The church-history of Britain from the birth of Jesus Christ until the year M.DC.XLVIII endeavoured by Thomas Fuller.

1. THe Romanists observe, that several advantages concurred to the speedy propagation of Wi∣cliffs opinions, as namely, the decrepit age of Edward the third, and infancy of Richard his successor, being but a childe, as his Grand-father was twice a childe, so that the reines of Authority were let loose. Second∣ly, the attractive nature of Novelty, draw∣ing followers unto it. Thirdly, the enmity which John of Gaunt bare unto the Clergie, which made him, out of opposition to fa∣vour the Doctrine and person of Wicliffe. Lastly, the envy which thea Pope had contracted by his exactions and collati∣ons of Ecclesiastical benefices. We deny not these helps were instrumentally active in their several degrees, but must attribute the main to Divine provi∣dence, blessing the Gospel, and to the nature of truth it self, which though for a time, violently suppress'd, will seasonably make its own free, and clear passage into the world.

2. And here we will acquaint the Reader, that being to write the Hi∣story of Wicliffe, I intend neither to deny, dissemble, defend, or excuse any of his faults. We have this treasure (saith theb Apostle) in earthen vessels; and he that shall endeavour to prove a pitcher of clay, to be a pot of gold, will take great pains to small purpose. Yea; should I be over-officious to retain my self, to plead for Wicliffs faults, that glorious Saint would sooner chide then thank me, unwilling that in favour of him, truth should suffer prejudice. He was a man, and so subject to errour, living in a dark Age, more obno∣xious to stumble vex'd with opposition, which makes men reel into violence,

and therefore it is unreasonable, that the constitution and temper of his po∣sitive opinions, should be guessed by his Polemical Heat, when he was chafed in disputation. But besides all these, envy hath falsly fathered many foul aspertions upon him.

3. We can give no account of Wicliffs parentage, birth, place, or infan∣cy, onely we finde an ancienta family of the Wicliffs in the Bishoprick▪ of Dur∣ham, since by match united to the Brake••buries, persons of prime quality in those parts. As for this our Wicliffe, history at the very first meets with him a Man, and full grown, yea, Graduate ofb Merton Colledg in Oxford. The fruitfull soil of his natural parts, he had industriously improved by acquired learning, not onely skill'd in the fashionable Arts of that Age, and in that abstruse, crabbed divinity, all whose fruit is thornes: but also well versed in the Scriptures; a rare accomplishment in those▪ dayes. His publique Acts in the Schools, he kept with great approbation, though the ••ccho of his popular applause sounded the Alarum to awaken the envy of his adversaries against him.

4. He is charged by the Papists, as if discontent first put him upon his opinions. For having usurped thec Headshi••, of Canterbury Colledg▪ (found∣ed by Simon Iselep, since like a tributary brook, swallowed upon the vastness of Christ-Church) after a long suit, he was erected by sentence from the Pope, because by the Statutes, onely a Monk was capable of the place. Others add, that the loss of the Bishoprick of Worcester which he desired, incensed him to revenge himself by innovations; and can true doctrine be the fruit, where ambition and discontent hath been the root thereof? Yet such may know, that God often sanctifies mans weakness to his own glory; and that wife Ar∣chitect makes of the crookedness of mens conditions, streight beams in his own building, to raise his own honour upon them. Besides, these things are barely said, without other evidence; and if his foes affirming be a proof, why should not his friends denial thereof be a sufficient resutation? Out of the same mint of malice another story is coyned against him, how Wicliffe being once gravell'd in publique disputation, preferring rather to say nons— then nothing, was fore'd to affirm, that and accident was a substance. Yet me thinks, if the story were true, such as defend the doctrine of accidents sub∣sisting in the sacrament without a substance, might have invented some chari∣table qualification of his paradox, seing those that defend falshoods, ought to be good fellows and help one another.

5. Seven years Wicliffe lived in Oxford, in some tolerable quiet, having a Professours place, and a cure of soules. On the week dayes in the Schools proving to the learned what he meant to preach; and on the Lords day prea∣ching in the Pulpit, to the vulgar, what he had proved before. Not unlike those builders in the second Temple, holding ac Sword in one hand, and a Trowell in the other; his disputations making his preaching to be strong, and his preaching making his disputations to be plain. His speculative positions against the Reall Presence in the Eucharist, did offend and distaste, but his practical Tenents against Purgatory, and Pilgrimages, did enrage and be∣madd his adversaries: so woundable is the dragon, under the left wing, when pinched in point of profit. Hereupon they so prevailed with Simon Sudbury, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, that Wicliffe was silenced, and depri∣ved of his benefice. Notwithstanding all which, he wanted nothing secret∣ly, supplied by invisible persons, and he felt many a gift from a hand that he did not behold.

6. Here it will be seasonable to give in a List of Wicliffes Opinions, though we meet with much variety in the accounting of them.

1. Popea Gregory the eleventh, observed eighteen principal Errours in his Books, and Wicliffe is charged with the sameb number, in the Convocation at Lambeth.

2. THOMASc ARUNDEL, Arch-Bishop of CANTERBURY, in a Synod held at Preaching-Friers, in London, condemned three and twen∣ty of his Opinions; the ten first for heretical, and the thirteen last for erroneous.

3. In the Councel at Constance,d five and fourty Articles of false Doctrines were exhibited against WICLIFFE, then lately deceased.

4. THOMAS WALDENSIS computeth fourscore Errours in him.

5. JOHNe LUCKE, Doctor of Divinity in Oxford, brings up the ac∣count to two hundred sixty six.

Lastly, and above all, JOHNf COCLEUS (it is fit that the latest Edi∣tion should be the largest) swells them up to full three hundred and three.

Wonder not at this difference, as if Wicliffe's Opinions, were like the Stones on Salisbury-plain, falsely reported, that no two can count them alike. The variety ariseth, first, because some count onely his primitive Tenets, which are breeders, and others reckon all the frie of Consequences derived from them. Secondly, some are more industrious to seek, perverse to collect, captious to expound, malicious to deduce far distant Consequences; excel∣lent at the inflaming of a Reckoning, quick to discover an infant or Em••rio-errours, which others over-look. Thirdly, it is probable, that in process of time, Wicliffe might delate himself in supplemental and additional Opinions, more then he at first maintained: and it is possible that the Tenents of his followers in after ages might be falsely fathered upon him. We will tie our selves to no strict number or method, but take them as finde them, out of his greatest adversary, with exact Quotation of the Tome, Book, Article, and Chapter, where they are Reported.

THOMAS WALDENSIS accuseth WICLIFFE to have maintained these dangerous heretical OPINIONS.

To.	Bo	Art	Chap.	OF THE POPE.
4	2	1	1	1. That it is blasphemy to call any Head of the Church save Christ alone.
1	2	3	39	2. That the election of the Pope by Cardinals, is a de∣vice of the devil.
1	2	1	2	3. That those are Hereticks, which say that Peter had more power then the other Apostles.
1	2	1	4	4. That James, Bishop of Jerusalem, was preferred be∣fore Peter.
1	2	3	41	5. That Rome is not the Seat in which Christ's Vicar doth reside.
1	2	3	35	6. That the Pope, if he doth not imitate Christ and Peter in his life, and manners; is not to be called the Successour of PETER.

1	2	3	38	7. That the Imperial and Kingly authority are above the Papal Power.
1	2	3	48	8. That the doctrine of the infallibility of the Church of Rome, in matters of faith, is the greatest blasphemy of Antichrist.
1	2	3	54	9. That he often calleth the Pope Antichrist.
1	2	3	32	10. That Christ mean't the Pope, by the abomination of Desolation, standing in the holy place.
				OF POPISH PRELATES.
1	2	2	16	11. That from the words, and works, anda silence of Prelates in Preaching, it seemeth probable, that they are Devils incarnate.
1	2	3	57	12. That Bishops Benedictions, Confirmations, Conse∣crations of Churches, Chalices, &c. be but tricks to get money.
				OF PRIESTS.
1	2	3	71	13. That plain Deacons and Priests may preach without licence of Pope or Bishop.
1	2	3	60	14. That in the time of the Apostles, there were onely two Orders, namely, Priests and Deacons, and that a Bishop doth not differ from a Priest.
3			68	15. That it is lawful for Lay-men to absolve no less, then for the Priests.
2			128	16. That it is lawful for Clergy-men to marry.
			61	17. That Priests of bad life, cease any longer to be b Priests.
				OFF THE CHURCH.
1	2		8	18. That he defined the Church to consist, onely of per∣sons predestinated.
1	2	1	12	19. That he divideth the Church into these three mem∣bers, Clergy-men, Souldiers, and Labourers.
1	4	3	37	20. That the Church was not endowed with any immove∣able possessions, before Constantine the great.
1	4	3	16 41	21. That it is no Sacriledg to take away things, consecra∣ted to the Church.
3			143	22. That all beautiful building of Churches, is blame∣worthy, and savours of hypocrisie.
				OF TYTHES.
1	2	3	65	23. That Parishioners by him were exhorted, not to pay Tythes to Priests of dissolute life.
1	2	3	64	24. That Tythes are pure almes, and that Pastours ought not to exact them by Ecclesiastical censures.
				OF THE SCRIPTURE.
1	2	2	23	25. That wise men leave that as Impertinent, which is not plainly expressed in Scripture.
1	2	2	26	26. That he slighted the authority of General Councels.

				OF HERETICKS.
2			81	27. That he called all Writers since the thousandth year of Christ, Hereticks.
				OF PRAYER.
3			23
			25	28. That men are not bound to the observation of Vigils, or Canonical houres.
3			11	29. That it is vain for Lay-men to bargain with Priests for their prayers.
3			21	30. That to binde men to set and prescript forms of Prayers, doth derogate from that liberty God hath given them.
3			8	31. That to depress the benefit of other mens purchased Prayers, he recommended all men, to hope, and trust in their own righteousness.
				OF ALMES.
1	2	3	71	32. That we ought not to do any Alms to a sinner, whilest we know him to be so.
				OF THE SACRAMENTS.
3			45
			46	33. That Chrisme, and other such ceremonies are not to be used in Baptisme.
2			99	34. That those are fools, and presumptuous, which af∣firm, such infants not to be saved, which dye without Baptisme: and also, That he denied, that all sins are abolished in Baptisme.
2			108
2			98	35. That Baptisme doth not confer, but onely signifie grace, which was given before.
2			26	36. That in the Sacrament of the Alter, the Host is not to be worshipped, and such as adore it are Idola∣ters.
				37. That the substance of bread and wine, still remain a in the Sacrament.
2			55	38. That God could not, though he would, make his bo∣dy to be at the same time, in several places.
1			109	39. That the Sacrament of Confirmation is not much ne∣cessary to salvation.
3			147	40. That Confession, to a man truly contrite, is superflu∣ous, used by Antichrist, to know the secrets, and gain the wealth of others.
2			130	41. That that is no due Marriage, which is contracted, without hope of having children.
2			163	42. That extreme Unction is needless, and no Sacra∣ment.
				OF ORDERS.
2	2	2	15	43. That Religious Sects confound the unity of Christs Church, who instituted but one order of serving him.

2			109	44. That he denied all sacred initiations into Orders, as leaving no character behinde them.
3			91	45. That Vowing of Virginity is a Doctrine of Devils.
				OF SAINTS.
3			130	46. That such Christians, who do worship Saints, bor∣der on Idolatry.
3			133	47. That it is needless to adorn the shrines of Saints, or to go in Pilgrimage to them.
3			124	48. That miracles conceived done at Saints shrines, may be delusions of the Devil.
125
3			115	49. That Saints prayers (either here, or in heaven) are onely effectual for such as are good.
				OF THE KING.
1	2	3	79	50. That it is lawful in Causes Ecclesiastical, and mat∣ters of faith, after the Bishops sentence, to appeal to the secular Prince.
1	3	1	81	51. That Dominion over the creature is founded in grace.
1	3	3	83	52. That God devesteth him of all right who abuseth his power.
				OF CHRIST.
1	2	3	43	53. That Christ was a man, even in those three dayes, wherein his body did lie in the grave.
1	2	3	44	54. That the Humanity of Christ being separated, is to be worshipped with that adoration which is called LATRIA.
1	1	3	44	55. That Christ is the Humanity by him assumed.
				OF GOD.
2			160	56. That God loved David and Peter as dearly, when they grievously sinned, as he doth now when they are possessed of glory.
1	2	3	82	57. That God giveth no good things to his enemies.
2			135	58. That God is not more willing to reward the good, then to punish the wicked.
				59. That all thingsa come to pass by fatal necessity.
1	1	1	13	60. That God could not make the world otherwise then it is made.
1	1	1	10	61. That God cannot do any thing, which he doth not do.
				62. That God cannot make that something should return into nothing.

7. Here the ingenuous Reader must acknowledg, that many of these opinions are truths, at this day publickly professed in the Protestant Church. For the rest, what pitty is it that we want Wicliffe's works, to hear him speak in his own behalf. Were they all extant, therein we might read the occasion,

intention, and connexion of what he spake; together with the limitations, restrictions, distinctions, qualifications, of what he maintained. There we might see, what was the overplus of his passion, and what the just measure of his judgment. Many phrases, heretical in sound, would appear ortho∣dox in sense. Yea, some of his poysonous passages, dress'd with due caution, would prove not onely wholsome, but cordial truths; many of his expres∣sions wanting, not granum ponderis, but salis, no weight of truth, but some grains of discretion. But now alas! of thea two hundred books, which he wrote, being burnt, not a tittle is left, and we are sain tob borrow the bare titles of them from his adversaries; from whom also these his opinions are extracted, who winnow his works,c as Satan did Peter, not to finde the cor••••, but the chaff therein. And how can did some Papists are in interpreting the meaning of Protestants, appears by that cunningd Chymist, who hath di∣stilled the spirits of Turcisme, out of the books of Calvin himself.

8. Now a Synod was called by Simon Sudbury, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, at Paul's in London (the Parliament then sitting at Westminster) whither Wicliffe was summoned to appear; who came accordingly, but in a posture and equipage different from expectation. Four Fry∣ers were to assist; the Lord Piercy to usher; John, Duke of Lancaster, to accompany him. These Lords their enmity with the Prelates, was all Wi∣cliffes acquaintance with them; whose eyes did countenance, hands support, and tongues encourage him, bidding him to dread nothing, nor to shrinke at the company of the Bishops; for, they are all unlearned (said they) in re∣spect of you. Great was the concourse of people; as in populous places, when a new sight is to be seen, there never lack looke is on: and to see this man∣baiting, all people of all kindes flock'd together.

9. The Lord Piercy, Lord Marshal of England, had much ado to break thorow the croud in the Church; so that the bustle he kept with the people, highly offended the Bishop of London, profaning the place, and disturbing the Assembly. Whereon followed a fierce contention betwixt them; and left their interlocutions should hinder the intireness of out discourse, take them verbatim in a Dialogue, omitting onely their mutual railing; which, as it little became persons of honour to bring; so it was flat against the pro∣fession of a Bishop to return; who, by the Apostlese precept, must be pati∣ent, not a brawler.

Bish. Courtney.

Lord Piercy, if I had known before hand, what maiste∣ries you would have kept in the Church, I would have stopt you out from coming hither.

Duke of Lancast.

He shall keep such masteries here, though you say nay.

Lord Piercy.

Wicliffe, sit down, for, you have many things to answer to, and you need to repose your self on a soft seat.

Bish. Courtney.

It is unreasonable, that one, cited before his Ordinary, should sit down during his answer. He must, and shall stand.

Duke of Lancast.

The Lord Piercy his motion for Wicliffe is but reasona∣ble. And as for you my Lord Bishop, who are grown so proud, and arrogant, I will bring down the pride, not of you alone, but of all the Prelacy in England.

Bish. Courtney.

Do your worst Sir,

Duke of Lancast.

Thou bearest thy self so brag upon thyf parents, which shall not be able to help thee; they shall have enough to do to help themselves.

Bish. Courtney.

My confidence is not in my Parents, nor in any man else, but onely in God in whom I trust, by whose assistance I will be bold to speak the truth.

Duke of Lancast.

Rather then I will take these words at his hands, I'de pluck the Bishop by the hair out of thea Church.

These last words, though but softly whispered by the Duke, in the ear of one next unto him, were notwithstanding over-heard by the Londoners; who, inra∣ged that such an affront should be offered to their Bishop, fell furiously on the Lords, who were fain to depart for the present, and for a while by flight, and secresie to secure themselves; whilest, what outrages were offered to the Dukes palace, and his servants, Historians of the State do relate.

10. Wonder not that two persons, most concerned to be vocal, were wholly mute at this meeting; namely, Simon the Arch-Bishop, and Wicliffe, himself. The former (rather acted, then active in this business) seeing the brawl happened in the Cathedral of London, left the Bishop thereof to meddle, whose stout stomach, and high birth, made him the meeter match to undertake such noble adversaries. As for Wicliffe, well might the Client be silent, whilest such Councel pleaded for him. And the Bishops found themselves in a dangerous Dilemma about him; it being no pity to permit, nor policy to punish, one protected with such potent patrons. Yea, in the issue of this Synod, they onely commanded him to forbear hereafter, from preaching, or writing his doctrine; and, how far he promised conformity to their injunctions, doth not appear.

11. In all this Synod, though Wicliffe made but a dumb shew, rather seen then heard, yet the noise of his success sounded all over the Kingdom▪ For, when a suspected person is solemnly summoned, and dismissed without censure; vul∣gar apprehensions, not onely infer his innocence, but also conclude, either the ignorance, or injustice of his adversaries. In publique assemblies, if the weaker party can so subsist, as not to be conquered, it conquers in reputa∣tion, and a drawn battel is accounted a victory on that ••ide. If Wicliffe was guilty, why not punished? if guiltless, why silenced? And it much advan∣taged the propagating of his opinions, that at this very time happened a dan∣gerous discord at Rome, long lasting, for above fourty years, and fiercely followed; begun betwixt Vrban the 6^th, and Clement the 7^th. One living at Rome, the other residing at Avignon. Thus Peters Chair was like to be broken, betwixt two sitting down at once. Let Wicliffe alone to improve this advantage; pleading, that now the Romish Church, having two, had no legal head; that this monstrous apparition presaged the short life thereof; and these two Anti-Popes, made up one Anti-Christ. In a word, there was opened unto him a great door of utterance, made out of that crack, or cleft, which then happened in this seasonable schisme at Rome.

12. Edward, the third of that name, ended his life, having reigned a Ju∣bilee, ful fifty years. A Prince no less succesful, then valiant; like an Am∣phibion, He was equally active on water, and land. Witness his naval-victory nigh Sluce, and land-conquest at Chresce, Poictiers, and elsewhere. Yet his atchievements in France, were more for the credit, then commodity; honour, then profit of England. For, though the fair Provinces, he Con∣quered therein, seem'd fat enough to be stewed in their own liquor; I mean, rich enough to maintain themselves; yet we finde them to have suck'd up much of our English sauce, to have drain'd the money, and men of this land to defend them. This made King Edward, to endeavour to his power, to pre∣serve his people from Popish extortions, as knowing, that his own taxes did burthen, and the addition of those other would break the backs of his Sub∣jects. He was himself not unlearned, and a great favourer of learned men; Colledges springing by paires out of his marriage-bed; namely, Kings-Hall, founded by himself in Cambridg; and Queens-Colledg, by Philippa his wife in Oxford. He lived almost to the age, and altogether to the infirmities of King David, but had not, with him, a virgin-Abishag, a virgin-Concubine, to heat

him: but (which is worse) in his decrepit age, kept Alice Pierce, a noted strumpet, to his own disgrace, and his peoples disprofit. For, she (like a bad tenant, which, holding an expiring lease without impeachment of waste, cares not what spoil he maketh thereon) sensible of what ticklish termes she stood on, snatch'd all she could rape and rend, unto her self. In a word, the bad beginning of this King, on the murder of his Father, must be charged on his Mothers, and Mortimers account. The failings at his end may be partly excused, by the infirmities of his age; the rather because whilest he was himself, he was like himself; and, whilest master of his own actions, he appeared worthy of all commendations. Richard the second, his Grand-childe by Edward the Black Prince, succeeded him, being about twelve years of age, and lived under his Mothers and Uncle's tuition.

13. A Parliament was called a Westminster, wherein old bandying be∣twixt the Laity, and the Clergie. The former moving,a That no officer of the Holy Church should take pecuniary sums, more or less, of the people, for correction of sins, but onely injoyn them spiritual penance, which would be more pleasing to God, and profitable to the soul of the offender. The Clergie stickled hereat, for, by this craft they got their gain; and, no greater penance can be laid on them, then the forbidding them to impose money-penance on others. But here the King interpos'd, That Prelates should proceed therein as formerly, according to the laws of the Holy Church, and not otherwise. Yea, many things passed in this Parliament in favour of the Clergie; as that, That all Prelates and Clerks shall from henceforth commence their suits against purveyers and buyers disturbing them (though not by way of crime) by actions of trespass, and recover treble damages. Also, That any of the Kings Ministers, arresting people of the Holy Church in doing Divine Service, shall have imprisonment, and thereof be ransomed at the Kings will, and make gree to the parties so arrested.

14. About this time Wicliffe was summoned personally to appear before Si∣mon, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and the rest of the Bishops, in his Chappel at Lambeth. He came accordingly, and now all expected he should be de∣voured, being brought into the Lions Den. When, in comes a Gentle-man, and Courtier, oneb Lewis Clifford, on the very day of examination, com∣manding them, not to proceed to any definitive sentence against the said Wi∣cliffe. Never before was the Bishops served with such a prohibition: all agreed, the messenger durst not be so stout, with a Mandamus in his mouth, but because back'd with the power of the Prince that imployed him. The Bi∣shops struck with a panick fear, proceeded no farther; the rather because the messenger so rudely rushed into the Chappel, and the person of this John Wicliffe was so saved from heavie censure, as was once the doctrine of hisc god∣ly name-sake, for they feared the people. Onely the Arch-Bishop summoned a Synod at London, himself preaching at the opening thereof. We finde no∣thing of his Sermon, but his Text was excellent, Watch and pray. Four con∣stitutions he made therein,d three whereof concerned Confession, grown now much into discredit, and disuse, by Wicliffs doctrine, and therefore con∣ceived more needfull, to press the strict observation thereof.

15. In the Parliament, kept at Glocester this same year, the Commons complained, that many Clergy-men, under the notion of Sylva caedua, lop∣wood, took tythes even of timber it self: Requesting, that, in such cases, pro∣hibitions might be granted, to stop the proceedings of the Court-Christian. It was moved also, that Sylva caedua (though formerly accounted wood above twentie years old) might hereafter be declared that, which was above the growth ofe ten years, and the same to be made free from tythes. But this took no effect, the King remitting things to their ancient course. To cry quits with the Commons in their complaints, the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury enveigh'd as bitterly, of the Franchises infringed, of the Abby-Church of Westminster: wherein Robert de Hanley, Esquire, with a servant of that Church, were both despightfully, and horridly slain therein, at the high

Altar, even when the Priest was singing high Mass, and pathetically desired reparation for the same.

16. Some of the Lords rejoyned on their parts, that such sanctuaries were abused by the Clergie, to protect people from the payment of their due debts; the aforesaid Hanlay being slain in a quarrel on that occasion. And, whereas upon the oathes, and examination of certain Doctors in Divinity, Canon, and Civil Law, it appeared, that immunity in the Holy Church were onely to be given to such, who, upon crime, were to lose life or limb, the same was now extended to priviledg people, in actions of account, to the prejudice of the creditor. They added moreover, that neither God him∣self (saving his perfection) nor the Pope (saving his Holiness) nor any Lay-Prince could grant such priviledg to the Church: and the Church, which should be the favourer of vertue, and justice,a ought not to accept the same, if granted. The Bishops desired a day to give in their answer, which was granted them: but I finde not this harsh string touch'd again all this Parlia∣ment; haply for fear, but to make bad musick thereon. Complaints were also made against the extortion of Bishops Clerks; who, when they should take butb eight pence, for the probate of a Will, they now exacted greater summes then ever before: to which, as to other abuses, some general refor∣mation was promised.

17. In the next Parliament called at Westminster, one of the greatest grievances of the Land was redressed, namely, foreiners holding of Ecclesi∣astical benefices. For, at this time the Church of England might say with Israel, Our inheritance is turned to strangers, our houses to aliens. Many Ita∣lians, who knew no more English, then the difference between a teston and a a shilling, a golden noble and an angel in receiving their rents, had the fattest livings in England by the Pope collated upon them. Yea, many greatc Car∣dinals, resident at Rome (those hinges of the Church must be greased with English revenues) were possessed of the best Prebends, and Parsonages in the Land, whence many mischiefs did ensue. First, they never preached in their Parishes: Of such shepheards it could not properly be said, that, he d leaveth the sheep, and fleeth; who (though taking the title of shepheard upon them) never saw their flock, nor set foot on English ground. Second∣ly, no hospitality was kept for relief of the poor: except they could fill their bellies on the hard names of their Pastours, which they could not pronounce; Lord Cardinal of Agrifolio, Lord Cardinal d S^t Angelo, Lord Cardinal Veverino, &c. Yea, the Italians genrally farmed out their places to Proctors, their own Country-men; who, instead of filling the bellies, grinded the faces of poor people: So that, what betwixt the Italian hospitality, which none could ever see; and the Latin Service, which none could understand: the poor English were ill fed, and worse taught. Thirdly, the wealth of the Land leak'd out into forein Countries, to the much impoverishing of the Common-wealth. It was high time therefore for the King, and Parlia∣ment, to take notice thereof; who now enacted, that no aliens should here∣after hold any such preferments, nor any send over unto them, the revenues of such Benefices. As in the Printed Statutes more largely doth appear.

18. Whiles at this time Clergy and Laity cast durt each in others fa∣ces, and neither washed their own: to punish both, burst forth the dange∣rous rebellion of Wat Tiler, and Jack Straw, with thousands of their cursed company. These all were pure Levellers (inflamed by the abused eloquence of one John Ball, an excommunicated Priest) who, maintaining, that no Gentry was Jure Divino, and all equal by nature,

When Adam delv'd, and Eve span, Who was then the Gentleman?

endeavoured the abolishing of all civil, and spiritual degrees, and distincti∣ons. Yea, they desired to level mens parts, as well as their purses; and, that none should be either wealthier, or wiser then his fellows; projected the general destruction of all, that wore a pen-and-ink-horn about them, or could write, or read. To effect this design, they pretended the peoples li∣berty, and the Princes honour: and, finding it difficult to destroy the King, but by the King, they advanced the name, to pluck down the thing signified thereby; crying up, that, all was for King Richard. They seemed also to be much for Reformation; which cloak they wore, to warme themselves there∣with, when naked, and first setting-up; but afterwards cast it off in the heat of their success, as not onely useless, but burdensome unto them.

19. As the Philistinesa came out in three companies, to destroy all the swords and Smiths in Israel: so this rabble of Rebells, making it self tripar∣tite, endeavoured the rooting out of all pen-knives, and all appearance of learning. One in Kent, under the aforesaid Wat, and John: the second in Suffolk; the third under John Littstarre, a Dier in Norfolke. The former of these is described in the Latin verses of John Gower, Prince of Poets in his time; of whom we will bestow the following translation.

Watte vocat, cui Thome venit, ne{que} Symme retardat, Bette{que} Gibbe simul Hykke venire jubent. Colle furit, quem Gibbe juvat nocumenta parantes, Cum quibus ad damnum Wille coire vovet. Grigge rapit, dum Dawe strepit, comes est quibus Hobbe, Lorkin & in medio non minor esse putat. Hudde ferit, quos Judde terit, dum Tebbe juvatur, Jakke domosque viros vellit, & ense necat.

Tom comes, thereat, when call'd by Wat, and Simm as forward we finde, Bet calls as quick, to Gibb, and to Hykk, that neither would tarry behinde. Gibb, a good whelp of that litter, doth help mad Coll more mischief to do; And Will he doth vow, the time is come now, he'l joyn with their company too. Davie complains, whiles Grigg gets the gaines, and Hobb with them doth partake, Lorkin aloud, in the midst of the croud, conceiveth as deep is his stake. Hudde doth spoil, whom Judde doth foile, and Tebb lends his helping hand, But Jack, the mad patch, men and houses doth snatch, and kills all at his command.

Oh the methodical description of a confusion! How doth Wat lead the front, and Jack bring up the rere? (For, confusion it self would be instantly con∣founded, if some seeming superiority were not owned amongst them.) All men without sir-names (Tiler was but the addition of his trade, and Straw, a mock-name, assumed by himself; though Jack Straw would have been John of Gold, had this treason took effect) so obscure they were, and inconsidera∣ble. And, as they had no sir-names, they deserved no Christian-names, for their heathenish cruelties: though, to get them a name, they endeavoured to build this their Babel of a general confusion.

20. Many, and heinous were the outrages by them committed; espe∣cially, after they had possessed themselves of London. All shops, and cel∣lers were broken open; and they now rusled in silk, formerly ratling in leather; now soked themselves in wine, who were acquainted but with wa∣ter before. The Savoy in the Strand, being the Palace of John Duke of Lan∣caster, was plundered: so was the Hospital of S^t John's; and S^r Robert Hales, Lord Prior therein, and Treasurer of England, slain. But, as their spight, was the keenest at, so the spoil the greatest on the Law; well knowing, that, while the banks thereof stood fully in force, the deluge of their intend∣ed Anarchy, could not freely overflow. They ransack'd the Temple, not onely destroying many present Pleas, written between party and party, (as if it would accord Plaintife and Defendant, to send them both joyntly to the fire) but also abolished many ancient Records, to the loss of Learning, and irrecoverable prejudice of posterity. The Church fared as ill as the Temple; and Simon Sudbury, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, after many indignities offered him, was at last by them beheaded on Tower-Hill, patiently ending his life, and dying a State-Martyr. But most fiercely fell their fury on the Dutch in London (offended, be-like, with them for ingrossing of Trade) and these words, bread and cheese, were their neck-verse, or Shibboleth, to distinguish them; all pronouncing broad and cause, being presently put to death. Of all people, onely somea Franciscan Friers found favour in their sight, whom they intended to preserve. What quality, to us occult, commended them to their mercy? Was it because they were the most ignorant of other Friers, and so the likest to themselves? But, perchance, these Rebells (if demanded) were as unable to render a reason, why they spared these, as why they spoiled others; being equally irrational in their kindnesses, as in in their cruelties.

21. When I read that passage of Judas in the Counsel ofb Gamaliel, it seemeth to me plainly to describe the rising, increase, and ruine of these Rebels;

1. Rising. There rose up Judas of Galilee in the dayes of the taxing: so Tiler appeared, and this rebellion was caused by poll-money, hea∣vily imposed by the King, and the arrears thereof more cruelly ex∣acted by his Courtiers that farmed it. And pitty it is, so foul a rebellion could pretend so fair an occasion, for the extenuating thereof.

2. Encrease. And drew away much people after him: so the snow-ball encreased here. Johnc Gower telleth us in his paralel of the martyring of Simon Sudbury, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, with Thomas Becket, his predecessour.

Quatuor in mortem spirarunt foedera Thomae; Simonis & centum mille dedere necem.

But four conspir'd Thomas his bloud to spill; Whiles hundred thousands Simon help to kill.

Nor was this any poetical Hyperbole, but an historical truth, if the several numbers of their three armies were summ'd up to∣gether.

3. Ruine. He also perished, and all, even as many as obeyed him, were dispersed: so here, no sooner was Wat Tiler, their General (as I may terme him) kill'd by valiant Wallworth, the Lord Mayor

of London, and his assistance (for it was Johna Cavendish, Esquire, that dispatch'd him with a mortal wound) in Smith∣field; and Jack Straw, their Lieutenant-General, legallyb be∣headed (too brave a death for so base a fellow) but all the rest mouldered away, and vanished.

In memory of S^r William Wallworths valour, the Armes of London, formerly a plain Cross, were augmented with the addition of a Dagger, to make the coat in all points compleat. Happy, when the Cross (as first there in place) di∣recteth the Dagger, and when the Dagger defendeth the Cross: when Religion sanctifieth power, and power supporteth Religion.

22. But, Alanus Copus (for, he it is, whose Ecclesiastical History of England, goes under the name of Harpsfield) heavily chargeth all this rebel∣lion on the account of Wicliffe's doctrine. Whose scholars (saithc he) to promote their Masters opinions, stirred up this deadly, and damnable sedi∣tion, and sounded the first trumpet thereunto. Adding moreover, that Wi∣cliffe's tenet, that, Dominion is founded in grace: and, that a King guilty of mor∣tal sin, is no longer Lord of any thing, was Cos hujus seditionis, The whet-stone of this sedition. But, to what lyer the whet-stone doth properly belong, will presently appear.

23. It is no news for the best of Gods children, to be slandered in this kinde. Jeremy wasd traduced, Thou fallest away to the Caldeans. S^t Paul wase accused, We have found this man a pestilent fellow, a mover of sedition. Yea, our Saviour himself wasf charged, that, He made himself a King, and was a traytor to Caesar. But, as these were soul, and false aspersions: so will this appear, if we consider,

1. When John Ball was executed at S^t Albans, and Jackg Straw at London, not the least compliance with Wicliffe, or his doctrine, is either charged on them, or confessed by them.

2. No wilde beast will prey on his own kinde. Now, it is certain∣ly known, that John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster was the princi∣pal Patron, and supporter of Wicliffe, whose life they sought to destroy, and whose Palace in the Strand they pillaged.

3. Wicliffe himself came within the compass of their destructive prin∣ciples, designing the death of all, who wore a pen and ink. And, that Wicliffe had both pen and ink, Cope himself doth know, and the Court of Rome, with shame and sorrow will confess.

4. Wicliffe lived some years after, and died peaceably possessed of the Living of Lutterworth in Leicester-shire. Surely, had he been reputed the inflamer of this rebellion, the wisdom of the King, and Councel, would have taken another order with him.

5. Amongst the articles laid to the charge of Wicliffe, and his fol∣lowers, in this Kings Reign, examined at Oxford, and elsewhere, not a tittle of this rebellion is pressed upon them. Which their malicious adversaries would not have omitted, if in any hope to make good that accusation against them.

6. Whereas it is charged on Wicliffe, that he held, that, Dominion was founded in grace, which occasioned this rebellion; we know this, that Huss, his scholar, though he did hold, that a King, being in mortal sin, was onely called a King aequivoca denomina∣tione; yet the same Huss confesseth (to use his ownh words) Ipsum Deum approbare hujusmodi Regem, quoad esse Principem exte∣rius, That God himself allows such a King to be a Prince in all outward matters. So that, leaving him to Divine Justice, he never

dreamt of any resistance, or rebellion to be made against him.

7. The modern Protestants (heirs, say the Papists to Wicliffe's do∣ctrine) so far abominate these Rebels their levelling, and igno∣rant principles, that they are known, both to maintain distances of people, and to have been the restorers of lost, yea, the revi∣vers of dead learning, and languages: How had the Mathema∣ticks measured their own grave? Greek turn'd barbarisme? He∣brew (as it readeth) gone backward, never to return again, had not Protestant Criticks, with vast pains and expence, pre∣served them?

8. It is more suspicious, that this rebellion came out of the Fran∣ciscan Covent, because some of these, belike, were the rebels white-boyes; and (as is afore mentioned) to be spared in a gene∣ral destruction.

In a word. I wonder, how many ingenuous Papists can charge Wicliffe of rebellion, in maintaining, Dominion to be founded in grace; when the Gran∣dees of their own Religion, Aquine, Cajetane, Bellarmine, Suarez, maintain, that Dominion is so sounded in grace [in the Pope,] that a King, by him excom∣municate, may lawfully be deposed, and murdered.

24. William Courtney, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, (in the place of Simon Sudbury lately slain) made cruel Canons in a Synod at London, against the maintainers of Wicliffe his opinions. And I wonder that in Linwoods Consti∣tutions, no mention at all of any Canons made by this Arch-Bishop, who sate above ten years in the See. As for the heavy persecution which soon after he raised against Robert Rug, Thomas Britwell, Nicholas Herford, Philip Ripiagton, &c. nothing can be added to what M^r Fox hath related.

25. In my minde it amounteth to little less then a Miracle, that during this storme on his Disciples, Wicliffe their Master should live in quiet: Strange that he was not drowned in so strong a stream as ran against him; whose safety (under Gods providence) is not so much to be ascribed to his own strength in swimming, as to such as held him up by the Chin; the greatness of his Noble supporters. About this time he ended his Translation of the Bible in∣to English, (a fair Copy whereof in Queens Colledg in Oxford, and two more in the University Library) done no doubt in the most Expressive lan∣guage of those dayes, though sounding uncouth to our ears, The Knabe of Jesus Christ, for Servant; Acts 8. And Philip Baptized the Gelding, for Eu∣nuch; so much our tongue is improved in our age. As for the report of Po∣lydor Virgil, making him to flye out of England in the time of Edward the third, Et in magno pretio apud Bohemos fuisse, and to have been of high esteem amongst the Bahemians: It is true of Wicliffe's Writings, but not of his Person, who never departed his Native Countrey.

26. Not long after, therein he ended his life, at his cure at Lutterworth in Leicester-shire, of the Palsey.a Admirable, that a Hare so often hunted with so many Packs of Doggs should die at last quietly sitting in his form. Par∣sons the Jesuite snarles at M^r Fox, for counting Wicliffe a Martyr in his Ca∣lender, as so far from suffering violent death, that he was never so much as imprisoned for the opinion he maintained. But the phrase may be justi∣fied in the large acception of the word, for a witness of the truth: Besides, the body of Wicliffe was Martyred as to shame, though not to pain, (as far as his adversaries cruelty could extend) being taken up and burnt many years after his death, as God willing we shall shew hereafter.

27. William Wickam, about this timeb finished his beautiful Colledg in Oxford; some have raised a Scandal of him, that he was no scholar at all, from which the very meanest scholar in his foundation can acquit him, by that rule in Logick, Quod efficit tale magis est tale, what maketh the same is more

the same. By which his learning must be inferred, whose bounty caused so many learned men. Now because the maxim runneth with a limitation, Si sit tale, if it be the same; the truth hereof also appears from the learned a pen, who writing Wickams life, have proved him to have been a sufficient Scholar, skilled in other Arts, as well as in practical Mathematicks and Ar∣chitecture.

28. Now as Solomon, when about to build his house at Millo,b seeing Jeroboam to be an industrious man, made him Master of his Fabrick: So Edward the third, discovering the like sufficiency in this great Clerk, imployed him in all his stately structures, witness this in Motto at Windsor Castle, This made Wicham; meaning that the building of that Castle gave occasion to his wealth and honour; whereas on this Colledg he might write, This wickam made. The building and endowing thereof, being the effect of his bounty alone; hence it is that this Colledg giveth the Armes of Wickam, viz. two Cheverons betwixt three Roses, each Cheveron alludingc to two beams fastned together (called couples in building) to speak his skill in Archi∣tecture.

29. This Colledg he built very strong, out of a designd that it should be able to hold out a Siege of it self, if need so required it, though may it never have a temptation in that kinde, to trie the strength of the walls thereof. Indeed this Colledg with Bourges in France, may lay claim to the name of Bituris.

Turribus abinis inde vocor Bituris.

So called from two Towers therein, as this hath the like; one over the Gate, the other over the Porch in the entrance into the Hall; so that it may seem a Castle-Colledg, and made as well for defence as habitation. So that at this present is maintained therein, a Warden, Seventy Fellows and Scholars, Ten Chaplains, Three Clerks, One Organist, Sixteen Choristers, besides Of∣ficers and servants of the Foundation, with other Students, being in all One Hundred Thirty Five.

30. Pass we now from his Orchard of grown Trees, to his Nursery of Grafts, the Colledge at Winchester, which few years after the same Bishop finished; not much inferiour to the former for building and endowments, as wherein he established One Warden, Ten Fellows, Two School-masters, and Seventy Scholars, with Officers, and Servants, which are all main∣tained at his charge; out of which School he ordained should be chosen the best Scholars alwayes to supply the vacant places of the Fellows of this Colledg.

31. As his Charity, so his Faith (he that provideth not for his house is worse then an Infidel) appeared in this his Foundation; ordering that his own Kins∣men should be preferred before others. Let their parents therefore but pro∣vide for their Nursing when Infants, their breeding when Children, and he hath took order for their careful teaching at Winchester when youth; liberal living at Oxford when men; and comfortable subsistance in their reduced age, in those many and good patronages he hath conferred on the Colledg. And truly as these his Kindred have been happy in him, so Wickam hath been happy in his Kindred; many of them meriting the best preferment, without any advantage of his relation. And as this Wickam was the first in that kinde so provident for his Kindred, his practice hath since been precedential to some other Colledges, as the Statutes of this house are generally a direction to other later foundations. To take our leave of this Bishop, whosoever consi∣ders the vast buildings, and rich endowments made by this Prelate (besides his expence in repairing the Cathedral at Winchester) will conclude such atcheivements unpossible for a Subject, until he reflect on his vast Offices of preferments, being Bishop of Winchester, Rector of S^t Martins Le Grand,

holding twelve Prebends in Comendam with it, Lord Privy-Seal, Chancellor, and Treasurer of England; besides other places of meaner consequence.

Wardens. Rich. Toneworth. Nich. Wickam. Tho. Cranely. Rich. Malsorde. Jo. Bouke. Will. Escot. Nich. Osylbury. Tho. Chaundler. Walt. Hill. Will. Porter. Jo. Reade. Jo. Younge. Jo. London. Hen. Cole. Ral. Skinner. Tho. White. Mart. Culpepper. George Rives. Arth. Lake. Pink. Stringer. Marshal.

Benefactors. Mr Rawlins. Sr Rich. Read, Kt. Dr Newman. Dr Reeve, Ward. Dr Martin. Rob. Bell. Dr Smith.

Bishops. Will. Warham. Arch-Bish. of Cant. Will. Wainffet, Bish. of Winchester. Jo. White, Bish. of Winchester. Tho. Bilson, Bish. of Winchester. Will. Knight, Bish. of Bath & Wells. James Turbervil, Bish. of Exeter. Rob. Sherbourne, Bish. of Chichester. Arth. Lake Bish. of Bath and Wells.

Learned Writers. Tho. Harding. Tho. Nele. Nich. Sanders. Nich. Harpsfield. Will. Reynolds. Tho. Hide. Jo. Marshall. Tho. Stapleton. Jo. Fenne. Rich. White. Jo. Pits. All violent maintainers of the Popish Reli∣gion. Sr HEN. WOOT∣TON. Dr Tooker Dean of Lichfield. Dr James Cook, Arch-Dec. of Winch. Sr. Tho. Rives, (besides other elegant works) for his VICARS PLEA. Sr James Hassee. Sr Hen. Martin. Dr Merideth, Dean of Wells. ARTHUR LAKE, Bish. of Bath and Wells. William Twisse. John White.

One may defie the suspicion of flattery, if adding D^r Harris, the reverend Warden of Winchester; D^r Rich. Zouch, not beholden to his Noble extraction, for his Repute, founded on his own worth, and Books reprinted beyond the Seas; D^r Me∣rick, late Judg of the Prerogative; but it is better to leave the characters of their worth to the thankfullness of the next Age to describe.

32. Lately the Popes usurpation was grown so great, in intrenching on the Crown, that there was an absolute necessity, seasonably to retrench his usurpation. For albeit the Kings of England were as absolute in their de∣means, their Prelacy and Clergie as learned, their Nobility as valiant and

prudent, their Commons as free and wealthy, as any in Christendom; Yet had not some Laws of Provision now been made, England had long since been turned part of S^t Peters Patrimony in demeans: Yea, the Scepter wrested out of their Kings hands, her Prelates made the Popes Chaplains and Clerks, Nobility his servants and vassals, Commons his slaves and villaines, had not some seasonable Statutes of Manumission been enacted.

33. For now came the Parliament wherein the Statute was enacted, which mauled the Papal power in England, Some former laws had pared the Popes nailes to the quick, but this cut off his fingers, in effect, so that hereafter his hands could not grasp and hold such vast summes of money as before. This is called the Statute of PREMUNIRE; and let not the Reader grudg the reading therof, which gave such a blow to the Church of Rome, that it never rcovered it self in this Land, but dayly decayed till its finall destruction.

VVHereas the Commons of the Realm in this present Parliament, have sued to our redoubted Lord the King, grievously complaining, that where∣as the said our Lord the King and all his liege people, ought of right, and of old time were wont to sue in the Kings Court, to recover their Presentments to Churches, prebends, and other benefices of holy Church, to the which they had right to present, the Conisance of Plea of which Presentment belongeth onely to the Kings Court, of the old right of his Crown, used and approved in the time of all his Progenitors, Kings of England: And when judgment shall be given in the same Court upon such a Plea and Presentment, the Arch-Bishops, Bishops, and other Spiritual persons, which have Institution of such Benefices, within their jurisdictions, be bound and have made Execution of such Judgments by the Kings commandements of all the time aforesaid, without in∣terruption, (for another Lay person cannot make such execu∣tion) and also be bound of right to make execution of many other of the Kings commandements, of which right the Crown of England hath been peaceably seised, as well in the time of our said Lord the King, that now is, as in the time of all his Pro∣genitors till this day. But now of late divers Processes be made by the Bishop of Rome, and censures of Excommunica∣tion upon certain Bishops of England, because they have made execution of such commandements, to the open disherison of the said Crown, and destruction of our said Lord the King, his Law, and all his Realm, if remedie be not provided. And also it is said, and a common clamor is made, that the said Bishop of Rome hath ordained, and purposed to translate some Prelates of the same Realm, some out of the Realm, and some from one Bishoprick into another within the same Realme, without the Kings assent and knowledg, and without the as∣sent

of the Prelates, which so shall be translated, which Pre∣lates be much profitable and necessary to our said Lord the King, and to all his Realme: By which translations (if they should be suffered) the Statutes of the Realm should be defeated, and made void, and his said liege Sages of his Councel without his assent and against his will, carried away and gotten out of his Realm, and the substance and treasure of the Realm, shall be carried away, and so the Realm destitute as well of Councel, as of substance, to the final destruction of the same Realm, And so the Crown of England which hath been so free at all times, that it hath been in no earthly subjection, but immediately subject to God in all things, touching the realitie of the same Crown, and to none other, should be submitted to the Pope, & the Laws & Sta∣tutes of the Realm by him defeated, & avoided at his will, in the perpetual destruction of the Soveraigntie of the King, our Lord, his Crown, his Regalitie, & of all his Realm, which God defend.

And moreover the Commons aforesaid say, that the things so attempted be clearly against the Kings Crown and Regality, used and approved of the time of all his Progenitors. Where∣fore they, and all the liege Commons of the same Realm, will stand with our said Lord the King, and his said Crown, and his Regalitie, in the cases aforesaid, and in all other cases attempted against him, his Crown, and his Regalitie, in all points, to live and to die. And moreover they pray the King, and him require by way of justice, that he would examin all the Lords in Parliament, as well Spiritual as Temporal, se∣verally, and all the States of the Parliament, how they think of the cases aforesaid, which be so openly against the Kings Crown, and in derogation of his Regalitie, and how they will stand in the same cases with our Lord the King, in up∣holding the rights of the said Crown, and Regalitie. Whereupon the Lords Temporal so demanded, have answered everie one by himself, that the cases aforesaid be clearly in derogation of the Kings Crown, and of his Regalitie, as it is well known, and hath been of along time known, and that they will be with the same Crown, and Regalitie, in these cases especially, and in all other cases which shall be attempted against the same Crown and Regality, in all points with all their power. And more∣over it was demanded of the Lords Spiritual there being, and the procurators of others being absent their advise and will, in all these cases, which Lords, that is to say, the Arch-Bishops, Bishops, and other Prelates being in the said Parliament, se∣verally examined, making protestations, that it is not their minde to denie nor affirm, that the Bishop of Rome may not Excommunicate Bishops, nor that he may make translation of

that if any Execution of Processes, made in the Kings Court (as before) be made by any, and censures of Excommunication to be made against any Bishops of England, or any other of the Kings liege people, for that they have made execution of such commandments, and that if any executions of such trans¦lations be made of any Prelates of the same Realm, which Prelates be very profitable and necessarie to our said Lord the King, and to his said Realm, or that the sage people of his Councel without his assent, and against his will, be removed and carried out of the Realm, so that the substance and trea∣sure of the Realm may be consumed, that the same is against the King and his Crown, as it is contained in the petition before named. And likewise the same procurators every one by himself, examined upon the said matters, have answered and said in the name, and for their Lords as the said Bishops have said and answered, and that the said Lords Spiritual will, and ought to be with the King in these cases, in lawfully main∣taining of his Crown, and in all other cases touching his Crown, and his Regalitie, as they be bound by their Liegeance. Whereupon our said Lord the King, by the assnt aforesaid, and at the request of his said Commons, hath ordained and established, that if any purchase, or pursue, or cause to be pur∣chased or pursued in the Court of Rome, or elsewhere, any such translations, processes, sentences of Excommunications, Bulls, Instruments, or any other things whatsoever, which touch the King, against him, his Crown and his Regalitie, or his Realm, as is aforesaid; and they which bring within the Realm, or them receive, or make thereof notification, or any other execution whatsoever within the same Realm or without, that they, their notaries, procurators, maintainers, abbet∣tors, fantors, and councellors, shall be put out of the Kings protection, and their Lands, and Tenements, Goods, and Chattels, forfeit to our Lord the King: and that they be at∣tached by their bodies, if they may be found, and brought before the King and his Councel, there to answer to the cases aforesaid, or that process be made against them, by Praemu∣nire facias, in manner as it is ordained in other Statutes of Provisors: and other which do sue in any other Court in de∣rogation of the Regality of our Lord the King.

43. Something of the occasion, name, and use of this Statute; the first is notoriously known from the Papal encroachments on the crown. No Bishoprick, Abathie, Dignitie, or Rectorie, of value in England was likely to fall, but a successour in reversion was by the Popes provisions, fore-appointed for the same. To make sure work, rather then they would adventure to

take the place at the first rebound, they would catch it before it light on the ground. This was imputed to the Popes abundance, yea superfluity of care, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••etur vacuum in the Church; and rather then a Widow Benefice should mourn it self to death, a second husband had his License for marriage before the former was deceased. But great parishes, where small the profit, and numorous the people; and where indeed greatest care ought to be had of their soules, were past by in the Popes Bulls. His Holiness making no provisions for those Livings, which Livings had no provisions for his Holiness.

35. Some will have it called Praemunire, from fencing or fortifying the Regal power from forain assaults; as indeed this was one of the best bul∣works and sconces of Soveraignty. Others that Praemunire signifieth the Crown fortified before the making of this Statute, as fixing no new force therein, but onely declaring a precedent, and forgoing, just right and due thereof. Others conceive the word [Praemonere] turned by corruption of barbarous transcribers, interpreters, and pronouncers into Praemunire. Others alledg the figure of the effect for the cause, and the common Proverb, Prae∣monitus, Praemunitus. Most sure it is that Praemunire sacias, are operative words, in the form of the Writ grounded on the Statute, which may give denomination to the whole.

36. It may seem strange such a Statute could pass in Parliament, where almost sixty Spiritual Barons, (Bishops and Abbots) Voted according to Papal Interest; except any will say, that such who formerly had much of a Pope in their bellies, had now more of Patriots in their breast, being weary of Romes exactions. Indeed no man in place of power or profit, loves to be∣hold himself buried alive, by seeing his successour assigned unto him, which caused all Clergy-men to hate such superinductions, and many friends to the Pope, were foes to his proceedings therein.

37. This Law angred all the veines in the heart of his Holiness, the Statute of Mortmain put him into a sweat, but this into the sit of a fever. The former concerned him onely mediately in the Abbies his darlings, this touch∣ed him in his person; and how cholerick he was, will appear by the follow∣ing Letter, here inserted (though written some fifty years after) to make the story entire.

MArtinus Episcopus, servus servorum Dei, Dilecto filio nobili viro Jo∣banni, Duct Bedsord, Salutem & Apostolicam Benedictionem. Quamvis dudum in regno Anghae, jurisdictio Romanae Ecclesiae, & liberatas Ecclesiastica suerit oppressa, vigore illius Execrabilis Sta∣tuti, quod omni divinae, & humanae rationi contrarium est: Tamen ad∣huc non suit ad tantam violentiam prolapsum, ut in Sedis Apostolicae, nun∣cios & Legatos manus temerè mitterentur; sicut ••evissimè sactum est in persona dilecti filii Johannis de Oisis Palatii Apostolici causarum auditoris, & in praesato regno Nunlii, & collectoris nosiri, quem audivimus ex hâc sola causa, quod literas Apostolicas nostro nomine praesentabat, fuisse per ali∣quos de ipso regno carceribus mancipatum. Quae injuria nobis, & Aposto∣licae sedi illata, animum nostrum affecit admiratione, turbatione, & mole∣stia singulari: Miramur enim, stupescimus & dolemus, quod tam FOE∣DILM, & TURPE FACINUS in illo regno commissum sit, contrà sedem B. Petri, & Nuntios ejus, praesertim cum literae illae nostrae, nil aliud quam salutem animarum, honorem regni, & per omnia paternas, & sanctas ad∣monitiones continerent. Fuit enim semper etiam apud gentiles, qui nullam tenebant verae fidei rationem inviolabile nomen Nuncii; at•• Legati eti∣amsi ab hostibus mitterentur semper salvi, & hodiè apud Saracenos, & Turcos, à quibusciam tutè destinantur, legationes & literae; etiamsi illis ad quos deferuntur molestae sint & injuriosae. Et nuncius noster, vir hu∣manus

& moderatus, & continua conversatione notissimus in regno Angliae, quod devotione fidei, & cultu divino se jactat omnes alias Christianas ratio∣nes superare turpiter captus est, nihil impium, nec hostile deferens, sed literas salutares & justas. Sed revereantur aliquando illi qui sic con∣tumaciter & superbè Ecclesiam Dei contemnent, & Sedis Apostolicae autho∣ritatem, nè super ipsos eveniat justa punitio ex Christi judicio, qui cam in∣stituit, & fundavit: Caveant nè tot cumulatis offensis Deum irritent, ad ultionem & tarditatem supplicii gravitate compensent. Non videbatur eis satis offendisse Deum Statuta condendo contra vicarium ejus, contra Ecclesi∣am & Ecclesiae caput, nisi pertinacitèr perseverantes in malo proposito, in Nuntium Apostolicum violentas manus injicerent? Quod non dubitamus tuae Excellentiae, quae Ecclesiae, & regni honorem diligit displicere, & certi sumus quod si fuisses in Anglia, pro tua naturali prudentia, & pro side, & devotione, quam geres erga nos, & Ecclesiam Dei illos incurrere in hunc furorem nullatenus permisisses. Verùm cum non solum ipsis qui hoc fecerunt, sed toti regno magna accederit ignominia, & dietim si perseverabit in er∣rore, accessura sit major: generositatem tuam, in qua valdè confidemus, ex∣bortamur, & affectuose rogamus, ut circa haec provideas, prout sapientiae tuae videbitur, honori nostro, & Ecclesiae, ac saluti regni convenire. Da∣tum Romae apud Sanctos Apostolos, VI Kal. Junii Pontificatus nostri Anno 12^mo.

Give Winners leave to laugh, and Losers to speak, or else both will take leave to themselves; The less the Pope could bite, the more he roared, and as it appears by his language, he was highly offended thereat. This penal Statute as a Rod was for many years laid upon the desk, or rather lock'd up in the cupboard. No great visible use being made thereof, until the Reign of King Hen. 8. whereof hereafter.

38. Since the Reformation, the professors of the Common-Law have taken much advantage out of this Statute, threatning therewith such as are active in the Ecclesiastical jurisdictions, as if their dealings tended to be the disherison of the Crown. A weapon wherewith they have rather flourished then struck, it being suspicious, that that appearing sword is but all Hilt, whose Blade was near drawn out, as this charge hath never been driven home against them; but herein let us hearken to the Learned judgment of S^r Tho∣mas Smith, Secretary of State, who well knew the interest of his Soveraign therein.

39. Because the Court,a which is called Curia Christianitatis, is yet taken for an extern and foraign Court, and differeth from the Politie and manner of Government of the Realm, and is another Court (as appeareth by the Act and Writ of Praemunire, then Curia Regis aut Reginae; yet at this present this Court as well as others, hath her force, power, authority, rule, and jurisdiction from the Royal Majesty, and the Crown of England, and from no other foreign Potentate or power, under God; which being granted (as indeed it is true) it may now ap∣pear by some reason, that the first Statute of Praemunire, whereof I have spoken, hath now no place in England, seeing there is no pleading alibi quam in Curia Regis ac Reginae. All I will add of this Statute is this; That it hath had the hard hap not to be honoured with so many Readings therein, as other Statutes. Perhaps because not bringing in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in proportion to the pains which must be laied out thereon; and therefore I would invite some ingeni∣ous in our Common-Law, (and with such no doubt it aboundeth) to bestow their learned endeavours thereon, to their own honour, and advancement of the truth in so noble a subject.

40. Many poor souls at this time were by fear or flattery moved to abjure the truth, and promise future conformity to the Church of Rome. In proof whereof, let not the Reader think much to peruse the following Instru∣ments;

First, for the authentickness thereof, being truly copied out of the Originals of the Tower. Secondly, because it conteines some extraordina∣ry formalities of abjuration. Lastly, because the four persons mentioned therein, have escaped M^r Fox his observation, seeing no drag-net can be so carefully cast, as to catch all things which come under it.

a Memorand. quod primo die Septembris, Anno Regni Regis Richardi Secundi post Conquestum decimo-nono Will. Dynet, Nic. Taillour, Nic. Poucher, & Will. Steynour de Notyngham, in Cancellar. ipsius Regis per∣sonaliter constituti sacra divisim prestiterunt sub eo qui sequitur tenore.

I WILLIAM DYNET, be-for yhow worshipefull father and Lord Archbishop of Yhorke, and Yhother Clergie with my free will and full avysede swere to God and to all his Sayntes upon this holy Gospells yat fro this day forwarde I shall worship ymages with preying and offeryng unto hem in the worschep of the sayntes that yey be made after. And alsoe I shall never more despise pygremage ne states of holy Chyrche, in no degree. And alsoe I shall be buxum to the lawes of holy Chyrche and to yhowe as myn Archbishop and to myn oyer Ordinares and Curates and kepe yo lawes upon my power and meynten hem. And alsoe I shall never more meynten, ne tochen, ne defenden errours, conclusions, ne techynges of the Lollardes, ne swych conclusions and techynges that men clepyth Lollardes doctryn, ne I shall her bokes. Ne swych bokes ne hem or any suspeict or diffamede of Lolardery resceyve, or company withall wyttyngly or defende in yo matters, and yf I know ony swich, I shall wyth all the haste that y may do yhowe or els your ner officers to wyten, and of her bokes. And also I shall excite and stirre all you to goode doctryn yat I have hindered wyth myn doctryn up my power, and also I shall stonde to your declaracion wych es heresy or errour and do thereafter. And also what penance yhe woll for yat I have don for meyntenyng of this false doctryn in mynd mee and I shall fulfill it, and I submit me yer to up my power, and also I shall make no othir glose of this my oth, bot as ye wordes stonde, and if it be so that I come againe or doe again this oath or eny party thereof I yhelde me here cowpable as an heretyk and to be punyshed be the lawe as an heretyk, and to forfet all my godes to the Kynges will withowten any othir processe of Lawe, and yerto I require ye nota∣rie to make of all this, ye whych is my will, an instrument agayns me.

Et ex habundanti idem Will. Dynet eodem die voluit & recognovit quod omnia bona & Catalla sua mobilia nobis sint forisfca in casu quo ipse juramentum praedictum seu aliqua in eodem juramento contenta de cetero contravenerit ullo modo.

41. We have here exemplified this Abjuration just according to the Originals, with all the faults, and Pseudographie thereof. For I remember in my time an under-Clerk at Court, threatned to be called before the Green-Cloath for an Innovation from former Bills, though onely writing. Sinapi with an S. contrary to the common custom of the Clerks of the Kitchin, formerly writing of it with a C. so wedded are some men to old orders, and so dan∣gerous in their judgment is the least deviation from them.

42. The Arch-Bishop of York mentioned therein, was Tho. Arundell then Chancellour of England, and in all probability this Instrument was Dated at York. For I finde, that at this very time Tho. Arundell, to humble the Lon∣doners (then reputed disaffected to the King) removed the Termes and a Courts to York, where they continued for some short time, and then returned to their ancient course. Whereas he is enjoyned point-blank to worship Ima∣ges, it seemeth that the modern nice distinction of worshipping of Saints in Images, was not yet in fashion. It appeareth herein that Relaps after Abju∣ration, was not as yet (as afterwards) punishable with death, but onely with forfeiture of goods to the Crown.

43. This year a Godly, Learned, and Aged Servant of God ended his dayes, viz. John de Trevisa, a Gentleman of an ancientb Family, (bearing Gules, a Garbe, OR) born at Crocadon in Cornwall, a Secular Priest, and Vicar of Berkeley; a painful and faithful Translator of many and great Books into English, as Policronicon, written by Ranulphus of Chester, Bartholomeus de rerum proprictatibus, &c. But his master-piece was the Translating of the Old and New Testament, justifying his act herein by the example of Bede, who turned the Gospel of S^t John in English.

44. I know not which more to admire, his ability, that he could, his courage, that he durst, or his industry that he did perform so difficult and dangerous a task, having no other commission, then thec command of his Patron, THOMAS Lord BERKELEY. Which Lord, (as the saidd Trevisa observeth) had the Apocalyps in Latin and French (then generally understood by the better sort as well as English) written on the roof and walls of his Chappel at Berkeley; and which not long since, (viz. Anno 1622.) so re∣mained, as not much defaced. Whereby we may observe, that midnight being past, some early risers, even then began to strike fire, and enlighten themselves from the Scriptures.

45. It may seem a Miracle, that the Bishops being thus busie in persecuting Gods servants, and Trevisa so obnoxious to their fury, for this Translation, that he lived and died without any molestation. Yet was he a known enemy to Monkery, witness that, (among many other) of his Speeches, that he had read how Christ hade sent Apostles and Priests into the world, but never any Monks or begging Friers. But whether it was out of reverence to his own aged gravity, or respect to his Patrons greatness, he died full of honour, quiet, and age, little less then ninety years old. For,

1. He ended his Translation of Policronicon, (as appeareth by the conclusion thereof) the 29^th of Edward the third, when he can∣not be presumed less then 30. years of age.

2. He added to the end thereof, fiftyf (some say more) years of his own historical observations.

Thus as he gave a Garbe or Wheat-sheaf for his Armes; so, to use theg Pro∣phets expression, the Lord gathered him as a sheaf into the floor, even full ripe and ready for the same.

46. We may couple with him, his contemporary, Geffery Chaucer, born (some say) in Berke-shire, others in Oxford-shire, most and truest in London. If the Grecian Homer had seven, let out English haven three places contest for his Nativity. Our Homer (I say) onely herein he differed.

Maeonides nullas ipse reliquit opes: Homer himself did leave no pelf.

Whereas our Chaucer left behinde him a rich and worshipful estate.

47. His Father was a Vintner in London; and I have heard his Armes quarell'd at, being Argent and Gules strangely contrived, and hard to be blazon'd. Some more wits have made it the dashing of white and red wine (the parents of our ordinary Claret) as nicking his fathers profession. But, were Chaucer alive, he would justifie his own Armes in the face of all his opposers, being not so devoted to the Muses, but he was also a son of Mars. He was the Prince of English Poets; married the daughter of Pain Roëc, King of Armes in France, and sister to the Wife of John of Gaunt, King of Castile.

48. He was a great Refiner, and Illuminer of our English tongue (and, if he left it so bad, how much worse did he finde it?) witness Leland thus praising him,

Praedicat Algerum meritò Florentia Dantem, Italia & numeros, tota Petrarche tuos. Anglia Chaucerum veneratur nostra Poëtam, Cui veneres debet patria lingua suas.

Of Alger Dants, Florence doth justly boast, Of Petrarch brags all the Italian coast. England doth Poet Chaucer reverence, To whom our language ows its eloquence.

Indeed Verslegan, a learneda Antiquary, condemns him, for spoiling the purity of the English tongue, by the mixture of so many French and Latin words. But, he who mingles wine with water, though he destroies the nature of water, improves the quality thereof.

49. I finde this Chaucer fined in the Temple two shillings, for striking a Franciscan Frier in Fleet-street, and it seems his hands ever after itched to be revenged, and have his penniworths out of them, so tickling Religious-Orders with his tales, and yet so pinching them with his truths, that Friers in reading his books, know not how to dispose their faces betwixt crying and laughing. He lies buried in the South-Isle of S^t Peters, Westminster, and since hath got the company of Spencer and Drayton (a pair-royal of Poets) enough (almost) to make passengers feet to move metrically, who go over the place, where so much Poetical dust is interred.

50. Since the Abjuration last exemplified, we meet in this Kings Reign no more persecution from the Bishops. We impute this not to their pity, but other imployment, now busie in making their applications to the new King, on the change of government, King Richard being now deposed.

51. He was one of a goodly person, of a nature neither good nor bad, but according to his company, which commonly were of the more vicious. His infancy was educated under several Lord Protectours successively, under whom his intellectuals thrived, as babes battle with many nurses, commonly the worse for the change. At last he grew up to full age, and empty minde, judicious onely in pleasure, giving himself over to all licentiousness.

52. As King Richard was too weak to govern; so Henry Duke of Lan∣caster, his Cousin-germane, was too wilful to be governed. Taking ad∣vantage therefore of the Kings absence in Ireland, he combined with other of the discontented Nobility, and draws up Articles against him; some true, some false, some both; as wherein truth brought the matter, and malice made the measure. Many misdemeanors (mo misfortunes) are laid to his charge. Murdering the Nobility, advancing of worthless Minions, sale of justice, oppression of all people with unconscionable taxations. For, such

Princes as carry a forke in one hand, must bear a rake in the other; and must covetously scrape to maintain, what they causlesly scatter.

53. Loosness brings men into streights at last, as King Richard may be an instance thereof. Returning into England, he is reduced to this doleful Dilemma; either, voluntarily, by resigning, to depose himself; or violently, by detrusion, to be deposed by others. His misery, and his enemies ambi∣tion admit of no expedient. Yea, in all this Act his little judgment stood onely a looker-on, whilest his fear did what was to be done, directed by the force of others. In hopes of life he solemnly resigneth the Crown, but all in vain. For, cruel thieves seldom rob, but they also kill; and King Henry his Successour could not meet with a soft pillow, so long as the other wore a warm head. Whereupon, not long after, King Richard was barbarously murdered at Pomfret-Castle. But of these transactions, the Reader may sa∣tisfie himself at large, out of our civil Historians.

54. Onely we will add, that the Clergy were the first that led this dance of disloyaltie. Thomas Arundel, now Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, in the room of William Courtney deceased, made a Sermon on Samuels words, Vir dominabitur populo. He shewed himself a Satyrist in the former, a Parasite in the later part of his Sermon, a Traitor in both. He aggravated the chil∣dish weakness of King Richard, & his inability to govern; magnifying the parts and perfections of Henry, Duke of Lancaster. But, by the Arch-Bishops leave, grant Richard either deservedly deposed, or naturally dead without issue, the right to the Crown lay not in this Henry, but in Edmond Mortimer, Earl of March, descended, by his mother Philippa, from Lionel, Duke of Clarence, elder son to Edward the third. This the Arch-Bishop did willingly conceal. Thus in all State-alterations, be they never so bad, the Pulpit will be of the same wood with the Councel-board. And thus ambitious Clergy∣men abuse the silver trumpets of the Sanctuary; who, reversing them, and putting the wrong end into their mouthes, make, what was appointed to sound Religon, to signifie Rebellion.

55. But whilest all other Churches in England rung congratulatory peales to King Henry his Happiness, one jarring bell almost marr'd the me∣lody of all the rest, even Thomas Merks, Bishop of Carlile. For, when the Lords in Parliament, not content to Depose King Richard, were devising more mischief against him, up steps the aforesaid Bishop, formerly Chaplain to the King, and expresseth himself as followeth:

There is no man present, worthy to pass his sentence on soa great a King, as to whom they have obeyed as their lawful Prince, full two and twenty years. This is the part of Traitors, Cut-throats, and Thieves. None is so wicked, none so vile, who, though he be charged with a manifest crime, we should think to condemn, be∣fore we heard him. And you, do ye account it equal to pass sen∣tence on a King anointed, and Crowned, giving him no leave to defend himself? How unjust is this! But let us consider the matter it self. I say, nay openly affirm, that Henry, Duke of Lancaster (whom you are pleased to call your King) hath most unjustly spoiled Richard,

as well his Soveraign as ours, of his Kingdom.

More would he have spoken, when the Lord Marshal enjoyned him silence, for speaking too much Truth, in so dangerous a time. Since, it seems some Historians have made up what more he would have said, spinning these his Heads into a very large Oration, though tedious to none, save those of the Lancastrian faction.

56. Here, if ever, did the Proverb take effect, Truth may be blam'd, but cannot be sham'd, for although the rest of the Bishops, being guilty themselves, condemned him, as discovering more Covent-devotion (who originally was a Monk of Westminster) then Court-discretion, in dissenting from his Brethren;

Yet generally he was beheld as Loyalties a Confessor, speaking what became his calling, in discharge of his conscience. Yea, for the present, such the reve∣rence to his integrity, no punishment was imposed upon him.

57. Merks was conceived in the judgment of most moderate men, abun∣dantly to have satisfied his conscience with his speech in Parliament. But how hard is it to stop an active soul in its full speed? He thought himself bound, not onely to speak, but do, yea, and suffer too, (if called thereunto) for his Soveraign. This moved him to engage with Henry Hot-spur, and other discontented Lords, against King Henry, on whose defeat this Bishop was taken prisoner, and judicially arraigned for high Treason.

58. This is one of the clearest distinguishing characters, betwixt the Temporal, and Spiritual Lords; that the former are to be tried per pares, by their Peers, being Barons of the Realm; the later are by Law and custome allowed a Trial onely by a Jury of able and substantial persons. Sucha men found Bishop Merks guilty of Treason, for which he was condemned and sent prisoner to S^t Albans.

59. The King would gladly have had a fair riddance of this Bishop, whom he could not with credit keep here, nor send hence. As to deprive him of life it was dangerous in those dayes, when some Sacredness was be∣lieved inherent in Episcopal persons. Here his Holiness helpt the King with an handsom expedient, to salve all matters, by removing Merks to be Bishop ofb Samos in Grecia. I finde three Grecian Islands of the same name, and a critickc complaineth they are often confounded. The best is, it is not much material, of which of them Merks was made Bishop, having onely a Title (to sterve in state) without a penny profit thereby. But before his translation was compleated, he was translated into another world.

The End of the Fourteenth CENTURY.

Notes

• Ed. 3. 45.
• 1371.
• Several causes of the speedy spreading of Wicliffs Do∣ctrine.
• a

  Harpsfield in his Historia Wicliffiana ca▪ 1.
• Wicliffe guilty of many er∣rours.
• b

  2 Cor. 4. 12.
• Anno Dom. 1371.
• Anno Regis Ed. 3. 45.
• The learning of Wicliffe
• a

  Camd Brit. in the Bisho∣prick of Dar∣ham
• b

  Balcus Cent. 6. numero. ••.
• Wicliffe accu∣sed for ambi∣tion and dis∣content.
• c

  Harpsfield 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ Wicliffia∣na cap. 1.
• d

  Idem ibidem.
• The employ∣ment of Wi∣cliff in Oxford.
• c

  Nehemiah 4. 17.
• Difference in the number of Wicliffs o∣pinions.
• a

  Harpsfield in Hist. Wiclif∣fiana, p. 684.
• b

  Fox Mar∣tyr. p. 398.
• c

  Idem. p. 401.
• d

  Idem p. 414.
• e

  Harpsfield Hist Wicliffe, pag 669.
• f

  In hystoria Hussitarum in Pr••l••g. T••mi pri••i.
• Mat. 24. 15.
• a

  Ex verbo, opere, & taci∣turnitate Prae∣latorum.
• b

  Waldensis in several places of his book.
• a

  This is scat∣tered in seve∣ral places of his book.
• a

  Waldensis in several places laieth this to his charge.
• Much pitty that Wicliffs own books are lost.
• a

  Aenea•• Syl∣vius H•••••• Bo∣hem. pag. 78.
• b

  So Jo. Bale contelleth, Cent. 6. p. 451.
• c

  Luke 22. 31.
• d

  See the book called Calvino Tur∣cismus.
• 50.
• 1376
• Wicliff appears before the Sy∣nod in Saint Pauls.
• The brawle betwixt the Bishop, and the Lords in the Church.
• e

  1 Tim. 3. 3.
• f

  His Father Hugh Court∣ney Earl of Devon-shire.
• Anno Dom. 1376.
• a

  Fox Martyr. pag. 303. & Harpsfield in Hist. Wicliffia∣na cap. 5. pag. 683.
• Anno Regis Ed. 3. 50.
• Why the Arch-Bishop and Wicliffe silent the while.
• Wicliff•• opini∣ons marvel∣lously spread, and why.
• The death & character of King Edward the third.
• 1377
• 51.
• Anno Regis Ed. 3. 51.
• Ric. 2▪ 1.
• Laity bandy∣ing against the Clergie in Parliament.
• a

  Ex Rotulis in Terre Lon∣dinensi primo Ricardi 2.
• 2
• 1378
• Wicliff won∣derfully pre∣served from prosecution.
• b

  Antiq. Bit. pag. 258. & Fox. p. 505.
• c

  Mark 11. 32.
• d

  Linwoods provincials, lib. 5. fol. 183.
• Transactions in the Parlia∣ment of Gloce∣ster.
• e

  Ex Rot. in Terre Londin. 2 Richardi 2. parte, primâ, numero 45.
• Anno Dom. 1378.
• Anno Regis Ric. 2▪ 2.
• Sanctuaries shrewdly shaken.
• a

  Ex Rot. Tur. Londin. 2. Ric. 2 part 2 num. 28.
• b

  Ibid num 46.
• Aliens debar∣red from hol∣ding benefi∣ces.
• 1379
• 3.
• Lam. 5. 2.
• c

  See the Ca∣talogue of their names and numbers in Mr Fox. pag. 562.
• d

  John 10. 12.
• The Rebel∣lion of Wat Tyler, and Jack Straw.
• Anno Regis Ric. 2 4.
• Anno Dom. 1380
• The rabble divided into three compa∣panies.
• a

  1 Sam. 13. 17.
• The barba∣rous outra∣ges by them committed.
• a

  See God∣wins Cata∣logue of the Bishops of Norwich in Hen Spencer.
• Judas & Wat Tyler paral∣lel'd.
• b

  Acts 5. 37.
• c

  In his book called Vox Clamantis, lib. 1. cap. 14.
• a

  Weavers fu∣neral Monu∣ments, p. 693.
• b

  Stow Survey of London, pag. 55.
• Cope chargeth all this rebel∣lion on Wi∣cliffs doctrine.
• c

  In his Histo. Wicliffiana, cap. 12.
• His malicious slander con∣fused.
• d

  Jer. 37. 13:
• e

  Acts 24. 5.
• f

  John 19. 12.
• g

  See his con∣fession at large in Stows Survey of London, p. 54.
• h

  Huss Tract. de Decimis, pag. 128. See Bishop Davenants 30 Determi∣nation.
• Arch-Bishop Courtney per∣secutes the Wicliffians.
• 1382
• 6.
• Wicliff his mi∣raculous deli∣verance.
• His quiet death.
• 1384
• 8.
• a

  Leland. ex∣crenico teneri∣sis Monisteria.
• New Colledg built by Bish. Wickam
• b

  It was be∣gun Anno, 1375.
• 1386
• 10.
• Anno Regis Ric. 2▪ 10.
• Anno Dom. 1386
• a

  Doct. Martin who wrote a book in vin∣dication of his learning.
• Industry and judgment in Architecture, the cause of his advance∣ment.
• b

  1 Kings
• c

  Rex Plato∣nicus, p. 144.
• A Castle Colledg designed for defence.
• d

  So say the Statutes of this Colledg.
• 1392.
• 16.
• A Colledg at Winchester built also by Bish. Wickam.
• His care for his kinred.
• Anno Dom. 1392.
• Anno Regis Ric. 2. 16.
• He was bro∣ther to Doct John Reynolds the great pro∣testant.
• He wrote a History of En∣gland.
• Good Laws in due season.
• Anno Dom. 1393.
• The Maul-Popes Sta∣tute of pre∣munire.
• The occasion of this Sta∣tute.
• Anno Dom. 1392.
• Anno Regis Ric. 2▪ 16.
• Why called Praemunire.
• Popes cove∣tousness odi∣ous to the Clergy.
• The Popes Letter against this Statute.
• The Original of this Bill was in the Study of Sir Nichol. Bacon, L. C ancellor, whence the Arch-Bish. of Armagh had this his Copy, from which that of S Ro∣bert Cottons is derived.
• 1393.
• 16
• Anno Dom. 1393.
• More scar'd then hurt.
• a

  Sir Thomas Smiths judg∣ment herein.
• Com. wealth of Eng. 3. book 11 Chap.
• 19.
• 1395
• The solemn form of an ab∣juration.
• Anno Dom. 1395.
• Anno Regis Ric. 2. 19.
• a

  Ex Rotul•• Clausa••. de Anno Regni Regis decimo nono Richardi secundi mem∣brana 18
• Take it faults and all.
• Some obser∣vations on this abjura∣tion.
• a

  Godwin in his Catalogue of the Arch-Bishops of York.
• 23.
• 1397
• The death of John de Trevi∣sa.
• b

  Carews Sur∣vey of Corn∣wall, p. 114.
• Who Trans∣lated the Bi∣ble into En∣glish.
• c

  Balaeus de Script. Angl. cent. 7. numero 18.
• d

  Pelicronicon fol. 2.
• Yet escaped persecution.
• e

  Balaeus ut prius.
• f

  Pitzeus de Scrip. Angla.
• g

  Micah 4. 12.
• As did his contempora∣ry Geoffery Chaucer.
• His parent••ge and armes.
• Anno Dom. 1399.
• Anno Regis Ric. 2▪ 23.
• He refined our English tongue.
• a

  In his resti∣tution of de caied intelli∣gence, p. 203.
• A great ene∣my to Friers.
• A short quiet in the Church
• The character of King Rich, the second.
• Conspired a∣gainst by Hen. the fourth.
• Anno Regis Hen. 4▪ 1.
• And resign∣eth the Crown.
• The baseness of the disloyal Clergy.
• The coura∣gious consci∣ence of the Bishop of Carlile.
• a

  Bishop Ged∣win in the Bi∣shops of Car∣lile.
• Innocency the lest Armour.
• Anno Dom. 1400.
• Anno Regis Ric. 2▪ 2.
• Activity will he tamper∣ing.
• A Bishop not triable by his Peers.
• a

  Mr Selden, in a late small Treatise of Parliaments.
• A seasonable expedient.
• b

  Godwin in his Bishops.
• c

  Carolus Ste∣phanus in di∣ctionario poeti∣co.