his par∣ticular friend. The cause of this unwonted cruelty to the dead, was a proclamation which Melechsala made, assigning a great summe of money to every one who would bring the head, hand, or foot of a Christian: And this made many of his cove∣tous cowards (who carried their valour in their purses) to be couragious. Whilest the French were here bemoning their fel∣lows, Melechsala came upon them with an infinite multitude,* and put them all (being few and feeble) to the sword; taking King Lewis, with his two brethren, Alphonse and Charles, pri∣soners.

Instantly the Turks went up with French ensignes to Damia∣ta, hoping so suddenly to surprise it. Which proje•t had it took effect, then farewell King Lewis for ever. He must be sent a present to the Caliph of Babylon, from whom never any re∣turned alive; Melechsala being but Purgatory, whence there was redemption; but the Babylonian Caliph Hell it self, from whence no hope of release. But God defeated their designe; for the Turks could not French it so handsomely, but that they were discovered. The very language of their hands made them suspected afarre off, because they could not counterfeit the French idiotismes in managing their bucklers, that nation being most punctuall and criticall in their military postures: But being come near, it was plain for any to read Turk in their beards and complexions; so that they departed without having what they de•ired.

Chap. 17.

SOme made more hast then good speed (bad news being the worst ware a ship can be fraught with) to sail into France with the sad tidings of this overthrow. These intelligencers Blanch, the Queen-mother and Regent of France, rewarded with the gallows: and my Authour doubteth not to pronounce them all* Martyrs. But let them be contented with the corone• of their own innocence, though without the crown of Martyr∣dome; that honour alone belonging to such as suffer death for fundamentall points of religion.* But so great an eclipse could not long be kept from the eyes of the world; and this doleful and dismall news was sounded and seconded from every side. Then was there a generall lamentation over all Christendome, chiefly in France, where all were so sorrowfull, that any mirth was counted profanenesse. Many bounded not themselves within the banks of grief, but brake out into blasphemy, both in France and elsewhere, taxing Justice it self of being unjust; and not con∣tent to admire what they could not conceive, condemned Gods proceedings herein to be against right, because above their rea∣son. Fools, because they could not conquer on earth, did quar∣rel with heaven. This bad breath, though it came but from the teeth of some, yet proceeded from the corrupted lungs of o∣thers: some spake but out of present passion, but others even out of inbred Atheisme. Many who before were but luke warme in religion, now turned stark cold. In Venice and some others cities of Italy, the inh•bitants whereof* Matthew Paris calleth semi∣christian•s, but half-Christians (though this his harsh appellati∣on wanteth three parts of charity) began wholly to tend to apostasie. And now for a crutch to stay their reeling faith, it was high time for the Clergy to ply the pulpits. They perswa∣ded those Rachels who in this voyage had lost any children and would not be comforted, that their children were in a most blessed condition: They emptied all their boxes of their co∣lours of rhetotorick, there with to paint out the happinesse of their estate which they enjoyed in heaven: They pieced out their Sermons with reporting of Miracles▪ How William Earl of Sa∣risbury appeared to his* mother, and assured her that he reigned most glorious in heaven. She presently forgot her grief for lo∣sing her sonne, for joy that she had found a Saint, yea, a Martyr. This was their constant custome; When any in Europe wept for the losse of their friends in this warre, their tears were instantly Page  198 dried up with some hot miracle that was reported them: Where∣with the silly people were well pleased; as babes of clouts are good enough to keep children from crying.

About this time many thousands of the English were resolved for the Holy warre, and would needs have been gone, had not the King strictly guarded his ports, and kept his Kingdome from running away out of doores. The King promised he would go with them, and hereupon got a masse of mony from them for this journey. Some say, that he never intended it; and that this onely was a trick to stroke the skittish cow to get down her milk. His stubborn subjects said, that they would tarry for his compa∣ny till midsummer, and no longer. Thus they weighed out their obedience with their own scales, and the King stood to their al∣lowance. But hearing of this sorrowfull accident, both Prince and people altered their resolution; who had come too late to help the French in their distresse, and too soon to bring them∣selves into the same misery.

Chap. 18.

BUt to return to Egypt; where King Lewis was kept prisoner by Melechsala, who often felt his disposition about the resign∣ing of Damiata, but found that to hear of death was more wel∣come musick unto him.

But see here a sudden alteration: One Tarqueminus a sturdy Mammaluke, with another of that society, killed Melechsala in the very heighth of his victorious happinesse, and succeeded him in the Egyptian Kingdome. This Tarquemine came in with an in∣tent to send Lewis the same way: Which poor Prince was one∣ly armed with innocence and Majestie, and yet his bare person defended his person from that cruel attempt: such an awfull im∣pression did his very presence, saith my Authour, strike into him who would have stricken him. But we may rather think that the city of Damiata was King Lewis his corslet, and that all the towres and walls of that place fenced him; Tarquemnius re∣serving his person as an equivalent ransome, thereby to redeem that royall citie.

Now Lewis had changed his Lord, but not his lamentable condition, continuing still a prisoner. At last he was restored to his liberty, on condition, that the Christians should surrender Damiata, and he also pay back to the Turks many thousand Page  199 pounds, both for ransome of Christian captives, and in satisfa∣ction of the vastations they had committed in Egypt. Lewis for security of this money, pawned to the Turk the Pyx and Host (that is, the body of Christ transsubstantiated in the Eucharist) as his chiefest jewel which he should be most carefull to redeem. Hence, in perpetuall memory of this conquest, we may see a * Wafer-cake and a box alwayes wrought in the borders of that tapestry which is brought out of Egypt.

Note by the way, That the Turks were most unreasonable in their rates of ransoming souldiers, and in all other their pecunia∣ry demands. For their own countrey being near to the foun∣tain of gold and silver, they made as if it flowed as plentifully in other places, measuring the wealth of other lands by their own, and asking as much for a private mans ransome as would drain a Princes purse in these Western parts.

Thus was Damiata restored again to the Turks, and the Chri∣stians punctually performed their promises; though the false Miscreant on the other side set not half the captives free, killed all the sick persons whom by promise he should relieve, and (contrary to the agreement) suffered not any Christian to trans∣port any of his goods out of Egypt.

Hence Lewis sailed to Ptolemais: where he lived in a misera∣ble case, being forsaken of his brothers, subjects, friends, and the Pope himself. His brothers, Alphonse and Charles, though sent into France to solicite his suit, and to advance his ransome with speed, yet being arrived forgot the affliction of Joseph; and the King was as farre from their mind as their sight: Wherefore God justly visited Alphonse with an incurable disease. His sub∣jects, though furious at first in bemoning him, yet the fit past, complained not so much for him as on him; charging him for ill managing the matters in Egypt by his cowardlinesse and in∣discretion. His friends the Pisans and Genoans reviled him as the marrer of their mart, Damiata being formerly their most gainfull port; but now their hony was spoiled by destroying their hive: for the Sultan seing the city taken twice of the Christians in short time, to prevent further dispute about it, took away the subject of the question, and rased it to the ground. The Pope forsook him: And though many intreated his Holinesse not to prosecute the Emperour Frederick any fur∣ther, from whom Lewis expected all the beams of his comfort, yet he would hear of no submission from him, but sought fi∣nally to ruine him. Onely Blanch, King Lewis his mother, was carefull for her sonne, and laboured his cause day and night. But alas! her armes were too short to bring all ends together. And having gathered a considerable summe of money, and shipped it for Palestine, a tempest in a moment* cast that away which Page  200 her care and thrift was many moneths in getting. All this he bore with a soul not benummed with Stoicall senslessenesse, but becalmed with Christian patience:* a second Job; so that what pleased God, pleased him. It somewhat mitigated his misery, that he had the company of his consort Margaret, a woman wor∣thy so good a husband. Here she bore him a child, which be∣cause another Benoni, or sonne of sorrow, was called Tristram. But that* name is more ancient, nor had it its birth from the christening of this child.

Foure yeares King Lewis lived (not to say, loitered) in Syria, daily expecting in vain that some Prince of Europe should fetch him off with honour, being loth to return till he could carry home his credit with him. And though he was out of his King∣dome, yet was he in his Kingdome, whilest surveying there the sacred monuments wherewith he was so highly affected.

Chap. 19.

NOw more largely of Tarqueminus, and his killing Melech∣sala, and of the common-wealth of the Mammalukes be∣gun by him. And because great is the merit of this story, as very memorable, we will fetch it from its first originall.

Saladine (as is touched* before) was the first of the Tur∣kish Kings who began the gainfull trade of the Mammalukes. These were Christian captives, brought out of Taurica Cher•o∣nesus, and instructed as in Mahometanisme so in all military discipline; Saladine disposing them in martiall nurseries, and continuing a constant succession of them one under another. It is above belief how much and speedily they were improved in warlike exercises: Art doubled their strength by teaching them to use it. And though they came rough out of their own coun∣trey, they were quickly hewen and polished by education: yea, their apprehensions prevented the precepts, and their practise surpassed the presidents of those that instructed them. As it is observed in fruits and flowers, that they are much bettered by change to a fitter soil; so were these people by altering their climate: the cold countrey wherein they were bred, gave them big and robustious bodies; and the hot climate whereinto they were transplanted, ripened their wits, and bestowed upon them Page  201 craft and activity, the dowrie of the Southern countreys. They attained to be expert in any service; especially they were excel∣lent horsemen: and at last they began to ride on the backs and necks of the Turkish Kings themselves.

True it is, Saladine kept his distance over them, used them kindly, yet made them not wantons; and so poised these Mamma∣lukes with his native Egyptians, that in all actions he still reser∣ved the casting voice for himself. But Meladine and Melechsala his successours, entertained them without number, and instruct∣ed them beyond reason, so that under them in a manner they monopolized all places of strength and command; till at last, the stemme of these mercenary souldiers being too great for the stock of the natives, the Turkish Kingdome in Egypt, like a top-heavy tree, became a windfall. Indeed, the dastardnesse of the Egyptians made these Mammalukes more daring and insolent. For the Egyptians more loved profit then honour, and wealth then greatnesse; and though contented to abide labour, would in no wise undergo danger. Merchandise they where wholly im∣ployed in; and it seemed they used trading so long, till at last they made sale of their own spirits. Yea, one could not now know Egypt to be Egypt, but onely by the overflowing of Nilus, not by any remaining ancient marks of valour in the peoples disposi∣tion. Thus the genius of old Kingdomes in time groweth weaker, and doteth at the last.

But to come to Tarqueminus; He being one of these Mamma∣lukes, and perceiving how easie it was for those that did sup∣port, to supplant the Turkish Kings, with another of his associ∣ates slew Melechsala, as it was said. And because it was unfit∣ting so great a Prince should go to the grave alone, he also sent his children and intimate friends thither to attend him. Tarque∣minus afterwards procured of his society to be chosen King of Egypt. He was the Solon or Lycurgus of this slavish common∣wealth, and by the consent of the rest of his company he enacted many laws: Whereof these were those of the Grand Charter, which admitted of no revocation:

First, That the* Sultan, or chief of this servile Empire, should be chosen alwayes out of the Mammalukes.

Secondly, That none should be admitted to the Order of the Mammalukes which were either Jews or Turks by birth, but onely such as being born Christians, were afterwards taken ca∣ptives, and then from the time of their slavery had been in∣structed in the Mahometane religion.

Thirdly, That though the sonnes of the Mammalukes might enjoy their fathers lands and wealth, yet they might not take up∣on them the name or honour of a Mammaluke.

Fourthly, That the native Egyptians should be permitted no Page  202 use of weapons, but onely such as with which they fought a∣gainst weeds, to till and manure the land.

In surveying this State, we can turn no way but must meet with wonders:

First, one would think that there was such an indelible cha∣racter of slavery in these captives, and such a laesum principium in them, that none of them ever should make a good Prince, as knowing no more how to sway a scepter then a pure clown to manage a sword▪ or else that they should over-state it, turn ty∣rants, and onely exchange their slavery, by becoming vassals to their own passions. Yet many of them in their kinds were wor∣thy Princes for government, no whit inferiour to those which are advantaged with royall birth and breeding.

Secondly, it is a wonder they should be so neglective of their own children. How many make an idol of their posterity, and sacrifice themselves unto it, stripping themselves out of necessa∣ries to provide their heirs a wardrobe! yea, it is a principle in most moderate minds, to advance their posterity; thinking here∣by in a manner they overcome death, and immortalize their me∣mories, in leaving their names and honours to their children: Whereas the contrary appeared in these Mammalukes.

Thirdly, it is admirable that they fell not out in the election of their Prince, being in a manner all equall amongst themselves. We see elective States in Christendome, though bound with the straitest laws, often sagge aside into schismes and factions; where∣as this strange Empire in their choice had no dangerous discords, but such as were quenched in the kindling.

Lastly, who ever knew a wall that had no better cement, to stand so sure and so long? Two hundred sixty and seven years this State endured; and yet had it to do with strong and puissant enemies. Some Kingdomes ow their greatnesse not so much to their own valour and wisdome as to the weaknesse of their neighbours: but it fared not thus with the Mammalukes. To omit Prester John, who neighboured them on the south; on all other sides they were encompassed with potent opposers: From whom right valiantly they defended themselves, till in the yeare 1517 they were overcome by Selimus the great Turkish Em∣perour.

To conclude; As for the Amazons and their brave atchieve∣ments, with much valour and no manhood; they and their State had onely being in the brains of fabulous writers: As for the Assasines, or regiment of rogues; it never spread to the breadth of any great countrey, nor grew to the height of a Kingdome; but being the jakes of the world, was cast out in a place betwixt barren hills: But this Empire of vassals was every way won∣derfull, stretching so farre over all Egypt and most of Syria, Page  203 and lasting so long. A strange State! wherein slavery was the first step to their throne, and apostasle the first article in their religion.

Chap 20.

IN this same yeare Frederick King of Jerusalem and Empe∣rour of Germanie ended his troublesome dayes. A Prince, who in the race of his life met with many rubs, some stumbles, no dangerous fall. Besides the Turk, he had to do with the Pope (the Pope immortall in his succession.) And though his Holinesse was unfit for warre (as being alwayes old, and never ripe for that place till almost rotten) yet he used his own head, and commanded the hands of others; whereby he kept Frede∣rick in a continuall warre. Yet never could he have beaten him with fair play, had he not used a weapon, if not against the law of Arms, against the law of God, and against which no guard, Arming his subjects against him, and Dispensing with the oath of allegeance.

But he gave Frederick the mortall wound, in setting himself against himself; I mean, Henry his eldest sonne. And though Frederick easily conquered that rebellious youth, and made him fast enough, keeping him in prison in Apulia, where he died: yet he carried the grief hereof to his grave. For now he knew not where or in whom to place any confidence; as suspecting the single cord of Loyalty would not hold in others, which brake in his own sonne though twisted with Naturall affection.

The greatnesse of his spirit was a great hastening of his death; and being of a keen, eager, and active nature, the sharpnesse of the sword cut the scabbard the sooner asunder. Bow he could not, break he must. What-ever is reported, he died of no other poison then sorrow, (which ushered him into a wasting ague) grief being a burden whereof the strongest shoulders can bear the least. As for the same, that* Maufred his base son should stifle him with a pillow▪ though I must confesse he might be taken on suspicion, as likely enough to play such a devilish prank; yet it is unreasonable, that he who is acquitted by the Page  204 * Authours of the same time, should be condemned on the evi∣dence of the writers of after-ages.

He died at Florence in an obscure castle on S. Lucies day, ha∣ving reigned King of Jerusalem three and twenty years.* By his Will he bequeathed many ounces of gold to the Knights Tem∣plars and Hospitallers, in recompence of the wrongs they had received by him. He left a great summe of money for the reco∣very of the Holy land, to be disposed at the discretion of the foresaid knights. He forbad any stately funerall for himself, though in his life immoderately excessive in pomp; as if he would do penance for his pride after death. A Prince, who had he not been hindred with domesticall discords, would have equallized Caesar himself: For if thus bravely he •aid about him, his hands being tied at home with continuall dissentions, what would he have done if at liberty? A scandal is raised since his death, That he was but* a millers sonne; but he would have ground them to powder who in his life-time durst have aver∣red it. Indeed he was very happy in mechanicall matters, such as we may term Liberall handicrafts; as casting, founding, carving in iron and brasse: Nether did this argue a low soul, to dabble in such mean imployments, but rather proved the amplitude and largenesse thereof; of so generall acquaintance, that no Art was a stranger to him. But the suspicion of his birth rose from the almost miraculous manner of it; Con∣stantia his mother bearing him when welnigh sixty years of age. But both in Scripture and other writers, we may see the sonnes of long barren-mothers to have been fruitfull in famous atchievements.

Pity it was that he had some faults: yea, pity it had been if he had not had some. But his vices indeed were notorious and un∣excusable. Many wives and concubines he had, and by them many children.

Page  205It is much, that succession adventured in so many severall bottoms, should miscarry: Yet these foure sonnes dying, left no lasting issue; and in the third generation Fredericks stock, and that whole ra•e of Suevian Princes was extinct: Which in the judgement of some men was a judgement of God on him for his lasciviousnesse.

We must not forget a memorable passage which happened more then twenty yeares after Fredericks death:* One Tylo Colupp, a notable juggler, sometime brought up at the Court, cunningly sowing together all the old shreds of his Courtship,* and stretching them out with impudency, pretended to be Fre∣derick the Emperour, long detained in captivity in Palestine. The difference betwixt their a•pects was easily reconciled; for few Phys•ognomy marks are so deeply fixed in any face, but that age and misery will alter them. The credulity of the vulgar sort presently betrayed them to be couzened by him: yea, some Princes took this brasse for gold without touching it. But the best engine which gave this puppet his motion, was a bruit con∣stantly buzzed, That Frederick was not dead. For Princes, the manner of whole deaths hath been private and obscure, fame commonly conjureth again out of their graves, and they walk abroad in the tongues and brains of many, who affirm and be∣lieve them to be still alive. But the world soon suifeted of this cheaters forgerie; and this glow-worm when brought into the light, shined no more, but at Nantes was burnt to ashes by Rodul∣phus the Emperour.

After Fredericks death there was an interregnum for three and twenty yeares in the Empire of Germany. True it is, that of some, William Earl of Holland (one without a beard, not va∣lour) was nominated Emperour. The Spirituall electours chose Richard, brother to our King Henry the third. And as in Corn∣wall he got much coin, so Germany gave him a bottomlesse bag to put it in. A third party named Alphonse King of Castile, an admirable Mathematician: But the ointment of his name is mar∣red with the dead flie of his Atheisticall speech, That if he had been in Gods stead, he could have framed the world better then now it is. Notwithstanding the best Dutch writers make an in∣terregnum, as counting the Empire still a widdow and all these rather her suiters then any her husband.

In like manner also in Palestine there was not any King for fourteen years after Fredericks death. The right indeed lay in Conrade Duke of Suevia, Fredericks sonne by Iole daughter to John Bren King of Jerusalem: But he was so imployed in defen∣ding himself in Sicily against Mau•ted his base brother (who soon after dispatched him out of the way) that he had no leisure to prosecute his title to the fragments of his Kingdome of Jeru∣salem.

Chap. 21.

GO we back to King Lewis, who all this while stayed in Pa∣lestine, busying himself partly in building and fencing of Si∣don and Cesarea, partly in composing discords betwixt the Pisans and Genoans, even proceeding to threaten them into agreement: But these armed men little cared for his naked me∣nacing. He being also an excellent religious Antiquary and Cri∣tick on holy monuments, much employed himself in redeeming of old sacred places from the tyranny of time and oblivion.

Mean time,* in his Kingdome of France happened this strange accident; An* Hungarian pesant, who is said to have been an apostate to Mahomet and well learned, gathered together many thousands of people, pretending they had intelligence from hea∣ven to march to the Holy land. These took on them the name and habit of Pastorelli, poore shepherds; in imitation belike (as the Devil is Gods ape) of those in the Gospel, who were warned by Angels in a vision to go to Bethlehem.

Being to shape their course into Palestine, they went into France; shewing they had a vertigo in their heads, mistaking the West for the East; or else, that like vagabonds they were never out of their way.

The Holy Lamb was their ensigne, but their actions neither holy nor lambe-like. They pillaged and killed the poor Jews as they went (an unhappy nation, whose heads lie pat for every ones hands to hit, and their legges so stand in mens way that few can go by them without spurning at them:) Where they wanted Jews, they made Jews of Christians, especially if they were rich, using them with all cruelty. But at last near Burdeaux threescore thousand of them were slain, and the rest dispersed. A rhymer of that age (or in courtesie call him a Poet) made this Epitaph on them;

* By this time Lewis in Syria had stayed out the death and bu∣riall Page  207 of all his hopes to receive succour from his own countrey. Long expecting in vain that France should come to him, he at last returned to it. The greatnesse of the burden he bore, made him to go the faster;* and being loaden with debts to his Italian creditours, he secretly hasted home: Where safely arriving, be∣sides loyaltie to their Prince, love to a stranger was enough to make him welcome.

Chap. 22.

LEwis is gone, and left the Christians in Syria in a wofull condition, without hope of amendment. Now, can any good come out of Tartary? Can the Northern wind blow a comfortable warmth? Yea; see a strange vicissitude of things!* Haito the Christian King of Armenia had travelled to Mango the Cham of Tartary,* to communicate to him the present dan∣ger of the T•rks, and to consult of a remedy. He shewed, how if order were not taken with them in time, they would over-runne all Asia: Let him not count that he lay out of their rode, because of his remote situation: For what is the way wander∣ers will not trace? He might expect onely this courtesie, to be last devoured. In conclusion, Haito prevailed so farre with this Pagan, that he not onely promised his assistance, but also was baptised,* and took the Christian religion on him: So also did his whole countrey by his example; and Christianity be∣ing the Court-fashion, none would be out of it. Never since the time of Constantine the Great, did the devill at once lose a greater morsel, or was there made a more hopefull accession to the Faith.

Understand we this conversion of Tartary (though Authours predicate it universally of that whole countrey) onely of Ca∣thaia, the Eastern and most refined part of that Empire: For Cannibals were still in the North, who needed first to be con∣verted to reason and to be made men, before they could become Christians. Also at this same time we find a swarm of Western Tartarian heathens forraging* Poland. So it seemeth, so vast was the Empire, that it was still night in the West, though it was day in the Eastern part thereof.

Now, whether the conversion of these Tartarians was so∣lemnly, Page  208 deliberately, and methodically wrought by preaching, first those things wherein the light of Nature concurreth with Faith; then, those wherein humane reason is no foe but standeth neuter; such as are merely of Faith, leaving the issue of all to God, whose* oratory onely can perswade souls: or whether (which is more probable) it was but tumultuously done, many on a sudden rather snatching then embracing religion, we will not dispute. Sure it is that Mango sent Haalon his brother (who is said to have married a wife an excellent Christian,* and* de∣scended from the Wise-men who came to see our Saviour) with a great army to suppresse the Turks and assist the Christians. It seemeth his army rid post; for falling into Persia, he conquered it sooner then one can well travell it,* in half a year. It facilita∣ted his victory, because that countrey had much unfurnished her self to furnish her forrain colonies and garisons in Syria: And ge∣nerally active nations are strongest abroad, and weakest at home; where they are onely strong with conceit of their strength be∣lieved in other countreys. The city Samarchanda onely resisted him.* Haalon seeing it would not come at the first, let it stay; counting it beneath a conquerour to tempt his fortune with a long siege, which perchance might alter the whole course of the cards, and make him rise a loser. Wherefore he himself onely skimmed the cream of the conquest, and went away with what was easie and smooth, deputing an inferiour captain to hew this knotty service; who after a long siege subdued it. For in re∣spect of the age of this siege, that of Troy was but a child, it lasting* seven and twenty yeares; and at last not taken but yield∣ed up, the defendants then wanting clothes to cover their na∣kednesse.

From Persia Haalon marched to Babylon:* The Caliph where∣of called Musteazem, was so superstitious an idolater to his wealth, that he would not provide necessaries for the defense of the city; and therefore it was quickly subdued. The cove∣tous Caliph he* famished to death, and then filled his mouth with melted gold. Every where Mosques went down and Churches up.

Hence into Mesopotamia:* which he instantly conquered, with the cities of Aleppo and Edessa. He wonne and restored many places to Conrade the Christian Prince of Antioch, which the Turks formerly detained from him. Yea, this Tar∣tarian armie so awed Melechem the Mammaluke Prince of E∣gypt, who succeeded Tarqueminus, that he durst not budge. And many other good offices this Haalon did to the Christians in Syria.

Chap. 23.

BUt they were unworthy of this happinesse, who would not be at leisure to make use of it, but busied themselves in pri∣vate dissensions, the Genoans against the Pisans and Venetians. These States (as many other in Italy) at this time were so proud in their Masters old clothes, they scarce knew themselves, grown brave with the feathers the Eagle had moulted, and set up by the breaking of the Emperour in Italy. The Vene∣tians and Genoans were hardly matched: The Pisans were not so strong, but as stomachfull as either of them, and then in this point of policie superiour to both; That first siding with the Genoans, they whipped the Venetians: then when they were sufficiently humbled, taking part with the Venetians, they strip∣ped and Iashed the Genoans: and the scales being even before, Pisa made that weigh down by course wherein she cast her grains.

Now not content to fall out at home within the dores of Italy, they must fight in Syria in the open street, where the Turks looked on and laughed at them; counting it in their ap∣prehension as good sport as to see a spider poison a toad. Be∣sides their old grudges transported hither out of Italy, this green wound was the cause of their dissension here: In Ptolemais these three States had their severall streets, severall markets for trading, and courts for causes both civill and criminall: but all three had one Church (that of S. Sabbas) common unto them, by the ordering of the Pope himself; who counted the same Church might serve the worshipers of the same God: But the* Venetians by the virtue of an ancient agreement betwixt them and King Baldwine for their service in winning this city, challenged a peculiar interest therein. Hereabout was their old bustling; and in a tumult, the Genoans at that time surpassing for number, drave the Venetians out of the Church: Yea, Philip of Montfort, a French Governour of Ptolemais in the time of the interregnum, wanting not onely policie for a Magistrate, but wit for a man (Blondus* saith he was half-mad, and his actions speak him no lesse) compelled the Venetians generally to forsake the city.

Implacably incensed hereat, the Venetians arm thirteen galleys which they had at Tyre, and coming to Ptolemais forc'd a sunder the chain which crossed the haven, and burned five and twenty ships of the Genoans which lay there. For alas! being strait∣ned Page  210 in the haven, they had no room (being intangled) to turn and free themselves one from another. And though united force be most forcible, yet not when so stifled and smothered that it cannot expresse and exercise it self. Many brave souldiers in these ships lost their lives in a bundle, without selling them, or ever opening their wares.

To avenge this losse, the State of Genoa sent from home a navie of fiftie ships of all sorts, which came to Tyre. There meet they with Reinetius Zenus Duke of Venice, with the united pow∣er of the Venetians and Pisans, counting no fewer then seven∣ty four vessels well provided. They would have fought in the very haven of Tyre, but the Governour of the city forbad it: It would be more scandalous to Christianity; The roving fireballs might hurt the city, and sinking ships hinder the harbour; Be∣sides, the conquered party would probably complain of the par∣tiality of the place, that it more favoured one side; They should not fight under his nose; if they had a mind to it, let them out and try their fortunes in the open sea.

Chap. 24.

ACcordingly it was performed; out they go and fall to their work. Their gallies, like Ostriches, used their legges more then their wings, more running with oars then flying with sails. At that time, before Ordinance was found out, ships were both gunnes and bullets themselves, and furiously ranne one against another.

They began with this arietation: Herein strength was much but not all; nimblenesse was also very advantageous to break and slent the down-right rushings of a stronger vessel. Then fell they to grappling: Here the steady ship had the better of it; and those souldiers who best kept their legges could best use their arms, the surest stander being alwayes the foundest striker. Much valour was shewed on both sides, and at last the victory fell to the Venetian. The Genoans losing five and twenty of their ships, fled, and saved the rest in the haven of Tyre, after a most cruel and desperate battel.

And surely, generally sea-fights are more bloudy then those on the land, especially since gunnes came up, whose shot be∣twixt Page  211 wind and water (like those wounds so often mentioned in the Scripture under the fifth rib) is commonly observed mor∣tall. Yea, full harder it is for a ship, when arrested and ingaged in a battel, to clear it self, then for souldiers by land to save themselves by flight. Here neither his own two nor his horses four legges can bestead any; but like accidents they must pe∣rish with their subjects, and sink with their ship.

And then why is the sea victory lesse honour, being more dan∣ger, then one atchieved by land? Is it because sea-service is not so generall, nor so full of varieties, and the mysteries thereof sooner learned? or because in sea-fights fortune may seem to be a deeper sharer, and valour not so much interested? Whatsoever it is, the laurel purchased on land hath a more lively verdure then that which is got at sea.

We return to the Venetians: who using or rather abusing this conquest, enter Ptolemais, cast out all Genoans thence, throw down their buildings both publick and private, demolish the fort which they had builded at S. Saba, rifle and spoil their shops, warehouses and storehouses: onely the Pope prevailed so farre with them, that they set at liberty the prisoners they had taken.

Ten years did this warre last betwixt these two States in Syria, composed at last (saith my Authour) by the authority of Pope Clement the fourth, and by famine (the bad cause of a good effect) which in Palestine starved them into agreement. Longer these warres lasted betwixt them in Italy: their successe, like the sea they fought on, ebbing and flowing. In this costly warre Pisa was first beggered; and for all her politick parta∣king, Genoa at last trode so heavy upon her, that ever since she hath drooped and hung the wing, and at this day is maid to Florence, who formerly was mistresse of a good part of Italy. But I have no calling and lesse comfort to prosecute these bloudy dissensions: For warres of Christians against Infidels are like the heat of exercise, which serveth to keep the body of Christianity in health; but these civil warres amongst them∣selves, like the heat of a feaver, dangerous, and destructive of religion.

Chap. 25.

WE have now gotten Pantaleon, a Frenchman, who suc∣ceeded Robert in the titular* Patriarchship of Jerusalem, to be Pope, by the name of Urbane the fourth. To advance the Holy cause, after fourteen years interregnum in Syria, he ap∣pointed Charles Duke of Anjou, yonger brother to King Lewis of France, King of Sicily and Jerusalem, and it was ratified by Clement the fourth his successour.

This honour was first offered to Lewis himself; but piety had dried up in him all ambitious humours: then to our Henry of England; but his warre-wasted purse could not stretch to the Popes price: At last, this Charles accepted it.* But it is not for any speciall favour to the bush, if a man run under it in a storm: it was no love to Charles, but to himself, to be sheltred from Maufred, that the Pope conferred this honour upon him. And the wife of Charles; that she might go in equipage with her three sisters, being Queens, sold all her* jewels to furnish her husband with money to purchase these Kingdomes: that sex loving bravery well, but greatnesse better.

Now the Pope (whose well grounded and bounded bountie will never undo him; for where he giveth away the meat he selleth the sauce)* conditioned with Charles on these termes: First, that he should conquer Maufred then King of Sicily, who molested the Pope; and that he should finally subdue all the re∣maining race of Frederick the second, Emperour, who claimed that Kingdome. Secondly, in acknowledgement that he held these Kingdomes from the Pope, he should pay him an annuall pension of four (some say fourty) thousand pounds. Provided, if this Charles should chance to be chosen Emperour of Ger∣many, that then he should either resigne Sicily back again into the hands of his Holinesse,* or not accept the Empire. For he knew that all Emperours would be possessed with an anti∣papall spirit;* and that they would hold Sicily, not in homage from the Church, but as a member of the Empire: Besides, the Pope would not dispense that Princes should hold pluralitie of temporall Dominions in Italy; especially, he was so ticklish he could not endure the same Prince should embrace him on both sides.

Ever since, the twinne-titles of Sicily and Jerusalem have Page  213 gone together; and fit it is that the shadow should follow the sub∣stance. Charles subdued Maufred and Conradine his nephew (the last of the Suevian race, and grandchild to Emperour Fre∣derick) and was possessed of Sicilie, and lived there; but as for the gaining of Jerusalem, he little regarded it, nor came thither at all: A watchfull King, who never slept in his Kingdome.

His absence gave occasion to* Hugh King of Cyprus to fur∣bish up new his old title to the Kingdome, as lineally descended from Almerick the second. And coming to Ptolemais, he there was crowned King of Jerusalem: But the extremity of the fa∣mine (all things being excessive dear) much abated the solem∣nity and state of his Coronation.*

Chap. 26.

BUt betwixt two Kings the Kingdome went to the ground:* For* Haalon the Tartarian Prince, and late Christian con∣vert, was returned home to succeed his brother Mango in the Empire, leaving Abaga his sonne with competent forces in the city of Damascus, which he had wonne from the Turks. Soon after, Abaga followed his father, aud substituted Guirboca his Lieutenant in Damascus.

This Guirboca, upon the occasion of his nephew rashly slain by the Christians in a broil,* fell off wholly from Christianity, with all the Tartarians his countreymen. The occasion this; The Dutch Christians return with great booty they had taken from the Turks;* Guirboca's nephew meeteth them, demandeth it for himself; the Christians deny him (as souldiers are very ten∣der-conscienced in that point, counting it a great sinne to part with the spoil they are possessed of:) hence brawls, then blows; Guirboca's nephew is slain: Hereat the Tartarians (who were very humorous in their friendship; if not observed to an inch, lost for ever) in discontent, all either reel aside to Mahomet, or fall back to Paganisme.

Herein the Christians cannot be excused: Infant-converts must be well tended. It had been discretion in them, even against discretion to have yielded a little to these Tartarians, and so to continue their amity, which was so advantageous to the Holy Page  214 warre. However, one may question the truth of their conversi∣on, whether reall at first: This spring was too forward to hold; and the speedy withering of their religion argueth it wanted root. And as tame foxes, if they break loose and return wild, do ten times more mischief then those which are wild from the beginning; so these renegadoes raged more furiously then any Pagans against religion. Guirboca sacrificed many Christians to the ghost of his nephew, destroyed Cesarea and burnt it, using all cruelty against the inhabitants.

Nor lesse were the Christians plagued at the same time with Bendocdar the Mammaluke Prince in Egypt; who succeeded Melechem, and every where raging against them, either killed or forced them to forswear their religion. The city of Joppa he took and burned;* and then wonne Antioch, slaying there∣in twenty thousand, and carrying away captive an hundred thousand Christians. But it may justly be suspected that these numbers were written first in figures, and therefore at too much length, when the adding of nothing may increase many thousands.

These wofull tidings brought into Europe, so wrought on the good disposition of Lewis King of France, that he resol∣ved to make a second voyage into Palestine to succour the Christians.

He so fixed his mind on the journeys end, that he saw not the dangers in the way. His Counsel could not disswade, though they did disswade him. First, they urged, that he was old; let younger men take their turns: They recounted to him his former ill successe; How lately had that hot countrey scorch'd the lilies of France, not onely to the blasting of the leaves, but almost wi∣thering of the root? Besides, the sinews of the Christians in Sy∣ria were so shrunk, that though lifted up, they could not stand; That Nature decayed, but not thus wholly destroyed, was the subject of physick; That the Turks had got a habit of conquer∣ing, and riveted themselves into the possession of the countrey; so that this voyage would but fleet the cream of the Kingdome to cast it into the fire.

But as a vehement flame maketh feuel of whatsoever it meet∣eth; so this Kings earnest resolution turned bridles into spurres, and hind rances into motives to his journey. Was he old? let him make the more speed, lest envious death should prevent him of this occasion of honour. Had he sped ill formerly? he would seek his credit where he lost it: Surely, Fortunes lottery had not all blanks, but that after long drawing he should light on a prize at last. Were the Christians in so low a case? the greater need they had of speedy help.

Thus was this good Kings judgement over-zealed. And Page  215 surely though Devotion be the naturall heat, Discretion (which wanted in him) is the radicall moisture of an action, keeping it healthfull, prosperous, and long-lived.

Well, King Lewis will go, and to this end provideth his na∣vie; and is accompanied with Philip and Tristram his Sonnes, Theobald King of Navarre his sonne in law, Alphonse his bro∣ther, and Guido Earl of Flanders. There went also Edward eldest sonne to Henry King of England. It was a wonder he would now adventure his head when he was to receive a Crown, his father being full-ripe to drop down without gathering, ha∣ving reigned longer then most men live, fifty and five yeares. But thirsty was this Edward of honour: Longshanks was he called: and as his strides were large, so vast and wide was the ex∣tent of his desire. As for his good Father, he was content to let go the staff of his age for to be a prop to the Church. And though King Lewis was undiscreet in going this journey, he was wise in choosing this his companion, to have this active Prince along with him; it being good to eye a suspicious person, and not to leave him behind.

With Edward went his brother Edmund Earl of Lancaster, surnamed Crouch-back; not that he was crook-shouldered, or camel-backed: (From which our English Poet most zealously doth vindicate him;

Chap. 27.

LEwis now having hoised up sail,* it was concluded by the ge∣nerall consent of his Counsell, That to secure and clear the Christians passage to Palestine from pirates, they should first take the city of Carthage in Africa by the way.

This Carthage long wrastled with Rome for the sovereignty, Page  216 and gave as many foils as she took, till Scipio at last crushed out her bowels with one deadly fall. Yet long after the city stood before wholly demolished, to be a spurre to put metall into the Romanes,* and to be a forrain mark for their arrows, lest other¦wise they should shoot against themselves. At last by the coun∣sel of Cato it was quite destroyed: who alledged, That it was not safe to have a knife so near their throat; and though good use might be made of an enemy at arms end, yet it was dange∣rous to have him too close to ones side; as Carthage was within a dayes sail from Rome.

Out of the ruines of this famous citie, Tunis arose; as often a stinking elder groweth out of the place where an oak hath been felled. Thieving was their trading: but then as yet they were Apprentices to p•racie, whereof at this day they are grown Ma∣sters. Yea, not considerable was Tunis then in bignesse, great onely in mischief. But as a small scratch just upon the turning of a joynt is more troublesome then a bigger sore in another place; so this paltry town (the refuge of rogues, and wanderers home) seated in the passage betwixt Europe, Asia, and Africa, was a worse annoyance to Christian traffick then a whole countrey of, Saracens elsewhere. Wherefore both to revenge the bloud of many Christians, who passing this way to Palestine were either killed or taken captive, as also to secure the way for the time to come, Lewis with his whole fleet (augmented with the navy of Charles King of Sicilie and Jerusalem, his brother) bent his course to besiege it.

It was concluded both unnecessary and unfitting, first in a fair way to summon the city; because like pernicious vermine they were to be rooted out of the world by any means: nor was it meet to lavish the solemn ceremonies of warre on a company of thieves and murderers.

The siege was no sooner begun but the plague seised on the Christian armie: whereof thousands died; amongst others, Tristram King Lewis his sonne: And he himself of a flux follow∣ed after. This Lewis was the French Josia, both for the piety of his life and wofulnesse of his death, ingaging himself in a needlesse warre. Many good laws he made for his Kingdome: that not the worst, He first* retrenched his Barons power to suffer parties to trie their intricate titles to land by duells. He severely punished blasphemers,* fearing their lips with an hot iron. And because by his command it was executed upon a great rich citizen of Paris, some said he was a tyrant: He hearing it, said before many, I would to God that with fearing my own lips I could banish out of my realm all abuse of oaths. He loved more to heare Sermons then to be present at Masse: whereas on the contrary our* Henry the third said, he had rather see his Page  217 God then hear another speak of him though never so well. His body was carried into France there to be buried, and was most miserably tossed; it being observed, that the sea cannot digest the cruditie of a dead corpse, being a due debt to be interred where it dieth; and a ship cannot abide to be made a bier of. He was Sainted after his death by Boniface the eighth, and the five and twentieth day of August (on which day in his first voyage to Palestine he went on shipboard) is consecrated to his me∣morie. Herein he had better luck then as good a man, I mean our Henry the sixth, who could not be canonized without a mightie summe of money; belike Angels making Saints at Rome.

Chap. 28.

BY this time Tunis was brought to great distresse,* and at last on these conditions surrendred; That it should pay yearly to Charles King of Sicily and Jerusalem fourtie thousand crowns; That it should receive Christian Ministers freely to exercise their religion; If any Saracen would be baptized, he should be suffered; That all Christian captives should be set free; That they should pay back so much money as should defray the Christians charges in this voyage. Our Edward would needs have had the town beaten down, and all put to the sword; think∣ing the foulest quarter too fair for them. Their goods (because got by robberie) he would have sacrificed as an anathema to God, and burnt, to ashes: His own share he execrated, and caused it to be burnt, forbidding the English to save any thing of it; because that coals stolen out of that fire, would sooner burn their houses then warm their hands. It troubled not the consciences of other Princes to enrich themselves herewith, but they glutted them∣selves with the stolen honie which they found in this hive of drones: And which was worse, now their bellies were full they would go to bed, return home, and goe no further. Yea, the young King of France, called Philip the Bold, was fearfull to prosecute his journey to Palestine; whereas Prince Edward struck his breast, and swore, That though all his friends forsook him, yet he would enter Prolemais, though but onely with Fow in his horse-keeper. By which speech he incensed the English to go on with him.

Page  218The rest pleading the distemperature of the weather,* went to Sicily, in hope with change of aire to recover their health: Where many of them found what they sought to avoid, death: amongst other, Theobald King of Navarre, and Isabell his wife, and William Earl of Flanders, who ended their dayes at Dre∣panum. Besides, their navie was pursuivanted after with a hor∣rible tempest, and a curse (entailed either on their ill-gotten goods, or deserting Gods cause, or both) arrested them in their return: so that of this great wealth little was landed in Europe, their ships being wracked, and the goods therein cast into the sea; with which the waves played a little, and then chopped them up at a morsel. Whilest the weather frowning on them, smiled on the English, Prince Edward no whit damnified either in his men or ships, with Elenor his tender consort then young with child, safely arrived at Ptolemais, to the great solace and com∣fort of the Christians there being in great distresse.

Chap. 29.

AT his arrivall the last stake of the Christians was on losing; For Bendocdar the Mammaluke Prince of Egypt and Sy∣ria, had brought Ptolemais to so low an ebbe, that they therein resolved (if some unexpected succour reversed not their inten∣tions) within three dayes to resigne the citie unto him. Edward landing stayed this precipitation, who arrived with his armie there in the very interim, in opportunitie it self, which is the very quintessence of time; so that all concluded his coming (thus hitting the mark) was guided by the hand of an especiall pro∣vidence.

And now those who before in despair would have thrown up their cards, hope at least to make a saving game; and the Christians taking comfort and courage, both defie their ene∣mies, and their own thoughts of surrendring the citie. Prince Edward having sufficiently manned and victualled Ptolemais, taking six or seven thousand souldiers, marched to Nazareth; which he took, and slew those he found there. After this, about midsummer, understanding the Turks were gathered to∣gether at Cakhow fourtie miles off, very early in the morning he set upon them, slew a thousand, and put the rest to flight.

Page  219In these skirmishes he gave evident testimonies of his perso∣nall valour: Yea, in cold bloud he would boldly challenge any Infidel to a duell. To speak truth, this his conceived per∣fection was his greatest imperfection: For the world was abun∣dantly satisfied in the point of his valour; yet such was his con∣fidence of his strength, and eagernesse of honour, that having merited the esteem of a most stout man, he would still supere∣rogate: yea, he would profer to fight with any mean person, if cried up by the volge for a tall man: this daring being a generall fault in great spirits, and a great fault in a Generall, who staketh a pearl against a piece of glasse. The best was, in that age a man fighting with sword and buckler, had in a manner many lives to lose; and duells were not dangerous.

Whilest he stayed at Ptolemais, Elenor his Lady was deli∣vered of a fair daughter, called from her birth-place Joan of Acres: But fear of her husbands death abated her joy at her daughters birth. The Turks not matching him in valour, thought to master him with treachery, which was thus contrived: The Admirall of Joppa, a Turk, pretended he would turn Christian, and imployed one Anzazim an Assasine in the businesse betwixt him and Prince Edward; who carried himself so cunningly, that by often repairing to our Prince he got much credit and esteem with him.

* Some write, this Anzazim was before alwayes bred under ground, (as men keep hawks and warre-horses in the dark, to make them more fierce) that so coming abroad, he should fear to venture on no man. But sure, so cunning a companion had long conversed with light, and been acquainted with men, yea, Christians and Princes, as appeareth by his complying carriage; else, if he had not been well read in their company, he could not have been so perfect in his lesson. But let him be bred any where, or in hell it self: For this was his religion, To kill any he was commanded, or on the non-performance willingly to forfeit his life.

The fifth time of his coming he brought Prince Edward letters from his Master,* which whilest he was reading alone and lying on his bed, he struck him into the arm with an invenomed knife. Being about to fetch another stroke, the Prince with his foot gave him such a blow that he felled him to the ground; and wresting the knife from him, ranne the Turk into the belly, and slew him; yet so, that in struggling he hurt himself there∣with in the forehead. At this noise in sprang his servants, and one of them with a stool beate the braines out of the dead Turks head, shewing little wit in his owne; and the Prince was highly displeased, that the monument of his va∣lour Page  220 should be stained with anothers crueltie.

It is storied, how* Elenor his Lady sucked all the poyson out of his wounds, without doing any harm to her self: So sovereign a medicine is a womans tongue, anointed with the vertue of loving affection. Pitie it is so pretty a story should not be true, (with all the miracles in Lovers Legends) and sure he shall get himself no credit, who undertaketh to confute a passage so sounding to the honour of the sex: Yet can it not stand with what* others have written; How the Physician who was to dresse his wounds, spake to the Lord Edmund and the Lord John Voysie to take away Lady Elenor out of the Princes presence, lest her pitie should be cruell towards him, in not suffering his sores to be searched to the quick. And though she cried out and wrung her hands, Madame, said they, be contented; it is better that one woman should weep a little while, then that all the Realme of England should la∣ment a great season: And so they conducted her out of the place. And the Prince, by the benefit of physick, good atten∣dance, and an antidote the Master of the Templars gave him, shewed himself on horse-back whole and well within fifteen dayes after.

The Admirall of Joppa hearing of his recoverie, utterly dis∣avowed that he had any hand in the treacherie: as none will willingly father unsucceeding villany. True it is, he was truly sorrowfull; whether because Edward was so bad, or no worse wounded, he knoweth that knoweth hearts.* Some wholly acquit him herein, and conceive this mischief proceeded from Simon Earl of Montforts hatred to our Prince, who bearing him and all his kindred an old grudge for doing some conceived wrong to his father, (in very deed, nothing but justice to a re∣bell) hired, as they think, this Assasine to murder him; as a lit∣tle before for the same quarrell he had served Henry sonne to Richard King of the Romanes, and our Edwards cousin ger∣mane, at Viterbo in Italy. It is much this Simon living in France should contrive this Princes death in Palestine: but malice hath long arms, and can take men off at great distance. Yea, this ad∣deth to the cunning of the engineer, to work unseen; and the further from him the blow is given, the lesse is he himself su∣spected.

Whosoever plotted, God prevented it, and the Christians there would have revenged it, but Edward would not suffer them. In all haste they would have marched and fallen on the Turks, had not he* disswaded them, because then many Chri∣stians unarmed, and in small companies, were gone to visit the Sepulchre, all whose throats had then probably been cut before their return.

Page  221Eighteen moneths he stayed at Ptolemais, and then came back through Italy, without doing any extraordinarie matter in Pale∣stine. What musick can one string make when all the rest are broken? what could Edward do alone, when those Princes fell back on whom the project most relied? Lewis and Charles were the main undertakers; Edward entertained but as an adventurer and sharer: and so he furnished himself accordingly, with com∣petent forces to succour others, but not to subsist of themselves. But as too often, where the principal miscarrieth, the second and sureties must lie at the stake to make the debt good: so in their default he valiantly went forward, though having in all but thir∣teen ships and some thousands of men, (too many for a plain Prince to visit with, and too few for a great one to warre with) and performed what lay within the compasse of his power. In a word, his coming to Ptolemais and assisting them there, was like a cordiall given to a dying man, which doth piece out his life (or death rather) a few grones and as many gasps the longers.

By this time Henry his aged father being dead (his lamp not quenched but going out for want of oil) the English Nobilitie came as farre as the Alpes in Savoy to wait on Edward in his re∣turn. Leave we him then to be attended home by them to receive the Crown, to which no lesse his vertues then birth entitled him. Since the Conquest he was the first King of his name, and the first that settled the Law and State (deserving the style of* Eng∣lands Justinian) and that freed this Kingdome from the wardship of the Peers; shewing himself in all his actions after, capable to command not the realm onely but the whole world.

Chap. 30.

BEfore Edwards departure, Hugh King of Jerusalem and Cy∣prus concluded a peace (to our* Princes small liking) with the Mammaluke Sultan of Egypt, to hold onely in and near Pto∣lemais; whereby the Christians had some breathing-time. But that which now possessed all mens thoughts and talk in Syria, was the expectation of Rodulphus to come thither with a great armie; who (after two and twentie yeares interregnum) was chosen Emperour of Germany.

This Rodulphus was a mean Earl of Haspurg (Frederick the* last Emperour was his* godfather; who little thought, that ha∣ving so many sons of his own, his god-son should next succeed Page  222 him) and lived in a private way. But now the Empire refusing her rich suiters, married this Earl without any portion, onely for pure love. A preferment beyond his expectation, not above his deserts: For Germany had many bigger lights, none brighter. Pope Gregory the tenth would not ratifie his election, but on this condition, That he should in person march with an armie to Palestine. And though this was but an old policie, To send the Emperours far away, that so he might command in chief in their absence; yet his Holinesse did so turn and dresse this third-bare plot with specious pretenses of piety, that it passed for new and fresh, especially to those that beheld it at distance. But Rodul∣phus could not be spared out of Germany, being there imployed in civil discords: The knees of the Dutch Princes were too stiff to do him homage, till he softned them by degrees. And indeed he was not provided for the Holy warre, and wanted a stock of his own to drive so costly a trade, having no paternall lands con∣siderable, no bottom to begin on; though through his thrift and providence he first laid the foundation of the Austrian familie.

Yet somewhat to answer expectation,* he sent Henry Duke of Mechlenburg with competent forces into Palestine: Who co∣ming to Ptolemais, made many notable incursions into the countrey about Damasco, with fire and sword destroying all as he went, and carrying thence many rich booties; till at last he was circumvented & taken prisoner by the Mammalukes. Twen∣ty six yeares he lived in captivity, keeping his conscience free all the while: At last the Sultan of Egypt (a renegado Germane, who formerly had been engineer to this Dukes father) set him at liberty, together with Martine his servant; that he who so long had shared of his miserie, might also partake of his happinesse. No sooner had this Duke put to sea, but he was again taken by pirates; and the Sultan, out of pitie to this distressed Prince, and out of scorn that fortune should frustrate and defeat his reall courtesie, set him free again. At last he came safely home, and was there welcomed with asmuch wonder as joy; his subjects conceiving his return a resurrection, having buried him in their thoughts long before.

Here he found* two counterfeits, who pretended themselves to be this Duke, and on that title challenged lodging with Ana∣stasia his Lady. But the one of them had a softer bedfellow pro∣vided him, a pool of water, wherein he was drowned; the other was made a bonefire of, to solemnize the joy of the Dukes return.

Chap. 31.

BY this time Charles King of Jerusalem and Sicily had made great preparations for the Holy war. And to make his claim to the Kingdome of Jerusalem the stronger, he bought also the title of Maria Domicella Princesse of Antioch, which pretended aright to the same. He sent also Roger the Count of S. Severine as his Vice-roy to Ptolemais: where he was honourably received in despite of Hugh King of Cyprus, by the especial favour of Al∣bertine Morisine the Venetian Consul there. And now his navie was reported to be readie, and that by the way he had a project upon Michael Paleologus the Emperour of Greece: Whē all his intentions were suddenly blasted; it so happening, that on Easter day, as the bell tolled to Even-song, all the throats of the French∣men in Sicily were cut in a moment by the natives thereof, and that Island won by Peter King of Aragon. The grand contriver of this massacre was one Jacobus Prochyta a Physician; and I dare say he killed more in an houre then he cured all his life-time.

Those that condemn the Sicilians herein, cannot excuse the French; such formerly had been their pride, lust, covetousnesse, and crueltie to the people of that Island, putting them causelesly to exquisite torture, so that an ordinary hanging was counted an extraordinarie favour. But the secrecie of contriving this slaugh∣ter of the French was little lesse then miraculous; that so many knowing it, none should discover it; like cunning dogs, barking in triumph after they had bitten, not before, to give any warning. Hence grew the proverb of the Sicilian Vespers;* though their Even-song was nothing to the English Mattens intended in the Gunpowder-Treason. Mean time King Charles was at Rome, beholding the making of Cardinals, when this doleful news was brought unto him, and struck him to the heart. He survived a year or two longer, but dull and melancholick, living as it were with∣out life, and died at last, having reigned King of Jerusalem twentie year. A Prince which had tasted of various successe; fortune for a while smiling on him, and at last laughing at him.

His son Charles succeded him in the Kingdome of Naples and* in the title of Jerusalem. He was surnamed Cunctator, Delayer; not in the same sense as Fabius the Shield of Rome was so cal∣led: he onely stayed till opportunitie was come; our Charles, till it was passed. I find nothing memorable of him except this, That Page  224 offended with the Templars in Palestine for taking part against him with the King of Cyprus, he seised on their lands, and con∣fiscated all their goods they had in Naples or any other part of his dominions, How ever, let him have room in the catalogue of our Kings of Jerusalem. For as high hills near the sea-side, though otherwise never so base and barren ground, yet will serve to be sea-marks for the direction of mariners: so this Charles, toge∣ther with Hugh, John, and Henry, Kings of Cyprus, pretending also to Jerusalem, though we reade nothing remarkable of them, will become the front of a page, and serve to divide and distinguish times, and to parcell the historie the better to our ap∣prehension. As for the bare anatomie of their reigne (for we find it not fleshed with any historie) with the dates of their begin∣nings and endings, we shall present it to the reader hereafter in our Chronologie.

Chap. 32.

BUt whilest these titular Kings slept, the Mammaluke Princes were vigilant to infest the reliques of the Christians in Pa∣lestine: Which Princes succession we will adventure to set down; nor are we discouraged with the difficulties which encounter us herein. The hardnesse in the story of the Mammalukes proceed∣eth (as we conceive) from one of these causes: First the State is not written directly, but by reflexion; not storied by any con∣stant writer of their own, but in snaps and parcels, as the Chro∣niclers, of neighbouring Christian countreyes have catched at them. Secondly, out of a popular errour, their chief Captains by reason of their large authoritie passe for absolute Kings. Third∣ly, the same King hath many names, and the same name by translation in sundrie languages is strangely disguised. How-ever, we will use our best conjectures in these uncertainties: and a dimme candle is better then no light.

Bendocdar or Bandodacar, otherwise Melechdaet, was the last Egyptian Prince we mentioned. A dangerous man to the Christians, but that Abaga the Tartarian took him to task, and kept him in continuall imployment. This Abaga had a prettie trick to make cowards valiant, causing them that ranne away from the battell, ever after to wear womens clothes. Bendocdar died at Damascus of a* wound he received in Armenia: or, as some say, by cold in swimming over Euphrates.

Page  225Elpis succeeded him, his* sonne (say some) but the Mamma∣lukes laws forbid that except his extraordinary worth was his facultie, and dispenied with him ad succedendum patri. But who knoweth not that the Eastern tongue speaketh nephewes and kinsmen to be sonnes? Some wholly omit him; enough to make us suspect that he was onely some Deputy clapped in to stop up the vacancie till Melechsaites was chosen.

Melechsaites (called by Marinus, Melechmessor) wonne the strong castle of Mergath from the Hospitallers. He much loved and was very bountifull to the Carmelites, who lived dispersed in Syria:* but afterwards he banished them out of his countrey, because they altered their habit, and wore white coats at the appointment of Pope Honorius; the Turks being generally enemies to innovations, and loving constancy in old customes. Nor was this any mishap but an advantage to the Carmelites, to lose their dwellings in Syria, and gain better in Europe, where they planted themselves in the fattest places: So that he who knoweth not to choose good ground, let him find out an house of the Carmelites (a mark that faileth not) for his direction.

Alphir was next to Melechsaites,* otherwise called Elsi. He perceiving that now or never was the time finally to expell the Christians out of Palestine, whilest the Princes in Europe were in civil warres, besieged and wonne Tripoli, Sidon, Berytus, and Tyre, beating them down to the ground, but suffering the inha∣bitants on some conditions to depart. Nothing now was left but Ptolemais: which Alphir would not presently besiege, lest he should draw the Christians in Europe upon him; but conclu∣ded a peace for five yeares with the Venetians, as not willing wholly to exasperate them by winning all from them at once, and thinking this bitter potion would be better swallowed by them at two severall draughts.

Mean time Ptolemais was in a woful condition. In it were some of all countreys; so that he who had lost his nation, might find it here. Most of them had severall courts to decide their causes in; and the plenty of Judges cause•• the scarcity of justice, malefa∣ctours appealing to a trial in the courts of their own countrey. 〈◊〉 was sufficient innocencie for any offender in the Venetian court, that he was a Venetian. Personall acts were entituled nationall, and made the cause of the countrie. Outrages were every-where practised, no-where punished; as if to spare Divine revenge the pains of overtaking them, they would go forth and meet it. At the same time, there were in fitters about prosecuting their titles to this citie, no fewer then the Venetians, Genoans, Pisans, Flo∣rentines, the Kings of Cyprus and Sicily, the Agents for the Kings of France and England, the Princes of Tripoli and Anti∣och, the Patriarch of Jerusalem, the Masters of the Templars and Page  226 Hospitallers, and (whom I should have named first) the Legate of his Holinesse, all at once with much violence contending about the right of right nothing, the title to the Kingdome of Jerusa∣lem, and command of this citie; like bees, making the greatest humming and buzzing in the hive when now ready to leave it.

Chap. 33.

WIthin the city were many voluntaries lately come over, five hundred whereof were of the Popes furnishing. But belike he failed afterwards in his payment to them, the golden tide flowing not so fast out as into his Holinesse coffers. The soul∣diers being not payed, according to their blunt manners, would pay themselves; and marching out, pillaged the countrey, con∣trary to the truce: Sultan Serapha (who succeeded Alphir) de∣manding restitution, is denied, & his Embassadours ill intreated.

Hereupon he sitteth down before the city with six hundred thousand men.* But we are not bound to believe that Alexanders souldiers were so big as their shields speak them which they left in India, nor Asian armies so numerous as they are reported. Al∣low the Turks dominions spacious and populous, and that they rather drained then chose souldiers; yet we had best credit the most niggardly writers, which make them an hundred and fiftie thousand. Serapha resolveth to take it, conceiving so convenient a purchase could not be over-bought: The place, though not great, yet was a mote in the eye of the Turkish Empire, and therefore pained them.

Peter Belvise Master of the Templars, a valiant Captain, had the command of the citie assigned him by generall consent. He encouraged the Christians to be valiant, not like prodigall heirs to lose this city for nothing, which cost their grandfathers so much bloud; at least let them give one blaze of valour ere their candle went out. How should they shew their friends their faces, if they shewed their foes their backs! Let them fight it out man∣fully; that so, if forced at last to surrender it, they might rather be pitied for want of fortune then justly blamed for lack of valour.

And now Ptolemais being to wrastle her last fall, stripped her self of all combersome clothes: women, children, aged persons, weak folks (all such hindering help, and mouths without arms) were sent away; and twelve thousand remained, conceived com∣petent to make good the place.

Serapha marcheth up furiously; his men assault the city, with open jaws ready to devoure it, had not their mouths been stop∣ped with the artilery the Christians shot at them. Back they Page  227 were beaten, and many a Turk slain. But Serapha was no whit sensible thereof: who willingly would lose a thousand men in a morning for a breakfast, double so many at a dinner, and conti∣nue this costly ordinarie for some daies together; yea, in spite he would spend an ounce of Turkish bloud, to draw a drop of Christian.

In this conflict Peter Belvise was slain with a poisoned arrow: A losse above grieving for. Many were strong in desiring the honour who were weak to discharge the office. But the worst mischief was; the Christians were divided amongst themselves, and neglected to defend the citie, conceiving that though that was taken, yet every particular nation could defend it self, having their buildings severally fortified: And this dangerous fansie took off their thoughts from the publick good, and fixed them on their private ends. Mean time, the Patriarch of Jerusalem, and others (some name with them Henry King of Jerusalem and Cyprus) more seeking their safetie then honour, secretly fled (with their bodies after their hearts) out of the citie; and some of them shunning a noble death, fell on a base end, being drowned in the sea. Their cowardlinesse is imputed by some Authours to all the rest; whereas it appeareth on the contrarie, they most valiantly behaved themselves.

At last,* the Turks entred the citie by undermining the walls, and conceived their work now done, when it was new begun. For they found Ptolemais not a citie, but a heap of cities thrown together: wherein the people of every countrey so fensed them∣selves in their severall sorts, that they powdered the Turks with their shot when they entred the streets. It is hardly to be paral∣leled in any siege, that a taken citie was so long before it was taken: for it held out fiftie daies; and the Knights Hospitallers made good their castle for* two whole moneths together. But alas! as the severall parts of Insecta being cut asunder, may wrig∣gle and stirre a while, not live long; so these divided limbes could not long subsist, and at last most of them were slain.

Yet was it a bloudie victorie to the Turks; most of them that entered the citie being either burned with fire, or killed arrows, or smothered with the fall of towres, the very ruines (as thirstie of revenge) killing those that ruined them.

Serapha evened all to the ground, and (lest the Christians should ever after land here) demolished all buildings; the Turks holding this position, That the best way to be rid of such ver∣mine, is to shave the hair clean off, and to destroy all places wherein they may nestle themselves.

Some say he plowed the ground whereon the citie stood, and sowed it with corn: but an* eye-witnesse affirmeth, that still there remain magnificent ruines, seeming rather wholy to consist Page  228 of divers conjoyned castles, then any way intermingled with pri∣vate dwellings.

No fewer then an hundred thousand Latine Christians (all that were left in Syria) fled at this time into Cyprus. It is strange what is reported,* That above five hundred matrones and vir∣gins of noble bloud, standing upon the shore of Ptolemais, and having all their richest jewels with them, cried out with lamen∣table voice, and profered to any mariner that would undertake safely to land them any where, all their wealth for his hire, and also that he should choose any one of them for his wife. Then a certain mariner came, and transporting them all freely, safely landed them in Cyprus; nor by any enquirie could it after be known (when he was sought for to receive his hire) who this mariner was, nor whither he went.

The Hospitallers for haste were fain to leave their treasure behind them, and hide it in a vault; which being made known from time to time to their successours, was fetched from thence by the* galleys of Malta about three hundred yeares afterwards. Henry King of Cyprus to his great cost and greater commen∣dation, gave free entertainment to all Pilgrimes that fled hither, till such time as they could be transported to their own coun∣treys; and thanks was all the shot expected of these guests at their departure.

Thus after an hundred ninetie and four yeares ended the Ho∣ly warre; for continuance the longest, for money spent the cost∣liest, for bloudshed the cruellest, for pretenses the most pious, for the true intent the most politick the world ever saw. And at this day, the Turks to spare the Christians their pains of coming so long a journey to Palestine, have done them the unwelcome courtesie, to come more then half the way to give them a meeting.