The church-history of Britain from the birth of Jesus Christ until the year M.DC.XLVIII endeavoured by Thomas Fuller.

CENT. XVI.

1. KIng Edward, tender in yeers, and weak with sicknesse, was so practiced on by the impor∣tunitie of others, that, excluding His two Sisters, he conveyed the Crown to the Ladie Jane His Kinswoman, by that which we may we call the Testament of King Edward, and the Will of the Duke of Northumberland. Thus, through the piousintents of this Prince, wishing well to the Reformation; the Religi∣on of Queen Marie, obnoxious to excepti∣on; the ambition of Northumberland, who would do what he listed; the simplicity of Suffolke, who would be done with as the other pleased; the dutifulnesse of the Ladie Jane, disposed by her Parents; the fearfulnesse of the Judges, not daring to oppose; and the flattery of the Courtiers, most willing to comply, matters were made as sure, as mans policy can make that good which is bad in it self. But the Commons of England who for many yeers together had conn'd loyalty by-heart, out of the Statute of Succession, were so perfect in their lesson, that they would not be put out of it by this new started designe: so that every one proclaimed Mary next Heir in their con∣sciences: and, few daies after King Edwards death, all the project miscarried: of the plotters whereof some executed, more imprisoned, most pardoned, all conquered, and Queen Mary crowned. Thus, though the streame of Loy∣alty for a while was violently diverted, (to runne in a wrong channell,) yet with the speediest opportunitie it recovered the right course again.

2. But now in what manner this Will of King Edwards was advanced, that the greatest blame may be laid on them who had the deepest guilt, the following answer of Sr. Edward Mountagu, Lord Chief Justice of the Common-Pleas (accused for drawing up the Will, and committed by Queen Mary to prison for the same) will truly acquaint us. The original whereof under his own hand, was com∣mnuicated unto me, by his great grandchilde, Edward Lord Mountagu of Bough∣ton, and here faithfully exemplified;

SR. Edward Mountagu, Knight, late Chief-Justice of the Common Pleas, received a letter from Greenwich, dated the eleventh day of June last past, signed with the hands of the Lord Treasurer, the Duke of Northumberland; John Earl of Bedford, Francis Earl of Shrewsburie, the Earl of Pembroke, the Lord Clynton, the Lord Darcie, John Gate, William Peter, William Cecill, John Cheke: whereby he was comman∣ded to be at the Court on the morrow by one of the clock at after-noon, and to bring with him Sr. John Baker, Justice Bromley, the Attorney, and Solicitour General, and according to the same, all they were there at the said hour of one of the clock. And, after they were brought to the pre∣sence of the King, the Lord Treasurer the Marquesse of Northampton, Sr. John Gate, and one or two more of the Councill, whose names he doth not now remember, were present.

And then and there the King by His own mouth said, that now in His sicknesse he had considered the state of this His Realm and Succession, which, if He should decease without Heir of His body, should go to the Lady Mary, who was unmarried, and might marry a stranger-borne, whereby the Law•• of this Realm might be altered and changed, and His Highnesse proceedings in Religion might be altered. Wherefore His pleasure was, that the state of the Crown should go in such forme, and to such persons as His Highnesse had appointed in a Bill of Articles not signed with the Kings hand, which were read, & commanded them to make a Book thereof accordingly with speed. And they, finding divers faults not onely for the incertainty of the Articles, but also declaring unto the King, that it was directly against the Act of Successi∣on, which was an Act of Parliament which would not be taken away by no such devise. Notwithstanding His Highnesse would not otherwise, but that they should draw a Book according to the said Articles, which he then took them, and they required a reasonable time of His Highnesse for the doe∣ing thereof, and to consider the Laws and Statutes made for the Succession, which indeed were and be more dangerous then and of them, they did con∣sider and remember, and so they departed commanding them to make speed.

And on the morrow all the said persons met, and, perusing the said Statutes there grew this question amongst them, whether it were presently treason by the words of the Statute of Anno primo Edvardi Sexti, or no treason till it were put in execution after the Kings death? because the words of the Statute are, the King His Heirs, and Successours, because the King can have no Successours in His life; but to be sure they were all agreed that it were the best and surer way to say to the Lords, that the execution of this devise after the Kings decease was not onely treason, but the making of this devise was also presently treason, as well in the whole Councell as in them, and so agreed to make their report without doing any thing for the execution thereof.

And after Sr. William Peter sent for the said Sr. Edward. to Eely-place, who shewed him that the Lords required great speed in the ma∣king of the said Book, and he told him, there were none like to be made for them for the danger aforesaid. And after that, the said S. Edward, with the rest of his company, went to the Court, and before all the Coun∣cil, (the Duke of Northumberland being not in the Council-chamber,) made report to the Lords, that they had considered the Kings Articles, and also the Statutes of Succession, whereby it appeared manifestly, that if they should make any Book according to the Kings commandment, they should not onely be in danger of treason, but also their Lordships all, wherefore they thought it their bounden duties to declare the danger of the Laws unto them, and for avoiding of the danger thereof they had nothing done therein, nor in∣tended to doe, the Laws being so dangerous and standing in force.

The Duke of Northumberland, having intelligence of their answer,

either by the Earle of Huntington, or by the Lord Admiral, cometh into the Council-Chamber before all the Council there, benign in a great rage and fury, trembling for anger, and amongst his ragious talk called the said Sr. Edward Traitour; and further said, that he would fight in his shirt with any man in that quarrel (as all the whole Council being there will report) whereby the said Sr. Edward, with the rest were in great fear and dread, in special Mr. Bromley, and the said Sr. Edward, for Mr. Bromley told the said after, that he dread then that the Duke would have striken one of them: and after they were commanded to go home, and so departed in great fear, without doing any thing more at that time, wishing of God they had stood to it, as they did then, unto this time.

And after the said Sr. Edward received another letter dated at Greenwich the 14^th. of June last past, signed with the hands ••f the Lord Treasurer, the Earl, of Bedford, the Marquesse of Northampton, the Earle of Shrewsburie, the Lord Clynton, the Lord Cobham, the Lord Darcy, William Peter, John Gate, John Cheeke, whereby he was commanded to bring with him Sr. John Baker, Justice Bromley and Mr. Gosnolde, and to be at the Court on the morrow by one of the clock at after-noon, where all they were at the same houre, and conveyed into a cham∣ber behinde the Dining-Chamber there, and all the Lord looked upon them with earnest countenance, as though they had not known them. So that the said Sr. Edward, with the other, might perceive there were some earnest determination against them: and at length they were brought before the King Himself, there, being present all the whole Council.

And the King demanded of them why they had not made His Book, ac∣cording to His commandment, and refused that to doe? with sharp words and angry countenance; and the said Sr. Edward opened unto His High∣nesse the cause why they did it not; and he and other had before declared and opened to the Councill, that if the writings were made, they were of no effect nor force, but utterly void when the King should decease, and the Sta∣tute of Succession not impaired nor hurted, for these will not be taken away, but by the same authority they were made, and that was by Parliament. To that said the King we minde to have a Parliament shortly, not telling when, which was the first time that the said Sr. Edward heard of any Parliament to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Whereunto he said, if His pleasure were so, all might be deferred to the Parlia∣ment, and all dangers and perils saved. Whereunto the King said he would have this done, and after ratifie it by Parliament. And after commanded them very sharply upon their allegiance to make it; and there were divers of the Lords, that stood behind the said Sr. Edward, said, and if they refused to do that▪ they were traitours. And the said Sr. Edward was in great fear as ever he was in all his life before, seeing the King so earnest and sharpe, and the said Duke so angry the day before, who ruled the whole Councill as it pleased him and were all affraid of him (the more is the pitty) so that such cowardnesse and feare was there never seen amongst honourable men, as it hath appeared.

The said Sr. Edward▪ being an old weak man and without comfort, began to consider with himself, what was best to be done for the safeguard of his life, which was like to chance in that fury and great anger presently. And, remembring that the making of the said writing was not presently treason by the Statute of Anno primo, because this word Successour would take no place while the King was living, and determined with him∣self not to meddle nor execute any thing concerning the same, after the death of the King, which he hath truly kept hereunto. And also remem∣bring that the Queens Highnesse that now is should come by Act of Suc∣cession, as a purchaser by the law, might not lawfully punish treason or contempt committed in the Kings life, he said unto the King, that he had served His most noble Father many yeers, and also His Highnesse during His

time, and loth he would be to disobey His commandment; for his own part he would obey it, so that His Highnesse would grant to them His command∣ment, license and commission under His great Seal, for the doing, making, and executing of all things concerning the same, and, when the things were done, that they might have a general pardon. All which Commission and pardon was as much as the said Sr. Edward could invent to help this danger over, and besides the things above remembred; which Commission and pardon the King granted them, saying, it was but reason that they should have them both, and the Commission is passed the Great Seal, and the Pardon was signed, and (as far as he knew) sealed.

All the said matters considered, the said Sr. Edward said, for his part he would obey the Kings commandment, and so did M. Bromley say the same; and the King said to Sr. John Baker, what say you? you said never a word today; who (as I take it) agreed to the same. Mr. Gosnold required a respite, for he was not yet perswaded to do the thing required. How the said Duke and the Earl of Shrewsburie handled him, he can tell best himself. And after upon the said Sr. Edwards motion the King gave him licence to be advised untill upon the morrow, who of himself being in great fear was content to obey the Kings commandment; and so the doers and makers of the said Book, with sorrowfull hearts, and with weeping eyes, in great fear and dread devised the said Book, according to such Arti∣cles as were signed with the Kings proper hand, above and beneath, and on every side. And their said Commission, with Articles so signed with the Kings hand, and the Book drawn in paper, were conveyed from the Court to the Lord Chancelors, to be ingrossed in parchment and to passe the great Seal, which was done accordingly.

And on the morrow next after the last Terme ended, the said Sr. Edward and all the Judges were sent for; he puts his hand to the Book in parchment sealed with the Great Seal, and so did many others. The said Book of Articles so signed remaineth with the Lord Chancellour, Bishop of Eely; but, who conveyed the said Paper Book into the Chancery, or who wrot them, or who set their hands to the same Book, the said Sr. Edward till he see them he cannot tell: but he will not denie but he was privie to the making of them, as he hath before said: and that he came to the knowledge of the matter by the Articles unsigned, and by the Articles signed, with the Kings hand, and both delivered unto him by the Kings own hands. Who put the King in minde to make the said Articles; or whowrote them, or any of them; or by whose procurement or counsell they were made: or by what means he and others were called unto this matter: he knoweth not, but he thinks in his conscience the King never invented this matter of Himself, out by some wonderfull false compasse: he prayeth God the truth may be known, as he doubts not it will be.

And further, he and all his company, as well before the King as before the Lords at all times, said, that their writings (before they were made, and after they were made) were of no value, force, nor effect, to any intent, constitution, or purpose, after the Kings death, and there is no remedy to help this but by Parliament. And that after the said Thursday, being the morrow after the Terme last past, that he by any writing, printing, overt, deed or act, never did any thing sithence the same day, in the Kings life, ne sithence the death of the King, for he determined with himself to be no executour of the said devise, whatsoever should chance of it: nor ever medled with the Councill in any thing, nor came amongst them, un∣till the Queens Grace that now is, was proclaimed Queen in London, nor never executed Commission, Proclamation, or other commandment from the Ladie Jane nor Her Councill, but commanded my son to serve the Queens Grace that now is, and to go to Sr. Thomas Tresham, and

Buckingham-shire-men that went to her Grace to defend Her, which he so did to my no little cost.

The case thus stated, these notes follow written with the same hand.

Now that it is to be considered the great fear the said Sr. Edward was in, as well by the Duke of Northumberland on the one day, as by the King on the other day.

Also it is to be considered the Kings commandment upon their allegiance, by His own mouth, and the Articles signed with His Highnesse own hand, and also His Commission, license, and commandment under His Great Seal to the said Sr. Edward and others, for the making of the said Booke.

Also the Kings pardon signed with His Highnesse hand.

Also it is to be considered, that the said Books were made in the Kings life, seaven or eight dayes before His death: and the Queens Highnesse being Successour, by Act of Parliament, to the Crown, and having the same, as a Purchaser, may not lawfully by the Laws of the Realme punish the said offence done in the Kings time.

Also the said Sr. Edward hath humbly submitted himself to the Queen Highnesse, and to the order of the Commissioners: Which Commissioners have ordered the said Sr. Edward to pay to Her Highnesse a thousand pounds, who hath already paid thereof five hundred pounds, and the other five hundred pounds are to be paid at the Feast of All-Saints come Twelve-moneth. And also to surrender his letters Patents of lands to the yeerly va∣lue of fifty pounds called Eltyngton, which he had of the gift of King Ed∣ward the Sixth, which was all the reward he had of the said King Edward for his service, costs and expences.

Also, it is to be considered, that the said Sr. Edward is put from his office of the Chief Justice-ship of the Common-Pleas, being of the yeerly value of six hundred marks, which office the most noble King of famous memorie King Henry the Eighth gave him in consideration of his long ser∣vice, and also had six weeks imprisonment.

Also it is to be considered, that the same Sr. Edward hath seaventeen children, viz. eleven Daughters, and six Sons: whereof one of the said Sons had his legge striken off by the knee in Scotland at Muscleborough∣field, the Duke of Sommerset being there. And his Son and Heire, by his commandment, served the Queens Highnesse with twenty men, to the cost of the said Sr. Edward of one hundred pounds, as the Gentlemen of Buckingham-shire can report.

SO far the late Judge with his own hand: Wherein he affirmeth that he medled not with the Councell in any thing afterward, as may appear by his not subscribing the letter of the Lords to Queen Mary (enjoying, shall I say? or) advising Her to desist from claiming the Crown, whereto all the Privie Councellours subscribed, onely the hand of Sr. Edward Mountagu is wanting. And, seeing in the whole transaction of this matter, the obedi∣ence rather then invention of Judge Mountagu was required, not to devise, but draw things up according to Articles tendred unto him, I cannot believe his report report relating, that the King used the advise of Justice Mountagu in drawing up the Letters Patents, to furnish the same with reasons of Law, as Secretary Cicil with arguments from Policie.

3. Some will wonder that no mention herein of Sr. Roger Cholmley, Lord Chief Justice of the Kings Bench, and in dignity above Sr. Edward Mountagu (at this time but Judge of the Common-Pleas,) that he was not em∣ployed to draw up the Book. But it seems Judge Mountagu his judgement was more relied on, who had been formerly Lord Chief Justice of the Kings-Bench, and deserted it. Yet the said Sr. Roger Cholmley was imprisoned for bare subscribing this Will, and (as it seems) lost his place for the same. For Justice Bromley, though equally guilty with the rest (so far favour ex∣tends in matters of this nature) was not onely pardoned, but, from an inferiour Judge, advanced to be successour to Sr. Roger Cholmly, and made Judge of the Kings-Bench.

4. Whereas Sr. Edward saith that all the Judges were sent for and that many put their hands to the Book, it intimateth that all did not but that some refu∣sed the same, it being eminently known to the everlasting honour of Sr. James Hales that no importunity could prevail with him to underwrite this will as against both law and conscience.

5. Eight weeks and upwards passed between the proclaiming of Mary Queen, and the Parliament by her assembled: during which time two religions were together set on foot, Protestantisme and Poperie, the former hoping to be continued, the later labouring to be restored, And as the Jews Children a after the captivity spake a middle language betwixt Hebrew and Ashdod, so during the aforesaid interim the Churches and Chappels in England had mon∣grell celebration of their Divine services betwixt Reformation and Superstition. For the Obsequies for King Edward were held by the Queen in the Tower August the seaventh, with the Dirige sung in Latin, and on the morrow a masse of Requiem, and on the same day his Corps were buried at Westminster with a sermon service, and Communion in English. No small iustling was there be∣twixt the zealous Promoters of these contrary Religions. The Protestants had possession on their side, and the Protection of the Laws lately made by King Edward and still standing in free and full force unrepealed. Besides, seeing by the fidelity of the Suffolk and Norfolke Protestant Gentry, the Queen was much advantaged for the speedy recovering of her Right, they conceived it but reason, that as she by them had regained the Crown, so they under her should enjoy their Consciences. The Papists put their Ceremonies in Executi∣on, presuming on the Queen her private practice and publique countenance, especially after she had imprisoned some Protestant, and enlarged some Popish Bishops: advancing Stephen Gardiner to be Lord Chancelour. Many which were Newters before conceiving which side the Queen inclined would not expect, but prevent her authority in Alteration: So that Superstition ge∣nerally got ground in the Kingdome. Thus it is in the Evening Twi-light, wherein light and darknesse at first may seem very equally matcht, but the later within little time doth solely prevail.

6. What impressions the Comming in of Queen Mary made on Cambridge, shall, God willing be presented in our particular History thereof. The sad and sudden alterations in Oxford, thereby are now to be handled. Ma. John Jewel was chosen to pen the first Gratulatorie Letter to the Queen, in the Name of the Vniversity; an office, imposed on him, by his enemies, that either the refusall thereof should make him incurre danger from his foes, or the performance expose him to the displeasure of his friends; Yet he so wari∣ly penned the same in Generall termes, that his Adversaries missed their marke. Indeed all, as yet, were confident, that the Queen would maintain the Protestant Religion according to her solemne promise, to the Gentry of Norfolke, and Suffolke, though (she being composed of Courtship and Popery,) this her unperformed promise was the first Court-holy-water, which she sprink∣led amongst the People.

7. And, because ever one was counted a Truant in Popery, who did not

out-run the Law, Dr. Tresham, an active Papist, and a Van-Currier before Authority, repaired the great Bell in Christ Church, which he new nam'd, and baptized MARY. And whilst Mr. Jewel was reading the Letter he had penned, to Dr. Tresham, for his approbation thereof, presently that bell tol'd to Masse, (a Parenthesis which was not in the Letter) and Tresham breaking off his Attention to what was written, exclaimed in a zealous Exta∣sie. Oh sweet Mary! how musically, how melodiously doth she sound.e This Bell then rung the knell for that time to the truth in Oxford, henceforward fill'd with Protestant Tears, and Popish Triumphs.

8. Then Stephen Gardiner visitor of Maudlins, (as successour to William Wainfleet Bishop of Winchester founder thereof) sent Commissioners to the Col∣ledge, (whereof Sr. Richard Read the chief, and Dr. Wright Arch-Deacon of Ox∣ford,) whereby strange effects were produced.

• 1. Walter Haddon, thena President of the Colledge, (though omitted by Brian Twine for what cause I know not, in their Catalogue) willingly quitted his place.
• 2. Thomas Bentham (that yeer Censor) being required to Correct the Schollers for their absence from Popish Prayers, ingenuously confessed his sorrow for his Complyance in the Reign of King Henry the 8^th and constantly professed that he would not accumulate sin on sin, adding more∣over, that he accounted it not equall, to punish that in others, which he him∣self did willingly and wittingly commit, and thereon was outed of his place.
• 3. Thomas Bickley was served in the same manner. This was be who for∣merly snatching the Host out of the Pixe at evening Prayer, first rent it with his hands, then trampled it under his feet, and now expelled, with great difficulty escaped into France.
• 4. Henry Bull, who about the same time openly in the quire snatched the Censer out of his hands, who was about to offer Idolatrous Incense therein, was likewise by the visitors put out of his Fellowship.

What shall I speak of learned Laurence Humphery, painfull John Fox, studious Michael Re••niger, sweet natur'd John Molins, Arch-Deacon of Pauls, Arthur Saul, Peter Morvin, Hugh Kirke, and Luke Purisie, dear brethren in Christ, all at this time forced to forsake their Colledge: So that then Magdalen wept indeed for the losse of so many worthies. All this extremity was execu∣ted by these visitors, not as yet impowred by law, the statutes of King Edward, standing hitherto unrepealed. But some are so desirous to Worship the rising Sun, that, to make sure work, they will adore the dawning day: And ma∣ny of the Oxford Schollers thought Prolepsis the best figure in their Grammer to foresee what the Queen would have done, and to ingratiate themselves by an∣tedating the doeing thereof.

9. Of all the visitors in Magdalen Colledge, Arch-Deacon Wright was most mo∣derate, seeking to qualifie the cruelty of the rest, as farre as he could or durst appear. Blinde he was in one eye, but acute and clear-sighted in his minde, and though his compliance for the present cannot be excused, yet commendable was his forwardnesse, that presently on the Crowning of Queen Elizabeth, he confessed his errours, and with a weak voice but strong Arguments in his Sermon preached in All-hallows, solidly confuted the maine of Popish opinions; This was his last Will and Testament, being at the present much decayed in his Body, his strength onely serving him, to give a solemn account of his Faith. For soon after he fell sick, and at the end of eight dayes, in perfect minde and memory, peaceably departed this life. Wherefore lying Sanders is not to be listned to, when reporting that this Wright dyed raving and distracted. It being usuall with him, to account all those staring mad, who are not strake blinde with ignorance and superstition: Let not Sanders be too busie in traducing Gods dying Servants, lest what he

wrongfully chargeth on others, justly befall himself, as it came to passe accordingly. For a learned Pen tells us, that he died in Ireland, Mente motus, which if it amounts not to a Madnesse, I understand not the propriety of that expression.

10. Passe we now from Maudlins to Corpus Christi Colledge, where behold a sudden Alteration; Masse being presently brought up in the place of the Communion. It may seem a wonder, seeing so many Superstitious Vtensils are required thereunto, where the Papists got attiring Cloaths for the Theatricall Pompe thereof; yet so it was, that they who to day [visibly] had nothing, next day wanted nothing for the Celebration of the Masse. Surely these Trinkets were never dropt down from Heaven; but such who formerly had been cunning in concealing, were now forward in producing their wicked Wardrobe; and one Colledge afforded enough, not onely to suffice it self, but for the present to supply the whole Vniversity.

11. But how well soever any Colledge kept their superstitious Trifles, sure I am Corpus Christi Colledge lost an essentiall Ornament thereof, namely Mr. John Jewel, fellow therein, who, on his refusall to be present at Masse, and other Popish Solemnities, was driven out of the Colledge, and retyred him∣selfe to Broadgates Hall; where he continued for a short time in great Danger.

12. It was now high time for Mr. Peter Martyr seasonably to provide for his own security, who being by Birth a stranger, and invited over hither, and placed here by King Edward the sixth, to be Professour of Divinity in Ox∣ford, had the Warrant of the Publique faith, and the Law of Nations, for his safety. Whereupon he solicited for leave to return, which was granted unto him. Well it was that he had protection of proof; otherwise such was the enmity of the Papists, and so sharp set were the Teeth of some persecuting Bishops against him, that they would have made this Martyr brook his own name, and have sacrificed his life to their fury.

13. About the time of his Departure, (pardon a short digression) the Dutch congregation in London was also dissolved, gaining Licence with much a∣doe to transport themselves. These taking the opportunity of two Danish Ships, then lying in Thames mouth, adventured themselves therein even in the beginning of Winter, uncertain were to get any habitation. One hun∣dred seaventy and five were embarqued in one vessell, from which the other was divided with Tempest, and with much danger got at last to Elsinore in Denmarke. Had they sai'd longer in England, untill the Queens marriage with King Philip of Spaine (being most of them his Native Subjects in the Netherlands) it had been difficult, if not impossible for them to have procured their safe, and publique departure.

14. As for Mr. Jewell, he continued some weeks in Broad-Gates Hall, whither his Schollers repaired unto him, whom he constantly instructed in Learning, and Religion. Of all his Pupils, Edward Year in this one respect was most remarkable, who by his tutour being seasoned with the love of the Truth, made a double Copie of Verses, against the Superstition of the Masse, which so enraged Mr. Welsh, the Censor, as I take it of Corpus Christi Colledge, against him, that he publikely and cruelly whipt him, laying on one lash, for every verse he had made, which I conceive were about eighty in all: Part of them, I have here thought fit to insert; and blessed be God I may Translate, and the Reader peruse them without any pain and perill, and not at the dear rate, whereat the Authour composed them. I have the rather presented them, because they proved as well Prophetical as Poetical, comfortably foretelling, what afterwards certainly came to passe.

Supplex oro Patris veniant coelestis ad aures Ex animo paucae quas recitabo preces: Ecce patent aditus, patet alti januae Coeli Ad summum votis am penetrabo Deum. Summe Pater, qui cuncta vides, qui cuncta gubernas, Qui das cuncta tuis, qui quoque cuncta rapis, Effice ne maneat longaevos Missaper Annos: Effice ne fallat decipiatve tuos; Effice ne coecos populorum reddat ocellos Missa, docens verbo dissona multa tuo: Effice jam rursus Stgias descendat ad Vndas, Vndè trahit fontem principiumquè suum. Respondet Dominus spectans de sedibus Altis, Ne dubites recte Credere parve puer: Olim sum passus mortem, nunc occupo dextram Patris, nunc summi sunt mea regna poli: In coelis igitur toto cum corpore versor, Et me Terrestris nemo videre potest; Falsa Sacerdotes de me mendacia fingunt, Missam quique colunt, hi mea verba negant: Durae Cervicis populus me mittere Missam Fecit, & è medio tollere dogma sacrum; Sed tu crede mihi, vires Scriptura resumet, Tolleturque suo tempore Missa nequam.

Accept O heavenly Father I request These few Devotions from my humble Breast: See ther's Accesse, Heaven's gate open lyes, Then with my Prayers I'le penetrate the skyes; Great God, who all things feest, dost all things sway, And All things giv'st, and all things tak'st away, Let not the present Masse long-lived be, Nor let it those beguile belong to thee: Thy peoples eyes keep it from blinding quite, Since to thy word it is so opposite, But send it to the Stygian Lakes below: From whence it's rise and source doth spring and flow. The Lord, beholding from his Throne, reply'd, Doubt not, young Youth, firmly in me confide I dy'd long since, now sit at the right hand Of my bless'd Father, and the world command My body wholy dwels in heavenly light, Of whom no earthly Eye can gain a sight: The shamlesse Priests of me forge truthlesse lies And he that worships Masse, my word denyes A stiffeneck'd people for their sins did make Me send them Masse, my word away to take But trust me, Scripture shall regain her sway, And wicked Masse in due time fade away.

15. But to return to Mr. Jewel: he had not lived long in Broadgates Hall, when, by the violence of the Popish Inquisitors being assaulted, on a sudden, to subscribe, he took a pen in his hand, and, smiling, said, have you a minde to see how well I can write? and thereupon under-writ their Opinions. Thus the most orient Jewel on earth Hath some flawes therein. To conceal this his Fault, had been partiality; to excuse it, flattery; to defend it, impi∣ety; to insult over him, Cruelty; to pitty him, Charity; to admire God, in permitting him, true devotion; to be wary of our selves, in the like occa∣sion, Christian discretion.

16. Such as go out when God openeth them, a Doore to escape, do peaceably depart; But such who break out at the window, either stick in the passage, or bruise themselves by falling down on the out-side. Jewell may be an instance hereof, whose cowardly compliance, made his foes no fewer without him; and one the more (a guilty Conscience) within him. The Papists neither loved, nor honoured, nor trusted him any whit the more, for this his Subscription, which they conceived not Cordiall; for∣ced from him by his feare: Yea thereby he gained not any degree of more safety: and his life being way-laid for, with great difficulty, he got over into Germanie.

17. Rejoyce not over me O mine Enemy, for though I fall, yet shall I rise again, as here it came to passe: Comming to Francfort, he had Dr. Edwin Sandys, (afterwards Arch-Bishop of Yorke,) for his Board, and Bedfellow, who counselled Mr. Jewell, with the joynt advice of Mr. Chambers, and Mr. Sampson, his bosome friends, to make a publicke Confession of his sorrow for his former Subscription: whereupon on a Sunday, after his fore-noons Sermon, in the Congregation of Francfort, he bitterly bewailed his fall, and heartily requested pardon from God and his People, whom thereby he had offended. Wet were the eyes of the Preacher, and those not drie of all his Auditors: what he fairely requested was freely given: and hence forward

all embraced him, as a Brother in Christ, yea as an Angell of God. Yea who∣soever seriously considereth the high Parts Mr. Jewell had in himselfe, and the high opinion others had of him, will conclude his Fall necessary for his Humiliation.

18. But to return to Oxford, whither, about this time, Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer, were brought to be baited in Disputation, by the fiercest Papists of both Vniversities; Which worthy Bishops, restrained in Liberty, debarred from Books, depriv'd of Friends, and streightned for time, were brought out of the Prison, to dispute, and after the end thereof thither remanded. Here it is sad to recount those Legiens of Taunts, which were passed upon them: They who had three Logicall termes in every Syllogisme, had far more railing ones after it, in following their Argument, and opprobrious improving thereof against the Prisoners. Wherefore when Weston, the Prolocutor (or Obloquutor rather) closed all with his vain glorious brag, Vicit veritas, many of the unpartiall Auditors conceived, that Vicit vanitas, was a truer Conclusion of the Disputation; though indeed there could be no proper victory, where there was no fair Fight: things not being methodized with Scholasticall Forma∣lity, but managed with tumultuous Obstreperousnesse. See all at large in Mr. Fox: to transcribe which would be tedious, excribe something, imperfect, Contract all, obscure: may the reader therefore be remitted thither, for his perfect Satisfaction. Onely, I will adde; this Disputation was but a prepara∣tive, or Prologue to the Tragedy of these Bishops Deaths: as it were to drie their Bodies, the more afore-hand, that afterwards they might burn the brighter, and clearer for the same.

19. But we leave the prosecution hereof with the impression made by the Alteration of Religion on every severall Colledge in Oxford, to some learned men of that Vniversity, as an office proper for them to performe, having as their education therein, so their advantage thereby in consulting the Registers of their severall Colledges. I have hitherto, and shall hereafter be the shorter in Matters of this Vniversity, remembring two profitable Precepts, for this purpose; the one Minus notis, minus diu insistendum: the other 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Being a stranger be not over-busie: Who confesse my selfe bred in another Seminary of learning. Wherefore if my tongue, long acquainted with CAMBRIDGE Siboleth, have or shall chance to faulter in pronouncing the termes of Art, or Topicall Titles, proper to this Vniversity, I hope the Readers Smile shall be all the writers Punishment. For as I hearti∣ly protest the fidelity of my Affections to my Aunt, and humbly request that my Weaknesse or want of Intelligence, may no way tend to her Prejudice, so I expect that my Casuall mistakes should meet with a Pardon of Course: And if any of her own Children (which is much to be desired) Will hereafter write a particular History of Oxford, I should be joyfull if the best Beames I can bring will but make him Scaffolds, and the choicest of my Corner-stones, but serve to fill up the Walls of his more beautifull Building.

20. We have something trespassed on time to make our Story of Oxford intire, and must now go a little backward. The Queen being crowned on the first of October, her first Parliament began the fifth day following, where∣in Godwot a poor appearance of Protestant Bishops. For Cranmer of Cant. was in the Tower for treason. Ridley of London, and Poynet of Winchester were displaced on the restitution of Bonner and Gardiner, Holegate of Yorke, Bush of Bristoll, Bird of Chester, Hooper of Worcester and Gloucester, Barlow of Bath and Wells, Scory of Chicester, Ferrar of St. Davids, Coverdale of Exeter were already deprived either for being married, or delivering some displeasing do∣ctrines. Onely two Protestant Bish os, viz. Johna Taylour of Lincolne and John Harley of Hereford (on what score I know not) found the favour to be last undone, as remaining un-deprived at the beginning of the Parliament, where they presented themselves according to their duty, & took their place amongst

the Lords. But presently began solemne Masse after the Popish manner, which these two good Bishops not abiding withdrew themselves, and shortly both of them died their naturall deaths; Providence graciously preventing their violent destructions.

21. All the rest of the Bishops present in Parliament, as Samson of Coventry, and Litchfield, Capon of Salsbury, Thirleby of Norwich, Bulkley of Bangor, Par∣few of St. Asaphb Kitchin of Landaffe, though dissembling themselves Pro∣testants in the dayes of King Edward, now returned to their Vomit, and the ad∣vancing of Popery. No wonder then if all things were acted according to their pleasure, the Statute of Premunire made by King Henry the Eight, and ma∣ny other goodlaws of Edward the Sixth repealed. Masse and Latine service with the maine of Popery reestablished.

22. But in the Convocation which began few dayes after, amongst all the Clergy therein assembled there were found but six which opposed the Reduction of Popery, Viz.

• 1. Walter Philips Dean of Rochester.
• 2. Iames Haddon Dean of Exeter.
• 3. Iohn Philpot Archdeacon of winchest.
• 4. Richard Cheyney Archdeacon of Hereford.
• 5. Iohn Ailmer Archdeacon of Stow.
• 6. One whose name is not recorded.

Of these Mr. Philpot one of a fervent spirit (but not to any distemper as some suspect) was so zealous against Transubstantiation, that he offered to maintain the negative by Gods word, and confound any six who should withstand him in that point, or else saith he,c let me be burned with as many fagots as be in London before the Court gates.

23. But Weston the Prolocutor in the Convocation threatened him with the Prison, adding that he was a mad man, meeter to be sent to Bedlam then con∣tinue there. Philpot returned he would think himself happy to be out of that company. Nay, lest you slander the house said Weston, and say we will not suffer you to declare your minde, we are content you come into the house as formerly on two conditions. First, that you be apparelled in a long gown and Tippet as we are. Secondly, that you speak not but when I command you. Then said Philpot, I had rather be absent altogether; and so it seems departed the place, and soon after the Convocation ended, having concluded all things to the hearts desire of the Papists therein.

24. Afterwards Philpot was troubled by Gardiner for his words spoken in the Convocation. In vain did he plead the Priviledge of the Place, commonly reputed a part of Parliament, alledging also how Weston the Prolocutor once and again assured them, that the Queen had given them leave and liberty, fully and freely to debate of matters of Religion according to their own con∣science. Once at his Examination the Lord Richd affirmed, that the Convoca∣tion was no part of the Parliament House, and we must believe him herein, because a Lawyer, and a Lord Chauncelour: Otherwise we have the Statute 8. Hen. 6. That the Clergy of the Convocation shall have such liberty as they that come to the Parliament. In fine Philpot, in defence of the Truth acted the vali∣ant part of a Martyr according to his promise, though the Scene was altered from the Court-gates to Smithfield.

25. The match of Queen Mary with Philip King of Spain was now as com∣monly talked of as generally distasted. To hinder the same Sr. Thomas Wyat a Kentish Knight took Armes with a great party assisting him. Saunders faith, and that very truly, that he was Vir maguae potentiae, being indeed well borne, well allied, well learned, well landed, and well loved, wanting neither wit, wealth, nor valour, though at present all were ill imployed by him. Indeed this his Treason may be said to fall in labour, some weeks before the full time thereof (occasioned by a sudden fright) and therefore no wonder if the issue thereof proved abortive. For Wyat hearing that one of his Dear Friends was cast into the Fleet (though for a cause unrelating to this Plot, to which the

Partie was privy) suspected, as guilt is ever jealous, that this his Friend had betrayed the designe, which made Wyat anticipat the due date thereof, and break our the sooner into open hostility.

26. The Queen, hearing of his commotion, sent an Herauld unto him to de∣sist, which Herauld came to Sr. Tho. his house deeply moated round about, the Bridge being drawn up, yet so that a place like a Ford pretended a safe passage thereunto. On the inside thereof walked the proper case of a man well habited, and his face carrying no despair of wisdome therein. The He∣rauld asked him whether he might safely go over there, to whom the other slightly answered, Yea, Yea; but had not the strength of his Horse been more then ordinary, he either had been drowned in the water, or buried in the mudde.

27. The Herauld hardly escaping fills all the House with complaints, that being an Officer sent from the Queen under the protection of the publike faith (having his coate, his conduct upon him) he should be so wilfully abu∣sed by false directions to the danger of his life by one of Sr. Tho. his servants. The Knight highly offended at the fault (as Gentleman enough, and enemy to actions of basenesse) summons all his Servants to appear before the He∣rauld, vowing that the Offendour should be sent Prisoner to the Queen with his leggs bound beneath his Horse belly, to receive from her the reward of his wickednesse.

28. The Herauld challengeth the party at the first sight of him. Alasse said Sr. Tho. he is a meer Naturall, as will appear, if you please to examine him. Why Sirrah said the Herauld did you direct me to come over where it was almost impossible to passe without drowning? To whom the other an∣swered, the Duckes came over not long before you, whose leggs were shorter then your horses. Hereat the Herald smiled out his anger, adding with∣all, Sr. Thomas, hereafter let your Foole wear the Badge of his Profession on him, that he may deceive no more in this kinde. But passe we to matters of more moment; Wyat courteously dismissed the Herauld, but denying to desist, marched to Rochester to meet his Complices out of the West of Kent, who came short unto him, as intercepted and routed, with Sr. Henry Ilsley their Con∣ductour, by the Lord Abergaveny, though this losse was presently repaired.

29. For when Thomas Duke of Norfolke marched down with five hun∣dred Londoners, in white Coats to resist Wyat, and was now come to Stroud, on the other side of Rochester, the Londoners revolted to Wyat. Thus the most Valiant Leader cannot make his Followers Loyall. Yet these Londoners false to forsake the Duke were faithfull not to betray his person, which they might easily have done if so disposed. Wyat is much elated with this supply, as more in the omen then in it self, who concluding all Londoners of the same lump, hereby promised himself easie enterance into that City, and hearty entertain∣ment therein.

30. His insolency is said to rise with his successe, so that having a Treatie with some of the Privie Councellours in his passage to London, he de∣manded unreasonable conditions, affirming that he would rather be trusted then trust, and therefore requiring the person of the Queen, the Tower of Lon∣don to be committed unto him, with power to displace evill Councellours not propounded with more pride, but that with as much scorne they were refused. Mean time, Queen Mary came to Guild-Hall, and there made a long oration, and indeed if on just occassion she could not speak confidently and pertinently, She was neither Daughter to her Father, nor to her Mother. Mr. Foxee addeth that she seemed to have perfectly conned her speech without book; which if so, sounds nothing to her disgrace, some being for extem∣pory prayers, but none to my knowledge for extempory pollicy. This her oration secured the affections of the Citizens unto her, as by the sequell will appear.

31. Entring Southwarke he enjoyneth his Souldiers to offer no violence, or take any thing without payment, yet Winchester House soon felt their fury, though such by his command (a Generall can but proclaini and punish the Breakers of his Proclamation) were made exemplary for their rapine. Then were the Prisons (and Southwarke is well stored with houses of that kinde) set open for such who were guilty onely of pretended heresie, not Felionte and murther. But some who thanked him for his curtesie, refused the accep∣tance thereof, (a tender conscience is a stronger obligation then a Prison) because as they were legally committed they would be legally discharged.

32. But now all the Towers of the Tower, and the topps of the square Steeples neer the Bridge-Foot, on the otherside were planted with Ordnance (so that both Church and State threatened his ruine) ready to be discharged into Southwarke, either to beat down the Burrough, or to force Wyat to de∣part, who perceiving it impossible to force his passage into London over the Bridge, and moved with the miserable moans of the Southwarkers, left their Burrough, and though towards the evening marched swiftly, silently, secret∣ly to Kingston upon Thames. Speed begets speed, quicknesse causeth successe in matters of execution, as here in Wyat his comming to Kingston before any almost had notice of his motion.

33. But Wyat was not so much advantaged with his own expedition, as with the coincident oversights of the Queens party (whose carelessenesse and cowardise met together) enough to destroy her cause, had not Divine Providence resolved with finall successe to rectifie all humane mistakes. First, such set to order Kingston Bridge did their work by halves, breaking and not breaking it down, so that the substantialls standing, the rest were easily repaired for Wyat his safe passage over. Secondly, two hundred men set to defend the opposite banke quitted their Stationa, the very sight of two pieces of Ordnance planted against them. Thirdly, the Queens Scouts lost their eyes, (and deserved to lose their Heads) who could not discover a Body of four thousand men marching with a large train of Artillery so that the Queen had notice thereof, by the Kentish Fugitives sooner then by her own Scouts.

34. But time soon gained by Wyat was as soon lost, on the accident of a piece of Ordnance breaking its carriage. Now whilst the Army waited the leasure of bringing up this broken piece (an houre to Wyat being of greater consequence then the greatest Gun) he came short of the time prefixed to such Citizens as were Fautours of his cause. Otherwise he had been at London in the night (taking his enemies napping before they dreamt of him) and all terrour is most active in the darke, when the lesse men see, the more they suspect, whereas now it was break of day before they had gotten to Knights-Bridge.

35. Wyat had a double designe, and performed them both alike. One violently to take White-Hall, the other peaceably to be taken into London. Captain Vaughan with five hundred Welsh-men (and one would wonder how they should straggle into Kent) embraced the right-hand way towards Westminster, and then wheeled away to White-Hall, his men shooting their arrows (regardlesse where they lighted) into the windows of the Court, but could not force their passage into it. Wyat went directly to Charing-Crosse, where he met with some opposition, but continued his resolution for London.

36. Here one might have observed, that within three hours the tongue of the multitude in London thrice altered their tunes. First they cryed,

• 1. A Wyat, a Wyat, every mouth giving the alarme to the next man he met. The next note was
• 2. Treason, Treason, all suspecting that the Earle of Pembroke the Queens Generall had revolted, because hovering aloofe in the fields he

suffered Wyat his Van and main Battell (cutting off some of the Reare) to march undisturbed save with one shot, from Knights-Bridge to Charing Chrosse. Their next tune was

3. Downe with the Draggle tails, Downe with the Draggle-tails. And indeed no wonder if these Kentish-men marching in the darke, to avoid discovery in the depth of winter through durty wayes were richly landed in their cloaths, and well fringed with mire and mud about them.

37. Wyat himself marched directly up the Strand and Fleetstreet with the losse of lesse then twenty men, and comming to Ludgate promised himself entrance into the City. But there he found nothing forbid his admission save a strong gate close shut and well fortified against him with men and Amuni∣tion. From that minuite he went backward both in motion and successe. Returning to Fleetstreet He sate down on a Bench over against the Bell Savage (an Inne so called, because given by one Isabell Savage to the Company of Cutlers) and there too late began to bemoan and accuse his own rashnesse. Retreating to Temple-Barre he was faced with some horse, and after a fight being moved by a Herauld to submit himself. Then will I yeeld saith he to a Gen∣tleman, and so submitted himselfe (saya most) to Sr. Maurice Berkley, say b others to Sr. Clement Parton being in neither of them mistaken for their Gentle extraction.

38. Hence was he carried to White-Hall to be examined, thence to the the Tower to be committed; Entring therein Sr. John Bridges Livetenant thereof taking him by the collar with his Dagger in his hand;c Ah Traitour, saith he, I would stab thee my self, but that I know thou wilt be executed, to whom the other calmly replied, Sr, now it is no mastery. Some dayes after he suffe∣red penitently and patiently on the Scaffold, condemning his own act, and therefore we have spoken the lesse against him, for speaking so much against himself. Fiftly, of his Complices were hanged four hundred, led with ropes about their necks, pardoned by the Queen, and all things stilled and quieted.

39. Long since had Queen Mary sent for Cardinall Poole in Italie, to come over into England. But Charles the Emperour by the Popes power, secretly retarded his return, fearing it might obstruct the propounded marriage be∣twixt King Philip his Son and Queen Mary. Indeed the Queen bare Poole an unfeighned affection; and no wonder to him that considereth

• 1. Their age. He being about tenn yeers older, the proportion allow∣ed by the Philosopher betwixt Husband and Wife.
• 2. Parentage. She being Daughter to King Henry the eighth. He (by his Mother Margaret, Daughter to George Duke of Clarence) Grandchild to Edward the Fourth.
• 3. Education. Both when young brought up together, the aforesaid Lady Margaret being Governesse of Queen Mary in her infancy.
• 4. Religion. Both zealous Catholicks, and suffering, the Queen con∣finement, the Cardinall exile for the same.

His person also and nature was such as might deserve love, and though a Cardinall Deacon, yet that shallow character might easily be shaved off by the Popes dispensation, so that there was some probability of their marriage: and Oh how Royally Religious would their Ofspring have been extracted from a Crown and a Cardinalls Cap.

40. But now when the marriage with Prince Philip was made up; Poole at last got leave for England, and to wipe away all superstition of Luthera∣nisme wherewith he was formerly taxed, he became a Cruell, that he might be beleeved a Cordiall Papist. For meeting in Brabant with Emanuel tremelli∣us, requesting some favour from him, he not onely denyed him relief, but also returned him railing termes, though formerly he had been his familiar Friend. Yea his Godfatherd giving him his name at the Font, when Tremellius from a Jew first turned Christian.

41. Arrived in England, he was first ordained Priest (being but Deacon before) and then consecrated Arch-Bishop of Canterbury by Heath, Arch-Bishop of Yorke, and sixe other Bishops the Queen her selfe being present thereat, in the Franciscan Church at Greenwich, one of those Bankrupt Covents which her grace had set up again, Three dayes after he was dedicated in Bow Church in Cheapside, where rich in costly-robes and sitting on a gulded Throne his Pall was presented unto him. Adorned herewith, Poole presently mounts the Pulpit and makesa a drie Sermon of the use and honour of the Pall without good language or matter therein (may they all make such who take for their Text what is not in Scripture) many much admiring the jejunenesse of his dis∣course, as if putting off his parts when putting the Pall upon him.

42. Now sate the second Parliament in this Queens Reigne, wherein she parted with her Supremacy to the Pope, and Poole by his power Legatine solemnly reconciled England to the Church of Rome, that is, set it at open oddes and enmity with God and his Truth. Then did he dispense with much irregularity in severall persons, confirming the Institution of Clergie-men in their Benefices, legitimating the Children of forbidden marriages, ratifying the Processes, and Sentences in matters Ecclestasticall, and his Dispensations were confirmed by Acts of Parliament, as in the Statutes at large appear. Then was Anthonie Brown, Vicount Mountacute, Thirleby Bishop of Eli, and Sr. Edward Carne sent on a gratulatorie Embassie to Pope Paul the fourth to tender Englands thanks for his great favours conferred thereon: A sad and certain presage of heavie persecution which immediately did ensue.

SECTION. II.

To Mr. THOMAS BOWYER of the Old Jury Merchant.

YOu may with much joy peruse this sad story of Persecution presented unto you, whose Grandfather Francis Bowyer brought no fewel to these flames, but endeavoured to quench them. The Church is indebted to him for saving reverend Dr. Alexander Nowel, (then School master of Westminster, designed to Death, by Bonner) and sending him safe beyond the Seas. Thus he laid a good foundation, to which I impute the firm-standing of your family, it being rare, to see, (as in yours) the third Gene∣ration in London living in the same Habitation. May many more of the stock, succeed in the same, the desire of your obliged friend T F.

1. WE come now to set down those particular Martyrs that suffered in this Queens Reigne. But this point hath been handled already so curiously, and copiously by Mr. Fox, that his industry herein hath starved the endeavours of such as shall succeed him, leaving no∣thing for their penns, and pains to feed upon.a For, what can the man doe that cometh after the King? even that which hath been already done, saith Solomon. And Mr. Fox appearing sole Emperour in this subject, all posterity may despair to adde any remarkable discoveries, which have escaped his observation. Wherefore to handle this subject after him, what is it, but to light a candle to the Sunn? or rather (to borrow a metaphor from his book) to kindle one single stick to the burning of so many faggots? However, that our pains may not wholy be wanting to the Reader herein, we will methodize these Martyrs, according to the several Diocesses, and make on them some brief observations.

2. In the Diocesse of Exeter (containing Cornwall and, Devonshire) I finde but one Martyr, namely Agnesb Priest, condemned by William Stan∣ford then Judge of the Assise of Lanceston, but burned at Exeter. The tran∣quility of these parts is truly imputedc to the good temper of James Tur∣bervile the Bishop; one, as gentilely qualified, as extracted; and not so cruel to take away the lives from others, as carefull to regain the lost livings to his Church: and indeed he recovered to him and his successours, the Fee∣farme of the Manour of Crediton. Yet to shew his sincerity in Religion, that he might not seem to do nothing, he dipp'd his fingers in this poor womans blood, but did not afterwards wash his hands in the persecution of any other Protestant for ought we can finde in any history.

3. The like quiet disposition of Gilbert Bourn, Bishop of Bath and Wells secured Somerset shire. Indeed, he owed his life under God, to the protection of a Protestant (for Mr. Bradford at Pauls-crosse, saved him from a dagger thrown at him in a tumult) and this perchance, made him the more tender to Protestants lives. Yet in the Register of his Church, we meet with onea Richard Lash condemned by him, though his execution doth not appear, and yet it is probable, that this poor Isaac, thus bound to the Altar, was afterward sacrificed, except some intervening Angel staied the stroak of the sword.

4. So also the Diocess of Bristol, made up of Dorset-shire, and part of Glocester-shire, enjoyed much quietnesse, John Holyman the Bishop did not for ought I can finde, prophane himself with any barbarous cruelty. But Mr. Dalbyb his Chancellour (as an active Lieutenant to a dull Captain) sent three, namely, Richard Sharpe, Thomas Benton, and Thomas Hale, to the stake at Bristol, for the testimony of the truth. This Dalby knowing himself to be low in parts and learning, and despairing otherwise to appear in the world, thought, the onely way to recommend himself to mens notice, was, to do it by his cruelty.

5. More sparks of persecution flew into the Diocess of Sarisbury, in Wiltshire and Barkshire, under John Capon the Bishop, and Dr. Geffray his Chancellour, for, this D••eg was worse then Saul himself. At Nubery he sent three Martyrs to heaven in the same charriot of fire,c Jalius Palmer, John G••in, and Thomas Askin. Yea, this was but a light flourish, in re∣spect of that great blow he intended, had not heaven prevented him, and many others of his bloody crew, by the death of Queen Mary; whereby, to use Davids phrase, God smote themd on the cheek-bone, and brake the teeth of the ungodly.

6. In the Diocess of Winchester, consisting of Hantshire, and Surrey, I finde no great impression from Stephen Garainer the Bishop, and much mar∣vell thereat. It may be this politician, who managed his malice with cun∣ning, spared his own Diocess, fox-like preying farthest from his own den. Indeed he would often stay behind the traverse, and send Bonner upon the stage (free enough of himself without spurring to do mischief) to act what he had contrived. Yea, I may say of Gardiner, that he had an head, if not an hand, in the death of every eminent Protestant; plotting, though not acting, their destruction. And, being Lord Chancellour of England, he counted it his honour, to flie at stout game indeed, contriving the death of the Ladie Elizabeth, and using to say, that it was vain to strike at the branch∣es, whilest the roote of all Hereticks doth remain. And this good Lady was appointed for the slaughter, and brought to the shambles, when the seasona∣ble death of this butcher, saved the sheep alive.

7. However (as bloody as he was) for mine own part, I have particu∣lar gratitude to pay to the memory of this Stephen Gardiner, and here I so∣lemnly tender the same. It is on the account of Mrs. Clarke my great Grand∣mother by my mothers side, whose husband rented Farnham-Castle, a place whither Bishop Gardiner retired, in Surrey, as belonging to his Sea. This Bishop, sensible of the consumptionous state of his body, and finding physick out of the Kitchin more beneficiall for him, then that out of the Apotheca∣ries shop, and speciall comfort from the Cordialls she provided him; did not onely himself connive at her Heresie, as he termed it, but also protected her during his life, from the fury of others. Some will say, this his curtesie to her, was founded on his kindenesse to himself. But however, I am so far from detaining thanks from any, deserved on just cause, that I am ready to pay them, where they are but pretended due on any colour.

8. Sussex smarted more than all the forenamed Counties together, under John Christopherson Bishop of Chichester. This man was well learned,

and had turned Eusebius his Ecclesiasticall History into latine, with all the persecutions of the Primitive Christians. What he translated in his youth, he practised in his age, turning Tyrant himself, and scarce was he warme in his Bishoprick, when he fell a burning the poor Martyrs. Ten in one fire ata Lewis, and seaventeen others at severall times in sundry places.

9. In the Diocess of Canterbury, Cardinal Poole appeared not perso∣nally active in the prosecution of any to death. Whilest others impute this to his statelinesse, not stooping to so small matters; we more charitably ascribe it to his favouring of the Protestant party, having formerly lost the Papacy under that imputation. But, seeing it is a true Maxime, which an heathen man layeth down; it is enough for a private man, that he himself do no wrong; but a publique person must provide, that those under him do no injury to others; I see not, how the Cardinal can be excused, from the guilt of that innocent blood, which Thornton his Suffragan, and Harpsfield his Arch-Deacon, shed like water, in, and about the City of Canterbury.

10. The Diocess of Rochester (containing the remainder of Kent) was of small extent. But, that stock must be very little indeed, out of which the ravenous Wolfe cannot fetch some prey for himself. Morris the Bishop play∣ed the tyrant therein, being the first in Queen Maries dayes that condemned a woman (Margery Polley by name) to be burnt for religion; with many moe who at Dartford, or Rochester, sealed the truth with their lives.

11. Crosse we the Thames to come into Middlesex, and Essex, the Dio∣cess of London under Bishop Bonner, whom all generations shall call Bloody. St. Paulb mentioneth his fighting with beasts at Ephesus after the manner of men, which some expound, his encountering with people, men for their shape, and sex; but beasts for their cruell mindes, and manners. In the same sense we may say, that Lion, Tiger, Wolfe, Bear; yea, a whole forest of wilde beasts met in Bonner, killing two hundred in the compasse of three yeers. And, as if his cruelty had made him Metropolitan of all England, he stood not on distinction of Diocesses, but martyred all, wheresoever he met them. Thus Mr. Philpot belonged to Gardiners Jurisdiction, and often pleaded in vain, that Bonner was none of his Ordinary, yet Bonner (Ordina∣ry, or Extraordinary) dispatch'd him, who cared not whence men came, but onely whither he sent them. No sex, quality, or age, escap'd him, whose fury reached from John Fetty a lad of eight yeers old, by him scourged to death; even unto Hugh Laverock, a Creeple, sixty eight yeers old, whom he caused to be burnt.

12. Dr. Story Dean of Pauls must not be forgotten, being under Bonner a most cruell persecutour. Was not this false Herauldry, cruelty on cruelty? Well; So it seemed good to Divine Providence, as conducing most to the peace of the Church, that one place rather then two, should be trou∣bled with such damnable Tyrants. Bonner persecuted by whole-sale, Story by Retail; the former enjoyned, the later attended the execution; What Bonner bade, Story beheld to be performed. Yea, sometimes he made cruel addi∣tions of his own invention; As, when he caused a faggot to be tossed in the face of Mr. Denlie the Martyr, when he was ready to be burnt. How he was rewarded afterwards for his cruelty, by Gods blessing in due place.

13. Under the same Torrid Zone of persecution (but a little more temperate) lay Norfolke, and Suffolke, in the Diocess of Norwich. Bishop Hopton was unmercifull in his Visitations; but Downing the Chancellour plai'd the Devill himself; enough to make wood deare in those parts, so many did he consume to ashes, whose several examinations are at large set down in the Book of Martyrs.

14. Elie Diocess [Cambridge-Shire] succeeds, whose Bishop Dr. Thyrlby was a learned, discreet, and moderate man; witnesse his meek behaviour at the degrading of Arch-Bishop Cranmer, shedding plentifull

tears thereat. But, can water, and fire, weeping, and burning, come from the same person? Surely so it did here; for afterwards he singled out John Hullier (as the Representative for all the Protestants in his Diocess) whom he caused to be burnt at Cambridge. The shedding his blood was as giving car∣nest of his zeal in the Popish cause, though afterward he made no farther payment in this kinde; justly offending the Protestants for doing so much, yet scarcely pleasing the Papists, because he did no more. As for the exe∣cution of William Woolsey, and Robert Pigot, in this Diocess: Thurlby was no whit interested therein, but the guilt thereof must be shared, betwixt Dr. Fuller the Chancellour, and other Commissioners.

15. In Peterborough Diocess (consisting of North-hampton-shire, and Rutland) I finde but one, John Kurde, a Shooe-maker, burnt at North∣hampton. But, this his death I cannot charge on the account of David Poole the Bishop, as consenting thereunto, because William Binsley Batchelour of law, and Chancellour of Peterborough, was onely his active Prosecutor.

16. Lincolne Diocess is next, the largest of the whole Kingdome, con∣taining Lincolne, Leicester, Huntington, Bedford, and Buckingham, besides parts of Hartford and Warwick-shires. Now, according to the rules of propor∣tion, who could expect otherwise, but, the moe men, the moe Martyrs? The greater the Province, the more grievous the persecution? But, it fell out the clean countrary, finding but one Martyr in all that space of ground (a Merchants servant burnt at Leicester.) Frivolous is their reason, who impute this to the disposition of White, Bishop of this Diocess (the first half of Queen Maries Reign) whom they behold, as poetically given; of more phansie, then fury, which vented it self in verses; more pleased to lash the Hereticks with a Satyr, then suck their blood by destructive courses. As little credit is to be given to their conceit, who ascribe the following tranquil∣lity of this Diocess to Bishop Watson, Whites successour therein; because he was a man so buried in the speculations of School-Divinity, that it unactiv'd him to be practical in persecution. I say again, both these reasons amount not to any partiall cause, of the peace of this Diocess. For we know full well, that after the coming in of Queen Elizabeth, this White, and this Watson discovered keenness, and fiercenesse of spirit against Her, more then any other Bishops; in so much, that they threatned Her with an excommuni∣cation. I conceive the true cause was this; Lincolne Diocess, in the Reign of Henry the eighth, had borne the heat of the day, when Buckingham-shire alone (as we have formerlya observed) afforded more Martyrs then all England beside. God therefore thought it fit, that other Diocesses should now take their turnes; that this of Lincolne, harraged out before, should now lie fallow, whi∣lest other Countries, like rest-ground, should suffer persecution, whereon in∣deed the plowers plowed, and made long furrows.

17. The Diocesses of Oxford, Glocester, Hereford, and Worcester, under their respective Bishops, Robert Kinge, James Brook, Robert Parfew, and Richard Pates, enjoyed much quiet, It being true of them, what is said of Judea, Galilee, and Samaria, after the conversion ofb Paul, Then hid the Churches rest throughout all those places. This principally flowed from Gods gracious goodnesse, who would not have all places at once equally embroyled. It is not fit, that all the rooms in the house, should onely be chimney, furnace, or oven, but that it should also afford some other places for quiet repose. And yet I wonder much, that we finde no fire (and very little smoke) in Glo∣cester-shire, seeing Brook, the Bishop thereof isc charactered to be A great Persecutor of Protestants. Indeed his fury spent it self most abroad; who, either being, or accounting himself a great Scholar, stickled much at Oxford against Arch-Bishop Cranmer, pretending himself to be a Commissioner im∣mediately Delegate from the Pope, and venting his malice against that good Prelate, in two Orations, onely remarkable for their length, and bitterness.

18. Ralph Baynes was Bishop of Coventrie, and Lichfield, late Professour of Hebrew in Paris, who alsoa wrote a Comment on the Proverbs, and de∣dicated it to Francis the first King of France. Sure I am, he forgat a passage of Solomons therein Prov. 14. 21. But he that hath mercy on the poor, happy is ••e. This Baines proving a blodie persecutour of Gods poor servants in his Jurisdiction. The gentile birth and breeding of Mrs. Joyce Lewes, was not too high for him to reach at, and the poor condition of Joan Wast, a blinde woman in Darbie was not too low for him to stoop to, condemning them both to death, with many other faithfull witnesses of the truth.

19. The Arch-Bishoprick of Yorke enjoyed much peace, and tranquil∣lity under D^r. Nicolas Heath, a meek, and conscientious man. It is enough to intimate his moderate temper, equal, and disingaged from violent extre∣mities, that Primo Elizabethae in the Disputation between the Papists, and Protestants, he was chosen by the Privie Councel, one of the Modera∣tours. And, as he shewed mercy in prosperity, he found it in adversity, in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, though depos'd from his dignity, repos'd in a peacable quietnesse. So that his impotent age might rather seem seasona∣bly eased of troublesome greatnesse, than abridged of any requisites for his comfortable supportation.

20. D^r. Cotes was Bishop of Chester, who washed his hands in the blood of M^r. George March burnt at Chester. At whose execution, I understand not the addition of a pitch'd barrell placed above his head, certainly to en∣flame the flame; but, whether out of kindnesse, to hasten his death; or cruelty, to encrease his pain, I dare not decide. Sure I am, Cotes died soon after, and Cuthberi Scot succeeded in his Bishoprick, one very busie about the burning of Bu••••rs body in Cambridge, but otherwise I finde no persecution rai∣sed by him in his own Diocess.

21. The Bishoprick of Durham had Halcyon dayes of ease, and quiet, un∣der God, and good Cuthbert Tonstall the Bishop thereof. A learned man, of a sweet disposition, rather devout to follow his own, than cruel to persecute the conscience of others. Indeed, he being present in London at the exami∣nation of divers Martyrs, would sometimes flie out in base and unbeseeming language (as when he called Bishop Hooper beast for being married) yet his passion herein may the rather be pardoned, because politickly presumed, to barke the more, that he might bite the lesse, as appeared by his courteous carriage in his own Diocess. For, I meet with the marginal note inb M^r. Fox, which indeed justly deserved even in the fairest letters, to be inserted in the body of his book. Note that Bishop Tonstall in Queen Maries time was no great bloody persecutor. For, M^r. Russel a Preacher was before him, and D^r. Himner his Chancellour would have had him examined more particularly. The Bishop slayed him, saying, Hitherto we have had a good report among our neigh∣bours, I pray you bring not this mans blood upon my head. But more of this Cuthbert Tonstall hereafter.

22. The Diocess also of Carlile was not molested with any great troubles under Owen Oglethorp, the Bishop thereof, one qualified with a moderate temper. It argueth no lesse, because afterward he crowned Queen Eliza∣beth, an office which all other Bishops, then stiffly denied to performe. But, to speak plain English, though the peaceableness of these northerne Bishopricks, procceded partly from the mildeness of those that sate in the Episcopal chairs thereof; yet it must be remembred, that even want of matter for persecu∣tion to work on, conduced much to the peace of those places. The beams of the Gospel being neither so bright, nor so hot in these parts, where ignorance, and superstition generally prevailed.

23. The same may be said of all Wales, where casting over our eye, we discover no considerable persecution, under the Bishops of Asaph, and Bangor. But, as for the Bishop of Landaffe, his proceedings against good

Raulins White (whom he caused to be burnt at Cardiffe) was remarkable, as standing alone without precedent. For, He caused his Chaplain to say a mass (the first I beleeve, that found out, and last that used that way) for the conversion of the said Rawlins, though the same proved in∣effectuall.

24. But D^r. Morgan, Bishop of S^t. Davids, is paramount for his cruelty, passing the sentence of condemnation on Robert Farrar, his imme∣diate predecessour, whom he caused to be burnt at Carmarthen. We know whose counsell it was;a This is the heire, come let us kill him, that the inhe∣ritance may be ours. And Morgan never thought himself in quiet possession of his Bishoprick, whilest Farrar was as yet in possession of his life. However, herein, Morgan, Out-Bonnered even Bonner himself, who (though not out of pitty, of pollicy) did not himself condemne Ridley his Predecessour, but procured him to be sent to Oxford, to be sentenced by others; whereas this Bishop himself pronounced the sentence on Farrar; an act which no good man could, and no wife man would have done. Thus have we briefly sur∣veyed all the Diocesses in England; The Universities of Cambridge, and Ox∣ford onely excepted; which, being Peculiars, and exempt from Episcopal Jurisdiction, are reserved for a particular description, by Gods blessing, at the end of this book. Nor do we forget, (though acted out of the Conti∣nent of England) that cruel murder in the Isle of Garnsey; where, the infant bursting out of the mothers wombe (the cruell fire being so mercifull, as to be the midwife, to separate, and tender the innocent babe, from the con∣demned mother, to the charity of the beholders) was first taken out of the b fire, and then cast in again, and burnt with the mother thereof.

25. In all this Army of Martyrs, M^r. John Rogers, burnt in Smithfield Februarie the 4^th. 1555. led the Vann; and five Martyrs burnt at Canterbury, November the 10^th. 1558. (namely John Cornford, Christopher Browne, John Herst, John Snoth, and Katharine Knight) brought up the Rere, accord∣ing to their own prayer (not to say prophesie) at the stake, that they might be the last, as by Gods mercy it so proved. All these were executed in the foure last years of Queen Maries Reigne, none suffering in the first yeer there∣of. In which time, the Butchers under Her, did onely prepare their sham∣bles for slaughter, whet their knives, and make ready their instruments of cruelty. Comparisons, I know, are odious, and the more, when made betwixt persons of eminencie. However, to such as peruse the whole story, these proportions will appear true. Of all the Marian Martyrs, M^r. Philpot was the best borne Gentleman; Bishop Ridley the profoundest Scholar; M^r. Bradford the holiest, and devoutest man; Arch-Bishop Cranmer of the mildest, and meekest temper; Bishop-Hooper of the sternest, and austerest nature; D^r. Taylor had the merriest, and pleasantest wit; M^r. Latimer had the plain∣est and simplest heart; &c. Oh the variety of these several instruments! Oh their joynt harmony in a consort to Gods glory!

26. It is observable, that the Sacrament of the Altar was the main touch∣stone, to discover the poor Protestants. Many indeed, are the differences betwixt us and the Romish Church, but on this point the examiners pinch∣ed most. Haply, because in other controversies, Protestants (hunted after by those blood-hounds) might take covert under some tolerable distinction, and thereby evade the danger. Whereas this point of the real, corporal presence of Christ in the Sacrament, the self same body that was crucified, was such downe-right falsehood, it was incapable of any palliation, and was the compendious way to disover those of the contrary opinion. This neck-que∣stion (as I may terme it) the most dull and duncicall Commissioner was able to aske; and thanks be to God, the silliest Protestant-soule brought before them, was able to answer, first by denying it, then by dying in the de∣fence of his denyall.

27. Remarkable was their cruelty in pretorturing of many, whom af∣terwards they put to death. Herein akinn in their proceedings to Pilate, first scourging, then crucifying Christ. By what law did Edmond Terrill first burne the hand of Rose Allen, and her body afterwards? Even by the same that Bonner first burnt the hand of Thomas Tomkins, and then commanded him to be dispatched out of the way: By the same law, that Cuthbert Simpson was first cruelly rack'd, and then burnt, even by the law of their own might, and malice, not having otherwise any rag of legality, to cover the shame of their cruelty. Nature was mercifull in appointing that all men should oncea die; whereas, had these Tyrants had the ordering thereof, they would have made divers to have died sundry times: yea, such was their cru∣elty, that, after once they hadb eat up Gods servants, if possible, they would have chewed the cud upon them the second time.

28. Some Commissioners privately were courteous to the Martyrs, who notwithstanding publikely concurr'd to their condemnation. It is Luthers ob∣servation, that in Scripture, son of man is alwayes taken in a good sense, but sons of men generally in the worst acception. Sure I am, take some of these men sole, and single by themselves, they were well natur'd, pittifull, and compassionate; but, when in conjunction with others, they became (at least by consenting) as cruel as the rest. What favour did D^r. Fuller, Chan∣cellour of Elie, offer William Woolsey, and Robert Piggot, when alone? yet, when in complication with other Commissioners, pronounced the sentence of con∣demnation upon them.

29. Passe we now from the Judicial, to the Ministerial Persecutours; Sherisss, Vnder-sheriffs, Bayliffs, Promoters, Summoners &c. The locusts had tails likec unto Scorpions, and there were stings in their tails. So here in officers, the baser, the bloodier; the meaner the more malicious; though by particular exception, some happened to be more mercifull then others. Of the Twin-Sherisss in London (M^r. Woodroffe, and Mr. Chester) the former like Esau, had his hands rough, and hairy, being rugged and surly to Gods servants; whilest Mr. Chester Jacob-like, had smooth hands, kinde, and curteous to such as suffered. Thus Amrie (as I take it) the Sheriffe of Chester, was most cruel to M^r. George Marsh, whilest the Sheriffe of Stafford-shire (pitty it is, M^r. Fox hath not recorded his name) was afterward persecuted, for shewing so much favour to Mrs. Joyce Lewes at her execution, when he said d Amen to her prayer, desiring God to deliver this Realme from Papistrie.

30. One prison may, comparatively, be a paradise in respect of another, and generally 'tis the Jaylour puts the difference betwixt them. How passionately did poor Jeremye plead? Cause me not to return to the house of Jonathan the Scribe lest I die there. And therefore he took it for a speciall favour to be sent to the Court of the prison. How nastie a place was the dungeon of Malchiah, into which Jeremiah was afterwardf cast? till Ebed-melech the blackmore drew him out thence? Now, amongst the fruitfull generation of Jayles in London, there were (though never a better) some lesse bad amongst them. I take the Marshalls-see to be in those times, the best for usage of prisoners. But, oh the misery of Gods poor Saints in Newgate, under Alexander the Jaylour, more cruell than his namesake the copper-smith was to S^t. Paul; in Lollards-Tower, the Clinke, and Bonners Cole-house; a place which minded them of the manner of their death, first kept amongst coles, before they were burnt to ashes.

31. It is more then suspicious, that many of these silly souls were hurri∣ed to the stake, even against those laws which then stood in force in the Realm, before the Writ De Haeretico comburendo was issued out against them. For, what the Jews said tog Pilate, It is not lawfull for us to put any man to death; The Ecclesiastical censures may say to the Secular Power in England, We have no power of life or limbe, but the inflicting punishments on both, must be devolv'd to the civill Magistrate. Yet D^r. Gefferie Chancellour

of Sarisburie stood not on such legal niceties, but hastned them to thea stake, more minding the end to which, than the justice of the proceedings, whereby he sent them thither.

32. All who met at last in final constancy, manifested not equal interme∣diate chearfulness. Some were more stout, bold, and resolute; others more faint, fearfull, and timorous. Of the later was Arch-Bishop Cranmer, who first subscribed a recantation, but afterwards recanted his subscription, and valiantly burned at the stake. Thus he that stumbleth, and doth not fall down, gaineth ground thereby, as this good mans slip mended his pace to his martyrdome. It is also observable, that married people, the pa∣rents of many children, suffered death with most alacrity. M^r. Rogers, and D^r. Taylour may be the instances thereof. The former of these, if con∣sulting with flesh and blood, had eleven strong reasons to favour himself, I mean, a wife, and ten children, all which abated not his resolution.

33. Besides these who were put to death, some scores (not to say hun∣dreds) dyed, or rather were kill'd with stinch, starving and strait usage in prison. I am not satisfied in what distance properly to place these persons. Some, perchance, will account it too high, to rank them amongst Martyrs; and surely, I conceive it too low, to esteem them but bare Confessours. The best is, the Herauldry of heaven knows how to marshall them, in the place of dignity due unto them; where, long since, they have received the reward of their patience.

34. Miraculous was Gods providence, in protecting many which were condemned to the stake. It is part of the praise of his powerb. To hear the groaning of the prisoner, to loose those that are appointed to death. In Davids ex∣pression c There was but a step between them, and death; which step also had been stepped, had not one instantly stepp'd aside, I mean the seasonable death of Queen Mary. She melancholicke in minde, unhealthfull in body, little feared of Her forraigne foes, less beloved by Her native Subjects, not over-dear to Her own Husband, unsuccessefull in Her treaties for peace, and unfortunate in Her undertakings for warr, having deceived the Gentrie of Norfolke and Suffolke, by Her false promises, was deceived Her self by a false conception, and having consumed so many of Gods Saints by fire, dyed Her self by water, an hydropicall Tympanie.

35. Observable was the mercy of the Protestants to these persecutours, after the power was delivered into their hands, under the Reigne of Queen Elizabeth; by whom none of the aforesaid Tyrants were prosecuted, or mo∣lested, for any act of cruelty done by them in the dayes of Queen Mary. Nor suffered they in the least degree, on their former account, except they ran on a new score of contempt against the Queen and State. As such Bishops who, in the first of Her Reigne, refused the Oath of Supremacy. Other∣wise, all such as conformed to Her Government, were not onely permitted to enjoy their old, but admitted to new preferment. Witnesse M^r. Binsley, Chancellour of Peterborough, who condemned John Kurde of Northampton, yet in Queen Elizabeths dayes had the Arch-Deaconry of Peterborough con∣ferred upon him. Thus, while Papists heap fagots on Protestants, Pro∣testants, according to Solomonsd counsell, heap coals on them (courtesies, and civilities) to melt them if possible into remorse.

36. But, though the Protestants shewed much mercy to the Papists, their persecutours, yet the God of the Protestants manifested much justice, in their wofull, and wretched deaths. I confesse, Gods best servants some∣times have had sad and suddain ends; witness good Eli himself, who e fell down, and brake his neck. I confess likewise, that some wicked men, who have liv'd like Lions, have died (to use the common countrie phrase) like Lambs; or to use the expression of the Psalmist,f They have

no bands in their death, so fairly, and quietly do they expire. It is not good therefore to be over tampering in this particular (our Saviour himself re∣trenching the censoriousness of the Jews, for falling so heavy on the memo∣ries of those on whom the tower of Siloeg fell and infallibly to inferr from their fatal death, their final damnation. However, when a remarkable death, suddenly follows a notorious wicked life, even such passengers, as are posting in the speed of their private affairs, are bound to make a stand, and solemnly to observe the justice of Gods proceedings therein. The rather, because Bellarmine our adversaryh affirmeth, that Infelix exitus Adversario∣rum, the unhappy end of the Adversaries thereof, is one of the marks of the true Church. These cautions premised, take a few of many signal fatalities of these wicked persecutours.

37. Morgan, Bishop of S^t. Davids (who sentenced Farrar his prede∣cessour) not long after was striken in so strange a sort, that his meat would rise up, sometimes out of his mouth, sometimes out of his nose, most hor∣rible to behold, but more terrible to endure, and so continued till his death. Judge Morgan, who condemned the Ladie Jane, soon after ran mad, and sodied, having all ways in his mouth, Lady Jane, Lady Jane, Dunning, the bloody Chan∣cellour of Norwich, died suddenly, taken (as some say) sitting in his chair. Berrie, the remorsless Commissarie in Norfolk, fell down suddenly to the ground with an heavie grone, and never stirred after. Thornton, the Suffra∣gan of Dover, looking upon his men, playing at bowls, was upon a sudden strook with a palsy, had thence to his death-bed, and, being advised by some to remember God, yea, so I do (saith he) and my Lord Cardinal too. D^r. Gesserte, the bloodie Chancellour of Sarisburie, died suddenly on a Saturday, the day before he had appointed, moe than ninety persons to be examined by inquisition. M^r. Woodrosse, that cruell Sheriffe of London, be∣ing but a week out of his office, was so striken by the hand of God, that for seven yeers space, till his dying-day, he was not able to move himself in his bed. Burton the cruell Bailie of Crowland, was poisoned to death, with the stinch of a crowes dung, muting on his face. What shall I speak of Dale, the Promoter, eaten up with lice? Alexander the Keeper of Newgate, con∣sumed with offensive rottenness? Robert Balding, smitten with lightning, at the taking of William Seaman? Clarke, who hang'd himself in the Tower, with many moe? So that we may conclude with the prophecie ofa Mo∣ses, Rejoyce O ye nations with his people, for he will avenge the blood of his servants, and will render vengeance to his adversaries, and will be mercifull unto his land, and to his people.

38. And now, to take our leaves of those Martyrs, what remains? but, 1. That we glorifie God in, and for their patience;b who had given such power unto men. 2. That we praise God, that true doctrine at this day, may be professed at an easier rate, then in that age. In Faires, and Markets, for the most part, commodities are sold dearest in the morning, which towards evening may be bought at a lower price. Sure I am, they paid most for the Protestant-Religion at the dawning of the day from Popery (life, or limbe, was the lowest price thereof) which since may be purchased at a cheaper pennie-worth. 3. That we embrace, and defend that doctrine, which they sealed with their lives; and as occasion shall be offered to vindicate, and assert their memories, from such scandalous tongues, and penns, as have, or shall traduce them.

39. It is inconsistent with our History, here to enter the lists, with that railing book which Parsons the Jesuite hath made against those good Martyrs. Onely be it remembred, that his Cavill-General is chiefly at their calling, be∣cause they were most Mechanicks, Weavers, Shooe-makers &c. An excep∣tion lying as well against just Joseph, a Carpenter; hospital Simon, a Tan∣ner; zealous Aquila, and Priscilla, Tent-makers; attentive Lydia, a

purple-seller. And is it not injurious to inferr their piety to be less, because their painfulness was more? If it be farther objected, that it is improba∣ble, that these fillie souls should be more illuminated with knowledge, than the great Doctours of the Romish Church: know that Christs birth was re∣vealed to thec shepherds in their calling, watching their flocks by night, and concealed from the Priests, and Pharisees (the pretended shepheards of Israel: and, God might give more light to these industrious artificers, than to their idle Masters of Arts.

40. Behold your calling (saith the Apostle) how not manie wise men after the flesh &c. But God hath chosen the foolish things of this world to confound the wise. And, allwayes in time of persecution, the Church is like a copse, which hath in it more under-wood than oakes. For, great men consult with their safety; and, whilest the poorer sort (as having little to lose) boldly embrace religion with both armes; the rich (too often) do only behold it at distance, with a smiling countenance; but dare not adven∣ture to entertain it, except with very great secrecie. We conclude all with this observation, that such Martyrs, as were artificers by their vocation, humbly continued in the station, wherein Divine Providence had placed them, none presuming (as too many now adayes) to invade the ministe∣riall function, not adventuring to preach, save onely that their real Sermon of patience at their death.

41. So much for the first forme, of Christians in those dayes, which were martyr'd. A second sort succeeds of such, who, being Confessours for the Faith, fled into forrain parts from persecution. This their removall is not onely defended from cowardize, but warranted for Christian Policy by our Savioursa precept, But when they persecute you in this City, flee into another. Had all fled, Religion had been at a losse for champions, to defend her for the present, had none fled, Religion might have been at a loss for champi∣ons, to maintain her for the future. We will give in a particular, both of such eminent persons, and of the places wherein they were entertained. Part∣ly, that such places may receive their deserved praise, for their hospitality to exiles: and partly, that our harbouring the banished Dutch (flying many yeers after from the cruelty of Duke d' Alva in London, Norwich, Canter∣bury, Colchester, and Sandwich, may appear, not so much the giving of a free, and fair curtesie; as the honest paying of a due debt, and wiping off an old score runn on trust by our great-grand-fathers.

• Som seated them∣selves at,
  • 1. Emden, in East-Frizland, a Staple-Town of English Merchants. I finde neither the names, nor number of those that harboured here; only it appears, that John Scorie, late bishop of Chi∣cester, was here Superintendent of the English Congregation in Emden.
  • 2. Weasel, then in the Dominions (as I take it) of the Duke of Cleve, but bordering on the Low-Countries, in the possession of the King of Spaine. The English meeting here, was rather a Chappel, then a Church; or, rather a Tabernacle, then a Chappel; because soon set up, and as suddenly taken down again. For they, who formerly had fled so farr from Mary, were now loth to live too neer to Philip; and, for fear of so potent a neighbour, quickly forsook this place, and disposed themselves elsewhere, in these four following Church Colonies.
  • ...

• ...
  • 3. Arrow,a a small city in Switzerland, on the banks of the River Arrola, belonging to the Republique of Berne. The most noted men abiding here were
    • Thomas Leaver.
    • Robert poumall.
    • Richard Laughorne.
    • Thomas Turpin.
    • Boys.
    • Willford
    • Vpchaire.
  • 4. Strasburgh, where they found most courteous entertainment. The most eminent English, abiding here, as may be collected from their solemneb joynt-subscription to a letter, were
    • James Haddon.
    • Edwin Sandys.
    • Edmond Grindal.
    • John Huntington.
    • Guido Eaten.
    • John Geoffrey.
    • John Peader.
    • Thomas Eaten.
    • Michael Reymuger.
    • Augustine Bradbridge.
    • Arthur Saule.
    • Thomas Steward.
    • Christopher Goodman.
    • Humsrey Alcocson.
    • Thomas
    • Thomas
    • Lakin.
    • Crafton.
  • 5. Zurich. This was no formed Congregation of Pastours, and peo∣ple; but rather a flock of Shepheards, and therefore the letters unto them carie this style in their superscription, To the Students at Zu∣rich. But, behold their names,
    • Robert Horne.
    • Richard Chambers.
    • Thomas Leaver.
    • Nicolas Karvile.
    • John Mullings.
    • Thomas Spenser.
    • Thomas Bentham.
    • William Cole.
    • John Parkhurst.
    • Roger Kelke.
    • Robert Beamont.
    • Laurence Humsrey.
    • Henry Cockraft.
    • John Pretio.
  • 6. Frankford on the Meine. Where they found the State very favou∣rable unto them. And this was the most visible, and conspicuous English Church beyond the seas, consisting of
    • c Iohn Bale.
    • Edmond Sutton.
    • Iohn Makebraie.
    • William Whittingham.
    • Thomas Cole.
    • William Williams.
    • George Chidley.
    • William Hammon.
    • Thomas Steward.
    • Thomas Wood.
    • Iohn Stanton.
    • William Walton.
    • Iasper Swyft.
    • Iohn Geofric.
    • Iohn Graie.
    • Mighell Gill.
    • Iohn Samford.
    • Iohn wood.
    • Thomas Sorby.
    • Anthonie Cariar.
    • Hugh Alford.
    • George Whetnall.
    • Thomas Whetnall.
    • Edward Sutton.
    • Iohn Fox.
    • Laurence Kent.
    • William Kethe.
    • Iohn Hollingham.

Here we omit their petty Sanctuaries, having (liked David) places, where himself, and his men were wont to haunt, Deesburgh, VVormes, &c. Where their stragling numbers amounted not to the constitution of a Church. If these Congregations be compared together, Emden will be found the richest for substance (there the Merchants which bear the bagg;) VVeasel the short∣est for continuance; Arrow the slenderest for number; Strasburgh of the most quiet temper; Zurich had the greatest scholars, and Frankford had the largest priviledges. Nor let any wonder, if some in these Catalogues, assign∣ed to one colonie, were afterwards found in another; seeing the Apostles e expression, VVe have here no biding City, hath in it a single truth in time of peace, and at least a double one in time of persecution; men slitting from

place to place, as they were advised by their own security. Know also, that besides these (the first founders of these severall Congregations) many ad∣ditional persons, coming afterwards out of England, joyned themselves thereunto.

42. Come we now to set down the sad troubles of Frankford, rending these banished exiles asunder, into severall factions. This I dare say, if the Reader takes no more delight in perusing, than I in penning so dolefull a subject, he will shew little mirth in his face, and feel less joy in his heart. However we will be somewhat large, and wholy impartial in relating this sorrowfull accident; the rather, because the penn-knives of that age, are grown into swords in ours, and their writings laid the foundations of the fightings now adayes.

43. The English exiles came first to Frankford Iune the 24^th. and on the 14^th. of Iuly following, by the speciall favour, and mediation of M^r. Iohn Glauberg, one of the chief Senatours of that State had a Church granted unto them: yet so, as they were to hold the same in Coparcenie with the French-Protestants, they one day, and the English another; and on Sunday, alter∣nately to chuse their hours, as they could best agree amongst themselves. The Church was also granted them with this proviso,a That they should not dissent from the French in doctrine, or ceremonie, lest thereby they should minister occasion of offence. On the 29^th. of the same moneth, our English with great joy, entred their new Church, and had two Sermons preached therein, to their singular comfort. About which time they constituted their Church, choosing a Minister, and Deacons for a time; and, out of conformity to the French, abrogated many things, formerly used by them in the Church of England, as namely,

• 1. They concluded, that the answering aloud after the Minister should not be used.
• 2. The Letanie, Surplice, and other ceremonies in Service, and Sa∣craments, they omitted, both as superstuous, and superstitious.
• 3. In place of the English Confession, they used another, adjudg∣ed by them of more effect, and framed according to theb State and Time.
• 4. The same ended, the people sung a Psalme in meeter, in a plain tune.
• 5. That done, the Minister prayed for assistance of Gods Spirit, and so proceeded to the Sermon.
• 6. After Sermon, a generall prayer for all States, and particular∣ly for England, was devised, which was ended with the Lords prayer.
• 7. Then followed a rehearsall of the Articles of Belief, which ended, the people sung another psalme, as before.
• 8. Lastly, the Minister pronounced the blessing. The peace of God &c. or the like, and so the people departed.

What is meant by framing their Confession according to the State and Time, I understand not (must our confessions, as our clothes follow the fashions of the State, and place we live in?) except it be this, that it was made more particularly, not only for sinners, but for exiles, acknowledging their pre∣sent banishment, justly inflicted on them for their offences. The prayer de∣vised after Sermon, according to the genuine sense of the word, seems no extemporary prayer then conceived by the Minister, but a set forme former∣ly agreed upon by the Congregation. Thus have we a true account of their Service; conceive it onely of such things, wherein they differed from the English Liturgy, not of such particulars wherein they concurr'd therewith; the cause (as I conceive) why no mention of reading of psalms, and chapters in their Congregation. These certainly were not omitted, and probably

were inserted betwixt the Confession, and singing the first psalme.

44. Thus setled in their Church, their next care was to write letters, Dated August the first, to all the English Congregations, at Strasburgh, Zu∣rich, Weasel, Emden &c. to invite them, with all convenient speed to come, and joyne with them at Frankford. This is the Communion of Saints, who never account themselves peacably possessed of any happiness untill (if it be in their power) they have also made their fellow-sufferers, partakers there∣of. However, this their invitation found not any great entertainment amongst the other English Church-Colonies; all delaying, and some denying to come; but especially those of Zurich were most refractory, and shewed least inclinati∣on to repair to Frankford.

45. This occasioned severall reiterated letters from Frankford; press∣ing, and requiring those of Zurich deeply to weigh this matter of Gods calling, and the necessity of uniting themselves in one Congregation. Let none say that Frank∣ford might as well come to Zurich as Zurich to Frankford; because the English-Zurichians (though not in number) in learning, and quality equalled, if not exceeded those of Frankford. For Frankford was neerer to England, and more convenient for receiving intelligence thence, and returning it thither. Besides all Christendome met at Frankford twice a yeer (the vernal and au∣tumnal mart) and, grant there was more learning at Zurich, there were moe books at Frankford, with conveniences to advance their studies. But chiefly, at Frankford the Congregation enjoyed most ample priviledges; and it was conceived it would much conduce to the credit, and comfort of the English Church, if the dispersed handfulls of their exiles, were bound up in one sheaf, united into one congregation, where they might serve God in purity of faith, and integrity of life, having both Doctrine, and Discipline free from any mixture of superstation.

46. Notwithstanding this their importunity, those of Zurich made no other addresses to Frankford, than by dilatory letters excusing themselves from coming thither. Some saw no absolute necessity, that all the English should repair to one place; conceiving it rather safer, to adventure them∣selves in several bottoms, and live in distinct Colonies. Others were displea∣sed with the imperative stile of the letter from Frankford, requiring them to come thither; exceeding the bounds of counsell for convenience, into com∣mand for conscience: yea, charging recusancy herein, as a sin on the soul of the refusers. They pleaded, they were already peacably seated, and courteously used at Zurich: and, to goe away before they had the least injury offered them, was to offer an injury to those, who, so long and lovingly had entertained them. Some insisted on the material point, how they should be maintained at Frank∣ford, there being more required to their living there, than their bare coming thither. But, the main was, those of Zurich were resolved no whit to recede from the liturgie used in England under the reign of King Edward the 6^th. and, except these of Frankford would give them assurance, that comming thither they should have the full and free use thereof, they utterly refused any com∣munion with their Congregation.

SECTION. III.

To the right worshipfull Sr. HENRY WROTH Knight.

SIr, it is my desire fitly to suite my dedications to my respective Patrons, that what is wanting in the worth of the present, may be partly supplied in the propernes thereof, which made me select this parcell of my History for your Patronage. I finde Sr. Thomas Wroth your great-grandfather of the Bedchamber, and a favourite, to King Edward the 6^th who (as I am informed) at his death, passed out of the armes of him, his faithfull Servant, into the em∣braces, of Christ, his dearest Saviour. Soon after Sr. Thomas found a great change in the English Court, but no alteration, (as too many did to their shame) in his own conscience, in preservation whereof he was fain to fly beyond the Seas. To be a fugitive is a Sin and shame, but an honour to be a voluntary Exile, for a good cause. Hence it is that I have seen, in your ancient House at Durance, the crest of your Armes, with the extraordinary ad∣dition of Sable vvings somewhat alluding to those of Bats, to denote your ancestours dark and secret flight for his safety. However God brought him home again, on the silver vvings of the Dove, when peaceably restoring him, in the dayes of Q. Elizabeth to his large Possessions. In a word, I may wish you and yours less mediate trou∣ble then he had in the course of his Life, but cannot desire you more fi∣nal happines in the close thereof. T F.

ABout this time M^r. John Knox came from Geneva, and was chosen by the Congregation of Frankford, for their con∣stant Minister. Let none account it incongruous, that among so many able, and eminent English Divines, a Scotch∣man should be made Pastour of the English Church, seeing M^r. Knox his reputed merit did naturalize him (though a forrainer) for any Protestant Congregation, At which time also M^r. Chambers, and M^r. Edmond Grindal came thither as Agents, with a letter from the Congregation of Strasburgh. This Strasburgh, as in the position thereof, it is almost seated in the just midd∣way betwixt Zurich and Frankford: so the English there residing, embraced a moderate, and middle expedient, betwixt the extremities of the two fore∣said Congregations. These made a motion, that they might have thea sub∣stance and effect of the Common prayer-book, though such ceremonies, and things, which the Countrie could not bear, might well be omitted. Knox and Whitingam asked them, what they meant by the substance of the Book: and whilest the

other wanted commission to dispute the point, the motion for the present came to no perfection.

2. However it gave occasion that Mr. Knox, and others in Frankford, drew up in Latine a platforme, or description of the Liturgie, as used in Eng∣land under King Edward, and tendered the same to the judgement of M^r. John Calvin in Geneva, to pass his sentence thereon. This is that M^r. Calvin whose care of all the Churches is so highly commended by some, and as much censured is he by others, as boasting himself in another mans line, and medling with for∣raine matters which did not belong unto him. Take M^r. Calvins judgment herein from his own letter bearing date the 20^th. of January following, In the Liturgie of England, I see there are many tolerable foolish things; by these words I mean, that there is not that purity which were to be desired. These vices, though they could not at the first day be amended, yet, seeing there was no manifest impiety, they were for a season to be tolerated. Therefore it was lawfull to begin of such rudiments, or abcedaries, but so, that it behooved the learned, grave, and godly Ministers of Christ, to enterprize further, and to set forth some thing more filed from rust, and purer. This struck such a stroke, especially in the Congregati∣on of Frankford, that some therein, who formerly partly approved, did afterward wholy dislike; and moe, who formerly dislik'd did now detest the English Liturgie.

3. In this case stood matters in Frankford, when D^r. Richard Cox, with some of his friends out of England, arrived there. This Doctour was a man of an high spirit, deep learning, unblameable life, and of great credit amongst his Countrie-men; for, he had been Tutour unto Edward the 6^th. And well may the nurse herself be silent, whilest the well battleing of the babe pleads aloud for her care, and diligence: as here the piety and preg∣nancie of his Prince-pupill, added much to D^r. Cox his deserved reputation. He, with others, coming into the Congregation March 13. discomposed the model of their service; first, answering aloud after the Minister; and, on the Sunday following, one of his company, without the consent and know∣ledge of the Congregation, got up into the pulpit, and there read all the a Letanie. Knox, highly offended hereat, in the afternoon, preaching in his course out of Genesis, of Noahs nakednesse in his tent, took occasion sharp∣ly to tax the authours of this disorder, avowing many things in the English Book to be superstitious, impure, and imperfect; and, that he would never con∣sent they should be received into the Congregation.

4. Here I omit many animosities, and intermediate bickerings betwixt the opposite parties; especially at one conference, wherein D^r. Cox is charg∣ed to come with his inartificial argument ab authoritate, Egob volo habere, I will have it so. In fine, Knox his party finding themselves out-voted, by D^r. Cox his new recruits out of England, got one voice on his side, which, was louder, and stronger then all the rest; I mean the authority of the Se∣nate of Frankford, interposing on his behalf: and, M^r. Iohn Glauberg (prin∣cipal procurer of their Congregation, as is aforesaid) publiquely professed, that if the reformed order of the congregation of Frankford were not therein observed,c As he had opened the Church-door unto them, so would ••e shut it againe.

5. The wringing of the nose (saith wised Agur) bringeth forth blood; so the forcing of wrath bringeth forth strife. See here, the Coxan party depressed, embrace a strange way to raise themselves, and accuse Knox to the State, for no less than high treason against the Emperour in an English book of his intitled, An admonition to Christians; first, privately preached in Bucking∣ham-shire, and now publiquely printed to the world. Eight places therein were laid to his charge: the seven last may well be omitted, the first was so effectuall to the purpose, wherein he called the Emperour, no less an enemy to Christ then was Nero. Strange, that words spoken some yeers since, in

another land, and language, against the Emperour, to whom Knox then ow∣ed no natural allegiance (though since a casual, and accidental one, by his removall into an imperiall City) should, in this unhappy juncture of time, be urged against him, by exiles of his own religion, even to no lesse than the indangering of his life. But, what said Rachel of Leah?a With great wrestlings have I wrestled with my sister, and I have prevailed: with great, ra∣ther than good wrestlings. Such, too often, is the badnesse of good people; that in the heat of passion, they account any play to be fair play, which tends to the overturning of those with whom they contend. Hereupon, the State of Frankford (as an Imperial Town, highly concerned to be ten∣der of the Emperours honour) willed Knox to depart the City; who on the 25^th. of March, to the great grief of his friends, and followers, left the Congregation.

6. After the departure (or rather the driving away) of M^r. Knox; D^r. Cox, and his adherents clearly carried all, and proceeded to the election of officers in their Congregation. But first for fit title for him that was to take charge of their souls, then for a proper person for that title.

• 1. Bishop (though first in nomination) wasb declined, as improper, because here he had no inspection over any Diocess, but onely a cure of a Congregation, on which very account M^r. Scorie (though formerly Bishop of Chicester when preacher to the Congregation of Emden, took upon him the title of Superintendent.
• 2. Superintendent was here also waved, as the same in effect, onely a bad Latine word, instead of a good Greek.
• 3. Minister also was mislik'd, for the principal Preacher (though ad∣mitted to signifie his assistants perchance as a terme of too much complyance, with the opposite party.
• 4. Pastour at last was pitched upon, as freest from exception, most expressive of the office, and least obnoxious to offence.

Then was M^r. Whiteheadc chosen their Pastour, yet so, as two Ministers, foure Elders, and foure Deacons, were joyned to assist him. And, because this was then aswell an Universitie, as a congregation of the English, M^r. Horne was chosen Reader of the Hebrew, M^r. Mullings of the Greek, and M^r. Traherne was made Lecturer of Divinity. In this-new modell'd Con∣gregation, I finde no office by name assigned unto D^r. Cox (more honour for him to make all, than to be any officer) who was vertually influent upon all, and most active (though not in the doctrinal) in the prudential part of Church-government.

7. As for the oppressed Congregation (so their opposites stile themselves) it was headed by William Whittingham, one (though of less authority, yet) of as much affection to the cause, as Knox himself. This partie continued their dislike of the Liturgie, calling it thed Great English Book, offended (it seems) with the largeness thereof. And they affirmed (may the report lie on the reporters to avouch it) how Cranmer Arch-Bishop of Canterbury did pre∣sent a book of prayer, an hundred times moree perfect than the Liturgie used in King Edwards dayes, yet the same could not take place, because he was matched with so wicked a Clergie, in Convocation with other enemies. Besides this their old grudge against the Common Prayer, they were grieved afresh in this electi∣on of new officers in the English Congregation, that their old officers were neither legally continued, nor fully discharged, nor friend-like consulted with, nor fairely asked their consent, but no notice at all taken of them. In a word, never arose there a greater murmuring of the Grecians against the f Hebrews, because their widdows were neglected in their daily ministration; than here an heart-burning in the Wittingamian against the other party, for the af∣front offered to their old officers, in this new election.

8. Here a moderate motion was made that the difference might be com∣premised,

and referr'd to Arbitrators, which should be equally chosen on both sides. To this, D^r. Cox his party would in no wise consent. Whe∣ther because those pretended Arbiters would be no Arbiters, but parties, and widen the wound by dressing of it; or because, being already posesd of the power, they would not divest themselves of the whole to receive but part again from the curtesie of others. However this party lost much repu∣tation by the refusall. For in all controversies, that side recusant to submit it self to a fair arbitration, contracts the just suspition, either that their cause is faulty, or the managers thereof froward, and of a morose disposition. In fine, as when two swarmes of bees daily fight in the same hive, the weak∣est grow so wise, as to seek themselves a new habitation: so here, Whitting∣am, and his adherents resolve to depart, and to seek their severall providences in another place.

9. But alas these two sides had a sad parting-blow. The oppress'd Con∣gregation complained, that instead of their Vale, they had a volley of ill words discharged at them; amongst which none so mortal to their reputation, as the word Schismatick, wherewith the Coxians branded them at their depar∣ture. Much fending, and proving there was betwixt them, whether Schis∣matick was properly applyable to such, who agreeing in doctrine, dissented onely in [superfluous] ceremonies. In conclusion, nothing was conclu∣ded amongst them as to agreement. And now, no pitty shewed at their de∣parture, no sending of sighes, or shedding of tears on either side; the one being as glad of the room they left, as the other were desirous of their own removall.

10. If any be curious to know the names of such, who separated them∣selves from this Congregation of Frankford, this ensuing cataloguea will ac∣quaint him therewith,

• William
• William
• Anthonie
• Christopher
• Thomas
• Iohn
• Williams.
• Whittingham.
• Gilby.
• Goodman.
• Cole.
• Fox.
• Thomas
• William
• Iohn
• Iohn
• Christopher
• Nicolas
• Wood.
• Keth••.
• Kelke.
• Hilton.
• Soothous
• Purfote.
• Iohn
• Thomas
• William
• Laurence
• Iohn
• Anthonie
• Escot.
• Grafton.
• Walton.
• Kent.
• Hellingham.
• Carier.

Of these M^r. Fox, with a few moe, went to Basil, the rest settled themselves at Geneva, where they were all most courteously entertained. And now who can expect less, but, that those still remaining at Frankford, as the same in opinion, should be the same in affection, and live in brotherly love together. But alas; man, while he is man will be man; and Sathan the sower of tares, did set a sad dissention betwixt them, which we come now to relate.

11. There was an eminent member of the Congregation in Frankford, M^r. Ashley by name, one of a worshipfullb degree, and (as it seems) of a Spirit (not to say Stomack) no whit beneath his extraction. Now there happened some high words at Supper betwixt Him and M^r. Horn (then Pastor of the Congregation) yet so that all the difference by the seasonable mediation of the Guests was then seemingly composed. But two dayes after M^r. Ashley was convented before the Elders, where it was laid to his charge, that at time and place aforesaid, he had spoken words slanderous to them and their Ministry. Ashley appealed from them, as an adversary Part against Him, (and therefore no competent Judges) unto the whole Congregation. (as men of estimation with both Parties) to hear and determine the difference betwixt them.

12. Hereat M^r. Horn and the Elders were highly offended, pleading that they had received authority from the whole Church, to hear and decide

such Cases, and were resolved not to depart with the power, so legally dele∣gated unto them. And whereas many meetings were made of M^r. Ashleys friends to debate his businesse, M^r. Horne and the Elders condemned them, as tending to schism, accounting their own presence so of the Quorum to any lawful assembly, that without it, all conventions, were conventicles. Yea M^r. Horne and the Elders, perceiving that M^r. Ashleys friends (being most numerous in the Congregation) would bring his Cause to be determined by the diffusive Church, fully and freely forsook their Ministry and Service there∣in. Preferring rather willingly to un-Pastor, and dis-Elder themselves than to retain the place, without the power, Title without the Authority due thereunto.

13. This deserting of their Duty, was by others interpreted an high con∣tempt of the Congregation. Especially, when two dayes after, a full Church, met with an empty Pulpit, wherein none to teach the people. The Ashleyans (being far the major part) took exception that Horne and the Elders should so slightly, and suddenly quit; what before they had so seriously, and solemn∣ly, accepted; as if their Pastoral charges were like their cloaths or upper gar∣ments, to be put off at pleasure, to coole themselves in every heat of Passion. Besides, these men being married in a manner to their Ministeriall Functions, could not legally divorce themselves without mutual consent, and the Churches approbation thereof.

14. Soon after the State of the controversie was altered, M^r. Ashleys businesse being laid aside, and another of an higher concernment taken up in the room thereof; namely how the Congregation should proceed against the Pastor and Elders, in case they were accused for misdemeanour. For hitherto no provisions were made, in the constitutions of this Church, to regulate this case if chancing to occur. Whether because the compilers of those constitu∣tions charitably presumed on the integrity of all such Officers, or omitted the making any law against them, in favour to themselves (as most probable to obtain such places) or because no canons can at once be compleated, but a reserve must be left for the additions of others to perfect the same. But now eight were appointed to regulate the manner of the proceeding of the Congregation against Pastor and Elders if peccant, who were without (or ra∣ther above censure, according to the old Discipline which still inflamed the anger of M^r. Horne and his Party.

15. A Party much advantaged by M^r. Chambers siding therewith, be∣cause He was keeper of the charity conferred on, and contributions collected for the Congregation. Now where goeth the Purse, there goeth the Poor, most in want were of Hornes side, in hope of the larger relief. This made others complain of Chambers, as an unjust Steward of the Churches treasure, too free to such as He affected, and bountifull only of Taunts and ill Terms to those of a different Judgement, making neither Mens Need, or Deserts, but only his own fancy the direction of his Distributions.

16. Now began their brawls to grow so loud, that their next neighbours over-heard them, I mean the State of Frankford took notice thereof, to the shame of all, and grief of all good in the English Nation. For how scanda∣lous was it that exiles of the same Country, for the same Cause could not agree together. But man in misery (as well as man in honour) hath no understanding. Yea they began to fear, lest many Dutch-men, hitherto their bountifull Be∣nefactours, should for the future withdraw their benevolences, conceiving these exiles wanted no mony, who had such store of animosities, and probably poverty would make them more peaceable amongst themselves. Their dis∣cords were the worse, because the Vernali mart at Frankford did approach, and it would be welcome ware, and an usefull commodity for Popish Merchants meet∣ing there, to carry over into England, and all the world over, the news of their distractions.

17. Hereupon the Magistrate of Frankford interposed to arbitrate their differences, but whether of his own accord, or by the secret solicitation of others in uncertain. Sure it is both parties solemnly disavowed any secret practise to procure the same. The Magistrate interposed his counsels rather then commands, appearing very upright, and unbiased to either party. For though at the first He seemed to favour Horne and his Complices (out of that general Sympathy which a Magistrate beareth to all publick Officers yet after∣wards quitting their Cause, he bent all his endeauours to make a Reconcilia∣tion. By this Edict it was ordered, that the former Pastors were put out of the functions, and made private men. That new ones, or the same again, (if the Church so pleased) were to be chosen in their roomes. That the trea∣sure of the Congregation should be kept joyntly and distributed by the Dea∣cons, who at an appointed Time should account for the same to the Minister and ••ld••rs. And the day after, leave was given them to devise a new Discipline (with convenient speed) amongst themselves, and tender the same, when drawn up, to the Magistrate for his Ratification. In fine all seemingly were made friends, in token whereof they (both Parties) joyned hands together.

18. Soon after fifteen were appointed, to draw up a forme of new di∣scipline. But this new discipline, occasioned new grudges, or rather revived the old ones. Though short the Book, it was long before fully finished, be∣cause such as were concerned therein drew the Sheets thereof severall wayes. Some would have the old discipline stand still in full force, others would have it only altered, others totally abolished. When the Discipline was new drawn up, some required moneths, and the most moderate more dayes of delibera∣tion before they would subscribe it. In conclusion, whereas the whole Con∣gregation of Frankford, consisted then but of Sixty two (understand them ma∣sters of families, besides women, children, and servants) forty two subscribed this new Discipline, and the rest refused.

19. Presently they proceeded to the Election of new Pastors and mi∣nisters, when M^r. Horne issuing into the Church with his party, cast a bundle of Paper-bills on the Table standing in the middle of the Church. A Table surely set there (not for the inflaming of discords, but) the celebration of that Sacrament, which should cement them all in a comfortable communion. Those Bils contained their refusals to concur in this Election, because they could not in their consciences allow the Discipline whereby it was made. However the rest went on with their Choice, and no one (saving M^r. Wilford beeing formerly of the Ministry, was now again elected. Whereof this reason was rendred, because they with M^r. Horne had willingly relinquished their functions, and it was but just to take that from them, which they cast away from themselves. Besides it is said, that some of them gave it out, that if they should be re-elected they would not accept thereof.

20. Hitherto we have had no mention for a long time of D^r. Cox, and it may seem much, that the activity of his Spirit should be so long concealed, which makes some presume him absent all the while. But let such know, that Dr. Cox engaged in the former controversie, in defence of the liturgy, set forth in K. Edwards Raigne, as concerning his Soveraigns Honour and generall Interest of the English Church concerned therein. Whereas he hitherto stood neuter in this difference of M^r. Horns and his complices, as beholding it of narrower extent and less consequence, betwixt particular persons. Whereupon the Magistrate of Frankford, (not a leasure himself, because of the business of the Mart, to examine the matter, appointed Him, with D^r. Sandys, and Richard Berty, Esq (as men of estimation with both par∣ties) to hear and determine the difference betwixt them.

21. By the powerful mediation of which Vmpires, they were perswa∣ded into some tolerable agreement, though it was no better than a Palliate∣cure.

But I am weary of their dissentions, and therefore proceed to some more acceptable subject. Only let me add that this whole story of their dis∣cords, with the causes and circumstances thereof, is taken out of the Troubles of Frankford, a book composed in favour of the opposers of the English Disci∣pline; And when the Writer is all for the Plantif, the discreet Reader will not only be an unpartial Judge, but also somewhat of an Advocate for the Defendant.

22. It is no less pleasant to consider, then admirable to conceive, how these exiles subsisted so long, and so far from their native country, in so com∣fortable a condition. Especially seeing Gardiner Bp. of Winchester solemnly vowed, so to stop the sending of all supplies unto them, that for very hun∣ger they should eat their own nailes, and then feed on their fingers ends. But threatned folke live long, and before these banished men were brought to that short Bil of fare, the Bishop was first all eaten up of wormes himself. To re∣duce their subsistence, within compass of belief, let the following particulars be put together.

23. Most of these Clergy-Exiles, were men well preferred in King Edwards raigne. These as they were disswaded by the due consideration of their ever-living God, from being solicitously over-carking for the future, so were they advised by their daily beholding of their consumptionish, and ever∣dying King, to be providentially careful for the time to come: This made them make hay in the Sun-shine, and then got they good feathers, wherewith after∣wards they did flye beyond the Seas.

24. Some persons of much worship and wealth were amongst them, who bountifully communicated to the necessities of others. Of these the principall.

• Sir
  • ...Johna Cheeke, of whom largely hereafter.
  • Richard Morisin of Caishobury in Hertford-shire.
  • Francis Knollys, afterward-pri∣vy-counscelour to Q. Elizabith.

• Sir
  • Anthony Cook, (father in Law to Cecil after L^rd. Burgeley and famous for his learned daughters.
  • Peter Carew, renowned for his valour in Ireland where He died, Anno 1576.
  • Thomas Wroth, richly landed at and nigh Durance in Mid∣dlesex.

• Dame Dorothy Stafford afterwards of the Bed-Chamber to Queen-Elizabeth.
• Dame Elizabeth Berkley.

These accounting all their fellow-sufferers, their fellows, forgot themselves, to remember the afflictions of Joseph, being advanced so much the higher in the esteem of all, who were wise and virtuous, by how much they degra∣ded themselves in their helpefull condescention to their inferiours.

25. Many Pious Persons residing in England, but chiefly in London (which commonly counter-poiseth the charity of all the land besides) were very free towards their relief. Some of these, conscious to themselves of cowardly compliance with the Superstitions of the Times, hoped in some degree to lessen their offence, by their liberality to such Exiles, as were more constant and couragious than themselves in the cause of the Truth. And although great the distance betwixt London and Zurich, yet Merchants have long armes, and by their Bils of Exchange, reach all the world over. Richard Springham and John Abel Merchants of London gave much, and sent more to their support, as being entrusted to make over the gifts of many good people, utterly unknown to such as received them. That is the best charity, which Nilus-like, hath the severall streams thereof seen, but the fountain concea∣led. Such silent and secret bounty, as good at all times, to avoid vain-glory,

is best in bad times, to prevent danger. As for Thomas Eaton a London Merchant, but living in Germany he was (saith mya author) communis hospes, the host-general of all English Exiles, thanks, (and that forced on him, against his will) being all the Shot, his Guests, paied at their departure.

24. The King of Denmark, Henry Prince Palatine of Rhene, Christopher Duke of Wirtenburge, Woulfgange Duke of Bipont, &c. with all the States and free cities wherein the English sojourned, were very bountifull unto them. So were the Dutch Divines, especially those of Zurich, and take them in order as my foresaid Author nameth them, Bullinger, Pellican, Bibliander, Simler, Wolphius, Lavator, Zuinglius, whose short stipends would scarce reach to main∣tain themselves, and yet their thrift and charity stretched them so, as there∣with also to relieve others. Nor let learned Ges••er be forgotten, that great natural Historian, and no less loving of men, then knowing in beasts, foule, and fishes. As for Peter Martyr, he had a petty colledge in his house at Strash∣burge, (whereof M^r. Jewel was the vice-master wherein most of the clergy paied (if any) easie rates for their diet therein.

27. Some of the English Schollars, subsisted partly by their own pains, the making of Books, the Copies whereof were very beneficiall unto them. Say not this argued salable souls (savouring more of the Stationer then the Scholler to sell their Books, yea that it was a kinde of Simony in them, to make profit of those their parts which God had freely bestowed upon them. For as it betrayeth a mercenary minde, in those who having plenty themselves, will sordidly contract for their Copies, so much Authors, who are in want, are faulty in being wanting to their own just relief, if neglecting moderate bene∣fit by their own endeavours. Thus John Bale much advantaged him self, by his folio edition of his Centuries. M^r. Fox gained by his first (and least Latine Book of Martyrs. M^r. Laurence Humphrey, was no loser by his making and setting forth his three books de Nobilitate, which he intituled Optimates, as by translating Philo de Nobilitate, and Origen de recta fide out of greek. O∣thers imployed themselves, in overseeing and correcting the Press, especially about the English Eible, with the Geneva notes thereon.

28. Such sums attained by their own Industry, though small in bulke, were great in blessing, a divine benediction being alwayes invisibly breathed on painful and lawful diligence. Thus the Servant imployed in making and blowing of the fire, (though sent away thence as soon as it burneth cleare) oft-times getteth by his pains a more kindly and continuing heat, then the Master himself, who sitteth down by the same; and thus persons industri∣ously occupying themselves, thrive better on a little of their own honest getting, the lazy Heirs on the large revenues left unto them.

29. One thing much kept up the credit of the English Exiles, with the Merchants and Bankers beyond the Seas, namely the certain and constant report of Queen Maries decaying condition, daily consuming, though increa∣sing, wasting, though swelling, with an Hydropicall distemper, which could not be kept so close under the key of Confession, but that it became the publike discourse at home, and abroad. And although many reports of Queen Maries death were shot out at random (whereof one, some moneths after hit the mark and the same were proved to be false, yet thereby the news of her sickness gained a general belief. This gave reputation to such English in Germany as were known to be possessed of estates in their own country, ena∣bling them with Trust to borrow convenient summs from any creditours, who would make probable adventures for their advantage, beholding the English, very responsible in an approaching reversion.

30. So much of our English Exiles, whom our Pen will shortly han∣dle under a better notion. Return we to S^r. John Cheek, lately mentioned, with a promise to enlarge his story, though so sad in it self, we would willing∣ly (but for wronging of the truth) have buried the same in silence. Well,

and welcome, loved and respected was this Knight at Strasburge, when He would needs return for Brabant ut uxorem duceret, to marry a wife, saith the printed Sleidan, but by mistake, (for He was marryed some yeers before, to a Lady which long survived him) instead of ut uxorem educeret, that He might fetch forth, and bring home his wife, lately (it seems) come out of England into the Low-Countries.a He is said first to have consulted the Starrs, (would He had not gone so high, or else gone higher for his advice) being too much addicted to judicial Astrologie. Now whether here the Errour was in the Art it self, as false and frivolous, or in his misapplying the rules thereof, (not well understanding the language of the Stars more sure it is, his journy had sad success. For in his return from Bruxels to Antwerpe, no whit secu∣red by his own innocence, nor by the promise of the Lord Paget, nor by the pledging of S^r. John Mason, for his publick protection, nor by the inter∣cession of his friend Fecknam (Abbot of Westminster to Q. Mary, He (with S^r. Peter Carew was beaten from his Horse, tied hand and foot to the bottom of a cart, thence conveyed hoodwinkt to the next Haven, and so shipt over un∣der hatches unto the Tower of London.

31. Here all arts were used on Him (which might prevaile to drive, or draw, an easie Soule surpris'd on a suddain) to make him renounce his Religion, untill hard usage in prison, joyned with threatnings of worse, and fair promises on his submission, drew from his mouth an abrenuntiation of that Truth, which He so long had professed and still believed, and there∣upon was restored to his liberty, but never to his contentment. For such is the tyranny of Papists, that they are not satisfied to take mens Consciences captive by their cruelty, except also they carry them about in publike tri∣umph, as here Bonnera got S^r. John Cheek unawares to sit in the place where godly Martyrs were condemned. And although He then did nothing, but sit still, sigh, and be silent, yet shame, for what He had done, Sense of what others suffered, and sorrow that his presence should be abused to counte∣nance cruelty, brought him quickly to a comfortable end, of a miserable life, as carrying Gods pardon, and all good mens pitty along with him.

32. Since his Death, his Memory hath done some pennance (I say not to satisfy the failings in his life) being wronged in his Parnetage, abused in his Parts, and mistaken in his Posterity. For the first, a learned Pen (but too free in dealing disgracefull characters on the subjects thereof) stileth him a Man of mean Birth, and generally he is made, only the Son of his own Deserts. Whereas M^r. Peter Cheek, S^r. Johns Father, living in Cambridge, (where S^r. John was borne, over against the Cross in the market-place, and where by the advantage of his Nativity, He fell from the wombe of his Mother, into the lap of the Muses) was descended of the family of the Cheeks of Moston in the Isle of Wight, (where their estate was about 300^li a yeer, never increased nor diminished till sold outright some 20. yeers since) out of which Richard Cheek, in the raigne of King Richard the Second, married a Daughter of the Lord Mountagu. As for Duffield his Mother, she was a discreet and grave Matrone, as appeared by the goodd counsel, and christian charge She gave this her Son, when comming to take his farewell of her, and betake himself to Prince Edward his Tuition. For his Parts, the foresaid Author, with the same breath, termeth Him, So far as appears by the books He wrote, Pedantick enough, that is too much, to such as understand his Miosis. But had He perused all his works, and particularly, His True Subject to the Rebel, He would have bestowed a better character upon him. Another Writer e can finde no issue left of his body, saving one Son bearing his Fathers name, whereas he had three Sons by his wife, (as appears on her Monument in S^t. Martins in the Fields) 1. Henry the Eldest, Secretary to the Councel in the North, (who one Francis Ratliffe Sister to the last Earle of Sussex of that fa∣mily, begat S^r. Thomas Cheek of Pyrgo in Essex, blessed with an happy issue)

John a valiant Gentle man, and Edward, both dying without any posterity, But these things belong to Heraulds, not Historians.

33. The sufferings of Katherine Dutchess of Suffolk, Baroness Willowgby of Eresby, late widow of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolke, since wife to Richard Berty Esq must not be forgotten. A Lady of a sharpe wit, and sure hand to drive her wit home, and make it pierce, where She Pleased. This made Bp. Gardiner to hate her much for her Jests on Him, but more for her earnest to∣wards God, the Sincerity of Her Religion, and thereupon she was forced with her Husband and infant-Daughter to fly beyond the Seas.

34. It would tire our Pen to trace their Removals, from their House (the Barbican in London to Lions-Key, thence to Leigh, thence over Seas (beeing twise driven back again) into Brabant thence to Santon a City of Cleveland, thence to Wesel, one of the Hanse-Towns, thence to Windhein in the Palatinate, thence to Frankford thence (by many intermediate Stages) into Poland. Every removall ministred them matter, of new Difficulties, to improve their Patience, new Dangers to imploy their Prayers, and new Deliverances, to admire Gods providence. Especially in theira Passage from Santon to Wesel, in a cold February, and a great thaw, after a long frost, on foot, in a dark night, and rainy weather, thorow wayes unknown, without guide to direct, or company to defend them, leaving certain Foes behinde, and having but suspected friends before them. The end of their journy, was worse then their journy it self, finding first at Wesel, no Inn to entertain them, able to speak little high-Dutch for themselves, and other will∣ing to speak in comfort to them. In a word, it would trouble ones Head to invent more Troubles then they had all at once▪ and it would break ones Heart, to undergo but halfe so many, seeing their real sufferings out, Romanced the fictions of many Errant Adventures.

35. No English Subject had like f••rrain relations with this Lady, and yet they rather afflicted then befriended Her. She had been wife to Him, who had been Husband to a Queen of France, yet durst not go into that country. By the confession of Bp. Gardiner himself, She and Queen Mary, were the only English Ladies of Spanish extraction and alliance yet was it unsafe for Her to stay in any part of the Spanish Dominions. The Emperour owed her, (as Executrix to her Husband Duke Charles great sums of mony, yet durst she not demand payment, lest the credetrix should be made away, and so the debt satisfied.

36. Yet an higher Emperour, even God himself, seemed in some sort indebted unto Her (He that giveth to the poor lendeth to the Lord for her boun∣ty at Home, in the height of her Honour, forrainers, Protestants especially, in distress.

37. And now that good debtour, God his providence, made full pay∣ment thereof, by inciting the King of Poland, at the mediation of the Pala∣tine of Vilna (as He at the instance of John Baron Alasco, who formerly in England had tasted of this Ladyes liberality) to call this Dutchess with her Husband and family to a place in Poland of Safety, Profit, Credit, and Com∣mand, where they comfortably continued till the death of Queen Mary. During these their Travels, Peregrine Berty (carrying his forrain nativity in his name) was born unto them, afterwards the valiant Lord Willowgby of Eresby. To conclude, let this virtuous Lady her example, incourage all to be good to all Godly in distress, seeing Hospes hodie, cras•• Hospes, the Entertainers to day, may want Entertainment to morrow.

38. My Pen hath been a long Time an Exile from England. and now is willing to return to its native soile, though finding little comfort to invite it thither, and less to welcome it there. Only I finde a Parliament called, solely commendable on this account, that it did no more mischief in Church matters. Indeed the two former Parliaments had so destroyed all things

in Religion, they gave a writ of ease to the rest in the Queens Reign to do nothing.

39. The same reason may be rendred of the silence in the convocation where John Harpefield Archdeacon of London, and Prolocutor preached also the Latin Sermon.a His Text, (how suiting to the occasion, let him answer it) Matt. 21. 2. Ite in castellum quod contra vos est &c. where Christ sends two Disciples to fetch Him the Ass and the Ass colt.

40. The Clergy gave the Queen a subsidie of eight-shillings in the Pound, (confirmed by Act of Parliament to be paid in four yeers. In re∣quital whereof, by Pools procurement, the Queen priviledged them from shewing their Horses with the Laytie; yet so as they should ••uster them up for the defence of the Land under Captains of their own choosing.

41. Here we meet with a piece of valour in Q. Mary, daring to oppose the Pope, and shewing that her mother Q. Katherin's devotion, had not drowned in her all the Spirit of K. Henry her Father Pope Paul the fourth, wholy favouring the French Faction, and perfectly hating Cardinal Poole, (whom he beheld as the principal Promoter of the late Warrs in France sent Cardinal William Peito (borne of an antient Family atb Chesterton in Warwick∣shire to ease him in England of his Legative Power. But the Queen so orde∣red the matter, that by her Prerogative she prohibited Pe••to entrance into England, and got the aforesaid Power established and confirmed on Cardi∣nal Poole.

42. Somewhat before we saw a great wonder, viz. the death of Ste∣phen Gardiner Bp. of Winchester, not that He aied (being past sixty) but that He, who lived so zealous a Papist should die more then halfe a Protestant, as wholy one in the point of mansc Justification by the free mercies of God, and merits of Christ. Iohn White borne in Winchester Diocess; first Schoolma∣master, then Warden of Winchester School was by the Premises so tempted to be also Bp. there, that it made him digest the Symony to succeed Gardiner; though on condition to pay, a thousand pounds a yeer, out of that Bishoprick to Cardinal Poole for his better support.

43. But the most pleasant object to entertain us at this time in England, is the beholding of two fair and fresh Foundations in Oxford. The one Tri∣nity Colledge, built by S^r. Thomas Pope, in the place, (where long since Tho∣mas Hatfield Bishop, and Robert Walworth, Prior of Durham, had built a Col∣ledge for Durham Monks which at the present much decayed and ruinated, was by S^r. Thomas reedified and endowed. I finde this M^r. Pope (as yet unknighted principald Visitor, at the dissolution of Abbeys, into whose hand the Seal of S^r. Albans it self was first surrendred. Now as none were Losers employed in that service, so we finde few refunding back to charitable uses; and perchance this man alone the thankfule Samaritan who made a publique Acknowledgement.

Presidents	Bishops	Benefactours	Learned Writers
Thomas Sleithurst.		Dame Elizabeth Powlet.
Arthur Yeldard.
Ranulph Kettle.
Dr. Potter.
Dr. Harris.

Insomuch that therein is at this present a President, twelve Fellows, twelve Scholars, besides officers and servants of the Foundation, with many other Students, the whole Number being an hundred thirty three.

44. The other, S^r. Iohns Colledge erected by S^r. Thomas White, (borne at Rickmansworth in Hertford-shire a bottomlesse fountain of Bounty if we consider the ponds which He filled, and besides the running streams, which flowed from Him. Of the first Kind, were the Cities of London, Bristol and Coventry, on which He severally bestowed great summs of mony to purchase Lands therewith. His running stream, I account that his gift which I may call the Circulation of charity, being a legacy of 100. pounds delivered out of Merchant Taylors Hall on S^t. Bartholemews day, and lent gratis to 4. poore cloathiers for 10. yeers, in 23. severall Corporations. Thus as a wise Merchant He conceived it safest to adventure his Bounty in sundry Bottoms.

45. But the master-piece thereof was his founding of S^t. Johns Colledge in Oxford. Indeed his liberality baited first at Glocester-Hall, which place He reedified. But so small a Hall was too little to lodge so large a soul in, which sought for a subject of greater Receipt. A Tradition goes of his Dreame, that he should in time meet with a Place, wherea two Elmes grew, of the same height, and where his further purpose should take effect. Come we from what he dreamt to what he did, who finding belike that Tree-marke; by it he built and endowed S^t. Johns Colledge. And being himself free of the Com∣pany of Merchant-Taylors in London (where he was Lord Maior; he ordered that that School should be a prime Nursery to his Colledge; and out of it the most pregnant Schollers are annually elected into this his Foundation. It is now lately enlarged with Addition of a new Court, and other Benefactions, by the liberality of William Laud Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, whose Body though it be obscurely buried at Alhallows Barking, gratefull Posterity will deservedly behold this Building as his lasting Monument.

Presidents

• Alex. Belcher.
• Will. Elie.
• Will. Stoke.
• Jo. Robinson.
• Tob. Matthew.
• Fra. Willis.
• Ran. Hutchinson.
• Io. Buckerdig.
• Will. Laud.
• Will. Juxon.
• Rich. Baily.
• Fra. Cheynell.
• Faith. Owen.

Bishops

• Toby Matthew
• Arch B. of York.
• Joh. Buckerdig.
• Bishop of Ely.
• Row. Searchfield.
• Bishop of Bristol.
• Will. Laud Arch.
• B. of Canterbury
• Will. Juxon B. of London.
• D^r. Boile BP. of Corke.

Benefactours

• S^r. Will. Craven Knight.
• S^r. Will. Paddie Knight D^r. of Physick Commo∣ner of the Col∣ledg. He gave freely towards the building, & furnishing of their liberary, purchased to the Colledge two perpetual Patronages; and much beautified the Chappel.

Learned Writers

• Edm. Campian
• Grego. Martin
• Humph. Ely
• Hen. Holland.
  • fellows of this house and violent Papists.
  • JOHN CASE D^r. of Physick.
  • WILLIAM LAVDE in his learned book against Fisher.

The above mentioned D^r. Case, sometimes Fellow of this Colledge, marri∣ed a Wife, kept House in Oxford, and Schollers in his house, teaching many youth Logick, Ethicks, and Philosophy. The University was so farr from beholding this as an infringing of their priviledges, that out of honour to this Doctors abilities, his schollers by special grace were so farr favoured, that they were made as capable of Degrees, as if admitted Gremials in the

University. At this day S^t. Iohns hath a President, fifty Fellows, and Schol∣lars, a Chaplain and a Clarke; besides Servants, Commoners and other stu∣dents, being in all an hundred and twenty.

46. Queen Mary every day waxed more and more melancholy, where∣of several causes are assigned. Some conceive her Sorrowing, that by neg∣ligence the Key of France, [Calis] was slipt from her girdle, which her pre∣decessours wore by their sides more then two hundred yeers. But, now it is gone, let it Goe, it was but a beggerly Town, which cost England ten times yearly more then it was worth in keeping thereof, as by thea accounts in the Exchequer doth plainly appear.

47. Others ascribe her sadness to her Husbands absence, which had ma∣ny (and made more) occasions to go and stay beyond the Seas, after he had found England and not so usefull as he expected, as having neither power therein, nor profit thereby, (though as much as on the Articles of marriage was pro∣mised Him) halfe so much, as He had promised to himself. Besides Queen Mary her Person, was no gainer, (scarce a saver of Affection, having her Fathers feature, a face broad and big, with her mothers colour, a somewhat swarthy complexion.

48. As Queen Mary was not over fair, King Philip was not over-fond, especially after he began to despair of Issue from her. Indeed her Physitians hoped her to be with Childe, till her misconceived pregnancy proved a Dropsy, at the last, whereof she died, having reigned five years and odd moneths. As for the suggestion of Osorius the Spaniard, that the English Protestants attempted to poison her, a learnedb Author returns, Nihil hujusmodi di∣ctum, nec scriptum, fictum, nec pictum, being the bare Inventions of his scandalous Tongue.

49. Within few howres after her death, died Cardinal Poole Arch-Bishop of Canterbury. One who the longer He lived in England, the less He had of an English-man, daily more and more Italianating Himself, and conversing most with the Merchants of that country. Practising the principles of Italian thrift, his Pompe was rather gawdy then costly, and attendance ceremo∣nious, more than expensive. By Bils of Exchange, He made over much mony to Venice and Rome, and fearing a banke in England, (if Queen Mary should faile) provided Himself a banke beyond the Seas. He procured of the Queen the Patronage ofc nineteen Benefices unto his Sce, promised and intended to repair the Palace at Canterbury. He was buried in His own Cathedral with this short and modest Epitaph on his plain Monument, DEPO∣SITVM CARDINALIS POLI.

50. He alwayes had a favourable inclination to Protestants, though (to wipe off the aspersion of Lutheranisme at last he grew somewhat severe against them, but expressing it rather in wronging the Dead, (whose bones He burnt) than hurting the Living. The Papists accuse him, for too much Indulgence to the married Clergy, because only parting them from their Wives, and depriving them from their Livings: But soon afterwardsd prefer∣ring the same persons to Benefices of farr better Revenue. He was an abso∣lute Protestant in the point of justification, much offended with the Proud errour of Osorius therein; thus expressing himself,e non potest viribus humanis nimium detrahi, nec addi Divine Gratiae. Too much cannot be taken away from mans power, nor given to Gods Grace.

51. He left Aloisius Priol, a Gentleman of Venice, his sole execu∣tor, to dispose of his estate to pious uses, chiefly on the relief of forrai∣ners, In England He had no want of neer Kindred, and some of them (for all their high birth) neer a kin to want; yet He passing them by, ordered that his whole Estate should be conferred on Italians; Some con∣demning, some commending him for the same, as a deed of Gratitude, because those of that Nation had formerly for many yeers relieved his

necessities. His Executor so honestly discharged his Trust therein, that he freely disposed the whole estate to the True Intent of the Testator, In so much that he left not any thing thereof unto himself; save onely two small Books, viz. aa Breviary and a Diurnall, for a meer Memoriall. Thus died Cardinall Poole, neither of Italian Physick willfully taken by himself, as an Englishb Author insinuats, nor of Poison given to him by the Prote∣stants, as ac Spanish writer suggests, but of a quartan feaver then epidemicall in England, and malignant above the ordinary nature of that Disease.

52. The Funerals of Queen Mary were performed with much So∣lemnity and true sorrow of those of her own religion.d White Bishop of Winchester preached the Sermon, taking for his Text Ecclesiastes 9. 4. A living Dog is better then a dead Lion. One not present at the Place might easi∣ly tell whom he made the Lion, and whom the Dog. Indeed he strawed all the flowers of his Rhetorique on Queen Mary deceased, leaving not so much as the stalkes to scatter on her surviving sister. This White being a Tolerable Poet, (for so one charactereth him) was an Intollerable Fatterer, and made use of his Poetical Licence, in the praise of Popery. More modest and moderate was the Sermon of Feckenham Abbot of Westminster, taking for his Text. Ecclesiastes 4. 2. I praise the Dead rather then the Living, who preached also the •• Obsequies of Queen Mary; either that he did it as an act of Supeerrogation, or because it was conceived the more state for so great a Prince to have a Duplicate of such solemnities. The best is, the Protestants of that Age, cared not how many (so it be Funeral) Sermons were preached for her.

3. However, take Queen Mary in her self abstracted from her Opinions, and by her self, secluded from her bloody councellours, and her Memory will justly come under Commendation. Indeed she knew not the Art of being popular, and never cared to learn it, and generally (be∣ing given more to her Beads then her Book had less of learning, (or Parts to get it) then any of her Fathers children. She hated to equivocate in her own Religion, and alway was what she was, without dissembling her judgement or Practise, for fear or flattery; Little beloved of her sub∣jects, to whom though once she remitted an intire Subsidie, yet it little moved their affections, because though liberall in this Act, she had been unjust in another, her Breach of promise to the gentry of Norfolke and Suffolk. However she had been a worthy Princesse, had as little Cruelty been done under her, as was done by her. Her De∣votion alwayes commanded her Profit, and often times did fill the Church with the emptying of her own Exchequer.

54. Take one instance of many; The Hospitall of the Savoy in the Strand, founded by her grandfather King Henry the seventh, and since Dissolved, was by her Erected again. And whereas the Uten∣sells thereof had lately been Embezelled (the house being left as bare as the poore people which were brought therein) her maids of Honour, out of their own Wardrope furnished it with Beds, Blankets, and Sheets. Were any of those Ladies still alive, I would pray for them in the language of the Psalmist, The Lord make all their bed in their sicknesse. And he is a good Bed-maker indeed, who can and will make it fit the per∣son, and please the patient. But seeing such long since are all deceas∣ed, it will be no Superstition to praise God for their piety, and Commend their practise to the imitation of Posterity.

55. Her Body was enterred in the Chappell of King Henry the seventh, In the Isle on the North-side thereof, and after∣wards the Corps of her sister Queen Elizabeth were buried in the same Vault. Over Both, King James afterwards erected a most sumptuous monument; though the Epitaph inscribed thereon, taketh noe notice

at all of Queen Mary, as destined, and designed soly to the memory of Queen Elizabeth. But Maryes name still surviveth in many [Roman] Catholick fami∣lies, being (though never mother her self) Godmother to many of her Ser∣vants Sons, giving her own, [Anthony Maria, Edward Maria &c.] as an ad∣dition to their Christian names.

56. Many great persons, (chiefly of the Clergy) followed her into another world; whether out of a politick Sympathic that being raised by her, they would fall with her, or that fore seeing alteration of religion, and their own ruine, they died, to prevent death, heart-broken with sorrow. Be∣sides, at this time, there was a strange mortality, different from other infecti∣ons, not sweeping but choosing, which did principally single out men of wealth and quality. Whil'st such as make uncharitable applications, parallel this to the plague of the Israelites,b which slew the wealthest of them, we will onely conceive, that God intending to plant in Queen Elizabeth, first cleared the ground, by removing such, as probably would oppose her. Neither was it a small advantage unto her, that the Parliament sat at her sisters death; after which they onely continued so long, as joyntly and publiquely to proclaim Elizabeth Queen, and then they werec dissolved. Now though her Title was free from doubt, yet it it was not so clear from cavils, but that one conside∣ring the power of the English Papists, at this time, and their activity at all times, will conclude they might have, though not hurt, troubled, and though not hindred, disturb'd her succession. Whereas now being so solemnly pro∣claimed, it gave much countenance, and some strength to her right, being done by the whole State in so weighty a manner, that it crush't in pieces all hopes of private oppositions. Thus those whom God will have to rise, shall never want hands to lift them up.

Notes

• July 6.
• Queen Mary in despight of the Duke of Northumber∣land's opposition, crowned.
• Anno Regin Mar. 1.
• Anno Dom. 1553
• The truth of the carriage of Sr. Edward Mountagu in his drawing up the Will of King Edw. the sixth.
• Anno Dom. 1553
• Anno Regin Mar. 1.
• See them exant in Mr. Fox. Act. & Mon-Anno 1553.
• Sr. John Heywood. in his Edward 6
• Sr. R. Chomley comes off with losse.
• See Sr. H. Spelman. Glossary in Justiciarius p. 417. Sr. Jam's Hales his honesty.
• Contest be∣twixt two Religions
• a

  Neh. 13. 24.
• Aug. 7.
• Mr. Jewell pens the first Congratula∣tory letter to the Queen.
• e

  Mary the ••ew Baptized masse Bell in Christs Church.
• Alteration by Gardiners visi∣tors in Maud∣lin Colledge.
• a

  Laurence Humphery in his Lattin life of Dr. Jewel. p. 71.
• Arch-Deac. Wright a mo∣derate visitor who after∣wards recan∣ted his er∣rours and died peaceably.
• Laurence Humph. ut prius p. 76.
• In defence of the Popes monarchy.
• Camb. Brit. in the yeer. 1583.
• Camb. Brit. in the yeer. 1583.
• Masse set up in Corpus Christi Colledge.
• Iewel driven ou•• of Corpus Christi Colledge.
• Peter Martyr departs the Realme.
• The Dutch Congregation depart into Denmarke.
• John 〈…〉〈…〉 cap. 2.
• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Copie 〈…〉〈…〉
• So I con∣ceive his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 whom Laurence Humphery in Jewell life p 〈◊〉〈◊〉 calls 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Annum.
• Mr. Jewell his great fall.
• Carnall Com∣pliance never profits.
• Mr. Jewels seasonable and sincere Recovery.
• The Issu-lesse issue of a dis¦putation at Oxford.
• Some Oxford man invited to undertake a proper task.
• Protestant Bishops with∣draw them∣selves from the Parlia∣ment.
• a

  Fox Acts & Mon pag. 1410.
• Octob 1. 5.
• Popery resto∣red by the rest.
• b

  Ely and Ox∣foord I con∣ceive void at this time.
• 18.
• Sixe Prote∣stant Cham∣pions in the Convocation.
• 25.
• c

  Foxe Acts & Mon pag. 1413.
• Weston his railing on Mr. Philpot.
• 30. Decē. 13.
• Philpot feal∣eth the truth with his blood.
• d

  Foxe Acts & Mon. pag. 1806.
• Janu. 20.
• 1553-1554.
• Wyats rising to hinder the Spanish match.
• Anno Dom. 1553-1554.
• The Queens Herauld sent unto him.
• Almost drowned with false directi∣ons.
• But all ends in merriment.
• The Londo∣ners revolt to Wyat.
• Janu 29.
• Wyats inso∣lence, and Q, Mary her oration.
• Febr. 1.
• e

  Act. & Mon pag. 1419.
• Southwark•• entred and Prisons open∣ed.
• Southwarke left, Kingston marched to.
• Feb. 6.
• The carelesse∣nesse of the Queene her Souldiers.
• a

  B. Godwins annalls of England in Q. Mary pag. 394
• Wyat his march how retarded.
• His double designe.
• Three tunes of London in three hours.
• Anno Dom. 1554
• Anno Regin Mar. 3.
• Wyat stopped at Ludgate.
• Stows sur∣vey of London.
• a

  Hallinshed. Stow, Speed.
• b

  Fox. pag. 1419.
• Penitent at his execution
• c

  Holinshed.
• April 11. Q. Mary. 2.
• The Empe∣rour why jea∣lous of Car∣dinall Poole.
• Poole at last gets leave for England.
• d

  Antiq Brit. in Polo pag. 351.
• Anno Regin Mar. 2. Marc. 22. 1555
• Anno. Dom. 4. 1554-1555.
• Is ordained Priest, and consecrated Arch Bishop.
• a

  Ant. Brit. in Polo pag. 353.
• England re∣conciled to Rome.
• Anno. Dom. 1555
• Anno Regin Mar. 3.
• Afterward Sheriffe of London Anno. 1577.
• The disposing of the future matter.
• a

  Eccles. 2. 12.
• Persecution in the Diocess of Exeter.
• b

  Fox. 2052.
• c

  Holinshed pag. 1309.
• In the Dio∣cess of Bath and Wells.
• a

  Fox. pag. 2004.
• In the Dio∣cess of Bristol.
• b

  Fox. pag. 2052.
• In the Dio∣cess of Sarisburie.
• c

  Fox. pag. 1940.
• d

  Psal. 3. 7.
• In the Dio∣cess of Winchester.
• The Authours gratitude to Stephen Gar∣diner.
• In the Dio∣cess of Chichester.
• Anno. Dom. 1553-1554.
• a

  Fox. pag. 2003. & pag. 2024.
• In the Dio∣cess of Canterbury.
• In the Dio∣cess of Rochester.
• In the Dio∣cess of London under Bonner.
• b

  1 Cor. 15. 32
• quer. for he is not in B. Godwins catologue.
• Under Dr. Story
• In the Dio∣cess of Norwich.
• In the Dio∣cess of Elie.
• In the Dio∣cess of Peterborough.
• In the Dio∣cess of Lincolne.
• Fox. Volum. 3. pag. 706.
• a

  Lib. 4. Cent. 16. Parag. 2.
• Quiet in foure Diocesses.
• b

  Acts. 9. 31.
• c

  Isaa••sons Chronologie of Bishops pag 477.
• In the Dio∣cess of 〈…〉〈…〉
• a

  〈…〉〈…〉 pag 759.
• In the Dio∣cess of Yorke
• In the Dio∣cess of Chester.
• Peace in the Bishoprick of Durham.
• b

  Volum 3. pag. 9581.
• And of Car∣lile.
• The singula••rity of the B. of Landaffe.
• The cruelty of the B. of Bangor.
• a

  Luk. 20. 14.
• b

  Fox. Volum. 3. pag. 747.
• The first and last of the Martyrs.
• The Sacra∣ment of the Altar, the greatest snare to Prote∣stants.
• Cruelty of Papists in pretorturing Martyrs.
• a

  Heb. 9. 27.
• b

  Psal. 14. 4
• Some Cōmis∣sioners of and by themselves courteous.
• Ministerial Persecutours.
• c

  Revel. 9. 10.
• d

  Mr. Fox Vol. 3. pag. 8. 9. Difference in prisons.
• e

  Jer. 37. 20.
• f

  Jer. 38. 6.
• Dr. Gefferie his illeg••l proceedings.
• g

  John 18. 31.
• a

  Fox Vol. 3. pag. 896.
• All the Mar∣tyrs not a like chearfull.
• Of those who died in prison.
• Q. Maries death life to many.
• b

  Psa 102. 20.
• c

  1 Sam. 20. 3.
• Protestants mercy, for Papists ma∣lice.
• d

  Pro. 25. 22.
• Gods judg∣ments must warily be dealt with.
• e

  1 Sam. 4. 18.
• f

  Psal. 73. 4.
• Anno Dom. 1555.
• Anno Regin Mar. 3.
• g

  Luke 13. 5.
• h

  De notis Ec∣clesiae lib. 4. cap. 17.
• Gods hand visible on ma∣ny of the persecutours.
• a

  Deut. 32. 43.
• What use to be made of the Martyrs sufferings.
• b

  Matth. 9. 8.
• Parsons his Cavill against the Martyrs calling an∣swered.
• c

  Luke 2. 1.
• Poverty and piety oft goe together.
• 1 Cor. 1. 26, 27.
• A Catalogue of Confes∣sours, with their places of refuge.
• a

  Mat. 10▪ 23.
• a

  Troubles of Franksord printed Anno. 1575. pag 185.
• b

  Tr. of Fr. pag. 23.
• c

  Tr. of Fr. pag. 20. & 25.
• d

  1 Sam. 30. 31
• e

  Heb. 13. 14.
• A brief intro∣duction to the troubles of Frankford.
• A Church at Faankford first granted to the English.
• a

  Tr. of Fr. pag. 6.
• b

  Tr. of Fr. pag. 7.
• Other Eng∣lish Congre∣gations invi∣ted to Frank∣ford.
• Those of Zu∣rich quickned by importu∣nity.
• But refuse to communicate with them.
• Anno Dom. 1556.
• viz. a Li∣ons Head erazed.
• Mr. Knox chosen con∣stant Minister at Frankford.
• a

  Tr. of Fr. pag. 24.
• The Liturgie of England tendred to Mr. Calvin. and his cen∣sure thereof.
• Dr. Cox, and others a••tive at Frankford.
• a

  Tr. of Fr. pag. 38.
• The Senate of Frankford interp••se for Knox.
• b

  Tr. of Fr. pag. 40.
• c

  Tr. of Fr. pag. 43.
• d

  Pro. 30. 33.
• Mr. Knox ac∣cused of high treason, and departs from Frankford.
• a

  Gen. 30. 8
• March 25.
• 1556.
• Officers cho∣sen in the new modell Congrega∣tion.
• b

  Troubles of Frankford pag. 31.
• c

  Ibid. pag. 52.
• Whittingam heads the opposite par∣tie.
• d

  Ibid. pag. 40.
• Q. Marie 4.
• e

  Ibid pag. 43
• f

  Acts 6. 1.
• Arbitration refused by the party of Dr. Cox.
• Anno Dom. 1556.
• Anno Regin Mar. 4.
• The two par∣ties put asunder.
• The names of such as went to Geneva.
• a

  Taken out of their sub∣scription to a letter in the Troubles of Frankford pag. 47.
• 6. 155. 7.
• The sad diffe∣rence betwixt Mr. Ashley and Mr. Horne.
• b

  Troubles of Frankford pag. 55.
• Jan. 14. 16.
• Horne and the Elders in dis∣countent quit their places.
• Ann. Dom. 6. 155-7.
• Feb. 2.
• Where at the Church is highly offen∣ded.
• 4.
• Inquiry how to proceed against the Pastor and El∣ders if accused
• 14.
• Mr. Chambers accused of in∣justice.
• The scandal of this dissen∣tion.
• 〈…〉〈…〉 short friends.
• Anno Dom. 1557.
• Anno Regin Mar. 4. Feb. 28.
• March 1.
• New disci∣pline ••akes new distracti∣ons.
• 30.
• Mr. Horne and his party pro∣test against it.
• The matters put to mode∣rators.
• A kinde of Agreement made.
• The wonder∣ful provi∣dence in the maintenance of these poor Exiles.
• Yet some thing they carried over with them.
• The bounty of the banish∣ed Gentry to their fellow-Sufferers.
• a

  Humphery in His large latin life of Jewel. pag. 88.
• And of the Londoners unto them.
• a

  Hamphrey ut prius.
• Forrain li∣berality unto them.
• Improved by their own industry.
• And God his blessing above all.
• Q Mary her sickness be∣lieved enli∣vens the cre∣dit of English Exiles.
• Sr. John Cheek his unprospe∣rous return.
• Anno Regin Mar. 5.
• a

  Fox Acts & Mon. tom. 3. pag. 701.
• Recanteth (orally) and died for grief thereof.
• a

  Fox ibidem
• Sept. 13.
• History recti∣fied in his parentage, parts and posterity.
• Sr. John Hayward in the life of Edward the 6. pag. 8.
• d

  The Mother of my aged and worthy friend Mr. Jackson of Histons was with many o∣thers present thereat.
• e

  One that set forth his life in Oxford Anno 1641.
• The Pilgri∣mage of the Dutchess of Suffolk.
• True, and sad Errantry.
• a

  See it at large in Fox tome 3. pag. 928.
• The vanity of Relations.
• God the best detter.
• Makes just payment.
• Why the Parliament so silent in Church-mat∣ters.
• Janu. 21.
• As also the Convocation.
• a

  Register of Can••. in Car∣dinal Poole.
• A grand sub∣sidie granted.
• Queen Mary somewhat front, though more devout.
• b

  Caub. Brit. in Warwick∣shire.
• The death of Stephen Gar∣diner.
• c

  Fox Acts & Mon.
• Trin. Col. in Oxford foun∣ded by Sr. Thomas Pope.
• d

  Weavers fu∣neral. Mon. pag. 112.
• e

  Luke 17. 16
• S^t. Johns Colledg in Oxford found∣ed by Sr. Thomas White.
• Anno Dom. 1557.
• Anno Regin Mar. 4.
• The occasion ut aiunt thereof.
• a

  Stows survey of London. pag. 91.
• Pitzaeus de scriptor. Angli∣cis.
• Anno Regin Mar. 6.
• Anno Dom. 1558.
• Calis lost, the Queen me∣lancholy.
• a

  and in a manuscript of Sr. Robert Cottons own making. Her grief at her husbands absence.
• And death of a Dropsie.
• Nov. 17.
• b

  Haddon contra Osorium lib. 1. fol. 25.
• The death of Cardinal Poole.
• c

  Ant. Brit. in vita Poli.
• His good in∣clinations to be a Prote∣stant.
• d

  Sanders de schis. Ang. lib. 2. pag. 307.
• e

  Haddon con∣tra Osorium. lib. 2. fol. 58.
• Leaveth all his Estate to Italians.
• a

  Antiq. Brit. in vita Poli.
• b

  Mr. Fox Acts & Mon. pag. 2102.
• c

  Pitzaeus de scrip. Ang. Cent. pag.
• Paul Osori∣ns.
• Queen Ma∣ries double funeral ser∣mons.
• d

  Pitz de scrip. Ang. Cent. pag.
• Camb. in his Eliz. in Anno 1559. p. 23.
• Her deserved Praise.
• Her, and her Ladies Boun∣ty to the Hos∣pitals of the Savoy.
• Stow in his survey of London. pag. 491.
• Psal. 41. 3.
• The place of her Burial.
• Q. Eliz. 1.
• God paveth the way for Q. Elizabeths coming to the crown. a communis quaedam lues ex ardore fe∣brium per uni∣versos Angliae ordines ••erme∣abat & in illis maxime divi∣tes, & hono∣rantes perso∣nas de popula∣batur. Haddon contra Osorium fol. 25.
• b

  Psal. 71. 32.
• Nov. 18.
• c

  Holinshed pag. 1170.