The church-history of Britain from the birth of Jesus Christ until the year M.DC.XLVIII endeavoured by Thomas Fuller.

SECTION II.

To the Right VVorshipfull, RALPH SADLEIR of STANDON, Esq. AND ANNE, his virtuous Consort.

IT was enacted by a Law made in the 27^th year of the Reign of K. HENRY the eighth, That whosoever retained Abbey-lands, after the dissolution passed unto them from the Crown, should keep a standing. House, or else forfeit every moneth Twenty Nobles, recoverable from them in any Court of Record.

True it is, King JAMES was graciously pleased (in the 21 of His Reign) to repeal this Act and burn this Rod, for which many under the Lash (who will not pay) still owe thanks to his Memory. But suppose this penal-Statute still in force, you may defie all Informers for any advantage they may get against you for the same.

Indeed you are possessed of the fair Covent of WEST∣BURY in Gloucester-shire, and that on as Honourable Terms as any Lands in England of that nature are enjoyed, bestowed on your Grand-father Sir RALPH SADLEIR by King HENRY the Eighth, partly in reward of the good service he had done to Him the Father, partly in incourage∣ment to what he might doe to His three Children, to all which he was Privie Counsellour.

Yet no danger of penalty to you, whose House is known to be the Center of Hospitality, whence even Abbots them∣selves (and they best skilled in that Lesson) might Learn to keep a bountifull Table, where all are welcomed; the

Rich for Courtesie, when their occasions bring them; the Poor for Charity, when they bring their occasions to passe by your Habitation.

Indeed, the Inne-holders of London give for the Motto of the Armes of their Company, I WAS A STRANGER, AND YE TOOK ME IN. But seeing our Saviour chiefly in∣tended such, who did not sell, but give entertainment to strangers; more properly are the words appliable to your self, and other-self, whose House is so the Inne-generall to all poor people, that the Neighbourhood of a great and good Common, is not so advantageous as their vicinity thereunto.

I doubt not but as you often have relieved CHRIST in his poor Members, he will in due time receive you both into his House, wherein there be many Mansions of everlast∣ing Happinesse.

Abbeys engrossed trade, impoverished Parish. Priests, encouraged Offenders.

THE specious pretences of piety, and con∣tempt of the world, Abbots and Monks, were notoriously covetous, even to the in∣jury of others: Witnesse their renting and stocking of Farms, keeping of Tan-houses, and Brew-houses in their own hands. For, though the Monks themselves were too fine-nosed to dabble in Tan-fatts, yet they kept others (bred in that trade) to follow their work. These Covents having barke of their own woods, hides of the cattle of their own breeding and killing: and (which, was the main) a large stock of money to buy at the best hand, and to allow such Chap∣men they sold to, a long day of payment, easily eat out such who were bred up in that vocation. Whereupon, in the one and twentieth of King Henry the eighth, a Statute was made, That no Priest, either Regular or Secular, should on heavy pe∣nalties hereafter meddle with such mechanick employments.

2. Secondly, they impoverished Parish-Priests, by decrying their performances, and magnifying their own merits. Alas! what was the single devotion of a silly Priest in comparison of a Corporation of Prayers (twisted Cables to draw down blessings on their Patrons heads) from a whole Monastery? And, suppose (which was seldome done) the Parson in the Parish preaching to his people, yet Sermons in a Church once constituted were needlesse, as ministring matter of Schismes and disputes, and at the best onely profiting the present: whilest prayers benefitted as well the absent, as the present, dead, as living. But especially prayers of Mona∣steries

commanded Heaven, pleased with the holy violence of so many and migh∣ty petitioners. By these and other artifices they undermined all Priests in the affections of their own people, and procured from Pope and Prince, that many Churches Presentative, with their Glebes and Tithes, were app-ropriated to their Covents, leaving but a poor pittance to the Parish Vicar: though the Pope (as styling himself but a Vicar) ought to have been more sensible of their sad con∣dition.

3. Besides appropriation of such Churches, Abbeys also wronged Parish-Priests, by procuring from the Pope Paschal the second, Anno Dom. 1100, in the Councel of Mentz, that their Demesnes, Farmes, and Granges (antiently paying Tithes like the Lands of other Lay-men) should hereafter be free from the same. But this exemption was afterwards by Pope Adrian the fourth, about the year 1150, justly limited and restrained: Religious Order being enjoyned the payment of Tithes of whatsoever increase they had in their own occupation (save of new im∣provements by culture of pasture of their cattle,a and of garden fruits. Onely three Orders, namely, the Cistertians, Templers, and Knights-Hospitallers (other∣wise called of S. John's of Jerusalem) were exempted from the generall payment of all Tithes whatsoever.

4. And, why Cistertians rather than any other Order? Give me leave to con∣jecture three Reasons thereof:

• 1. Adrian the fourth, our none Countrey-man, was at first a Benedictine-Monke of S. Albans, and these Cistertians were onely Benedictines refined.
• 2. They were the Benjamins, one of the youngest remarkable Orders of that Age, and therefore made Darlings (not to say Wantons) by the Holy Father the Pope.
• 3. It is suspitious, that by bribery in the Court of Rome, they might obtain this priviledge, so beneficial unto them. For, I finde, that K. Richard the first disposed his Daughter Avarice to be married to the Cister∣tian-Order, as the most grasping and griping of all others.

I leave it others to render Reasons why Templers and Hospitallers, being meer Lay-men, and divers times of late, adjudged in the Court of Aides inb Paris, no part of the Clergie should have this priviledge to be exempted from Tithes. But we remember they were Sword-men, and that aweth all into obedience.

5. However the Lateran-Councell, holden Anno 1215, Ordered, That this pri∣viledge of Tithe-freedome to the aforesaid three Orders, should not extend to Post∣nates (as I may term them) to Covents erected since the Lateran-Councell, nor to Lands since bestowed on the aforesaid Orders, though their Covents were erected be∣fore that Councell. Therefore when the covetous Cistertians (contrary to the Ca∣nons of that Councell) purchased Bulls from the Pope to discharge their Lands from Tithes: Henry the fourth, pitying the plea of the poor Parish Priest, by Statute nulled suchc Bulls, and reduced their Lands into that state wherein they were before.

6. Once it was in my minde to set to down a Catalogue (easie to doe, and usefull when done) of such houses of Cistertians, Templers, and Hospitallers, which were founded since the Lateran Councell, yet going under the generall notion of Tithe∣free, to the great injury of the Church. But since on second thoughts, I conceived it better to let it alone, as not sure on such discovery of any blessing from those Ministers which should gain, but certain of many curses from such Lay-men who should lose thereby.

7. Now, when King Henry the eight dissolved Monasteries, there was put into His hand an opportunity and advantage to ingratiate Himself and His memory for ever; namely, by restoring Tithes appropriated to Abbeys, to their respective

Parishes. But, whether He wanted minde; or minding, or both, God would not doe Him so much honour, that He should doe so much honour to God, and his Church; being now past like Lay-fees with the rest of the Abbey-land, to the great empairing of the just maintenance of Ministers.

8. Lastly, one grand mischief (to omit many others) done by Monasteries, was by the priviledges of Sanctuaries, whereby their houses became the sink and center of sinners, to the great dishonour of God, and obstruction of justice.

9. And here I commend the memory of Turketill, once Abbot of Crowland, being confident that the Reader will joyn with me in his commendation. Such vast immunities were bestowed on that Covent by Witlaffe, Kingd of Mercia, that if any Officer did follow an Offender, of what nature soever, to fetch him out of that Liberty, he was to have his right foot cut off. Strange exchange! when a legall Presecutor is made a Malefactour, and the Malefactour an Innocent; such the con∣verting power of a Monkish Asylum. But in processe of time, and depredation of the Danes, this priviledge was lost, and profered afterwards by some Saxon Kings to be restored; which Turketill would never consent unto: and take it in thee Au∣thors own words, Antiquam verò loci impunitatem vel immunitatem nullo modo consensit acquirere, ne sceleratis & impiis refugium à publicis legibus videretur in aliquo praebere, & cum hujusmodi maleficiis compelleretur, vel in aliquo contra con∣scientiam suam cohabitare, seu consentire. This Priviledge other Churches of S. Albans, Beverly, Westminster, did accept. Such Sanctuaries were grievances constantly complained of in Parliaments, till Richard the second first began, Hen∣ry the fourth and seventh proceeded to regulate them as abused and usurping, and Henry the eighth utterly abolished them as uselesse and unlawfull.

Of the prime Officers and Officines of Abbeys.

The Officers in Abbeys were either supreme, as the Abbot; or (to use a Ca∣nonical term)a Obediential, as all others under him. The Abbot had Lodg∣ings by himself, with all Offices thereunto belonging. The rest took pre∣cedencies according to the Topical Statutes of their Covents, but for the genera∣lity, they thus may be marshalled.

2. First the Prior, who, like the President (under the Master) in our Colledges in Cambridge, was next to the Abbot. Note by the way, that in some Covents, which had no Abbots, the Prior was Principal, as the President in someb Oxford-Foundations; and, being installed Priors, some voted as Barons in Parliament, whereof formerly, as the Prior of Canterbury, and Coventrie. But, when the Ab∣bot was Superintendent, there the person termed Prior was his subordinate, who in his absence, in mitred Abbeys, by courtesie was saluted the Lord Prior.

3. Secondly, the Sub-Prior, (as Hugo Balciam, Sub-Prior of Elie, Founder of Peter-House) Quaere whether any complement descended so low as to Lord the Sub-Prior in the absence of the Prior and Abbot. As for the third Prior, and fourth Prior (for such Diminutivesc appear) they come not within the suspition of so much favour.

4. Thirdly, the Secretary, who was the Register, Auditour, and Chancellour of the Covent, it being proper to his place to write and return Letters, and manage the most learned employments in the Monastery.

5. With him the Camerarius, or Chamberlain, may seem to contest for prece∣dency, as keeping the keyes of the Treasury, issuing out and receiving in all consider∣able summes of money; in which notion the Chamberlaine of London holdeth his name.

6. Fiftly, the Cellarius, or Cellerarius, a Place of more power and profit, than the name may seem to import. He was the Burser who bought in all provisions, and appointed the pittances for the severall Monks, and in some Houses he was

d Secundus Pater in Monasterio, as in the Abbey of Burie, where a large part of the Buildings was assigned for his Residence, and Lands for his Maintenance. These Cellerers were brave blades, much affecting Secular gallantry. For, I finde it e complained of, that they used to swagger with their swords by their sides like lay-Gentlemen.

7. The remaining Officers are best reckoned up by the Canonical rooms (as I may term them) in an Abbey, each giving denomination to him who had the in∣spection thereof. I begin with the Gate-house, and its relative the Porter; an of∣fice, I assure you, of some trust in an Abbey, to know what guests, and when (espe∣cially at the postern) are to be admitted thereunto.

8. The next room is the Refectorium: and Refectorius thef Controller thereof. It was the Hall wherein the Monks dined together, and sometimes the Abbot on great solemnities graced them with his presence, when he hadg Vastellum, that is, not common bread, but vastell bread,h or simnels for his diet.

9. Adjoyning to it was the Locutorium, or Parlour, because there leave was given for the Monks to discourse, who were enjoyned silence elsewhere. Thus we read how Paul the fourteenth Abbot of S. Albans, made it penal for any to talk in the Cloister, Church, Refectory, or Dormitory.

10. Oriolium,i or the Oriol, was the next room. Why so called, some of the name-sake Colledge in Oxford are best able to satisfie. Sure I am, that small excur∣sion out of Gentlemen's Halls in Dorcetshire (respect it East or West) is commonly called an Orial. The use hereof is known for Monks, who were in latitudine morbi, rather distempered than diseased to dine therein, it being cruelty to thrust such into the Infirmarie, where they might have died with the conceit of the sicknesse of others.

11. Dormitorium, the Dormitorie, where they all slept together, it being orde∣red in the Councelk of Aquisgrane, Nisi in Dormitorio cum caeteris absque causae inevitabili, nemo dormire praesumpserit.

12. Lavatorium succeeds, generally called the Laundrey, where their clothes were washed. Haply it was also the place (such in the West-side of Westminster-cloysters) where all the Monks at the Conduit washed their hands, there being as much good fellowship in washing, as eating together.

13. Scriptorium remains, a room where the Chartularius was busied in writing, especially employed in the transcribing of these Books:

• Their
  • 1. Ordinals, containing the Rubrick of their Missal, and Directorie of their Priests in Service.
  • 2. Consuetudinals, presenting the antient customs of their Covents.
  • 3. Troparies.
  • 4. Collectaries, wherein the Ecclesiastical Collects were fairly written.

14. Next this the Librarie, which most great Abbeys had exactly furnished with variety of choice Manuscripts.

15. All is marred if the Kitchin be omitted, so essential a requisite in an Abbey, with the Larder and Pantrey the necessary suburbs thereof.

16. Come we now their Abbey-Church, where we first meet their

• 1. Cloisters, consecrated ground, as appeares by their solemne Sepultures therein.
• 2. Navis Ecclesiae, or Body of the Church.
• 3. Gradatorium, a distance containing the ascent out of the former into the Quire.
• 4. Presbyterium, or the Quire, on the right side whereof was the Stall of the Abbot, and his; on the lefe side the Prior, and his moiety of Monks, who alternately chaunted the Responsals in the Service.
• 5. Vestiarium, the Vestiarie, where their Copes and Clothes were depo∣sited.

• 6. A Vaulta,l a Vault, being an arched-room over part of the Church, which in some Abbeys (as S. Albans) was used to enlarge their Dor∣mitorie, where the Monks had twelve beds for their repose.
• 7. Concameratio, being an arched-room betwixt the East-end of the Church, and them High Altar, so that in Procession they might sur∣round the same, founding their fancie onn David's expression,—and so will I compass thine Altar, O Lord.

As for the other Rooms of the Church; Cerarium, where their wax candles were kept; Campanile, their Steeple; Polyandrium, the Church-yard, and sometime the Charnel-house, let such be consulted with, who have written large Volumes on this subject, who will also inform them of the Dignities and Duties of the Prae∣centor, Sacrist, Sub-sacrist, Capellane, Ostiarie, Vestiarie, Ceroferarie, &c. belong∣ing thereunto. The remaining Rooms of an Abbey stood a distance from the main structure thereof. To begin with the best first: Eleëmosynaria, or the Al∣morie, being a building neer, or within the Abbey, wherein poor and impotent persons did live maintained by their Charity.

17. Secondly, Sanctuarium, of the Centurie, wherein Debtours taking refuge from their Creditours, Malefactours, from the Judge, lived (the more the pity) in all security.

18. Thirdly, Infirmarium, or the Firmorie (the Curatour whereof Infirmarius) wherein persons down-right sick (trouble to others, and troubled by others, if lodging in the Dormitorie) had the benefit of Physick, and attendance private to themselves. No Lent, or Fasting-dayes came ever the threshold of this roome; Sicknesse being a Dispensation for the eating of Flesh. It was punishable for any to eate therein, except solemnly designed for the place.

19. At distance stood the Stables, where the Stallarius, or Master of the Horse did command; and under himo the Provendarius, who, as his name imports, pro∣vided Provender for the Horses. These were divided into foure ranks, and it would puzzle all the Jockies in Smithfield to understand the meaning of their names.

• 1. Manni, being Geldings for the Saddle of the larger size.
• 2. Runcini, Runts,p small Pad-Nags: like those of Galloway or Goone∣hely.
• 3. Summarii, Sumpter-horses.
• 4. Averii, Cart, or Plough-horses.

This was the quadripartite division of the Horses of William, the two and twen∣tieth Abbot of S. Albans, on the token that he lost an hundred Horses in one yeer.

20. One roome remaines, last named, because least loved, even a Prison for the punishment of incorrigible Monkes, who otherwise would not be ordered into obedience. It was a grand penance imposed on theq Delinquents, to carry about the Lanthorn, (though light, an heavy burden) but such contumacious Monks as would not be amended therewith, the Abbot had tetrum & fortem carcerem, a strong and hideous Prison, where their Obstinacie was corrected into Refor∣mation.

21. We omit other roomes, as Vaccisterium, the Cow-house; Porcarium, the Swine-stie; as having nothing peculiar therein, but concurrent with those offices in other houses. As for Granges, being Farms at distance, kept and stocked by the Abbey, and so called (as it seemeth) à grana gerendo (the Overseer whereof was commonly called the Prior of the Grange) because sometimes many miles from the Monasterie, they come not within the reach of our present discourse. Onely I adde, in Female Foundations of Nunneries, there was a correspondencie of all the same essential Officers, and Offices.

22. Expect not of me a List of those mean Officers in the Abbey, whose employ∣ment was not so base, as their names barbarous, and of English extraction. Such were,

• 1. Coltonarius, Cutler.
• 2. Cupparius.
• 3. Potagiarius.
• 4. Scutellarius Aulae.
• 5. Salsarius.
• 6. Portarius.
• 7. Carectarius Cellerarii.
• 8. Pelliparius, Parchment-Provider.
• 9. Brasinarius, Maltster.

All these appeared at the Hali-mote, or Holy Court of the Cellarer, and it is the de∣grading the soul of a Scholar (best pleased in a progressive motion to attain ele∣gancy) to stoop to the understanding of such base and unlearned Etymologies.

23. Note that the Offices aforesaid in the smaller Abbeys were but one fair in∣tire room, which in greater Monasteries were a distinct structure, with all under-Offices attendant thereupon. Thus the Firmorie in the Priorie of Canterbury had a Refectorie thereto belonging, a Kitchin, a Dortour distributed into several Cham∣bers that one might not disturb another; and a private Chappel for the devotions of the diseased. Their Almerie also was accommodated with all the aforesaid ap∣purtenances, and had many distinct Manours consigned onely to their mainte∣nance.

24. It were aliene from our present purpose to speak of Cells, which were aut pars, aut proles, of all great Abbeys, sometime so farre off, that the Mother-Abbey was in England, the Childe-Cell beyond the Seas, and so reciprocally. Some of these were richly endowed, as that of Windham in Norfolke, which, though but a Cell annexed to S. Albans, yet was able at the Dissolution to expend of its own Revenues, seventy two pounds per annum. These were Colonies into which the Abbeys discharged their superfluous numbers, and whither the rest retired when Infections were feared at home.

25. Thus have we run through the main Rooms in all great Abbeys, though besides the same, particular Abbeys had particular Houses known to those of their own Covent by peculiar denominations. It were endlesse for one to instance in all these, and impossible to render a reason of their names, except he were privie to the fancies of the Founders. Thus we meet with a pile of building in the Priorie of Canterbury, called, the Honours; but, why so termed, my good friend, and great r Antiquarie, is fain to confesse his own ignorance.

Some generall Conformities observed in all Covents.

SUndry Orders were bound to observe severall Canonicall Constitutions. However the rule of the antient Benedictines, with some small variations ac∣cording to time and place, hold true thorough most Monasteries. Some generall heads whereof (the under-branches being infinite) we will here insert, it being hard, if amongst much drosse, some gold be not found, to repair the pains of the Reader. We will contrive them into Canons, collected out of Authors, before, or in the daies of Dunston.

1. Let Monks, (after the example ofa David) praise God seven times a day. Seven times:] Some difference in reckoning them up, but the following computation is generally imbraced.

• 1. At Cock-crowing: Because theb Psalmist saith, At midnight will I praise the Lord: and most conceive that Christ rose from the dead a∣bout that time.
• 2. Matutines: At the first hour, or six of the clock, when the Jewish morning sacrifice was offered. And at what time Christ's resurrection was by the Angels first notified to the women.
• ...

• 3. At the third hour, or nine of the clock before none: When accord∣ing to S. Marke, Christ was condemned, and scourged by Pilate.
• 4. At the sixt hour, or twelve of the clock at high noon: When Christ was crucified and darknesse over all the earth.
• 5. At the ninth hour, or three of the clock in the afternoon: When Christ gave up the ghost, and, which was an hour of publick prayer in thec Temple, and privately in his closet withd Cornelius.
• 6. Vespers: At the twelfth hour, or six a clock in the afternoon: When the Evening-sacrifice was offered in the Temple, and when Christ is supposed taken down from the Crosse.
• 7. At seven of the clock at night, (or the fir••t hour beginning the no∣cturnall twelve:) When Christ's agonie in the garden was conceived began.

The fifte of these was performed at two of the clock in the morning: When the Monks (who went to bed at eight at night) had slept six hours, which were judged sufficient for nature. It was no fault for the greater haste to come without shooes, or with unwashen hands, (provided sprinkled at their entrance with holy∣water) to this nights service. And I finde no expresse to the contrary, but that they might go to bed again. But a flat prohibition after Matutines, when to re∣turn to bed was accounted a petty apostacie.

2. Let all at the sign given leave off their work, and repair presently to prayers. Sign:] This in England (commonly called the ringing Island) was done with tolling a bell; but in other Countreys with loud stroaks, as Noble∣mens Cooks knock to the dresser, at which time none might continue their work Yea, the Canon was so strict, that it provided scriptores literam non integrent: That writers (a great trade in Monasteries) having begun to frame and flourish a Text letter, were not to finish it, but to break off in the middle thereof.

3. Let those, who are absent in publick imployment, be reputed present in prayers. Absent:] Hence it was, that antiently at the end of prayers, there was a particular commemoration made of them, and they by name recommen∣ded to Divine protection.

4. Let no Monk go alone, but alwaies two together. Two:] That so they might mutually have, both testem honestatis, and monitorem pietatis. And this was done in some imitation of Christs sen∣ding his Disciples to preachf Two, and two before his face, that so they might alternately ease one another.

5. From Easter, to Whitsunday, let them dine alwaies at twelve; and sup at six of the clock. Dine:] The Primitive Church forbade fasting for those fifty, daies that Christians might be cheerfull for the memoryg of Christs resurrection. Immunitate Jejunandi à die Paschae Pentecosten usque gaudemus, and there∣fore more modern is the custome of fasting on Ascension Eve.

6. Let them at other times fast on Wednesdaies, and Fridaies, till three a clock in the afternoon. Three of the clock:] So making but one meal a day, but know that the twelve daies in Christmas were in this Canon excepted.

7. Let them fast every day in Lent till six of the clock at night. Six a clock:] Stamping a character of more abstinence on that time. For though all a Monk's life ought to be a LENT, yet this, most especially, wherein they were to abate of their wonted sleep and diet, and adde to their daily devotion: Yet so, that they might not lessen their daily fare without leave from the Abbot, all things done without whose consent, will be accounted presumption, and not redound to reward; so that in such ca∣ses, obedience to their Superiours was better than the sacrifice of their own free abstinence.

8. Let no Monk speak a word in the Refectory, when they are at their meals. Speak a word:] Whilst their mouthes are open to eat, their lips must be lockt to speak. For proof whereof they corruptly cite the Apostles words, toh eat their own bread with silence; whereas indeed it is, work with quiet∣ness, and therein a contented minde injoyned. Such might also remem∣ber Solomon's rule, Eat thy bread with joy.

9. Let them listen to the Lecturer reading Scripture to them, whilst they feed themselves. Listen:] This wasi S. Austine's rule, Ne solae fauces sumant cibum, sed & aures percipiant Dei verbum.

10. Let the Septimarians dine by themselves after the rest. Septimarians:] These were weekly Officers, (not as the Abbot, Porter, &c. for term of life) as the Lecturer, Servitors at the table, Cook, who could not be present at the publick refection: as the Bible-Clerks in Queens-Coll: in Cambrige (waiting on the Fellows at dinner) have a Table by themselves, their stomacks being set, to go an hour after all the rest.

11. Let such who are absent about businesse observe the same hours of prayer. Absent:] Be it by sea, or land, on ship, in house, or field, they were to fall down on their knees, and though at distance, and very briefly, yet in some sort to keep time, and tune with the Covent in their devotions.

12. Let none, being from home about businesse, (and hoping to return at night) presume foris mandicare, to eat abroad. Eat abroad:] This Canon was afterwards so dispensed with by the Ab∣bot on severall occasions, that it was frustrate in effect, when Monks be∣came common guests at Lay-mens tables.

13. Let the COMPLETORIE be solemnly sung about seven a clock at night. COMPLETORIE:] Because it compleated the duties of the day. This service was concluded with that Verticle of the Psalmist,k Set a watch, O Lord, before my mouth, and keep the door of my lips.

14. Let none speak a word after the Completorie ended, but hasten to their beds. Speak a word:] For, they might expresse themselves by signes, and in some cases whisper, but so softly that a third might not overhear it. This silence was so obstinately observed by some, that they would not speak though assaulted with thieves, to make discovery in their own defence.

15. Let the Monks sleep in beds singly by themselves, but all (if possible) in one room. Singly by themselves:] To prevent that sin of Sodomie, whereof many were detected, and more suspected in after-Ages. One room:] For the comfort of their mutuall society.

16. Let them sleep in their cloathes, girt with their girdles, but not having their knives by their sides, for fear of hurting themselves in their sleeps. In their clothes:] Is slovenness any advantage to sanctity? This was the way, not to make the Monks to lie alone, but to carry much company a∣bout them.

17. Let not the youth lie by themselves, but mingled with their seniours. Seniours:] That their gravity may awe them into good behaviour. Thus husbandmen couple young colts with staid horses, that both together may draw the better.

18. Let not the candle in the Dormitory go out all the night. Candle:] In case some should fall soddainly sick; and that this stand∣ing candle might be a stock of light, to recruit the rest, on occasion.

19. Let Infants, incapable of excommunication, be corrected with rods. Infants:] Such, all were accounted under the age of fifteen years (of whom many in Monasteries) whose minorities were beneath the censures of the Church.

20. Let the offenders in small faults (whereof the Abbot is sole Judge) be onely sequestred from the table.

Small faults:] As coming after grace to dinner, breaking (though ca∣sually) the earthen ewer wherein they wash their hands, being out of tune in setting the Psalm, taking any by the hand (as a preface forsooth to wantonnesse receiving Letters from, or talking with a friend without leave from the Abbot, &c. From the table:] Such were to eat by them∣selves, and three hours after the rest, until they had made satisfaction.

21. Let the offenders in greater faults be suspended from table, and prayers. Greater faults:] viz: Thest, adultery, &c. And Prayers:] This in effect amounted to the greater Excommunication, and had all the penalties thereof.

22. Let none converse with any excommunicated, under the pain of excommu∣nication. None:] Yet herein his Keeper, (deputed by the Abot) was excepted. Converse:] Either to car, or speak with him. He might not so much as blesse him, or his meat if carried by him: Yet to avoid scandall, he might rise up, bow, or bare his head to him, in case the other did first with silent gesture salute him.

23. Let incorrigible offenders be expelled the Monastery. Incorrigible:] Whom no correption with words, nor correction with blows, nor censures of excommunication would amend: Abscission is the onely plaster for such an incurable Gangrene.

24. Let an expelled Brother, being re-admitted on promise of his amendment, be set last in order. Last:] He was to lose his former seniority, and begin at the bottome. Know, that whosoever willingly quitted the Convent thrise, or was thrise cast out for his misdemeanours, might not any more be received.

25. Let every Monk have two Coats, and two Cowles, &c. Two:] Not to wear at once, (except in Winter) but for exchange, whilst one was washed. And when new cloathes were delivered them, their old ones were given to the poor.

26. Let every Monk have his Table-book, Knife, Needle, and Hankerchief. Needle:] To mend his own cloathes when torn. Hankerchief:] Which they wore on their left side, to wipe away rheum, or (as we may charita∣bly believe) tears from their eyes.

27. Let the Bed of every Monk have a Mat, Blanket,a Rugge, and Pillow. Mat:] In Latine Matta, the Liers whereon are termed by S. Austine b Mattarii. a Blanket:] Laena, in Latine, quasi de lana, saith Varro, c made of thick wooll. No down, feathers, nor flocks used by them, yea no linen worn on their bodies. The Abbot also every Saturday was to visit their beds, to see if they had not shuffled in some softer matter, or purloyned some progge for themselves.

28. Let the Abbot be chosen by the merits of his life and learning. Merits:] Though he were the last in degree, and though he had the fewest voices, the better were to carry it from the greater number. But in after-Ages, to avoid schisme, upon a parity of deserts the Senior was ge∣nerally chosen by plurality of votes.

29. Let him never dine alone, and when Guests are wanting, call some Brethren unto his table. Alone:] Such as were relieved by his hospitality, are by Canonical Cri∣ticks, sorted into four ranks:

• 1. Convive, guests, living in or near the City, where the Covent stood.
• 2. Hospites, strangers, coming from distant places, yet still of the same Countrey.
• 3. Peregrini, pilgrims, of another Nation, and generally travailing for devotion.
  • Invited, or inviving themselvs into the Abbey.
• 4. Mendici, beggars, who received their Almes without at the Gate.

30. Let the CELLARER be a discrect man, to give all their meat in due season. Discreet:] He needed to be a good Mathematician in the gages of mens bellies, not allowing all food alike, but proportioning it to their severall ages, labour, (for antient Monks did work) appetites, &c. For this they alledge the Primitive practice, when all goods kept in common were divided, though unequally, for the summes equally, as to their perso∣nall necessities, Anda they parted them to all men, as every man had need.

31. Let none be excused from the office of the COOK, but take his turn in his week. None:] The Abbot is excepted, and the Cellarer in great Covents; But know, this was onely antiently used in primitive poor Monasteries, our English Abbies having afterwards Cooks, and under-Cooks of Lay∣persons able to please the paliate of Apitius himself.

32. Let the Cook each Saturday when he goeth out of his Office, leave the linen and vessels clean and sound to his successours. Clean and sound:] Severe one Canon which I read, that is, To receive b twenty five claps on the hand for every default on this kinde; And still more harsh what another rule enjoyneth, That the Cook mightc not taste what he dressed for others, not permitted to lick his own fingers: Understand it thus, though he might eat his own pittance, or dimensum, yet he must meddle with no more, left the tasting should tempt him to gluttony and excesse.

33. Let the PORTER be a grave person, to discharge his trust with di∣scretion. Grave:] Whose age might make him resident in his place. Discharge:] In listening to no Secular news, and (if casually hearing it) not to report it again; In carrying the keyes every night to the Abbot, and letting none in, or out, without his permission.

We leave this Porter in the peaceable possession of his Lodge; and by his leave, are let out of this tedious discourse. Onely I will adde, as the Proverb faith, The Lion is not so fierce as he is painted. So Monasticall discipline was not so ter∣rible in the practice, as in the precepts thereof. And as it is generally observed in Families, that the eldest Children are most hardly used, who, (as yet being but few, and their Parents in full strenght) are taught, and tutoured, and nurtered, with much chiding, and correction; whilst more liberty is allowed to the younger brood, age abating their Parents austerity, and sometimes turning their harshnesse into sondnesse unto them. So those fatherly rules fell most heavily on the Monks of the first foundation, their rigour being remitted to such who succeeded them, insomuch that in processe of time, Monks turned very wantons, through lazi∣nesse and luxurie; as hereafter (God willing) shall appear.

Of such Abbots who attained to be Parliamentary Barons.

THE highest Civil honour the English Abbots arrived at, was, that some were selected to be Barons in Parliament, and called to be Assistants to the King in His Great Councell. To begin at the Reign of King Henry the third, (before whose time the footsteps of solemn summons to Parliament are almost worn out) in His time all Abbots and Priors of quality were summoned thither. Alas! this King lived a long time on Abbeys (the Patron sed by His Chaplains) the most of His maintenance issuing out of the purses of Priories. It was but fitting therefore they should be consulted with, who were so much con∣cerned in all publick payments. In the forty ninth of His Regin, no lesse than sixty foura Abbots, and thirty six Priors, (a jolly number) with the Master of the Temple, were voluntary summoniti, out of the King's free will and pleasure (no right that they could claim themselves) summoned to Parliament.

2. But in after Parliaments the number of Abbots summoned thither, was fluctuating, and uncertain, sometimes forty, as the twenty seventh of Edward the first; sometimes seventy five, as the twenty eight of the same King; fifty six in the first of Edward the second; and yet but fifteen in the second of His Reign. In∣deed, when Parliaments proved frequent, some Priories farre from the place where they were summoned, the way long, the weather (especially in winter) te∣dious, travelling on the way costly, living at London chargeable: Some Priors were so poor they could not, more so covetous they would not put themselves to needlesse expences: All so lazie, and loving their ease, that they were loath to take long journeys, which made them afterwards desire to be eased of their Ho∣nourable but Trouble some attendance in Parliament.

3. At last, King Edward the third resolved, to fix on a set number of Abbots, and Priors, not so many as with their numerousnesse might be burdensome to His Councell; yet not so few but that they should be a sufficient representation of all Orders therein concerned, which being twenty six in number are generally thus reckoned up:

• 1. St. Albans.
• 2. Glassenbury.
• 3. St. Austins Cant.
• 4. Westminster.
• 5. Edmunds-bury.
• 6. Peterborough.
• 7. Colchester.
• 8. Evesham.
• 9. Winchelcombe.
• 10. Crowland.
• 11. Battaile.
• 12. Reading.
• 13. Abington.
• 14. Waltham.
• 15. Shrewsbury.
• 16. Glocester.
• 17. Bardney.
• 18. Bennet in the Holme.
• 19. Thorney.
• 20. Ramsey.
• 21. Hide.
• 22. Malmsbury.
• 23. Cirencester.
• 24. St. Mary Yorke.
• 25. Selbye.
• 26. VVith the Prior of St. Johns of Jerusalem, first & chief Ba••on of England.

None of these held of mean Lords by franke almonage, but all of the King in ca∣pite per Baroniam, having an intire Baronie, to which thirteen Knights sees at least did belong.

4. Yet even after this fixation of Parliamentary Abbots in a set number the same was estsoons subject to variety. The Prior of Coventry played at in and out, and declined his appearance there. So did the Abbot of Lester, who may seem to have worn but half a Mitre on his head. So also the Abbot of St. James by North∣hampton may be said to sit but on one hip in Parliament, he appears so in the twi∣light betwixt a Baron, and no Baron, in the summons thereunto. But afterwards the first of these three was confirmed in his place, the two last on their earnest request obtained a discharge. Partly, because they were summoned onely inter∣polatis vicibus, and nor constantly; Partly, because they made it to appear, that they held not of the king a whole Barony in chief.

5. To these twenty six regular Barons, King Henry the eighth added one more for a casting voice; viz: the Abbot of Tavistocke in Devon-shire, on this token, that being created in the eighth of His Reigne he enjoyed not his Baronie full twenty years, and acted so short a part on the stage of Parliament, that with Cato he might seem onely ingredi ut exiret, to come in that he might go out. And, because some may be curious to know the manner of his creation, take here the form thereof:

HENRICUS, &c.b Sciatis quod certis considerationibus nos specialitèr mo∣ventibus & ob specialem devotionem, quam ad beatam Virginem Mariam matrem Christi, Sanctumque Rumonum in quorum Honore Abbatia de Tavistoke, quae de fundatione nobillium progenitorum nostroum, quondam Regum Angliae & nostro patro natu dedicata existit, gerimus & habemus, hinc est quod de gratia nostra spe∣ciall ac ex certa scientia, & mero motu nostris, volumus eandem Abbatiam, sive Mo∣nasterium nostrum gaudere honore, privilegio, ac libertatibus spirtualium Domi∣norum Parliamenti nostri Haredem, & successorum nostrorum, ideo concessimus, & per prasentes concedimus pro nobis Haeredibus, & sucessoribus nostris quantum in nobis est, dilecto nobis in Christi, Richardo Banham Abbati de Tavistocke pradicto & successoribus suis, ut corum quilibet qui pro tempore ibidem fuerit Abbas, sit & erit unus de spiritualibus, & religiosis Dominis Parliamenti nostri Haeredem & suc∣cessorum nostrorum, gandendo honore, privilegio ac libertatibus ejusdem; Et insuper, de uberiori gratia nostra, affectando utilitatem, dicti nostri Monasterii, considerando ejus distantiam, ita quod si contingat aliquam Abbatem qui pro tempore fuerit, sore velesse absentem propter praedicti Monasterii utilitatem in non veniendo ad Par∣liamentum praedictum Haeredem, vel successorum nostrorum, quam quidem absentiam eidem Abbati perdonamus per praesentes; Ita tamen quod tunc solvet pro hujusmodi absentia cujuslibet Parliamenti integri in nostro Saccario, suum per attornatum quinque Marcas nobis haeredibus sive successoribus nostris, toties, quoties, hoc in fu∣turum contigerit. In cujus, &c. Teste &c. Vicesimo tertio die Januarii, &c.

Whereas this Charter affirmeth Tavistocke founded by King Henry's noble Pro∣genitors; Some will wonder thereat, and the rather, becausec Ordulph, the son of Ordgare, Earl of Devon-shire is notoriously known for the Founder of this Mo∣nastery before the Conquest, and no English King appeareth eminently a Bene∣factour thereunto. Yet because the English Kings successively confirmed the Charters thereof, they were in a loyall complement, acknowledge as the interpre¦tative Founders of that Abbey. And as little children, whose parents decease in their infancie, innocently own their Fathers and Mothers-in-laws, for their na∣turall parents: So many Monasteries, whose first Founders, were in a manner for∣gotten as time out of minde, applied themselves to the present Kings (though but the Favourers) as to the Founders of their Corporations.

6. Know that besides these Abbots, there were four Abbesses, viz: of Shafts∣bury, Barking in Essex, St. Marys in Winchester, and Wilton, who held from the King an intire Baronry, yet never were summoned as Baronesses to Parlia∣ment; because that honour (frequent in Lay-persons) was never conferred on

any Ecclestastical Female. Yet were they (and almost all other Abbesses of any quality) saluted Ladies, as Earls Daughters are, by the courtesie of England, which custome hath made such a right, that they are beheld not onely as unmannerly, but unjust, who in common discourse deny the same. However the aforesaid four Abbessos, though not called to Parliament, were solemnlyd summoned by special Writs ad habendum servitium suum, that is, to have their full number of Knights in time of warre, where the Ladies personal presence was not expected, but their effe∣ctual appearance by the proxies or their purses to supply the King's occasions.

7. Of all these, the Prior of S. Johns in Jerusalem, took the precedencie, being generally of Noble extraction, and a Military person. Yea, not content to take place of all regular Barons, Primus Angliae Baro haberi voluit, saith mye Au∣thour: He would be counted [simply] and [absolutely] the first, and chief Baron in England; though the expression, speaks rather his affectation, than peaceable possession of such priority.

8. Next him, the Abbot of S. Albans took place above all of his Order, to the no small grief and grudge of Glassenbury, seeing Joseph of Arimathea was two hundred years senior to S. Albans. But, who shall deny the Patriarckf Jacob the priviledge of crossing his own hands, to preferre the younger before the elder? The same power (but on what pretence, let others enquire) the Pope assumeth to himself, whereby Adrian the fourth (once a Monk of S. Albans) gave that Convent the precedencie.

9. As for the remaining Abbots, we may observe a kinde of a carelesse order observed in their summoning to (and consequently their sitting in) Parliament. Now seeing it will not enter into a rationall belief, that their methodizing was meerly managed by the will of the Clerk of the Writs, it must descend on the disposall of the King, calling them in what order He pleaseth.

10. Sure I am, these Abbots were not summoned according to their personall seniorities of their severall instalments, nor according to the antiquity of their respective foundations: For, Waltham Abbot being ante-penultimus, as but founded by King Herold, is commonly fourteenth or fifteenth in the summons. Battaile Abbey, which in this body of Abbeys, should be beneath the ancle, (as last of all save Selbye) is commonly about the breast, the eight or ninth in number.

11. Nor are they ranked according to the richnesse of their annuall Revenues; for then (according to their Valuations at the Dissolution) they should be mar∣tialled according to the method here insuing, when first I have premised a Note concerning the Abbey of Teuxbury in Glocester-shire.

12. This Abbot appeareth Parliamentary neither in any summons exhibited byg Master Selden, most curious in this point; nor yet in the Catalogue of them presented byh Master Cambden; and reverence to these worthy Authors hath pre∣vailed with me so much that durst not insert him. However, since I am con∣vinced in my judgement, he must be entred in the list; Partly, moved by the greatnesse of Revenues; Partly, because I finde him registred byi Bishop God. win, no lesse Criticall than the former in Historicall matters. Yet to please all parties, we will onely adde him in the Margine, and not enter him in the body of the Catalogue.

	lib.	s.	d.	ob.	q.
1. S. Peters, Westminster.	3977	6	4	1	1
2. Glassenbury, Somerset-shire.	3508	13	4	1	1
3. S. Albans, Hertford-shire.	2510	6	1	1	1
4. S. Johns of Jerusalem, Middlesex.	2385	19	8	0	0
5. S. Edmunds-Bury, Suffolke.	2336	16	0	0	0
6. Reading, Berk-shire.	2116	3	9	0	1
7. S. Maryes nigh Yorke.	2085	1	5	1	1
8. Abington, Berk-shire.	2042	2	8	1	1
9. Ramsey, Huntingdon shire.	1983	15	3	0	1
10. Peterborough, Northampton-shire.	1972	7	0	1	1
11. Gloucester.	1550	4	5	1	0
12. S. Austines, Canterbury.	1412	4	7	1	1
13. Evesham, Worcester-shire.	1268	9	9	0	0
14. Crewland, Lincoln-shire.	1217	5	11	0	0
15. Wealtham, Effex.	1079	12	1	0	0
16. Cirencester, Glocester-shire.	1051	7	1	0	0
17. Battaile, Suffex.	987	0	11	1	1
18. Tavystoke, Devonshire.	902	5	7	1	1
19. Hide, nigh Winchester.	865	1	6	1	1
20. Selby, York-shire.	819	2	6	0	0
21. Malinsbury, Wilts-shire.	803	17	7	0	0
22. Wivelscombe, Glocester-shire.	756	11	9	0	0
23. Middleton, Dorset-shire.	720	4	1	0	0
24. S. Bennet Hulm. Morthfolke.	677	9	8	0	1
25. Shrewsbury.	615	4	3	1	0
26. Thorny, Cambridge-shire.	508	2	5	0	0
27. Bardney, Lincoln-shire.	429	7	0	0	0

The valuations of Coventry & Colchester, I cannot finde; and in all these sums we have trusted Harps-field, and Speed, both subject to many mistakes, those stan∣ding on stippery ground, who in point of computation, tread onely on figures, and not on numbers at length. The Auditors in these accounts pretend to much exact∣nesse, descending to the fractions of half-pence and farthings, though much par∣tiality was used therein, many of the Raters at the dissolution, being Ranters for the present, proved Purchasers for the future, of the lands. The Abbey of Ram∣sey, commonly calledl the RICH, is here but the ninth in number, according to the wealth thereof, whereby it plainly appears, that much favour was used in the undervaluing of that foundation.

13. We must know there were other Abbeys, who, though not so high in Di∣gnity, were richer in Indowments, than many of these Parliamentary Barons, viz:

	lib.	s.	d.	ob.	q.
1. Fountains, Richmond-shire.	1173	0	7	1	0
2. Lewes, Suffex.	1691	9	6	0	1
3. S. Werburghs, Cheshire.	1073	17	7	1	0
4. Leicester.	1062	0	4	1	1
5. Marton, Surrey.	1039	5	3	0	0
6. Fournance, Richmond-shire.	969	7	1	0	0

These had more Lands, at best were more highly valued, though not so Ho∣nourable a tenure, as holding of mean Landlords in frank almonage, And pro∣bably the Parliamentary Barons had more old rents, though these (as later foun∣dations) greater incomes by improved demeans.

14. There also were Nunneries corrivall in revenues with Parliamentary Ab∣beys, whereof Shafts-bury the chiefest, valued at—1329 li.—21 s.—3d. So that the Countrey-people had a Proverb, That if the Abbot of Glassenbury might marry the Abbesse of Shafts-bury, their Heire would have more land than the King of England. Barkeing in Essex, and Sion in Middlesex, fell not much short of Shafts-bury, being severally endowed with above a 1000 li. per annum.

15. Of all Counties in England, Glocester-shire was most pestered with Monks, having four mitred Abbeys, beside S. Austines in Bristoll (who sometimes passed for a Baron) within the compasse thereof, viz: Glocester, Teuxbury, Ciren-cester, and Wevelscome. Hence the topical wicked Proverb, deserving to be banisht out of that Countrey, being the prophane childe of superstitious parents: As sure as God is in Glocester-shire. As if so many Convents had certainly fastned his graci∣ous presence to that place.

16. As Glocester-shire was the fullest of, so Westmoreland the freest from Mo∣nasteries. It seemeth the Monks did not much care for that cold Countrey, nestling themselves but in one place, called Sharp, which they found so answer∣ing the name, that they sought warmer places elswhere. As for the boasting of the men of the Isle of Wight, That they never hadm hooded Monks therein, were it so (their soyl being so fruitfull, and pleasant) it would merit more wonder, than that Ireland hath no Venemous creatures therein. But their brag hath more of Mirth than Truth in it, seeing the Priorie at Caris-brook, and Nunnery at Quarre evidence them sufficiently stockt with such Cattell.

17. I have done with this subject of Mitred Abbeys when we have observed that they were called ABBOTS GENERALL, aliàs ABBOTSn SOVE∣REIGNE, as acknowledging in a sort no Superiour, because exempted from the Jurisdiction of any Diocezan, having Episcopall power in themselves. And here I would be thankfull to any who would inform me, that seeing all these Abbots were thus priviledged, how it came to passe that Four of them were especially termed ABBOTSo EXEMPTI, viz: Bury, Waltham, S. Albans, and Evesham. I say seeing these were so called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, EXEMPT, as it were, out of the EX∣EMPTED, I would willingly be satisfied, what extraordinary Priviledges these enjoyed by themselves above others of their own Order.

Of the Civill benefits, and Temporall conveniences, accruing to the State by the continuance of Abbies.

SO much of the greatnesse, somewhat of the goodnesse of Abbeys, if possibly it may be done without prejudice to truth. Surely some pretences (plau∣sible at least) did ingratiate them with the Politicians of that Age, other∣wise Prince, and people in those daies (though blinded with ignorant zeal, yet worldly-wise) would never have been gulled into so long a toleration, yea vene∣ration of them.

2. They were an easie and cheap outlet for the Nobility and Gentry of the land, therein to dispose their younger children. That younger son who had not mettal enough to manage a sword, might have meeknesse to become a coule. Which coule in short time might grow up to be a Mitre, when his merits presented him to be Abbot of his Covent. Clap a vail on the head of a younger daughter (espe∣cially if she were superannuated, not over-handsome, melancholy, &c.) and in∣stantly she was provided for in a Nunnery, where, without cost or care of her pa∣rents, she lived in all outward happinesse, wanting nothing except (perhaps) it were an husband. This was a great cause of the long continuance of the English Nobility, in such pomp, and power, as having then no temptation to torture their Tenants with racking of rents, to make provision for their younger children. In∣deed, sometimes Noblemen gave small portions with their children to the Co∣vent

(not such as would preferre them in marriage to one of their own quality) but generally Abbeys were glad to accept them with nothing, thereby to engage the Parents, and Brothers of such young men and maidens, to be the constant friends to their Covent, on all occasion at Court, and chiefly in all Parliaments.

3. One eminent instance hereof we have in Ralph Nevil, first Earl of Westmer∣land, of that Family whom I behold as the happiest Subject of England since the Conquest, if either we count the number of his Children, or measure the height of the Honour they attained:

He had by

Margaret, his first Wife,

Joan, his second Wife,

1. John, his eldest son, Lord Nevil, &c. 2. Ralph, in the right of Mary his wife, Lord Ferrars of Ously. 3. Maud, married to Peter Lord Mauley. 4. Alice, married to Sir Tho∣mas Gray. 5. Philip, married to Thomas Lord Dacres of Gilsland. 6. Margaret, married to the Lord Scroop of Bolton. 7. Anne, married to Sir Gil∣bert Umfrevil. 8. Margerie, Abbesse of Bear∣king. 9. Elizabeth, a Nun.

1. Richard, Earl of Sarisbury. 2. William, in the right of Joan his wife, Lord Faulconbridge. 3. George, Lord Latimer. 4. Edward, Lord Abergavennie. 5. Robert, Bishop of Durham. 6. Thomas, in right of his wife, Lord a Seymour. 7. Katharine, married to Thomas Duke of Norfolke. 8. Elianour, to Henry Earl of North∣humberland. 9. Anne, to Humphrey Duke of Buck∣ingham. 10. Jane, a Nun. 11. Cicilie, to Richard Duke of York, and Mother to King Edward the fourth.

See we here the policie of that age, in disposing of their numerous issue. More than the tithe of them was given to the Church, and I trow the Nuns (and Ab∣besse especially) were as good Madams as the rest, and conceived themselves to go in equipage with their other Lady-Sisters. And, no wonder, if an Earl prefer∣red his daughters to be Nuns; seeing no King of England, since the Conquest, had four Daughters living to womans estate, but He disposed one of them to be a Votarie. And Bridget, the fourth Daughter to King Edward the fourth, a Nun at Dartford in Kent, was the last Princesse; who entered into a Religious Order.

4. They were tolerable Tutours for the education of youth (there being a great penurie of other Grammar-schools in that Age) and every Covent had one, or moe therein, who [generally gratis] taught the children thereabouts. Yea, they, who were loose enough in their own lives, were sufficiently severe in their discipline over others. Grammar was here taught, and Musick, which in some sort sung her own Dirige (as to the generall use thereof) at the dissolution of Abbies.

5. Nunneries also were good Shee-schools, wherein the Girles, and Maids of the Neighbourhood, were taught to read and work; and sometimes a little Latine was taught them therein. Yea, give me leave to say, if such Feminine Foundations had still continued, provided no vow were obtruded upon them (virginity is least kept where it is most constrained) haply the weaker sex (besides the avoiding mo∣dern inconveniences) might be heightned to an higher perfection than hitherto hath been attained. That sharpnesse of their wits, and suddenness of their conceits (which their enemies must allow unto them) might by education be improved into a judicious solidity, and that adorned with Arts, which now they want, not because they cannot learn, but are not taught them. I say, if such Feminine

Foundations were extant now of dayes, haply some Virgins of highest birth, would be glad of such places, and I am sure their Fathers, and elder Brothers would not be sorry for the same.

6. They were the sole Historians, in writing to preserve the remarkable passa∣ges of Church, and Common-wealth. I confesse, I had rather any than Monks had written the Histories of our Land; yet rather than the same should be un∣written, I am heartily glad the Monks undertook the performance thereof. In∣deed, in all their Chronicles one may feel a rag of a Monks coule; I mean, they are partial to their own interest. But in that Age there was a choicelesse choice, that Monks, or none at all, should write our English Histories. Sword-men lacked learning, States-men leasure to doe it: it was therefore devolved to Monks and Friers, who had store of time, and no want of intelligence, to take that task upon them. And surely that industriousb Bee hath in our Age merited much of posterity, having lately, with great cost and care, enlarged many Manuscripts of Monks (formerly confined to private Libraries) that now they may take the free aire, and, being printed, publickly walk abroad. Mean time, whilest Monks pens were thus employed, Nuns with their needles wrote histories also; that of Christ his passion for their Altar-clothes, and other Scripture-(and moe Legend-) sto∣ries in hangings to adorn their houses.

7. They were most admirable good Land-lords; and well might they let, and set good peny-worths, who had good pounds-worths freely given unto them. Their yearly rent was so low, as an acknowledgment rather than a rent, onely to distin∣guish the Tenant from the Land-lord. Their fines also were easie; for, though every Convent, as a body politick, was immortal, yet because the same consisted of mortal Monks for their members, and an old Abbot for the head thereof, they were glad to make use of the present time for their profit, taking little fines for long leases. As for rent-beeves, sheep, pullein, &c. reserved on their leases, Te∣nants both payed them the more easily, as growing on the same, and the more cheerfully, because at any time they might freely eat their full share thereof, when repairing to their Land-lords bountiful table. Insomuch, that long Leases from Abbeys were preferred by many before some Tenures of freeholds, as lesse subject to taxes, and troublesome attendance.

8. Their hospitality was beyond compare, insomuch that Ovid (if living in that Age) who feigned famine to dwell in Scythia, would have fancied feasting an inhabitant of English Abbeys: Especially in Christmas-time, they kept most bountifull houses. Whosoever brought the face of a man, brought with him a Patent for his free welcome, till he pleased to depart. This was the method: where he brake his fast, there he dined; where he dined, there he supped; where he supped, there he brake his fast next morning: and so in a circle. Alwaies pro∣vided, that he provided lodging for himself at night; Abbeys having great halls, and refectories; but few chambers, and dormitories, save for such of their own society.

9. Some will object, that this their hospitality was but charity mistaken, pro∣miscuously entertaining some, who did not need, and moe, who did not deserve it. Yea, these Abbeys did but maintain the poor which they made. For, some Vagrants, accounting the Abbey-almes their own inheritance, served an appren∣tiship, and afterwards wrought journey-work to no other trade than begging; all whose children were, by their fathers copie, made free of the same company. Yea, we may observe, that generally such places wherein the great Abbeys were sea∣ted (some few excepted, where cloathing began, when their Covent did end) swarm most with poor people at this day, as if beggary were entailed on them, and that lazinesse not as yet got out of their flesh, which so long since was bred in their bones.

10. All this is confessed; yet, by their hospitality, many an honest and hungry soul had his bowels refreshed, which otherwise would have been starved; and, bet∣ter it is, two drones should be fed, than one bee famished. We see the heavens

themselves, in dispensing their rain, often water many stinking bogs, and noi∣some lakes, which moisture is not needed by them (yea, they the worse for it) onely because much good ground lies inseparably intermingled with them; so that, either the bad with the good must be watered, or the good with the bad must be parched away.

11. Of all Abbeys in England, Elie bare away the bell for bountifull feast∣making, the vicinity of the fenns affording them plenty of flesh, fish, and fowle, at low rates. Hereupon the Poët,

Praevisis aliis, Eliensia festa videre, Est, quasi praevisa nocte, videre diem.

When other Feasts before have been, If those of ELIE last be seen, 'Tis like to one who hath seen night, And then beholds the day so bright.

But, with the leave of the Poëts Hyperbole, other Abbeys, as Glassenbury, S. Albans, Reading, spurred up close to Elie, which, though exceeding them in feasts (the evidence oft of a miser) yet they equalled Elie in the constant tenour of house-keeping. The mention of Reading mindes me of a pleasant and true story; which, to refresh my wearied self, and Reader, after long pains, I here in∣tend to relate.

12. King Henry the eighth, as He was hunting in Windesor Forrest, either ca∣sually lost, or (more probable) willfully losing Himself, struck down about dinner-time to the Abbey of Reading. Where, disguising Himself, (much for delight, more for discoverie to see unseen) He was invited to the Abbots table, and passed for one of the Kings guard, a place to which the proportion of His person might properly intitle Him. A Sir-loyne of beef was set before Him (so Knighted, saith tradition, by this King Henry) on which the King laid on lustily, not disgracing one of that place, for whom He was mistaken. Well fare thy heart, (quoth the Abbot) and here in a cup of sack I remember the health of His Grace your Master. I would give an hundred pounds on the condition I could feed so heartily on beef as you doe. Alas! my weak and squeazie stomack will hardly digest the wing of a small rabbet or chicken. The King pleasantly pledged him, and heartily thanking him for His good cheer, after dinner departed, as undiscovered as He came thither.

13. Some weeks after, the Abbot was sent for by a Pursevant, brought up to London, clapped in the Tower, kept close-prisoner, fed for a short time with bread and water. Yet not so empty his body of food, as his minde was filled with fears, creating many suspitions to himself, when, and how he had incurred the King's displeasure. At last a sir-loyne of beef was set before him, on which the Abbot fed as the Farmer of his Grange, and verified the Proverb, That two hungry meals makes the third a glutton. In springs King Henry out of a private lobbie, where He had placed Himself the invisible spectatour of the Abbots behaviour, My Lord, (quoth the King) presently deposit your hundred pounds in gold, or else no going hence all the daies of your life. I have been your Physician to cure you of your squeazie stomack, and here, as I deserve, I demand my fee for the same. The Abbot down with his dust, and glad he had escaped so, returned to Reading; as some∣what lighter in purse, so much more merrier in heart than when he came thence.

Presages of the approaching ruine of Abbeys.

THE wisest, and most religious amongst the Romanists, presaged, and suspected a downfall of these Covents, some years before it came to passe. For, when it was in the intention, and designe of Richard Fox, Bishop of Winchester, to have built a Monasterie; Hugh Oldham, Bishop of Exeter, dis∣swaded him, affirming, That such Covents possessed more already than they would longa enjoy. He advised him rather to bestow his bounty, on founding some Col∣ledge in the University, as which was likely to last longer, and certain to doe more good, promising also his own utmost assistance in so pious an undertaking. This was done accordingly, Fox being the first Founder of, and Oldham a libe∣rall Benefactour to CORPUS CHRISTI Colledge in Oxford.

2. Adde to this, a Speech of Robertb Whitgift, Abbot of Wellow (nigh Grims∣bey) in Lincoln shire (Uncle to Archbishop Whitgift) who was wont to say, That they, and their religion (chiefly in relation to Monasteries) could not long continue, because (said he) I have read the whole Scripture over, and over, and could never finde therein that our religion was founded by God. And, for proof of his opinion, the Abbot would alledge that saying of our Saviour, Every planting, which my heavenly Father hath not planted, shall be rooted up. And, that he proved a true Prophet herein, the next Book will sufficiently evidence.

3. We will conclude with their observation (as an ominous presage of Abbies ruine) that there was scarce a great Abbey in England, which (once at the least) was not burnt down with lightning from heaven.

• 1. The Monastery of Canter∣bury burnt Anno 1145.
• And afterward again burnt Annoc 1174.
• 2. The Abbey of Croyland twiced burnt.
• 3. The Abbey of Peterborow twice set one fire.
• 4. The Abbey of S. Maryes in Yorke burnt.
• 5. The Abbey of Norwich burnt.
• 6. The Abbey of S. Edmonds-bury f burnt, and destroyed.
• 7. The Abbey of Worcester burnt.
• 8. The Abbey of Glocester was also burnt.
• 9. The Abbey of Chichester burnt.
• 10. The Abbey of Glastenbury burnt.
• 11. The Abbey of S. Mary in South-warke burnt.
• 12. The Church of the Abbey of Be∣verley burnt.
• 13. The Steeple of the Abbey of E∣vesham burnt.

I will not, with Master Fox, inferre from such casualties, that God was more offended with Abbeys, than other buildings, a naturall cause presenting it selfe of such accidents; namely, because the highest structures (whatever they are) are the fairest marks for lightning, and thunder. As if those active Meteors took the usurpation of such aspiring buildings in distaste, for entring their territory, and for offering, without leave, to invade the marches of the middle region of the aire. And, if mountains of Gods own advancing thither, and placing there, pay dear for their honour, and frequently feel the weight of thunder-bolts falling upon them, feriunt summos fulmina montes; no wonder if artificiall buildings of mens making (whatsoever they be, Palaces, or Castles, or Churches, or Covents) have their ambition often humbled with thunder, and lightning, which casually melt and consume them.

4. Onely we will adde, that such frequent firing of Abbey-Churches by lightning, confuteth the proud Motto, commonly written on the Bells in their Steeples, wherein each Bell intituled it self to a sixfold efficacie;

• 1. Funera plango,
  • Men's deaths I tell
  • By dolefull knell.
• 2. Fulgura Fulmina
  • frango,
    • Lightning and thunder,
    • I break asunder.
• 3. Sabbata pango;
  • On Sabbath, all
  • To Church I call.
• 4. Excito lentos,
  • The sleepy head,
  • I raise from bed.
• 5. Dissipo ventos,
  • The winds so fierce
  • I doe disperse.
• 6. Paco cruentos,
  • Men's cruell rage,
  • I doe asswage.

Whereas it plainly appears, that these Abbey-steeples, though quilted with Bells almost cap a pee, were not of proof against the sword of God's lightning. Yea generally, when the heavens in tempests did strike fire, the Steeples of Ab∣beys proved often their tynder, whose frequent burning portended their finall de∣struction; which now, God willing, we come to relate.

Of the Essaies and Offers to overthrow Abbeys before they took effect.

GReat buildings commonly crack before they fall, to give the dwellers there∣in warning to depart; so was it here in Abbeys. But may we here, first premise, as an Introduction, that it was placed in the power and pleasure of Princes and great persons, their Founders, to displace & exchange particular Or∣ders, as sometimes Monks for Nuns, and reciprocally Nuns for Monks; white for gray Friers, and gray for white, as their fancie directed them: whereof we have plenty of instances. But all this made nothing to the losse of Monkery in generall, though sexes or colours of Friers were altered, the same Bells did hang still in the steeple, though rung in changes to content severall people.

2. Secondly, particular Covents might be wholly dissolved upon their mis∣demeanour, as in Berklie Nunnery: Here a young man (left out of designe by Earl Godwine) dissembled himself to be sick, who, in short space, so acquitted himself amongst the Votaries there, that all of them, with their Abbesse, (whose age might have been presumed a protection for her honesty) were got witha childe: upon complaint and proof whereof unto King Edward the Confessour, they were all driven out; and their Nunnery, with large revenues, bestowed upon Earl God∣wine, by the aforesaid King, who was then accounted Patron of all Abbeys, which now fallen into His hands, by this foule lapse, He bestowed, as a Lay fee, upon this new Owner, wholly altering the property thereof.

3. Thirdly, whole religious Orders might by order from the Pope be totally and finally extirpated. Here I passe by the Fratres Flagelliferi, or scourging

Friers, religious Bedlams, who used publickly to whip themselves in the Market∣place, making velame of their own skins, thereon to write their follies in legible characters. I say I omit them; afterwards put down by the Pope himself: the rather because I finde them not in England, or elswhere, endowed with consider∣able revenues. I will insist on the Templers, whose numerous and wealthy fra∣ternity was for their vitiousness, by the Pope, in the Councell of Vienna, dissolved all over Europe, and in England all or most of their land was given to the Knights b Hospitallers. This was a great shaking of all religious Orders, the plucking out of these chief threads, made a in the whole cloth; men conceiving that in processe of time the whole sheafe may be broken as well as the single Arrows, see∣ing, perchance, other Societies led lives not more religious, but lesse exa∣mined.

4. But the first terrible blow in England given generally to all Orders, was in the Lay Parliament, as it is called, which did wholly Wicclifize, kept in the twelfth year of King Henry the fourth, wherein thec Nobles and Commons assembled, signi∣fied to the King, that the temporal possessions of Abbots, Priors, &c. lewdly spent within the Realm, would suffice to finde and sustain 150 Earls, 1500 Knights, 6200 Esquires, 100 Hospitals, more than there were. But this motion was maul'd with the King's own hand, who dashed it, personally interposing Himself con∣trary to that character, which the jealous Clergie had conceived of Him, that coming to the Crown He would be a greatd enemy to the Church. But though Henry Plantagenet Duke of Lancaster was no friend to the Clergie, perchance to ingratiate himself with the people, yet the same Henry King of England His in∣terest being altered, to strengthen Him with the considerable power of the Clergy, proved a Patron, yea, a Champion to defend them. However, we may say, that now the Axe is laid to the root of the tree of Abbeys; and this stroke for the present, though it was so farre from hurting the body, that it scarce pierced the bark there∣of, yet bare attempts in such matters are important, as putting into peoples heads a feasibility of the project, formerly conceived altogether impossible.

5. Few yeares after, namely, in the second year of King Henry the fift, ano∣ther shreud thrust was made at English Abbeys, but it was finely and cleverly put aside by that skilfull State-Fencer Henry Chichesly Archbishop of Canterbury. For the former Bill against Abbeys, in full Parliament was revived, when the Archbishop minded King Henry of His undoubted Title to the fair and flourish∣ing Kingdome of France. Hereat, that King who was a spark in Himself, was enflamed to that designe by this Prelates perswasion: and His native courage ran fiercely on the project, especially when clapt on with conscience and encourage∣ment from a Church-man in the lawfulnesse thereof. An undertaking of those vast dimensions, that the greatest covetousnesse might spread, and highest ambi∣tion reach it self within the bounds thereof: If to promote this project, the Ab∣beys advanced not onely large and liberall, but vast and incredible summes of money, it is no wonder if they were contented to have their nails pared close to the quick, thereby to save their fingers. Over goes K. Henry into France, with many martiall spirits attending him, so that putting the King upon the seeking of a new Crown, kept the Abbots old Mitres upon their heads, and Monasteries tottering at this time, were (thank a politick Archbishop) refixed on the firm foundations, though this proved rather a reprieve than a pardon unto them, as will afterwards appear.

Of the suppression of alien Priories.

NExt followed the dissolving of alien Priories, of whose first founding and severall sorts something must be observed. When the Kings of England by Conquest or Inheritance were possessed of many and great Territories in France (Normandy, Aquitaine, Picardy, &c.) many French Monasteries were endowed with lands in England. For an English kitchen or larder doth excellent∣ly well with a French hall. And whilst forreigners tongues slighted our Island (as barren in comparison of their own Countrey) at the same time, they would lick their lips after the full-fare which our Kingdome afforded.

2. Very numerous were these Cells in England relating to forreign Abbeys scattered all over the Kingdome. One John Norbury erected two for his part, the one at Greenwich, the other at Lewesham in Kent. Yea,e Roger de Poictiers, founded on in the remotest corner of the Land, in the Town of Lancaster; the richest of them all for annuall income was that whichf Tuo Talbois built at Spal∣ding in Lincoln shire, giving it to the Monks of Angiers in France,g valued at no lesse than 878 lib. 18s. 3d. of yearly revenue. And it is remarkable, that as one of these Priories was granted before the Kings of England were invested with any Dominion in France (namely, Deorhirst in Glocester shire,h assigned by the Testament of Edward the Confessour to the Monastery of S. Denis neer Paris) so some were bestowed on those places in forreign parts, where our English Kings never had finger of power, or foot of possession. Thus we read how Henry the third annexed a Cell in Thredneedle-street ini London to S. Anthony in Vienna, and neer Charing-Crosse there was another annext to the Lady Runciavall in Navarre. Belike men's devotion, in that Age, look'd on the world as it lay in common, ta∣king no notice how it was sub-divided into private Principalities, but proceeded on that rule,k The earth is the Lord's, and the fulnesse thereof, and Charity, though wandring in forreign parts, counted it self still at home, because dwelling on its proper pious uses.

3. These alien Priories were of two natures, some had Monks with a Prior re∣sident in them, yet not Conventuall, but dative and removable ad nutum of the forreign Abbey, to which they were subservient; Others were absolute in them∣selves, who though having an honorary dependence on, and bearing a subordi∣nation of respect unto French Abbeys, yet had a Prior of their own, being an in∣tire body of themselves to all purposes and intents. The former not unlike Ste∣wards managing profits for the behoof of their Master, to whom they were re sponsible. The later resembling retainers at large, acknowledging a generall re∣ference, but not accomptable unto them, for the revenues they received. Now both these kindes of Priories peaceably enjoyed their possessions here, even after the revolt of those Principalities from the Crown of England: yet so, that du∣ring open hostility and actuall warre betwixt England and France, their revenues were seised and taken by the King, and restored again when amity was setled.

4. But King Richard the second, and King Henry the fourth, not so fair as their predecessours herein, not onely detained those revenues in time of peace, but also diverted them from their proper use, and bestowed them on some of their Lay-servants. So that the Crown was little enriched therewith: especially if it be true what Arundell Archbishop of Canterbury averred in the house of Commons to the face of the Speaker, That these Kingsl were not half a mark the wealthier for those rents thus assumed into their hands. And a Synod of the Clergie in the last of Henry the fourth petitioned the King, That Lay-men might not invade the pos∣sessions of alien Priories, but those Foundations might be furnished, Native English substituted in their rooms; whose request, by reason of the King's death ensuing took no effect. But this doth intimate, (though I had rather learn than teach in so dark a point) that those alien Priories still stood undissolved by Act of State, with a possibility to revert to their former use, and though the King had

fastned upon their profits by his absolute power, yet as yet they were not setled and established in the Crown by Act of Parliament.

5. But in the fourth year of King Henry the fift, in the heat and height of His Warres with France, all such Priories alien, as were not Conventuall, were by Act ofm Parliament dissolved, and bestowed on the King. It being conceived unsafe, that men, moving according to a forreign interest, having their affections leading them beyond the seas, and their actions following, (when befriended with secresie) should be maintained in this Kingdome. Besides it tended to the manifest detriment of the State, that such should transport our coyn and commo∣dities into an enemies Countrey, without returning a proportionable profit to the Common-wealth. Other alien Priories, which were Conventuall, survived untill the general mortality of English Monasteries. These alien Priories were not con∣ceived to have such a temptation to disloyalty, as the others, having their abso∣lute subsistence here; and though the Monks therein were strangers in respect of their birth, they were counted Naturalized in a manner in regard of their edu∣cation and livelyhood.

6. The dissolving of these Priories, made a dangerous impression on all the rest. Say not that English Abbeys were unconcerned, because these strangers be∣ing rather suckers than branches of their tree, their growing was a burthen, and their pruning off a benefit thereunto; for though Aliens in their Countrey, they were Allies in their Cause, there being an affinity betwixt all religious Foundati∣ons. And now here was an Act of State for precedent, That without sin of Sacri∣ledge such Donations might be dissolved. Use was made hereof, beyond the Kings intention, who, in this act not covetous, but politick, aiming rather to secure than enrich Himself: whereas now some Courtiers by His bounty tasting on the sweet of Abbey-lands, made their break-fasts thereon in the time of Henry the fift, which increased their appetites to dine on the same in the daies of King Henry the eighth, not so glutted, but they could sup on the reversions left in the Reign of K. Ed∣ward the sixt.

Notes

• Abbots Far∣mers, Tanners, Brewers.
• Abbot's ••ab Parish Vic••rs by appropria∣tions.
• And other Priests from exemption from Tithes:
• a

  Vid. Alex. 4. in 6. de dec. c. 2. Statuto & In. Noc. 8. tom. 2. p. 4. 10. Edit. Coloniens.
• Freedom from Tithes goeth by favour.
• b

  Le Bret. Ad∣voc. ex la dicte cour. Playdoie 27.
• Confined to Lands given before the La∣teran Councel.
• c

  Anno 2 Hen. the fourth, cap. 4.
• Offend none in a captious Age.
• A price in the hand, but no heart.
• Sancturies Sewers of sin.
• The conscien∣tious Abbot of Crowland.
• d

  In Gulphi Hi∣stor. pag. 856.
• e

  Idem p. 879.
• The Abbot.
• a

  In Vitis vi∣ginti trium Ab∣batum S. Alban. pag. 170.
• The Prlor.
• b

  Magd. Corp. Christi. Tr••n. & S. Johns.
• The Sub-Prior.
• c

  In the subscri. of the Chron. of the August. of Cant. p. 2294.
• The Secretary.
• The Cham∣berlain.
• The Cellerer.
• d

  John Brake∣land.
• e

  Burchard, inde Index G••s. 8. Gal.
• The Gate∣house.
• The Refectory.
• f

  Chron. August. Cant. p. 2294.
• g

  In Vitis p. 141.
• h

  See Glossarie of Will. Somner.
• The Parlour.
• The Oriol.
• i

  In Vitis p. 100.
• The Dormito∣rie.
• k

  Sub Ludov. Imp. Au. 816. cap. 134.
• The Laundry.
• The Library.
• The Kitchin.
• The severall parts in the Church.
• l

  In Vitis, pag. 225.
• m

  In Vi••••s, pag. 521.
• n

  Psal. 26. 6.
• The Centurie.
• The Firmorie.
• The Stables.
• o

  In V••tis, &c. pag. 97.
• p

  Wats in Glos∣sar. at the end of Mat. Paris.
• The Ga••le.
• q

  In Vitis, pag. 52.
• The Grange.
• Barbarous names and Offices.
• Rooms in small, houses in great Abbeys.
• The use of Cells.
• The Honours in Canterbury Priorie.
• r

  Mr. William Somner in his Antiquit. of Canterbury. pag. 196.
• Rules calcula∣ted for the Be∣nedictines, without any grand errour will serve all Orders.
• a

  Psal. 119. 164.
• b

  Psal. 119. 62.
• c

  Acts 3. 1.
• d

  Acts 10. 30.
• e

  This whole Chapter is the abridgment of CONGORDIA REGULA∣RUM, collected by S. Bennet the Anian Abbot, but printed with a Com∣ment, An. 1638. set forth by Frier Ae••ard.
• f

  Luke 10. 1.
• g

  Tertullian, Li∣bro de corons militis.
• h

  2 Thes. 3. 12.
• i

  In regula Ca∣pite quinto.
• k

  Psal 141. 3.
• a

  Sagum, pro∣perly the lower coat of a Soul∣dier.
• b

  Lib. 5. contra Faustum, cap. 5.
• c

  De lingua La∣tina, lib. 4.
• a

  Acts 3. 45.
• b

  XXV ••alma∣rum percuss oui∣bus emendetur. Regula magis cap. 15. sect 10.
• c

  Regula S. Pacbomii, artic. 11.
• Numerous Ab∣bots summoned to Parliament.
• a

  Dors. Glause 49 Hen. 3. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 11. in scedula
• Who after∣wards decline their trouble∣some service.
• Their number contracted to twenty six.
• Doubtfull Ba∣rons amongst the Abbots.
• A short-lived Baroney made by K. Henry the eighth.
• b

  Pat. 5. Hen 8. part. 2. in. 22.
• c

  Combdens Br. in Devon-shire:
• Abbesses no Baronesses, though hold∣ing Baronies.
• d

  Pat. 5. Ed. 1. Dors. in. 11. Rot. Scutagii ejusd. an. in. 7.
• Prior of Ierusa∣lem chief Baton.
• e

  Cambd. Brit. pag. 123.
• Next the Ab∣bot of S. Al∣bans.
• f

  Gen. 48. 14.
• The carelesse order of the rest.
• Seniority not observed in the summons.
• Not ranked by their wealth.
• Teuxbury to be added to the Catalogue.
• g

  Titles of borror, p. 728.
• h

  Brit. p. 170.
• i

  In his Annall of K. Hen. 8. An. 1539.
• Teuxbury va¦lued at 1598 ••. ••. 3d.
• All these va∣luations are taken out of Speed's Cata∣logue of religi∣ous Houses, pag 787.
• l

  Sir Rob. Cotton (under due name of Speed) in the descripti∣on of Hunting∣don∣shire.
• Some Abbots, not Barons, richer than those that were.
• Shafts-bury the richest Nun∣nery.
• A prophane proverb.
• No Countrey free from Monks.
• m

  Cambd. Brit. in the Isle of Wight.
• Quare what meant by four Abbots pecu∣liarly exempt.
• n

  Sir. H. Spelman in Glossario ver∣bo Abbas.
• o

  Titles of ho∣nour, pag. 727.
• Give Abbies their due.
• They conveni∣ent to dispose youngest chil∣dren in.
• An eminent in∣stance thereof.
• a

  Mills, p. 393.
• Children taught therein.
• Conveniency of Shee-Col∣ledges.
• Monks the sole Historians, and why.
• b

  An able Sta∣tioner in Little Britain, London.
• Abbots excel∣lent Land-lords.
• And admirable House-keepers.
• Objection a∣gainst their hospitality.
• The same an∣swered.
• Elie puts all Abbeys down for feasting.
• A pleasant sto∣ry of K Henry the eighth.
• He proves a good Physi∣cian.
• Oliban's pro∣phesie of the Friers fall.
• a

  Godwin in the Bishop of Win∣chester.
• Seconded by Abbot Whit∣gift.
• b

  Sir George Paul in Whit∣gift's life, p. 3.
• Ominous bur∣ning of Ab∣beys, [often] by lightning.
• c

  Ex Hist, Ger∣••af••i.
• d

  Ex Histor. In∣gulphi.
• e

  Ex Chron. Pe∣terb. Walteri Weeks. Hove∣deni Gualteri. Coventr. Fabia∣ni.
• f

  Ex Ghron. S. Edmond. Guil. Malme••b.
• Bells no effe∣ctuall charm a∣gainst light∣ning.
• Orders of Fri∣ers alterable ac∣cording to the pleasures of their Founders.
• Particular Co∣vents on mis∣demeanour dis∣solvable.
• a

  De honestis o∣nustas, de agnis lupus, Cambdens Brit, in Gloce∣ster-shire, out of Walterus Ma∣••aeus.
• Whole Orders routed out by the Pope for their faults.
• b

  See Supple∣mo••t of the Holy Warre, chap. 1, 2, 3.
• The first stroke at the root of Abbeys.
• c

  Thomas Wal∣singbam.
• d

  Being heard to say, That Princes had too little, and Re∣ligious men too much, Holinshed, pag. 514.
• The objection of covetousness against Abbeys (though not answered ••va∣ded by Archb. Chichesly.
• The originall of P••io••••es aliens.
• e

  Cambd. Brit. in Lancashire.
• f

  Idem in Lin∣coln-shire.
• g

  Harpsfield in Catal. religiosa∣rum •• Edium, fol. 761.
• h

  Camb Brit. in Glocester-shire.
• i

  Harpsfield, ut priùs, pag 763.
• k

  1 Cor. 10. 28.
• Alien Priories of two natures.
• l

  Antiq. Brit. pag. 274.
• Harpsfield Hist. Ang. saet. decimo quinto ••ep. octavo.
• Their dissolu∣tion.
• m

  Parliament Rolls Rastall. titul. Monasteries.
• The dangerous influence of this predent.