The church-history of Britain from the birth of Jesus Christ until the year M.DC.XLVIII endeavoured by Thomas Fuller.

CENT. XII.

JOHANNI FITZ-JAMES DE LEUSTON, In Com. Dorset. ARMIG.

NOn desunt in hoc nostro saeculo, qui Librorum Dedica∣tiones penè ducunt superstitiosum, planè superfluum; sic enim argutuli ratiocinantur. Liber, si bonus, Pa∣trono non indiget, sno Marte pergat; sin malus, Patrono ne sit dedecori, suo merito pereat.

Habeo tamen quod huic dilemmati possim regerere. Liber Meus, nec bonus nec malus, sed quiddam medium inter utrum∣que. Bonum, ipse non ausum pronuntiare, cum plurimis Mendis Laboret: Malum, alii [spero] non dijudicent; cum Legen∣tibus possit esse usui.

Sub hác dubiâ Conditione, vel Adversariis nostris Judi∣cibus, opus hoc nostrum, Patronum sibi asciscere, & potest & debet; Et sub alis Clientelae tuae qui tam MARTE praestas quàm MERCURIO, foveri serìo triumphat.

1. GRrave Anselme Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, espoused and married Maud (daughter of Malcolme King of the Scots, and S^t Margaret his wife) to Henry King of England. Shee had been a professed Votary, and was pressed by the importunity of her parents and friends, for Politick ends, to this marriage; insomuch as in the bitterness of her soul, (able to appale the writer hereof, seeing his ink out-black'd with her expression) she devoted the fruit of her body to the Devil, because they would not permit her to perform her promise of Virginity. Thusa Matthew Paris. But the Reader reserveth his other ear for the relation of Eadmerus, reporting this story after a different, yea contrary manner, as followeth.

2. The aforesaid Maud, when a Girle, lived under the tuition and correction of Christian her Aunt, and Abbess of Wilton, at what time the Nor∣man souldiers conquering the Kingdom, did much destroy, and more endan∣ger virgins by their violence. Christian therefore to preserve this her Neete,

clapt a black cloath on her head, in imitation of a Nuns vail, which she un∣willingly ware in the presence of her Aunt, but in her absence off it went, from above her head, to under her heals, so that in despightful manner, she used to tread and trample upon it. Yea, if Malcolme her father, chanced to behold her, wearing that mock-vail, with rage he would rend it off, cursing the cau∣sers of it, and avowing, that he intended her no votary, but a wife to Count Alan. Besides, two grave Arch-Deacons, sent down to Wilton to enquire into the matter reported, that for ought they could learn from the Nuns there, this Maud was never solemnly entered into their order. Hereupon a Coun∣cel was called of the English Clergy, wherein some grave men attested of their own knowledg, that at the Norman conquest, to avoid the fury of the souldiery, many maids out of fear, not affection; for protection, not piety; made a Cloyster their refuge, not their choice; were Nuns in their own de∣fence, running their heads, (but without their hearts) into a vail. And in this case it was resolved by learned Lanckfranck, that such virgins were bound, by an extraordinary obligation above other women

b Debitam castitati reverentiam exhibere, Nullam Religionis continentiam servare.

which is in effect, that they must be chaste wives, though they need not be constant maids. These things alledg'd and prov'd, Anselme pronounced the Nunship of Maud of none effect, and solemnly married her to King Henry. However, some infer the unlawfulness of this match, fron the unhappiness of their children, all their issue male coming to untimely deaths. But sad events may sometimes be improved by mens censures, further then they were intend∣ed by Gods Justice; and it is more wisdom, seriously to observe them to the instructing of our selves, then rigidly to apply them to the condemning of others. The rather, because Maud the Empress, their sole surviving childe, seemed by her happiness to make reparation for the infelicity of all the rest.

3. Next year a more solemn Synod was summoned by Anselme, with the Kings consent, held at Westminster; whereat, besides Bishops, were pre∣sent at Anselmes request, from the King, the chief Lay-Lords of the Land; and this Reason rendred. Forasmuch as that whatsoever should be determined by the Authority of the said Councel, might be ratified, and observed by the joynt care and solicitousness of both estates. But whether the Lords were present, as bare spectators and witnesses to attest the fair Transaction of matters, (which some will conceive to little) or whether they had a power to vote therein (which others will adjudg too much) is not clearly delivered. Here we insert the constitutions of this Synod. And let none say, that it is vain to look after the Cobwebs, when the besom of Reformation hath swept them away; seeing the knowledg of them conduce much to the understanding of that Age.

1. That thea Heresie of Symony be severely punished, for which several Abbots were then and there deposed.

2. That Bishops undertake not the Office of secular Pleas, wearing an habit beseeming Religious Persons, and not be like Lay-men in their Garments; and that alwayes, and every where, they have honest persons witnesses of their Conversation.

3. That no Arch-Deaconries be let out to farm.

4. That all Arch-Deacons be Deacons.

5. That no Arch-Deacon, Priest, Deacon, or Canon marry a wife, or retain one being married unto him: and that every sub-Deacon, who is not a Canon, if he have married after his Profession made of Chastity, be bound by the same Rule.

Here what a grave Author, almost of the same Age, saith of this Consti∣tution. a Hoc quibusdam mundissimum visum est, quibusdam peri∣culosum, nè dum munditias viribus majores Sacerdotes appeterent, in immunditias horribiles ad Christiani nominis summum dedecus inciderent. And as Jordan wanting a Vent or Influx, (like other Rivers) into the Ocean, loseth its Current at last in a filthy lake, or dead sea of its own making: So it was to be feared, that these men, now debarr'd that remedy for their weakness, which God, who best knew the Constitution of his own Crea∣tures, hath Provided, setled themselves in some unclean wayes, and most mortal filthiness occasion by this prohibition.

6. That a Priest so long as he keeps unlawful Conversation with a Wo∣man. (understand his own Wife) is not legal, nor rightly celebra∣teth the Mass; nor is his Mass to be heard if he celebrate it.

7. That none be admitted to the Order of Sub-Deacon, or upwards, without the profession of Chastity.

8. That the Sons of Priests be not made heirs to the Church of their Fathers.

9. That no Clerks be Provosts or Proctors of Secular matters, or JUDGES IN BLOUD.

This is the reason saith the Appendix tob Harpsfield (reporting is no ap∣proving of his judgment) why Bishops being arraigned for their Lives, are not to be tried by their Peers, but by a jury of ordinary men; because debar∣red by their Canons to be Judges of Lay-Peers in like cases, and therefore it was conceiv'd unfitting that they should receive that honour, which they could not return.

10. That Priests should not go to Publick Drinkings, nec ad pinnas bibant, not drink at Pins.

This was a Dutch trick (but now used in England) of Artificial Drun∣kenness, out of a Cup marked with certain Pins, and he accounted the Man, who could nick the Pin, drinking even unto it; whereas to go above or beneath it, was a forfeiture.

11. That the Garments of Clergie-men be of one colour, and their Shooes according to order.

12. That Monks and Clerks that have cast off their Order, either return thereto or be excommunicated.

13. That Clerks have CROWNS PATENT, so that their shaving be conspi∣cuous to the beholder.

14. That Tythes be given to none but to Churches.

15. That Churches or Prebends be not bought.

16. That new Chappels be not made without the consent of the Bishop.

17. That no Church be Consecrated, until necessaries be provided for the Priest and Church.

18. That Abbots make no Knights, and that they eat and sleep in the same house with their Monks, except some necessity forbid.

It appeareth it was the Ancient Custom of Abbots in this Age to make Knights. Thusc Brando the Abbot of S^t Edmunds-bury, Knighted Heward his Nephew, having first confessed his sins, and received absolution, Indeed in those dayes mens mindes were so possessed, that they thought nothing well and fortunately done; but what came from Church-men. Whereupon he that was to be made a Knight, first offered his sword upon the Altar, and af∣ter the Gospel read, the Priest put the sword first hallowed, upon the Knights neck with hisd Benedictum, and so having heard Mass again, and recei∣ved the Sacrament, he became a lawful Knight. And seeing the HOLY

WAR now was begun, no wonder if Church-men made Knights: And that Age conceived that a Knights Sword dipt in Holy water was well tempered, and became true metal indeed: Why Abbots were now prohibited to confer this honor, the cause is not rendred; Whether because it made KNIGHT∣WOOD too common, or that this Priviledg was reserved onely for higher Pre∣lates, such as Bishop and Arch-Bishop were, or that it was an incroach∣ment upon the Royal dignity, it being as proper for Kings to ordain Priests, as for Abbots to dub Knights. This is most sure, that notwithstanding this Canon,a King Henry the first, some years after granted, and King John confirmed to the Abbot of Reading, the power of Knighting persons, with some cautions of their behaviour therein.

19. That Monks enjoyn no Pennance to any, without permission of their Abbot, and that onely to such persons, whereof they have cure of Souls.

20. That Monks and Nuns be not God-fathers or God-mothers.

21. That Monks hold no Lands in Farm.

22. That Monks take no Churches by the Bishops, and that they spoyl not such as are given unto them of the Revenues, but so that the Priests serving in those Cures, and the Churches might be provided with necessaries.

23. That Faith in way of marriage, pledged secretly and without witness, betwixt man and woman, be of no effect if either party do deny it.

24. That Criniti, such as wear long hair be so shaven, that part of their Ears may appear, and their Eyes not be covered.

Criniti are opposed to Tonsi, extended to all Lay-persons. If any de∣mand how it came within the cognizance of the Church to provide about their trimming, (which might well have been left to the parties pleasure, and his Barbars skill) know this Canon was built on the Apostles Words,b doth not even nature it self teach you, that if a man have long hair it is a shame unto him. And the Church forbad whatsoever was a Trespass against Chri∣stian decency.c Gildas giveth this Character of the Picts: Furciferos ma∣gis vultus pilos quam Corporum pudenda vestibus tegentes, that they covered rather their Thievish Eyes with their hair, then their shame with Cloaths: which Ruffin-like custom of long hair now used by the Normans, was here justly restrained.

25. That parties akin to the Seventh Generation be not coupled in mar∣riage; and that persons so coupled remain not in Marriage; and if any be privy to this Incest, and not declare it, let him know himself to be guilty of the same crime.

This brought much Grist to the Popes Mill for Dispensations. As secular Princes used to stop travellers on common Bridges, or at the entrance of Gates, not with intent finally to forbid their going further, but ot receive Tole or Custom for their passing by: So the Pope prohibited these degrees in marri∣age, not absolutely ot hinder such matches, but to receive large summes of mo∣ney for his leave; after whose faculties obtained, if such marriage were against the Law of God, men did sin not with less guiltiness, but more Expences.

26. That the Bodies of the Dead be not carried to be buried out of their own Parishes, so that the Parish Priest should lose his due unto him.

27. That none out of a rash novelty, (which we know to have happened) exhibit reverence of Holiness to any Bodies of the Dead, fountains or other things, without Authority from the Bishop.

28. That none persume hereafter (what hitherto men used in England) to sell Men like bruite Beasts.

This Constitution, as all others, which concerned the Subjects Civil right, found not general obedience in the Kingdom. For the proceedings of the Ca∣non Law were never wholly received into practice in the Land; but so as made subject in whatsoever touched temporals, to secular Laws and national Customs. And the Laytie, at pleasure, limited Canons in this behalf. Nor were such sales of servants, being mens proper goods, soa weakned with this prohibition, but that long after they remained legal according to the Laws of the Land.

29. That the sin of Sodometry, both in Clergie and Laytie, should be pu∣nished with heavy Censures.

Remarkable that the same Synod which forbad Priests Marriage, found it needful to punish Sodometry, an Italian Vice, beginning now to be natura∣liz'd in England. For those who endeavour to make the way to heaven nar∣rower then God hath made it, by prohibiting what he permits, do in event make the way to hell wider, occasioning the committing of such sins, which God hath forbidden. We may further observe, that the plaister now applied to the rotten sore of Sodometry, was too gentle, too narrow, and too little time laid on. Too gentle; for whereas the sin is conceived to deserve death, it was onely slubber'd over, that the party convict of this Wickedness, if in Orders was admitted to no higher honour, and deposed from what he had, till restored again on his repentance. Too narrow, if it be true what one observes, that b MONKS (as neither merely Lay nor Priests) were not threatned with this Curse, where all was hidden in Cloysters. Lastly, too little time laid on; for whereas at first it was constituted, that such Excommunication of Sodomites convicted, should solemnly be renewed every Lords Day; this short-liv'd Ca∣non did die in the birth thereof, and Anselme himselfc postponi concessit, suffered it to be omitted, on pretence that it put beastly thoughts into many mens mindes, whose corruption abused the punishment of sin in the provocation thereof; whilest others conceive this relaxation indulged, in favour to some great offenders, who hardened in Conscience, but tender in Credit, could not endure to be so solemnly, publickly, and frequently grated with the shame of the sin they had committed.

So much for the Constitutions of that Synod, wherein though Canons were provided for Priests, Cap a Pe, from the shavnig to the shooes, yet not a syllable of their instructing the people and preaching Gods word unto them. We must not forget, that men guilty of Simony in the first Canon, are not taken in the Vulgar acception, for such as were promoted to their places by money, but in a new coyned sence of that word; for those who were advanced to their Dignities by investiture from the King, which gave occasion to the long and hot Broil, happening betwixt King Henry, and Anselme, which now we come to relate.

4. The King commanded him to Consecrate such Bishops, as he lately had invested; namely, William of Winchester, Roger of Hereford, &c. which Anselme refused, because flatly against the Canon newly made in the Coun∣cel of Rome, by Pope Vrban, that any who had their entrance, by the Autho∣rity of temporal Princes should be admitted to Bishopricks. Hereupon the King enjoyned Gerard Arch-Bishop of York to Consecrate them; who out of opposition to Anselme his Competitour, was as officious to comply with the King

King, as the other was backward, hoping thereby to hitch his Church a degree the higher, by help of his Royal Favour. Here hapned an unexpected accident: For William, Bishop of Winchester, refused Consecration from the Arch∣Bishop of York, and resigned his staff and ring, back again to the King, as illegally from him. This discomposed all the rest. For whereas more then the moity of Ecclesiastical persons in England, were all in the same condem∣nation, as invested by the King, the very multitude of offenders would have excused the offence, if loyal to their own cause. Whereas now this defecti∣on of the Bishop of Winchester, so brake the ranks, and maimed their entire∣ness, that their cause thereby was cast by their own confession, and so a party raised among them against themselves.

5. Soon after, the King was contented that Anselme should go to Rome, to know the Popes pleasure herein. But one, none of the Conclave, without a prophetical spirit, might easily have foretold the resolution of his Holiness herein: never to part with power, whereof (how injuriously soever) though but pretendedly possessed. Anselme, for his complyance with the Pope here∣in, is forbidden to return into England, while the King seiseth on his tem∣poralities.

6. However, not log after, by mediation of friends, they are recon∣ciled; the King disclaiming his right of Investitures, a weak and timerous act, of so wise and valiant a Prince; whose Predecessors before the Con∣quest held this power (though some time loosely) in their own hands; and his Predecessors since the Conquest grasp'd it fast in their fist, in defiance of such Popes as would finger it from them. Whereas now he let it go out of his hand, whilest his Successors in vain, though with a long arme, reach't af∣ter it to recover it. And now Anselme, who formerly refused, consecrated all the Bishops of vacant Sees; amongst whom, Roger of Sarisbury was a prime person, first preferred to the Kings notice, because he began prayers quickly, and caded them speedily; for which quality he was commended as fittest for a Chaplain in the Camp, and was not unwelcome to the Court on the same account.

7. Anselme having devested the King of investing Bishops (one of the fairest roles in his Ward-robe) did soon after deprive the Clergie of one half of themselves. For, in a solemn Synod he forbad Priests Marriage; wherein, as charitably we believe, his intentions pious and commendable, and pati∣ently behold his pretences, specious and plausible: so we can not but pro∣nounce his performance for the present, injurious and culpable, and the ef∣fects thereof for the future pernicious, and damnable. And here we will a little enlarge our selves on this subject of so high concernment.

8. It is confessed on all sides, that there is no express in Scripture to prohibit Priests Marriage.a Thomas, andb Scotus commonly cross (as if reason enough for the later to deny, because the former affirmed it) do both (such the strength of truth) agree herein. Onely Ecclesiastical Constituti∣ons forbid them Marriage. And, though many Popes tampered hereat, none effectually did drive the nail to the head, till Hildebrand, alias Gregory the seventh (the better man the better deed) finally interdicted Priests Mar∣riage. However his Constitutions, though observed in Italy and France, were not generally obeyed in England; till Anselme at last forbad Married Priests to officiate, or any Lay-people, under pain of censure, to be present at their Church-service.

9. Herein he proceeded on two erroneous principles. One, that all men have, or may have (if using the means) the gift of Continencie. Wherein they do not distinguish betwixt,

• 1. Common gifis, which God bestoweth on all his servants, Jude v. 3. Common salvation.
• 2. Proper gifts, thus thec Apostle, when he had wished al like

• himself (that is, able to contain) he immediately addeth, But every man hath his proper gift of God, one after this manner, and ano∣ther after that.

His other false supposition is, That Marriage is either inconfistent with, or at least impeditive to the purity of Priestly profession.

10. The falsnefs whereof appeareth by the precedent of Henoch, in whom met the threefold capacity of King, Priest, and Prophet. Yet his Mar∣riage remitted not the reins of his Princely power, hindered not the perfor∣mance of his Sacerdotal function, rebated not the edg of his Prophetical spi∣rit; for,a He walked with God, and begat sons and daughters. He made not a prayer the less for having a childe the more: and let us be but alike holy with Enoch, and let others be more holy with Anselme.

11. Wherefore when theb Apostle saith, He that is married careth for the things which are of this world, how he may please his wife, therein he describeth, not that height of God-pleasing, which Marriage ought, and in it self may, and by Enoch was improved; but expresseth such faults which through hu∣mane corruption too commonly come to pass. Which are vita mariti, non matrimonii; uxoris, non uxoratus, flowing neither from the essence, nor from the exercise of Marriage, but onely from the depraved use thereof, which by Gods assistance, and mans best endeavours, may be rectified and amended.

12. It is therefore falsly charged on Marriage, quà Marriage, that it is an hinderance to Hospitality; starving the poor to feed a family. It is confessed it would break Marriage, if caeteris paribus, she should offer to vie bounty with Virginity; onely she may equal Virginity in cheerfulness of her giving, and in the discreet choise of fit objects, whereon to bestow it. Yet give me leave to say, in a married family there be commonly most mouthes, and where most mouthes, there probably most bread is eaten, and where most bread is eaten, there certainly most crums fall beneath the table, so that the poor are feasted by those fragments. If any rejoyn, that single folke be∣stow their almes, not by crums, but whole loaves; the worst I wish is, that poor people may finde the truth thereof. Nor doth the having of children quà children make men covetous, seeing Solómon saw a man,c who had nei∣ther childe nor brother, yet his eye was not satisfied with riches. On the other side, I finde two in one and the samed Chapter, professing they had enough, viz. Esau and Jacob, both of them married, both of them parents of many children.

13. And here well may we wonder at the partiality of the Papists, over-exalting Marriage in the Laity, to a Sacrament; and too much depres∣sing the same in Priests, as no better then refined fornication. Yea, some have made Virginity the corn, and Marriage the cockle: which is a wonder that they should be of several kindes, seeing Virginity is but the fruit, and Mar∣riage the root thereof. But, amongst all the foul mouthes belibelling Mar∣riage, one rayling Rythmer, of Anselmes age, bore away the bell (drinking surely of styx instead of Helicon) and I am confident my translation is good enough for his bald verses.

e O malè viventes, versus audite sequentes; Vxores vestras, quas odit summa potestas, Linquite propter eum, tenuit quit morte trophaeum. Quod si non facitis, inferni claustra petetis: Christi Sponsa jubet, nè Presbyter ille ministret, Qui tenet uxorem, Domini quia perdit amorem. Contradicentes fore dicimus insipientes, Non ex rancore loquor haec, potius sed amore.

O ye that ill live, attention give, unto my following rhythmes; Your wives, those dear mates, whom the highest power hates, see that ye leave them betimes. Leave them for his sake, who a conquest did make, and a crown and a cross did acquire, If any sayno, I give them to know, they must all unto Hell for their hire. The Spouse of Christ forbids that Priest his ministerial function, Because he did part with Christ in his heart, at his marriage-conjunction, We count them all mad (if any so bad) as daring herein to contest; Nor is it of spight, that this I indite, but out of pure love, I protest.

Where did this rayling Monk ever read, that God hated the wives of Priests? And, did not the Church of Rome, at this time, come under the character of that defection, describbed by thea Apostle? That in the latter times some should depart from the fatih, sorbidding to marry, &c.

14. These endeavour (as they are deeply concerned) to wipe off from themselves this badge of Antichrist, by pleading that,

• 1. They forbid Marriage to
• 2. They force Priesthood on
  • no man.

Onely they require of those who freely will enter into the Priesthood, to vow virginity, and command such to part with their wives, who were formerly entered into Orders.

15. All which is alledged by them but in vain, seeing marriage may be forbidden, either directly, or consequentially. For the first, none, well in their wits, consulting their credit, did ever point-blank forbid marriage to all peo∣ple. Such would be held as, hostes humani generis, enemies of man-kinde, in their destructive doctrines. Nor did any ever absolutely (as it followeth in the same text) command all to abstain from meats. This were the way to empty the world of men, as the simple forbidding of marriage would fill it with bastards. And, although some silly Hereticks, as Tatian, Marcion, and Mani∣chens, are said absolutely to forbid marriage, yet they never mounted high, nor spread broad, nor lasted long. Surely some more considerable mark is the aim of the Apostles reproof, even the Church of Rome, who by an oblique line, and consequentially, prohibit marriage to the Priests, a most considera∣ble proportion of men within the pale of the Church.

16. Notwithstanding the premisses, it is fit that the embraces of marri∣age should on some occasion for a time be forborn, for the advance of Piety; first, when private dalliance is to yield to publick dolefulness.b Let the Bridegroom go out of his chamber, and the Bride out of her closet. For though by the Levitical Law, one might not be forced to fight in the first year of his marriage, yet might he on just occasion, be pressed to fast on the first day thereof. It is not said, Let the Bridegroom go out of his Bridegroom-ship, but onely out of his Chamber; and that also with intention to return, when the solem∣nity of sorrow is over-past. Secondly, when such absence is bewixt them mutually agreed on,c Desraud ye not one another, except it be with consent for a time, that ye may give your selves to fasting and prayer, and come together again, that Satan tempt you not for your incontinency. Here indeed is an Interdiction of the mar∣riage Bed, but it is Voluntary, by mutual consent of the parties; and Temporary, onely durante eorum beneplacito, not as the Popish Prohibition, Impulsive, by the power of others, and perpetual, to continue during their lives.

17. Hear what Henry of Huntington expresly saith of Anselmes carriage herein. He prohibited English Priests to have wives, who before time were not pro∣hibited; which as some thought to be a matter of greatest purity, so others again took it to be most perilous, lest while by this means they aimed at cleanliness above their

power, they should fall into horrible uncleanness, to the exceeding great shame of Christianity.

18. But Anselme died, before he could finish his project of Priests Di∣vorces, who had he deceased before he began it, his memory had been left less stain'd to Posterity. His two next Successors, Rodulphus, and William Corbel went on vigorously with the Design, but met with many and great Obstructions. Other Bishops found the like opposition, but chiefly the Bishop of Norwich, whose obstinate Clergie would keep their Wives, in defiance of his endeavours against them.

19. Indeed Norfolk-men are charactred in jure municipali versatissimi, and are not easily ejected out of that whereof they had long prescription, and present possession; No wonder therefore if they stickled for their Wives, and would not let go a moytie of themselves., Besides, Herbet Losing of Norwich need∣ed not to be so fierce and furious against them, if remembring his own extra∣ction, being the Son of an Abbot. These married Priests traversed their cause with Scripture and Reason, and desired but Justice to be done unto them. But Justice made more use of her sword, then of her Ballance in this case, not weigh∣ing their Arguments, but peremptorily and powerfully enjoyning them to for∣go their Wives, notwithstanding that there were in England, at this time, ma∣ny married Priests, signal for Sanctity and Abilities.

20. Amongst the many eminent married Priests, flourishing for Learn∣ing and Piety, one Ealphegus was now living, or but newly dead. His Resi∣dence was at Plymouth in Devonshire.a M^r Cambden saith he was eruditus & conjugatus, but the Word conjugatus is by theb Index Expurgatorius command∣ed to be deleted.

21. To order the Refractory married Clergie, the Bishops were fain to call in the aid of the Pope. John de Crema an Italian Cardinal, jolly with his youthfull Bloud, and Gallant Equipage, came over into England with his Bigness and Bravery to Bluster the Clergie out of their wives. He made a most Gawdy Oration in the Commendation of Virginity, as one who in his Own Person knew well how to valew such a Jewel, by the loss thereof. Most true it is that the same night at London, he was caught a Bed with anc Har∣lot, whereat he may be presumed to blush as red as his Cardinals Hat, if any remorse of Conscience remained in him. What saithd Deborach, In the dayes of Shamgar, when the high-wayes were unimployed (obstructed by the Phili∣stims) travellers walked thorow by-paths. The stopping the Way of marriage, Gods Ordinances, make them frequent such base by-paths, that my Pen is both afraid and asham'd to follow them. Cardinal Crema his mischance (or rather misdeed) not a little advantaged the Reputation of married Priests.

22. Bishops, Arch-Bishops, and Cardinal, all of them almost tired out with the stubbornness of the Recusant Clergie; the King at last took his turn to reduce them. William Corbel Arch-Bishop of Canterbury willingly resigned the work into the Kings hand, hoping he would use some Exemplary severity against them; but all ended in a money matter; the King taking a Fine of married Priests, permitted them to enjoy their Wives, as well they might, who bought that which was their own before.

23. About this time the old Abby of Ely was advanced into a new Bisho∣prick, and Cambridg-shire assigned for its Diocess, taken from the Bishoprick of Lincoln; Out of which Henry the first carved one [Ely,] and Henry the last two [Oxford and Peterborough] Bishopricks, and yet left Lincoln the largest Diocess in England. Spaldwick Manor in Huntington-shire was given to Lincoln, in Reparation of the Jurisdiction taken from it, and bestowed on Ely.

24. One Herveyus was made first Bishop of Ely: One who had been undone, if not undone, banished by the Tumultuous welsh, from the Begger∣ly Bishoprick of Bangor; and now (in Pitty to his Poverty and Patience) made the rich Bishop of Ely. It is given to Parents to be most fond of, and indul∣gent to their youngest, which some perchance may render as a Reason, why

this Bishoprick, as last born, was best beloved by the King. Surely he bestow∣ed upon it vast priviledges; and his Successors cockering this See for their Dar∣ling, conferred some of their own Royalties thereon.

25. Bernard, Chaplain to the King, and Chancellor to the Queen was the first Norman made Bsyhop of S^t Davids. Presuming on his masters favour, and his own merit, he denyed subjection to Canterbury, and would be, (as anciently had been) an absolute Arch-Bishop of himself. Indeed S^t Davids was Christian some hundred of years, whilest Canterbury was yet Pagan; and could shew good Cards (if but permitted fairly to play them) for Archiepisco∣pal Jurisdiction, even in some respect Equal to Rome it self. Witness the ancient riming verse, about the proportions of Pardons given to Pilgrims for their visiting Religious places,

Roma semel quantum bis dat Menevia tantum.

Not the S^t Davids gives a peck of Pardons where Rome gives but a gallon (as the words at the first blush may seen of import) but that two Pilgrimages to S^t Davids, should be equal in merit to one Pilgrimage to Rome, such was the conceived Holiness of that place.

26. Giraldus Cambrensis states the Case truly and briefly. That Canter∣bury hath long prescription, plenty of Lawyers to plead her Title, and store of money to pay them. Whereas S^t Davids is poor, remote out of the road of preferment; intimating no less, that if equally accommodated she could set on foot as food an Archiepiscopal Title, as Canterbury it self. But he addeth, that except some great alteration happeneth (understand him, except Wales recover again into an absolute Principality) S^t Davids is not likely to regain her ancient Dignity. William, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, aided by the Pope, at last humbled the Bishop of S^r Davids into a submission; Who vexed hereat, wreckt his spleen on the welsh Clergie; furiously forcing them to sorgo their Wives. The successors of this Bishop would have been more Thankful to his Memory had he laboured less for the honor, and more pre∣served the profits of his See, whose lands he dilapidated with this his expen∣sive suit, and on other designs for his own preferment.

27. King Henry died in Normandy of a surfeit by eatinga Lampreys. An unwholsom fish, insomuch, that Galen, speaking of Eels in general (where∣to Lampreys may be reduced) expostulates with the gods, for giving them so delicious a taste, good so malignant, and dangerous an operation. But, grant them never so good, excess is venemous string, in the most wholsome flesh, fish, and sowl, and it was too great a quantity caused his surfeit. I finde him generally commended for temperance in his diet; onely his palat (his ser∣vant in all other meats) was commonly his master in this dish. He was bu∣ried at Reading, leaving but one daughter (the Sea having swallowed his Sons) surviving him.

28. Stephen, Earl of Bologn, hearing of Henry his death; hasteth over into England, and seizeth on the Crown. All his title unto it was this; First, Maud, the true heir thereof, was a female. Secondly, absent beyond the Seas. Thirdly, married to a forreiner. Fourthly, no very potent. Prince, viz. Geffery Plantagenet Earl of Angeou, whose land-lock-situation rendred him less formidable for any effectual impression on this Island. Lastly, he was Son to Adela, Daughter to King William the Conqueror (though a Male deriving his title from a Female) conceiving himself the Daughters Son, to be preferr'd before Maud, the Sons Daughter. Indeed Stephen had an elder Brother, Theobald Earl of Blois, but he chose a quiet County, before a cum∣bersom Kingdom; the enjoyment of his own, rather then invasion of anothers inheritance, seeing Maud was the undoubted heir of the English Crown.

28. This Maud, I may call, Maud the fourth; yea, England had no Queen of another name since the Conquest;

• 1. Maud the first, Wise to King William the Conqueror.
• 2. Maud the second, (Daugh∣ter to Malcolme King of Scots) Wife to King Henry the first.
• 3. Maud the third, Wife to King Stephen.
• 4. Maud the fourth, Daugh∣ter to King Henry the first, and in right Queen of England.

This last Maud was first married to Henry the fourth, Emperor of Germany, and after his death was constantly called The Empress, by the courtesie of Chri∣stendom, though married to Earl Geffery, her second husband. To her, all the Clergie, and Nobility had sworn fealty, in her father's life time.

29. William, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, notwithstanding his oath to Maud, solemnly crowned Stephen, and in the same act, shewed himself per∣jured to his God, disloyal to his Princess, and ingrateful to his Patroness, by whose special favour he had been preferred. The rest of the Bishops, to their shame, followed his example; dealing with oaths, as sea-men with the points in the Compass, saying them forwards and backwards. Indeed covetousness, and pride prompted this disloyalty unto them, hoping to obtain of an Usurper, what they despaired to get from a lawful King. For, their modestie (and that little enough) in asking, was all Stephens measure in giving; resolving with himself for the present, to grant what should please them, and at lea∣sure to perform what should please himself. Let him now get but the stump of a Crown, and with wise watering thereof, it would sprout after∣wards. Hence was it that he granted the Bishops liberty to build, and hold many Castles; freedom in forests; investiture from the Pope; with many other immunities, which hitherto the Clergy never obtained. All things thus seemingly setled, yet great was the difference of judgments in the En∣glish, concerning King Stephen, which afterwards discovered themselves in the variety of mens practices.

30. Some acted vigorously for Stephen, conceiving possession of a Crown createth a right unto it. Where shall private persons (unable of themselves to trace the intricacies of Princes titles) fix their loyalty more safe∣ly, then on him whom success tendereth unto them for their Soveraign? God doth not now (as anciently) visibly, or audibly discover himself, we must there∣fore now only look, and listen, to what he sheweth, and faith by his voice, in the success of things, whereby alone he expresseth his pleasure, what he owneth or disclaimeth. This their judgment was crossed by others, who distingui∣shed betwixt Heavens permission, and consent; God sometimes suffering them to have power to compel, to whom he never gave authority to command.

31. But some urged, that Stephen was declared lawful King by popular consent, which, at this time, could alone forme a Legal right to any in this Island. For Maud, Stephen's corrival, in vain pretended succession, seeing the Crown, since the Conquest, never observed a regular, but an uncertain and desultory motion. Nor was it directed to go on by the straight line of primogeniture, which leapt over the Conquerors eldest, to his second Son: Then, taking a new rise, from the eldest still surviving, to Henry his third Son. Here no chain of succession could be pleaded, where no two links follow∣ed in order. But others answered, that such popular election of Stephen had been of validity, if the electors had been at liberty; whereas they being pre∣ingaged to Maud by former oath, could not again dispose of those their votes, which formerly they had passed away.

32. Others conceived that the stain of Stephen his usurpation in getting the Crown, was afterward scoured clean out by his long (more then eighteen years) enjoying thereof. For, suppose Providence for a time may winke, and connive, yet it cannot be conceived in so long a slumber; yea, asleep; yea, a lethargie, as to permit one peaceably so long to posses a Throne, ex∣cept heaven had particularly designed him for the same. To this others an∣swered, that Stephen all that time rather possessed, then enjoyed the Crown (alarum'd all his life long by Maud, and her Son) so that he had as little quiet in, as right to the Kingdom. But, grant his possession thereof never so peace∣able, what at first was foundered in the foundation, could not be made firm by any height of superstructure thereupon. An error by continuance of time can never become a truth, but more inveterate error.

33. A third of maintained, that Subjects Loyaltie is founded on their Soveraigns protection, so that both sinke together. Seeing therefore Maud was unable to afford her people protection, her people were bound to no longer allegiance. But thus position was disproved by such, who bottoming allegiance onely on conscience, make protection but the encouragement, not the cause thereof, They distinguished also betwixt a Princes wilful desert∣ing his people, and his inability to protect them; not through his own de∣fault, but the forcible prevailing of others. Thus the conjugal tie is onely dissolved by the parties voluntary uncleanness, and not by his, or her adven∣titious impotency to render due benevolence.

34. A fourth party avouched, that Maud (though, not actually, and openly, yet) tacitly, and interpretatively released the English from their allegiance unto her. For what Prince can be presumed so tyrannical, as to tie up people to the strict termes of Loyaltie unto him, when the same is apparently destructive unto them, and no whit advantagious to himself? But others disliked this position; for, where did nay such relaxation appear? It cancelleth not the obligation of a debtor, to fancy to himself an acquit∣tance from his creditor, which cannot be produced.

35. Some acted at the commands, though not for the commands of King Stephen, namely in such things wherein his injunctions concurred with equity, charity, and order, consistent with the principles of publike utility, and self-preservation. These, having the happiness to be commanded by an Usurper, to do that, which otherwise they would have done of themselves, did not discover themselves to act out of their own inclinations, whilest it passed unsuspected in the notion of their obedience to King Stephen. Thus many thousands under the happy conduct (or at leastwise contrivance) of Thurstan, Arch-Bishop of York, though in their hearts well affected to Maud her title, unanimously resisted David King of Scots, though he pretended re∣cuperative armes in Queen Maud her behalf; under which specious title, he barbarously committed abominable cruelties, till nettled therewith, both Stephanists, and Maudists joyntly bad him battle, and overthrew him, nigh Alerton in York-shire.

36. All generally bare the burdens, and no less politickly, then pati∣ently, paied all taxes imposed upon them. Recusancy in this kinde had but armed King Stephen with a specious pretence to take all from them, for refu∣sing to give a part. Nor scrupled they hereat, because thereby they streng∣thened his usurpation against the rightful heir, because done against their wills, and to prevent a greater mischief; Mean time they had a reservation of their loyaltie, and, erecting a throne in their hearts, with their prayers, and tears, mounted Queen Maud on the same.

37. Robert, Earl of Glocester (the Queens half-brother) may even make up a forme by himself, finding none other before, or after him of the same opinion. Who conditionally did homage to King Stephen, scilicet,a si dig∣nitatem suam sibi servaret illibatam, namely, So long as he preserved this Roberts dignity (for so I understand the Pronoune's reciprocation) to be inviolated.

38. A few there were, whose relucting consciences remonstrated against the least compliance with King Stephen: whose high loyalty to Maud, interpreted all passiveness under an Usurper, to be activity against the right heir. These even quitted their Lands in England to the tempest of time; and se∣cretly conveyed themselves, with the most incorporeal of their estates (as occuping in the least room in their wastage over) into Normandy.

39. The Clergie, perceiving that King Stephen performed little of his large promises unto them, were not formerly so forward in setting him up, but now more fierce in plucking him down, and sided effectually with Maud against him. An act, which the judicious behold, not as a crocked deed, bowing them from their last, but as an upright one, streight'ning them to their first, and bxest oath, made to this Maud in the life time of her father. But Stephen (resolved to hold with a strong, what he had got with a wrong hand) fell violently on the Bishops, who then were most powerfull in the land (eve∣ry prime one having, as a Cathedral for his devotion; so many manors for his profit, parks for his pleasure, and castles for his protection) and he uncastled Roger of Sarisbury, Alexander of Lincoln, and Nigellus of Ely, taking also a great mass of treasure from them.

40. Most fiercely fell the fury of King Stephen on the Dean, and Ca∣nons of Pauls, for crossing him in the choice of their Bishop. For, he sent, and took theira Focarias, and cast them into London -Tower; where they continued many dayes, not without much scorn, and disgrace, till at last those Canons ransomed their liberty at a great rate.

41. What these Focariae were, we conceive it no disgrace to confess our ignorance, the word not appearing in any Classical Author, and we must by degrees scrue our selves into the sense thereof:

• 1. It signifieth some female persons, the gender of the word discover∣ing to much.
• 2. They were near to the Canons, who had an high courtesie for them, as appears by procuring their liberty at so dear a price.
• 3. Yet the word speaks not the least relation of affinity, or consan∣guinity unto them.
• 4. All the light we can get in this Focariae, is from some sparks of fire which we behold in the word, so as if these shees were nymphs of the chimney, or fire-makers to these Canons.

If so, surely they had their Holiday-clothes on, when sent to the Tower (Kitchin-stuff doth not use to be tried in that place) and were considerable (if not in themselves) in the affections of others. And now, well fare the heart ofb Roger Hoveden, who plainly tels us, that these Focariae were these Canons Concubines. See here the fruit of forbidding marriage to the Clergy, against the Law of God, and nature. What saith the Apostle?c It is better to mar∣ry then to burn; or, which is the same in effect, it is better to have a wife then a fire-maker.

42. Albericus, Bishop of Hostia, came post form Rome, sent by Pope Innocent the second into England; called a Synod at Westminster, where eigh∣teen Bishops and thirty Abbots met together. Here was conluded; That no Priest, Deacon, or sub-Deacon should hold a wife, or woman, within his house, under pain of degrading from his Christendom, and plain sending to hell. That no Priests son should claim any spiritual living by heritage. That none should take a Benefice of any Lay-man. That none were admitted to Cure which had not the letters of his Orders. That Priests should do no bo∣dily labour: And, that their transubstantiated God should dwell but eight dayes in the box, for fear of worm-eating, moulding or stinking; with such

like. In this Synod, Theobald, Abbot of Becco, was chosen Arch-Bishop of Canterburie, in the place of William lately deceased.

43. The most considerable Clergy-man of England in this age, for birth, wealth, and learning, was Henry of Bloys, Bishop of Winchester, and Brother to King Stephen. He was by the Pope made his Legate for Britaine, and out∣shined Theobald the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury. For, although Theobald just at this time was augmented with the title of Legatus natus (which from him was entailed on his successors in that See) yet this Henry of Bloys, being for the present, Legatus factus, out-lustred the other as far, as an extraordinary Ambassador doth a Leger of the same Nation. In this Henry, two interests did meet, and contend; that of a Brother, and that of a Bishop; but the later clearly got the conquest, as may appear by the Councel he called at Winche∣ster, wherein the King himself was summoned to appear. Yea, some make Stephen personally appearing therein (a dangerous precedent to plead the cause of the Crown, before a conventicle of his own subjects) so that to secure Rome of Supremacy in appeals, he suffered a Recovery thereof against his own per∣son in a Court of Record loosing of himself to save the Crown thereby unto himself. But William of Malmesbury present at the Councel (and therefore his testimony is to be preferred before others) mentions onely three parties in the place present there with their attendance:

1.	2.	3.
Roger of Sarisbury with the rest of the Bishops, grievously complaining of their Castles taken from them.	Henry Bishop of Winchester the Popes Legat, & President of the Councel; With Theobald Arch-Bishop of Canterbury pretend∣ing to umpire matters in a moderate way.	Hugh Arch-Bishop of Roan, and Aubery de Vere (ancester to the Ear of Oxford) as Advocate for King Stephen.

This Aubery de Vere seems learned in the Laws, being charactered by mya Au∣thor, homo causarum varietatibus exercitatus, a man well versed in the windings of causes.

44. In this Synod, first the commission of Pope Innocent the second was read, impowring the said Henry Bishop of Winchester, with a Legative autho∣rity. Then the Legate made a Sermon; Latiariter, which is, as I conceive, in the Latin tongue. We finde not his text; But know this was the subject of his discourse, to inveigh against King Stephen depriving those Bishops of their Ca∣stles. Sermon ended, the Kings advocates or true subjects rather (many making them to speak only out of the dictates of their own Loyalty, & not to plead by deputation from the King) made his defence, that Bishops could not canonically hold Castles, and that the King had dispoyled them of their treasure, not as E∣piscopal persons, but as they were his Lay-offices, advised thereto by his own security. The Bishops returned much for themselves, and in fine, the Synod brake up without any extraordinary matter effected. For soon after came Queen Maud with her Navie and Armie out of Normandy, which turned debates into deeds, and consultations into actions: But we leave the readers to be satisfied about the alternation of success betwixt King Stephen and Maud to the Historians of our State. There may they read of Maud her strange escapes, when avoiding death, by being believed dead (otherwise she had proved in her grave, if not pretended in a Coffin) when getting out in white Lynen, under the protection of Snow: I say, how afterwards both King Stephen and Robert Earl of Glocester were taken prisoners, and given in Exchange, the one for

the liberty of the other; with many such memorable passages, the reader may stock himself from the pens of the civil Historians, the proper relators thereof.

45. It is strange to conceive how men could be at leasure in the troublesome Reign of King Stephen to build and endow so many Religious foundations. Ex∣cept any will say, that men being (as mortal in peace) most dying in War, the devotions of those dayes (maintaining such deeds meritorious for their souls) made all in that Martial age most active in such employments. Not to speak of the Monastery of S^r Mary de pratis, founded by Robert Earl of Leicester, and ma∣ny others of this time: the goodly Hospital of S^t Katharines nigh London, was founded by Maud, wife to King Stephen, though others assign the same to Ro. Bishop of Lincoln, as founder thereof. So stately was the Quire of this Hospital, that it was not mucha inferiour to that of S^t Pauls in London, when taken down in the dayes of Queen Elizabeth, by Doctor Thomas Wilson the Master thereof, and Secretary of State.

46. Yea, King Stephen himself was a very great founder. S^t Stephen. was his tutelary Saint (though he never learned his usurpation from the patient example of that Martyr) whose name he bore, on whose day he was Crown∣ed, to whose honor he erected S^t Stephens Chappel in Westminster, near the place where lately the Court of Request was kept. He built also the Cistertians Monastery in Feversham; with an Hospital near the West-gate in York. And, whereas formerly there were paid out of every plough-land in England, be∣twixt Trent and Edenburgh-frith, twenty fourb Oat-sheaves for the Kings Hounds; Stephen converted this rent-charge to his new-built Hospital in York. A good deed no doubt; for, though it be unlawful to take thec childrens bread and to cast it unto the dogs; it is lawful to take the dogs bread, and to give it unto the children.

47. The King, being desirous to settle Soveraignty on his Son Eustace, earnestly urged Theobald Arch-Bishop of Canterbury to Crown him. For, Stephen saw that fealty, barely sowrn to Maud in her Fathers life time, was afterwards broken: and therefore (his own guilt making him the more su∣spicious) for the better assurance of his Sons succession, he would go one step farther, endeavouring to make him actual King in his own life time. But the Arch-Bishop stoutly refused, though proscribed for the same, and forced to flie the land, till after some time he was reconciled to the King.

48. Eustace the Kings Son died of a frenzie, as going to plunder the lands of Buryd Abby. A death untimely in reference to his youthful years, but timely and seasonably in relation to the good of the Land. If conjecture may be made from his turbulent spirit, coming to the Crown he would have added tyran∣nie to his usurpation. His Father Stephen begins now to consider, how he himself was old, his Son deceased, his Subjects wearied, his Land wasted with War: which considerations, improved by the endeavours of Theobald Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and Gods blessing on both, produced an agree∣ment between King Stephen and Henry Duke of Normandy, the former holding the Crown for his life, and after his death settling the same on Henry, his adopted Son and Successor.

49. We have now gotten (to our great credit, and comfort, no doubt) an English-man Pope; namely, Nicholas Breakspear, alias Adrian the fourth. Born, saith mye Author, nigh Vxbridg in Middlesex, of the ancient and Martial family of the Breakspears; thoughf others make him no better then a bastard of an Abbot of S^t Albans. The Abbot of which Covent he con∣firmed the first in place, of all in England. If I miscount not, we never had but four Popes and a half (I mean Cardinal Pool, Pope elect) of our Na∣tion. And yet of them, one too many (will the Papists say) if Pope Jone (as some esteem her) were an English-woman. Yea, lately (the Elected following the plurality of the Electors) they have almost ingrossed the Papa∣cy to the Italians. Our Adrian had but bad success, choaked to death with a

flie in his throat. Thus any thing next nothing, be it but advantagiously plant∣ed, is big enough to batter mans life down to the ground.

50. Jeffery ap Arthur (commonly called from his native place, Jeffery of Monmouth) was now Bishop of S^t Asaph. He is the Welsh Herodotus, the father of ancient History, and fables; for, he who will have the first, must have the later. Polydore Virgil accuseth him of many falshoods (so hard it is to halt before a cripple) who, notwithstanding, by others is defended, because but a translator, and not the original reporter. For, a translator tells a lie in telling no lie, if wilfully varying from that copy, which he promiseth faithfully to render. And if he truly translates what he findes, his duty is done, and is to be charged no further. Otherwise the credit of the best tran∣slator may be crack'd, if himself become security for the truth of all, that he takes on trust from the pens of others.

51. King Stephen ended his troublesome life. A Prince, who if he had come in by the door, the best room in the house had not been too good to entertain him. Whereas now the addition Usurper (affixed generally to his name) corrupts his valour into cruelty, devotion into hypocrisie, bounty into flattery, and design. Yet, be it known to all, though he lived an Usur∣per, he died a lawful King; for, what formerly he held from the rightful heir by violence, at his death he held under him by a mutual composition. He was buried with his Son, and Wife, at Feversham in Kent, in a Monastery of his own building. At the demolishing whereof, in the regin of King Henry the Eighth,a some, to gain the lead wherein he was wrapp'd, cast his corps into the Sea. Thus Sacriledg will not onely feast on gold and silver, but (when sharp set) will feed on meaner metals.

52. Henry the Second succeeded him, known by a triple sir-name, two personal and ending with himself, Fitz-Empress, and Shortmantle; the other hereditary, fetch'd from Jeffery his Father, and transmitted to his Posterity, Plantagenet, or Plantaganest. This name was one of the Sobriquets, or peni∣tential nick-names, which great persons about this time, posting to the Holy War in Palestine, either assumed to themselves, or had by the Pope, or their Confessors imposed upon them, purposely to disguise, and obscure their lustre therewith. See moe of the same kinde,

• 1. Berger, a Shep∣heard.
• 2. G••ise-Conelle, Gray∣coat.
• 3. Teste de Estoupe, Head of towe.
• 4. Arbust, a Shrub.
• 5. Martel, an Ham∣mer.
• 6. Grand-Baeuse, Ox∣face.
• 7. La-Zourch, a Branch upon a stem.
• 8. Houlet, a Sheep∣hook.
• 9. Hapkin, an Hat∣chet.
• 10. Chapell, an Hood.
• 11. Sans-terr, Lack∣land.
• 12. Malduit, III taught.
• 13. Juvencas, Geffard, or Heifer.
• 14. Fitz de flaw, Son of a flail.
• 15. Plantagenist, Stalk of a Broom.

Thus these great persons accounted the penance of their pilgrimage, with the merit thereof, doubled, when passing for poor inconsiderable fellows, they denied their own places, and persons. But, he it reported to others, whether this be proper, and kindly evangelical self-denial, so often commended to the practice of Christians. However some of these by-names, assumed by their fanciful devotion, remained many years after to them, and theirs; amongst which Plantagenist was entailed on the Royal bloud of England.

53. This King Henry, was wife, valiant, and generally fortunate. His faults were such as speak him Man, rather then a vitious one. Wisdom enough he had for his work, and work enough for his wisdom, being troubled in all his

relations. His wife Queen Elianor brought a great portion, (fair Provinces in France) and a great stomach with her; so that is is questionable, whe∣ther her froward spirit more drave her Husband away from her chast, or Rosamunds fair face, more drew him to her wanton embraces. His Sons (having much of the Mother in them) grew up, as in Age, in obstinacy against him. His Subjects, but especially the Bishops, (being the greatest Castle mongers in that Age) very stubborn and not easily to be ordered.

54. Mean time one may justly admire, than no mention in Authors is made of, nor provisions for Maud the Kings Mother, (surviving some years after her Son's Coronation) in whom during her life, lay the real right to the Crown. Yet say not King Henries policy was little in preferring, to take his Title from an Usurper by adoption, rather then from his own Mother, (the rightful heir) by succession, and his piety less, in not attending his Mo∣thers death; but snatching the Scepter out of her hand, seeing no Writer ever chargeth him with the least degree of undutifulness unto her. Which leadeth us to believe that this Maud, worn out with age and afflictions, willingly wa∣ved the Crown, and reigned in her own contentment, in seeing her Son reign before her.

55. Those who were most able to advise themselves, are most willing to be advised by others, as appeared by this politick Prince. Presently he chuseth a Privy Councel of Clergie and Temporalty, and refineth the Com∣mon Laws; Yea, towards the end of his Reign began the use of our Iti••e∣rant Judges. The platform hereof he fetch'd from France (where he had his education) and where Charles the Bald, some hundred of years before, had divided his Land into twelve parts, assigning several Judges for administration of Justice therein. Our Henry parcelled England into six Divisions, and ap∣pointed three Judges to every Circuit, annually to visit the same. Succeed∣ing Kings, (though changing the limits) have kept the same number of Cir∣cuits, and let the skilful in Arithmetick cast it up, whether our Nation recei∣veth any loss, by the change of three Judges every year, according to Henry the second's Institution, into two Judges twice a year, as long since hath been ac∣customed.

56. The Laws thus setled, King Henry cast his eye on the numerous Ca∣stles in England. As a good reason of State formerly perswaded the building, so a better pleaded now for the demolishing of them. William the Conqueror built most of them, and then put them into the custody of his Norman Lords, thereby to awe the English into obedience. But these Norman Lords in the next generation, by breathing in English ayre, and wedding with English wives, became so perfectly Anglized, and lovers of Liberty, that they would stand on their guard against the King, on any petty discontentment. If their Castles, (which were of proof against Bowes and Arrows, the Artillery of that Age) could but bear the brunt of a sudden assault, they were priviledged from any solemn Siege, by their meanness and multitude, as whose several beleguerings would not compensate the cost thereof. Thus as in foul bodies, the Physick in process of time groweth so friendly and familiar with the di∣sease, that they at last side together, and both take part against Nature in the Patient; so here it came to pass, that these Castles intended for the quench∣ing, in continuance of time occasioned the kindling of Rebellion. To pre∣vent farther mischief, King Henry razed most of them to the ground, and se∣cured the rest of greater consequence into the hands of his Confidents. if any ask, how these Castles belong to our Church-History; know, that Bishops of all in that Age, were the greatest Traders in such Fortifications.

57. Thomas Becket, born in London, and (though as yet but a Deacon) Arch-Deacon of Canterbury, Doctor of Canon-Law, bred in the Universities of Oxford, Paris, Bononia, was by the King made Lord Chancellor of England. During which his office, who braver then Becket? None in the Court wore

more costly clothes, mounted more stately steeds, made more sumptuous feasts, kept more jovial company, brake more merry jests, used more pleasant pastimes. In a word, he was so perfect a Lay-man, that his Parsonages of Bromfield, and S^t Mary-hill in London, with other Ecclesiastical Cures, where∣of he was Pastor, might even look all to themselves, he taking no care to dis∣charge them. This is that Becket, whose mention is so much in English, and miracles so many in Popish writers. We will contract his acts in proporti∣on to our History, remitting the Reader to be satisfied in the rest from other Authors.

58. Four years after, upon the death of Theobald, Becket was made by the King, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury. The first Englishman since the Conquest (and he but a mongrel, for his mother was a Syrian, the intercourse of the Holy-War in that age making matches betwixt many strangers) who was pre∣ferred to that place. And now (if the Monks their writing his life may be believed) followed in him a great and strange Metamorphosis. Instantly his cloaths were reformed to gravity, his diet reduced to necessity, his com∣pany confined to the Clergie, his expences contracted to frugality, his mirth retrenched to austerity; all his pastimes so devoured by his piety, that none could see the former Chancellor Becket, in the present Arch-Bishop Becket. Yea, they report, that his clothes were built three stories high; next his skin he was a Hermite, and wore sack-cloth; in the midd he had the habit of a Monk; and above all wore the garments of an Arch-Bishop. Now, that he might the more effectually attend his Archiepiscopal charge, he resigned his Chancellors place, whereat the King was not a little offended. It added to his anger, that his patience was daylie pressed, with the importunate petiti∣ons, of people complaining, that Becket injured them. Though, generally, he did but recover to his Church such possessions, as, by their covetousness, and his predecessors connivence, had formerly been detained from it.

59. But, the main matter, incensing the King against him was, his stub∣born defending the Clergie from the secular power: and particularly (what a great fire doth a small spark kindle?) that a Clerk, having killed and stolen a Deer, ought not to be brought before the Civil Magistrate for his punish∣ment. Such impunities breeding impieties, turned the house of God into a den of thieves: many rapes, riots, robberies, murders, were then committed by the Clergie. If it be rendered as a reason of the viciousness of Adonijah, that his father never said unto him,a Why doest thou so? No wonder if the Clergy of this age were guilty of great crimes, whom neither the King, nor his Judges, durst call to an account. And, seeing Ecclesiastical censures extend not to the taking away of life, or lim; such Clerks as were guilty of capital faults; were either altogether acquitted, or had onely penance inflicted upon them; a punishment far lighter then the offence did deserve. Indeed, it is most meet, in matters meerly Ecclesiastical (touching the Word and Sacraments) Clergy-men be onely answerable for their faults to their spiri∣tual superiors, as most proper, and best able to discern and censure the same. And in cases criminal, it is unfit that Ministers should be summoned, before each proud, pettish, petulant, pragmatical, secular, under-officer. However, in such causes to be wholly exempted from civil power, is a priviledge, which with reason cannot be desired of them, nor with justice indulged unto them. Sure I am, Abiathar (though High-Priest) was convented before, and depo∣sed by Solomon for his practising of treason. And S^t Paul saith, Let every soul be subject to the higher powers.

60. To retrench these enormities of the Clergy, the King called a Parlia∣ment at Clarendon, near Sarisbury (and not in Normandy, as Mr Fox will have it) intending with the consent of his great Councel, to confirm some severe Laws of his Grand-father King Henry the first▪ To these Laws, sixteen in number, Becket, with the rest of the Bishops, consented and subscribed them.

But afterwards recanting his own act, renounced the same. Let not there∣fore the crime of inconstancy, be laid too heavily to the charge of Arch-Bishop Cranmer, first subscribing, then revoking popish articles presented un∣to him: seeing this his name-sake Thomas, and predecessor, Becket, without any stain to his Saintship, retracted his own act, upon pretence of better in∣formation. But so highly was Becket offended with himself for his subscripti∣on, that, in revenge, for some moneths, he suspended himself from all Di∣vine Service (his pride, and laziness, both before, and after, suspended him from ever preaching) and would not be present thereat. Hereafter let none hope for more favour from this Arch-Bishop, then their fact may deserve; seeing he cannot rationally be expected to be courteous to others, who was so severe unto himself. The best was, in this his suspension, the knot was not tied so hard, as to hurt him; who, in case of necessity, as he had bound, so he could loose himself: though, for the more state of the matter, Pope Alexander himself was pleased solemnly to assoil him from his suspension. Mean time Becket, both in his suspension, and absolution, most highly offend∣ed King Henry, who every day the more was alienated from, and incensed against him.

61. During Beckets abode about Clarendon, he is reported every morn∣ing to have walk'd, from his lodging, some miles, to the Kings Palace. Where the ground (say they) called Beckets path, at this day presenteth it self to the eyes of the beholders (but most quick-sighted, if looking through Popish spectacles) with the grass, and grain growing thereon, in a different hew, and colour from the rest. A thing having in it more of report, then truth; yet more of truth then wonder: the discolourations of such veins of earth being common in grounds elsewhere, which never had the happiness of Becket his feet to go upon them.

62. But oh! If Becket's feet had left but the like impression in all the wayes he went, how easie had it been for all mens eyes, and particularly for our pen, to have track'd him in all his travels? Who, not long after, without the consent of the King, took Ship, sail'd into Flanders, thence tra∣velled into the Southern parts of France, thence to Pontiniack, thence to Senes, abiding seven years in banishment. But, though he served an apprentiship in exile, he learned little humility thereby, onely altering his name (for his more safety) from Becket to Derman; but retaining all his old nature, remitting nothing of his rigid resolutions.

63. Now, to avoid idleness, Becket, in his banishment, variously em∣ployed himself. First, in making, and widening breaches, between Henry his native Soveraign, and Lewis the French King. Secondly, in writing ma∣ny voluminousa letters of expostulation to Princes, and Prelates. Thirdly, in letting flie his heavy excommunications against the English Clergie; namely, against Roger, Arch-Bishop of York; Gilbert Foliot, Bishop of Lon∣don (a learneder man them himself;) Joceline, Bishop of Sarisbury, and others. His chief quarrel with them, was their adherence to the King; and particularly, because the Arch-Bishop presumed to Crown Henry the King's Son (made joynt-King in the life of his Father) a priviledge which Becket claimed, as proper to himself alone. Fourthly, in receiving comfort from, and returning it to Pope Alexander at Beneventum in Italy. Sameness of af∣fliction bred sympathy of affection betwixt them, both being banished; the Pope by Frederick Barbarossa, the Emperour, for his pride and insolency: as our Becket smarted for the same fault, from King Henry. Here also Becket solemnly resigned his Arch-Bishoprick to the Pope, as troubled in con∣science, that he had formerly took it as illegally from the King, and the Pope again restored it to him, whereby all scruples in his minde were fully satisfied.

64. But afterwards by mediation of friends, Becket's reconciliation was wrought, and leave given him to return into England. However the King

still retained his temporals in his hand, on weighty considerations. Name∣ly, to show their distinct nature from the spirituals of the Arch-Bishoprick, to which alone the Pope could restore him: Lay-lands being separable from the same, as the favour of secular Princes: and Becket's bowed knee must own the Kings bountiful hand, before he could receive them. Besides, it would be a caution for his good behaviour.

65. Caelum non animum. Travellers change climates, not conditions. Witness our Becket, stubborn he went over, stubborn he staied, stubborn he return'd. Amongst many things, which the King desired, and he denied, he refused to restore the Excommunicated Bishops, pretending he had no power (indeed he had no will) and that they were Excommunicate by his Holiness. Yea, he, instead of recalling his old, added new Excommunica∣tions; and, that thunder which long before rumbled in his threatnings, now gave the crack upon all those that detained his temporal revenues.a Roger Hoveden reports, that upon Christmas-day (the better day the better deed) he Excommunicated Robert de Broc, because the day before he had cut off one of his horses tailes. Yea, he continued, and encreased his insolence against the King and all his subjects.

66. Here the King let fall some discontented words, which instantly were catch'd up in the ears of some Courtiers attending him. He complained that never Soveraign kept such lazy Subjects, and Servants, neither concern'd in their Kings credit, nor sensible of his favours conferred on them, to suffer a proud Prelate so saucily to affront him. Now, a low hollow, and a less clap with the hand, will set fierce doggs on worrying their prey. A quater∣nion of Courtiers being present; namely,

1. S^r Richard Breton, of which name (as I take it) a good family at this day is extant in Northampton-shire.

2. S^r Hugh Morvil of Kirk-Oswald in Cumberland, where hisb sword wherewith he slew Becket, was kept a long time, in memorial of his fact. His family at this day extinct.

3. S^r William Tracey, whose heirs at this day flourish, in a worthy and worshipful equipage, at Todington in Glocester-shire.

4. S^r Reginald Fitz-Urse,c or, Beares-Sonne. His posterity was after∣wards men of great lands and Command, in the County of Mo∣naghan in Ireland, being there calledd Mac-Mahon, which in Irish signifieth the son of a bear.

These four Knights, applying the Kings general reproof to themselves, in their preproperous passions mis-interpreted his complaint, not onely for Becket's legal condemnation, but also for their warrant for his execution. Presently they post to Canterbury, where they finde Becket in a part of his Church (since called the Martyrdom) who, though warned of their coming, and advised to avoid them, would not decline them, so that he may seem to have more minde to be kill'd, then they had to kill him. Here happ'ned high expostu∣lation, they requiring restitution of the Excommunicated Bishops; whose peremptory demands, met with his pertinacious denials, as then not willing to take notice of Solomon his counsel,e A soft answer pacifieth wrath. Brauls breed blows, and all four falling upon him, with the help of the fifth, an officer of the Church, called Hugh, the ill-Clerk, each gave him a wound, though that with the sword dispatch'd him, which cut off his crown from the rest of his head.

67. A barbarous murder, and which none will go about to excuse, but much heightned both by the Prose, and Poetry (good and bad) of Popish Wri∣ters in that age. Of the last and worst sort, I account that Distick (not

worthy the translating) one verse whereof, on each leaf of the door of Can∣terbury Quire, is yet legible in part;

Est sacer intra locus, venerabilis, at{que} beatus, Praesul, ubi sanctus Thomas est martyrizatus.

But, if he were no truer a martyr, then martyrizatus is true position, his me∣mory might be much suspected. More did the Muses smile on the Author of the following verses,

Pro Christi Sponsa, Christi sub tempore, Christi In Templo, Christi verus amator obit. Quis moritur? Praesul. Cur? Pro grege. Qualiter? Ense. Quando? Natali. Quis locus? Ara Dei.

For Christ his Spouse, in Christ's Church, at the tide Of Christ his birth, Christ his true lover dy'd. Who dies? A Priest. Why? For's flock. How? By th' sword. When? At Christ's birth. Where? Altar of the Lord.

Here I understand not, how properly it can be said, that Becket died Pro grege, For his flock. Hee did not die for feeding his flock, for any fundamental point of Religion, or for defending his flock against the wolfe of any dange∣rous doctrine; but meerly he died for his flock; namely, that the sheep thereof (though ever so scabb'd) might not be dress'd with tarr, and other proper (but sharpe, and smarting) medicines. I mean, that the Clergie might not be punished by the secular power, for their criminal enormities. Sure I am, a learned, and moderatea writer of that age, passeth this chara∣cter upon him, Quae ab ipso acta sunt laudanda nequaquam censuerim, licet ex lau∣dabili zelo processerint. Such things as were done by him, I conceive not at all to be praised, though they proceeded from a laudable zeal. Butb Stapleton calls this his judgment, Audacis Monachi censura non tam politica, quàm planè ethnica, The censure of a bold Monk, not so much politick as heathenish. Should another add of Stapleton, that this his verdict is the unchristian censure of a proud and parti∣al Jesuite; railing would but beget railing; and so it is better to remit all, to the dayc of the revelation of the righteous judgment of God.

68. Now King Henry, though unable to revive Beacket, shewed as much sorrow himself, for his death, as a living man could express; and did the other as much honour, as a dead man could receive. First, searching af∣ter all his kinred (as most capable of his kindeness) he found out his two sisters. One Mary, a virgin, not inclinable to marry, whom he preferred Abbess of the rich Nunnery of Berking. His other nameless sister, being married to one of the Le Botelers, or Butlers, He transplanted with her hus∣band, and children intod Ireland, conferring upon them high honours, and rich revenues; from whom the Earls of Ormond are at this day descended. He founded also the magnificent Abbey, callede Thomas-Court in Dublia (in memory of the said Thomas Becket, and expiation of his murther) beautifying the same with fair buildings, and enriching it with large possessions. Nor did onely the purse, but the person of King Henry do penance. Who walk∣ing some miles bare-foot, suffered himself to be whipped on the naked back by the Monks of Cantrbury. As for the four Knights, who murthered him, the Pope pardoned them, but conditionally, to spend the rest of their lives in the Holy war (where the King, as part of his penance enjoyned by the Pope, maintained two hundred men for one year, on his proper charges) to try, whether they could be as couragious in killing of Turks, as they had been cruel in murdering a Christian.

69. And now, being on this subject, once to dispatch Becket out of out way, just a Jubilee of years after his death, Stephen Langton, his mediate suc∣cessor, removed his body from the Vnder-croft in Christ-Church, where first he was buried, and laid him at his own charge, in a most sumptuous shrine, at the East end of the Church. Here thea rust of the sword that killed him, was afterwards tendred to Pilgrims to kiss. Here many miracles were pre∣tended to be wrought by this saint, in numberb two hundred and seventy. They might well have been brought up to four hundred, and made as many as Baals lying Prophets: though even then, one Propher of the Lord, one Micaiah, one true miracle were worth them all.

70. It is almost incredible, what multitudes of people flock'd yearly to Canterbury (which City lived by Beckets death) especially on his Jubilee, or each fifty years after his enshrining. No fewer then an hundredc thou∣sand (we finde it in words at length, and therefore a cipher is not mistaken) of English and forrainers repaired hither. And, though great the odds in hardness, between stones and flesh, there remains at this day in the marble, the prints of their superstition, who crept, and kneeled to his shrine. The revenues whereof by peoples offerings, amounted to more then six hundred pounds a year. And the same accomptant, when coming to set down, what then, and there was offered to Christ's, or the High-Altar, dispatcheth all with a blanke, Summo Altari nil. Yea, whereas before Beckets death, the Cathedral in Canterbury was called Christ's Church, it passed afterwards for the Church of S^t Thomas; verifying therein the complaint ofd Mary Mag∣dalen, Sustuleruat Dominum, They have taken away the Lord. Though since, by the demolishing of Beckets shrine, the Church (and that justly) hath recove∣red his true and ancient name.

SECT. II.

DOMINO JOANNI WYRLEY DE WYRLEY-HALL, In Com. Stafford, Equiti Aurato.

LEx Mahometica jubet, ut Turcarum quisque mecha∣nicae arti incumbat. Hinc est, quòd, vel inter Ot tomanicos Imperatores, hic faber, ille Sartor, hic totus est in baltheorum bullis, ille in Sagittarum pennis con∣cinnandis, prout quisque suà indole trahatur.

Lex mihi partim placet, partim displicet. Placet in∣dustria, nè animi otii rubigine obducti sensim torpescerent. Displicet, ingenuas mentes servili operi damnari, cùm humi∣le nimis sit & abjectum.

At utinam vel lex, vel legis aemula consuetudo, inter An∣glos obtineret, nt nostrates nobiles, ad unum omnes, meliori literaturae litarent. Hoc si fiat, uberrimos fructus Respub∣lica perceptura esset ab illis, qui nunc absque Musarum cultu penitus sterilescunt.

Tu verò (Doctissime Miles!) es perpaucorum hominum, qui ingenium Tuum nobilitate premi non sinis: sed artes in∣genuas, quas Oxonii didicisti juvenis, vir assiduè colis. Gestit itaque Liber noster Te Patrono; quo non alter aut in not andis mendis oculatior, aut in condonandis clementior.

1. EVen amongst all the stripes given him since the death of Becket, none made deeper impression in King Henry's soul, then the undutisulness of Henry, his eldest Son, whom he made (the foolish act of a wise King) joynt-King with himself, in his life time. And, as the Father was indiscreet to put off so much of his apparel, before he went to bed: so the Son was more unnatural, in endeavouring to rend the rest from his back, and utterly to difrobe him of all Regal power. The Clergie were not wahting in their plentiful censures, to impute this mischance to the King, as a Divine punishment on Beckets death; that his natural Son should prove so undutiful to him, who

himself had been so unmerciful to his spiritual father. But this rebellious childe pass'd not unpunished. For, as he honoured not his Father; so his dayes were sew in the land which the Lord gave him. And, as he made little account of his own father; so English Authors make no reckoning of him in the Catalogue of Kings. This Henry the third being wholly omitted, because dying, during the life of his Father.

2. But, before this Henries death, Richard, Prior of Dover, who di∣vided Kent into three Arch-Deaconries, was made Arch-Bishop of Canter∣bury. Indeed the place was first profered to Robert, Abbot of Becco, in Nor∣mandy (Sequents of three, if he had accepted it [Anselme, Theobald, and this Robert] who, in the compass of seventy years, out of the same Abby were made Arch-Bishops of Canterbury) but he refused it, as ominous to succeed Becket in his Chair, lest he should succeed him in his Coffin; and preferr'd a whole skin before an holy Pall. But Richard accepting the place, is commended for a milde and moderate man, being all for accommodation, and his tem∣per the best expedient betwixt the Pope and King; pleasing the former with presents, the latter with compliance. This made him connive at Jeffery Plan∣taginet his holding the Bishoprick of Lincoln, though uncanonical••ess on un∣canonicalness met in his person. For, first he was a bastard. Secondly, he was never in orders. Thirdly, he was under age; all which irregularities were answered in three words, The Kings Son. This was that Jeffery, who used to protest by the royaltie of the King, his Father, when a stander by minded him to remember the honesty of his Mother.

3. A Synod was call'd at Westminster, the Popes Legat being present thereat; on whose right hand sat Richard, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, as in his proper place. When, in springs Roger of York, and, finding Canterbury so seated, fairly sits him down on Canterburie's lap (a baby too big to be danced thereon) yea, Canterbury his servants dandled this lap-childe with a witness, who pluck'd him thence, and buffeted him to purpose. Hence be∣gan the brawl, which often happened betwixt the two Sees for precedency; though hitherto we have pass'd them over in silence, not conceiving our selves bound to trouble the Reader, every time those Arch-Bishops troubled themselves. And, though it matters as little to the Reader, as to the Wri∣ter, whether Roger beat Richard, or Richard beat Roger; yet, once for all, we will reckon up the arguments, which each See alledged for its pre∣cedencie.

Canterburies Title.

1. No Catholick person will de∣ny, but that the Pope is the fountain of spiritual honor, to place and dis∣place at pleasure. He first gave the Primary to Canterbury: Yea, where∣as the proper place of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, in a general Councel, was next the Bishop of S^t Ruffinus; Anselme and his succes∣sors were advanced by Pope Vrban, to sit at the Popes right foot, as alteri∣us orbis Papa.

2. The English Kings have ever allowed the Priority to Canter∣bury. For a Duarchie in the Church (viz. two Arch-Bishops equal in power) being inconsistent with a

Monarchy in the State, they have ever countenanced the superiority of Canterbury, that the Church∣government might be uniform with the Commonwealths.

3. Custome hath been ac∣counted a King in all places, which time out of minde hath decided the precedency to Canterbury.

Yorks Title.

1. When Gregory the great made York and Canterbury Archiepis∣copal Sees, he affixed precedency to neither, but that the Arch-Bishops should take place according to the seniority of their consecrations. Until Lanckfranck, Chaplain to King Wil∣liam (thinking good reason he should conquer the whole Clergie of England, as his Master had van∣quished the Nation) usurped the su∣periority above the See of York.

2. If Antiquity be to be respe∣cted, long before Gregories time, York was the See of an Arch-Bishop, whilest as yet Pagan Canterbury was never dream'd of for that purpose.

Lucius the first Christian Brittain King, founding a Cathedral therein, and placing Sumson in the same, who had Taurinus, Pyrannus, Tacliacus, &c. his successors in that place.

3. If the extent of jurisdiction be measured, York, though the les∣ser in England, is the larger in Bri∣tain, as which at this time had the entire Kingdom of Scotland subject thereunto; Besides, if the three Bishopricks, (viz. Worcester, Lich∣field, Lincoln) formerly injuriously taken from York, were restored un∣to it, it would vie English Latitude with Canterbury it self.

This controversie lasted for may years, it was first visibly begun (passing by former private grudges) betwixt Lanckfrank of Canterbury, and Thomas of York, in the Reign of the Conqueror, continued betwixt William of Canterbury, and Thurstan of York, in the dayes of King Henry the first; increased betwixt Theo∣bald of Canterbury, and William of York, at the Coronation of Henry the second, and now revived betwixt Richard of Canterbury, and Roger of York, with more then ordinary animosity.

4. Some will wonder that such spiritual persons should be so spiteful, that they, who should rather have contended de pascendis ovibus, which of them should better feed their flocks, should fall out de lana caprina, about a toy and trifle, onely for Priority. Yet such will cease to wonder, when they consider how much carnality there was in the Disciples themselves: Witness their unseaso∣nable contest, just before our Saviours death, quis esset major, which of them should be the greater, when then the question should rather have been, quis esset maestior, not who should be the highest, but who should be the heaviest for their departing Master.

5. Here the Pope interposed, and to end old Divisions, made a new di∣stinction, Primate of all ENGLAND, and Primate of ENGLAND, giving the former to Canterbury, the latter to York. Thus when two Children cry for the same apple, the indulgent father divides it betwixt them, yet so, that he giveth the bigger and better part to the Childe that is his Darling. York is fain to be con∣tent therewith, though full ill against his will, as sensible that a secondary Pri∣macy is no Primacy; and as one stomaching a Superiour as much as Canterbury disdained an Equal. Yea, on every little occasion this controversie brake out again. The last flash which I finde of this flame, was in the Reiga of King Edward the first, when William Wickham, Arch-Bishop of York, at a Councel at Lambeth for Reformation, would needs have his Cross carried before him, which John Peckam, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury would in no case permit to be done in his Province. Wherefore the said Peckam inhibited all from selling b victuals to him or his family, so hoping to allay his stomach by raising his hun∣ger, and starve him into a speedy submission, which accordingly came to pass. Since York was rather quiet then contented, pleasing it self that as stout came be∣hinde as went before. But at this day the Clergie sensible of Gods hand upon them for their Pride and other offences, are resolved on more humility; and will let it alone to the Layetie to fall out about Precedency.

6. To return to King Henry, never did the branches of the English Mo∣narchy sprout higher, or spread broader before or since, as in the Reign of this King, so large and united his command, though in several capacities; For by right of inheritance from his Mother Maud, he held England and the Duke∣dom

of Normandy, by the same title from his Father, Geffery Plantagenet; he possessed fair lands in Anjou and Maine; by Match in right of Queen Elranor his Wife he enjoyed the Dukedoms of Aquitane and Guien even to the Pyrenean Mountains; by Conquest he lately had subdued Ireland, leaving it to his succes∣sors annexed to the English Dominions; and for a time was the effectual King of Scotland, whilest keeping William their King a Prisoner, and acting at plea∣sure in the Southern parts thereof. The rest of Christendom he may be said to have held by way of Arbritration, as Christiani orbis arbiter, so deservedly did Foreign Princes esteem his wisdom and integrity, that in all difficult controversies he was made Vmpire betwixt them.

7. Yet all this his greatness could neither preserve him from death, nor make him, when living, happy in his own house, so that when freest from Foreign foes, he was most molested in his own Family, his Wife and Sons at last siding with the King of France against him, the sorrow whereat was con∣ceived to send him the sooner to his grave. I meet with this Distick as parcel of his Epitaph,

Cui satis ad votum non essent omnia terrae Climata, terra modo sufficit octo pedum.

He whom alive the world would scarce suffice, When dead, in eight foot earth contented lies.

He died at Chinon in Normandy, and was buried with very great solemnity, in the Nunnery of Font-Everard in the same Countrey. A Religious House of his own Foundation and Endowment.

8. It is confidentlya reported, that when Richard, Son and Successor to King Henry, approached his Fathers dead Corps, they bled afresh at the Nostrils; whence some collected him the cause of his death. But whilest na∣tures Night-councellors (treading in the dark causes of hidden qualities) render the reason of the salleying forth of the bloud on such occasions, let the learn∣ed in the Laws decide how far such an accident may be improved for a legal evidence. For surely that Judg is no better then a Murderer, who condem∣neth one for Murder on that proof alone. However on the bleeding of the Fathers Nostrils, the Sons heart could not but bleed, as meeting there with a guilty Conscience. And therefore (according to the Divinity and Devotion of those dayes) to expiate his disobedience, he undertook with Philip Augustus, King of France, a long Voyage against Sultan Saladine, to recover CHRIST his grave, and the City of Jerusalem, from the Turks in Palestine.

9. Having formerly written an whole Book of the Holy War, and par∣ticularly of King Richards atchievements therein, I intend here no repetition; Onely our design is to give a Catalogue of some of our English Nobility, who adventured their persons in the Holy War; and whose Male-Posterity is eminently extant at this day. I have known an excellent Musician, whom no Arguments could perswade to play, until hearing a Bungler scrape in the company, he snatch'd the Instrument out of his hand (in indignation that Musick should be so much abused) then turned and played upon it himself. My project herein is, that giving in an imperfect list, of some few noble Families, who ingaged themselves in this service; It will so offend some emi∣nent Artist (hitherto silent in this kinde) that out of disdain he will put him∣self upon so honourable a work, deserving a Gentleman who hath Lands, Learning and leisure to undertake so costly, intricate and large a subject for the honor of our Nation. And be it premised, that to prevent all cavils about precedency, first come, first serv'd; I shall Marshal them in no other method, but as in my studies I have met with the mention of them.

10. To begin with the place of my present habitation; one Hugh Ne∣vil attended King Richard into the Holy War, and anciently lieth buried in a Marble Monument, in the Church of Waltham Abbey in Essex, whereof no remainders at this day. This Hugh Nevil being one of the Kings special sa∣miliars, slew a Lion in the Holy Land, first driving an arrow into his Breast, and then running him through with his sword, on whom this Verse was made,

a Viribus Hugonis vires periêre Leonis

• The strength of Hugh
• A Lion slew.

If Benaiah the son of Jehoiadah, was recounted the fifth amongst Davids wor∣thies, forb killing a Lion in the middest of a pit in the time of snow, surely on the same reason, this bold and brave Baron Hugh, ought to be entred into the Catalogue of the Heroes of his Soveraign. But I cannot give credit toc his report, who conceiveth that the Atchievement of the man was tran∣slated to his Master; And that on this occasion King Richard the first got the name of Cordelion, or Lions Heart.

11. This Hugh Nevil gave the Manor ofd Thorndon to Waltham Abby, and was Ancester of the Noble and numerous Family of the Nevils; to which none in England equal, for Honor, Wealth and number, in the later end of King Henry the sixth, though at this day the Lord Abergavenny be the only Baron thereof: He gave for his Armes a Cross Saltire, or the Cross of S^t Andrew, probably assuming it in the Holy War. For though I confess this is not the proper Cross of Hierusalem, yet was it highly esteemed of all those who adventured thither, as may appear, in that all Knights-Templers make such Saltire Cross, with their Thwarted Leggs upon their Monuments.

12. Giralde de Talbote succeeds in the second place; When Articles were drawn up between our King Richard, in his passage to Palestine, and Tancred King of Sicily, for the mutual observation of many Conditions be∣twixt them. He put in upon their Oaths, for his Sureties, a Grand-Jury of his principal Subjects then present, viz. two Arch-Bishops, two Bishops, and twenty other of his Prime Nobility expressed in his Letterse Patents; Be∣sides many other whose names were concealed. Of these twenty, the aforesaid Girald de Talbote is the first; whose Male Issue and Name is ex∣tant at this day, flourishing in the Right Honourable Family of the Earls of Shrewsbury.

13. Next amongst the Royal Jurors (as I may term them) was Guarrin Fitz-Girald, from whom are descended the Fitz Giralds in Ireland, (where their name is in some places Provincial) of whom the Earl of Kildare is chief. A memorial of their service in Palestine is preserved in their Armes, giving Argent a Cross Saltire Gules. Here it must be remembred, that the valiant sprightly Gentleman Hickman Lord Windsor is descended from the same f Male Ancestors with the Fitz Giralds (as Robert Glover a most exquisite He∣rald doth demonstrate) though according to the fashion of that age, altering his old, and assuming a new name from Windsor, the place of his office and Command. This Lord Windsor carrieth the Badg of his Service in his Arms, being essentially the same, with the Earl of Kildares, save that the colours are varied; the field Gules, and cross Saltire Argent, betwixt twelve Crosses cros∣sed, OR: Which Coat seemingly sursited was conceived in that age, the more healthful for the same; the more Crossed the more Blessed, being the Devo∣tion of those dayes.

14. Four other Gentlemen of quality remain mentioned in that Parent, William de Curcy, Father to John the valiant Champion and Conqueror of Ireland; Robert de Novo Burgo; Hugh le Brain, and Amaury de Mountford;

of all whom formerly in our Alphabetical Comment on Abby Roll.

15. At the siege of Acres or Ptolemais (the Grave General of the Chri∣stian Army) amongst many Worthies dying there within the compass of one year; I findea Ingelram de Fiennes to be slain, from whom the Lord Vis∣count Say and Seal, and the Lord Dacres of the South derive their discent. But most visible are the remains of the Holy War in the atchievement of Theo∣philus Finnes, alias Clinton, Earl of Lincoln, giving in the lower parts of his shield (in a field Argent) six Crosses crossed Fitchee Sable, denoting the stability and firmness of his Ancestors in that service.

16. Also at the aforesaid Siege of Acres, Radulphus de Alta ripa, Arch∣Deacon of Colchester ended his life. Now although because a Clergy-man, he could not then leave any lawful Issue behinde him. Yet we may be con∣fident that the Ancient Family De Alta ripa or Dautry, still continuing in b Sussex were of his Alliance.

17. Before we leave the Siege of Acres, let me refresh the Reader with my innocent (and give me leave to say provable) mistake. I conceived the Noble Family of the Lord Dacres took their Sir-name from some service there performed, confirmed in my conjecture. 1. Because the name is writ∣ten with a Local Tinesis, D'Acres. 2. Joan Daughter to Edward the first, King of England, is called D'Acres, because Born there. 3. They gave their Armes Gules three Scollops-shels Argent; Which Scollop-shels (I mean the ne∣thermost of them, because most concave and capacious) smooth within, and artificially plated without, was of times Cup and Dish to the Pilgrims in Pale∣stine; and thereupon their Armes often charged therewith. Since suddenly all is vanished, when I foundc Dacor, a Rivolet in Cumberland, so ancient, that it is mentioned by Bede himself, long before the Holy War was once dreamed of, which gave the name to Dacres Castle, as that (their prime seat) to that Family.

18. Before we go further, be it here observed, that when King Richard the first went into Palestine, he took up for his Device in his Ensign, a Cressant and a Star, but on what account men variously conjecture. Some conceive it done in affront to the Sultan Saladine, the Turk giving the Half Moon for his Armies; But this seems unlikely, both because a Cressant is not the posture of the Turkish Moon, and because this was a preposterous method with a vali∣ant man at his bare setting forth, who would rather first win, before wear the Armes of his Enemies; Others make a modest, yea Religious meaning there∣of, interpreting himself and his souldiers by the Cressant and Star, expecting to be inlightened from above, by the beams of succe••s from the Sun of Divine Providence. Indeed it would trouble a wise man (but that a wise man will not be troubled therewith) to give a reason of King Richards fancy; it being almost as easie for him to foretel ours, as for us infallibly to interpret his de∣sign herein. However we may observe many of the principal persons which attended the King in this War, had their Shields be-Cressanted and be-Starred, in relation to this the Royal Device.

19. Thus Michael Minshul of Minshul in Cheshire, serving King Richard in this war, had not onely the Cressant and Star given him for his Armes, but since also that Family hath born for their Crest, two Lions paws holding a Cressant. And I have seen a Patentd lately, granted by the Lord Marshal, to a Knighte deriving himself from a younger branch of that Family, assigning him for distinction, to change his Crest into the Sultan kneeling and holding a Cressant.

20. And thus the Noble Family of Saint-John, (whereof the Earl of Bullingbrock, &c.) give for their Paternal Coat Argent two Stars Or on a Chief Gules. These Stars first give us a dim light to discover their Service in the Holy Land, who since are beholding for perfecter information, to one now scarce counted a Rimer, formerly admitted for a Poet, acquainting us with this, and another Noble Family adventuring in the Holy War, namely, the Sack∣viles, still flourishing in the Right Honourable the Earl of Dorcet.

a King Richard wyth gud entent To yat cite ofb Jafes went On morn he sent aftur Sir Robart Sakebile Sir William Wateruile Sir Hubart and Sir Robart of Turnham Sir Bertram Brandes and John de S^t John.

Yet the Armes or Crest of the Sackviles give us not the least intimation of the Holy War. And indeed no rational man can expect an universal confor∣mity in so much variety of fancies, that all the Armes of the adventurers thi∣ther, should speake the same Language, or make some sign of their service therein.

21. I findec S^r Frederick Tilney Knighted at Acres in the Holy Land, in the third year of King Richard the first; he was a man Magnaestaturae & po∣tens corpore; Sixteen Knights in a direct line of that name succeeded in that Inheritance: Whose heir general was married to the Duke of Norfolk, whilest a male branch (if not, which I fear, very lately extinct) flourished since at Shelleigh in Suffolke.

22. When I look upon the ancient Armes of the Noble Family of the Villiers, wherein there is Pilgrim on Pilgrim, I mean five Scallops O R, on the Cross of S^t george; I presently concluded, one of that Family attended King Richard in the Holy Land: But on better enquiry, I finde that this Family at their first coming into England, bare Sable three Cinquefoyles Argent; and that S^r Nicholas de Villiers Knight, changed thisd Coat in the Reign, not of Ri∣chard, but Edward the first, whom he valiantly followed in his Wars in the Holy Land, and elsewhere.

23. I will conclude with the Noble Family of Berkely, then which none of England now eminently existing, was more redoubted in the Holy war. All know their disent from Harding (Son to the King of Denmark) whose Armes are said to be Gules Three Danish Axes O R, or as others suppose with more probability, I conceive onely a plain Cheveron, though some three hundred years since, they have filled their Coat with Ten Crosses Patte OR, in remembrance of the Atchievements of their Ancestors in that service. For I finde that Harding of England Landed ate Joppa, July the third, in the se∣cond year of King Baldwin, with a Band of stout Souldiers, where he relie∣ved the Christians besieged therein.

24. But I have been too tedious, intending onely a short Essay, and to be (let me call it) an honest Decoy, by entering on this subject, to draw others into the compleating thereof, during the whole extent of the Holy war. The best is, for the present we have had good leisure, these Martial times af∣fording but little Ecclesiastical matter. For at this present much of the En∣glish Church was in Palestine, where Baldwin, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, ended his life before the Siege of Acres; and where Hubert Walter, Bishop of Sarisbury, was a most active Commander; besides many moe of the eminent Clergies ingaged in that service. Yet many did wish that one Clergy-man more had been there, (to keep him from doing mischief at home) namely, William Longcamp, Bishop of Elie, who plaied Rex in the Kings absence: so intolerable a Tyrant was he, by abusing the Royal Authority committed unto him. And it is a wonder, that he, being indeed a Norman born, but holding so many and great offices in this land, should not be able to speak one word of goodf English, as the English, as the English were not willing to speak one good word of him.

25. Such as draw up a parallel betwixt this William Longcampe, and Thomas Wolsey (afterward Arch-Bishop of York) finde them to meet in many conformities. First, in the lowness of their birth, the one the son of an Hus∣band-man,

the other of a Butcher. Secondly, in the greatness of their power, both being the Popes Legates, and their Kings principal Officers. Thirdly, height of their pride; Longcampe having fifteen hundred daylie atten∣dants: Wolsey, though but a thousand, equalizing that number with the nobi∣lity of his train. Fourthly, suddenness of their fall, and it is hard to say, which of the two lived more hated, or died less pittied.

26. Yet to give Wolsey his due, he far exceeded the other, Longcampe is accused of covetousness, promoting his base kindred, to the damage and detriment of others: no such thing charged on Wolsey. Longcampes activi∣ty moved in the narrow sphear of Englands Dominions; whilest Wolsey might be said (in some sort) to have held in his hand the scales of Christendome. Up Emperor, down France; and so alternately, as he was pleased to cast in his graines. Wolsey sate at the sterne more then twenty years, whilest Longcampe's impolitick pride outed him of his place, in less then a quarter of the time. Lastly, nothing remains of Longcampe, but the memory of his pride and pomp: whilest Christ-Church in Oxford, and other stately edifices, are the lasting monuments of Wolseys magnificence, to all posterity.

27. But seeing it is just to settle mens memories, on their true bottom; Be it known, that one putteth in a good word in due season, in the excuse of Bi∣shop a Longcampe, haply not altogether so bad as the pens of Monks would per∣swade us. It inraged them against him, because Hugh Nonant Bishop of Coventry and Liechfield, drave out Monks out of Coventry, and brought in Secular Priests in the room; which alteration he being not able of himself to effect, used the assistance of Longcampe Bishop of Elie; ordering the same in a Synod called at London. And seeing Monks have no medium betwixt not loving and bitter hating, no wonder if for this cause they paid him their Invectives. But we have done with him, and are glad of so fair a riddance of him, on this account, that most of his misdemeanors were by him committed, not quà Bishop, but quà Vice-roy, and so more properly belon̄ging to the civil Historian.

28. King Richard in his return from Palestine, was taken prisoner by Leopold Duke of Austria, and detained by him in durance, with hard and un∣Prince-like usage. Whilest the English Clergy endeavoured the utmost for his Enlargement. And at last when a fine certain was set upon him to be paid for his Ransome; they with much ado in two years time disbursed the same.

29. The summe was an hundred and fifty thousand and marks, to be paid, part to the Duke of Austria, part to Henry the sixth, Sir-named the sharpe, (Sure such our Richard found him) Emperor of Germany. Some will wonder that the weight of such a summe should then sway the back of the whole Kingdome, (putting many Churches to the sale of their silver Chalices) having seen in our age one City in few dayes advance a larger proportion; But let such con∣sider,

1. The money was never to return, not made over by Bils of Exchange, but sent over in specie, which made it arise the more heavily. For such summes may be said in some sort to be but lent, not lost (as to the Common-wealth) which are not exported, but spent therein in the circulation of Trading.

2. A third of silver went then more to make a marke then now adayes, witness their groats, worth our six pence in the intrinsick value.

3. Before trading to the East and West Indies, some hundred and fifty years since, very little the silver of England, in comparison to the Banks of Modern Merchants.

However Hubert, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, with much diligence perfected the work, and on his ransom paid, King Richard returned into England.

30. Now lest his Majesty should suffer any diminution by his long late imprisonment; King Richard was Crowned again by Hubert Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, at Winchester, with great solemnity; and one may say that his durance was well bestowed on him, seeing after the same he was improved in all his relations.

Son. For though he could not revive his dead Father; yet on all occasions he expressed sorrow for his undutifulness.

Husband. Hereafter prising the company of Beringaria his Queen; Daughter to Sanctius King of Navarre, whom formerly he slighted and neglected.

Brother. Freely and fully pardoning the practises of his Brother John aspiring to the Crown in his absence; and being better to his base Brother Geffery, Arch-Bishop of York, then his tumultuous nature did deserve.

Man. Being more strict in ordering his own conversation.

King. In endeavouring the amendment of many things in the Land, in whose dayes a Councel was, kept at York, for Reformation, but little effected.

31. Hubert Walter, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, had almost finished a fair Covent for Monks at Lambeth, begun by Baldwin his Predecessor. But in∣stantly the Monks of Canterbury are all up in anger against him they feared that in process of time Lambeth would prove Canterbury (viz. the Principal place of the Arch-Bishops residence) to the great impairing of their Priviledges; the vicinity of Lambeth to the Court encreased their jealousie: And now they ply the Pope with Petitions, and with what makes Petitions to take effect in the Court of Rome; never content till they had obtained (contrary to the Kings and Arch-Bishops desire) that the Covent at Lambeth was utterly demolished; many bemoaning the untimely end thereof, before it was ended, murdered, as one may say, by malitious emulation.

32. The death of King Richard is variously reported, but this relation generally received, that he lost his life on this sad occasion. A Viscount in France, subject to King Richard, having found a vast Treasure, (hid probably by some Prince, the Kings Predecessor) sent part thereof to King Richard, re∣serving the rest to himself; who could he have concealed all, had made no discovery, and had he sent all, had got no displeasure; whilest hoping by this middle-way to pleasure the King, and profit himself, he did neither. King Richard disdaines to take part for a gift where all was due; and blame him not, if having lately bled so much money, he desired to fill his empty veines again. The Viscount fled into Poictou, whither the King following, straightly besieged him.

33. The Castle being reduced to distress, a Souldier shoots a poysoned arrow, contrary to the Law of Armes, being a sharp arrow, from a strong bow, is poyson enough of it self, without any other addition. But those Laws of Armes, are onely mutually observed in orderly Armies (if such to be found) and such Laws outlawed by extremity; when the half-famished Souldier, rather for spight then hunger, will champ a bullet. The arrow hits King Richard in the eye, who died some dayes after on the anguish thereof, having first forgiven the souldier that wounded him.

34. By Will he made a tripartite division of his body, and our Author takes upon him to render a reason thereof. His Heart he bequeathed to Roan, because he had ever found that City hearty and cordial unto him: His Body to be buried at Fount-Everard, at his Fathers feet, in token of his sorrow and submision, that he desired to be as it were his Fathers Foot-flool: His

Bowels to be buried in the Parish Church, in the Province of Poictou, where he died (not for any Bowels of affection he bare unto them, but) because he would leave his filth and excrements to so base and treacherous a place. Others more charitably conceive them buried there, because conveniently not to be carried thence, whose corruption required speedy interment. Another Monk telleth us, that his Heart was grossitudinea Praestans, gross for the greatness thereof; which is contrary to the received opinion, that that part is the least in a vali∣ant man, and the heart of a Lion (this Richard we know was called Cure de Lion, or Lion-hearted) less then the heart of an Hare.

25. I finde two Epitaphs made upon him, the first, (better for the con∣ceit then the Poetry thereof) thus concludeth:

Sic locab per trina se sparsit tanta ruina, Nec fuit hoc funus cui sufficeret locus unsis.

Three places thus, are sharers of his fall, Too little, one, for such a Funeral.

The second may pass for a good piece of Poetry in that age;

Hic Richardec jaces, sed mors si cederet, armis Victa timore tui, cederet ipsa tuis.

Richard thou liest here, but were death afraid Of any armes, thy armes had death dismaid.

Dying issueless, the Crown after his death should have descended to Arthur, Duke of Britain, as son to Geffery, fourth son to Henry the second, in whose mi∣nority, John, fift Son to the said King, seized on the Crown, keeping his Nephew Arthur in prison till he died therein. Thus climing the Throne against conscience; no wonder if he sate thereon without comfort, as in the follow∣ing Century, God willing, shall appear.

The End of the Twefth CENTURY.

Notes

• Anno Regis Hen. 1. 2
• Anno Dom. 1101.
• Hen. 1 2.
• 1101
• The Hellish imprecation of Maud when married to King Henry.
• a

  Hist. Ang. in Hen. 1. anno 1101.
• The story o∣therwise told by Eadmerus an eye and ear witness.
• b

  Eadmerus Novorum, lib. 5. pag. 57, & 58.
• A grand Sy∣nod of the Clergy and Laytie with the Constitu∣tions thereof.
• 1102
• 3.
• a

  Fadmerus Hist. Novorum lib. 3. pag. 67. & 68.
• Ali••er being Canonical.
• Anno Regis Hen. 1 3.
• Anno Dom. 1102.
• a

  Henricus Huntingdon Historia••um lib. 7. pag. 217.
• b

  Pag. 746. in Catalogo Reli∣giosarum Ae∣dium.
• Hence pro∣bably the Proverb. He is in a merry Pin.
• c

  Ingulsus, pag. 512. Edict. Londin.
• d

  Camdens Brit. pag. 173.
• Anno Dom. 1105
• Anno Regis Hen. 16.
• a

  J. Selden ad Eadmer. speci∣legium, pag. 207.
• b

  1 Cor. 11. 14.
• c

  De excid. Britan. fo1. 6.
• Anno Dom. 1102.
• a

  See Mr Sel∣den, spicileg. ad Eadmerum, pag. 208.
• b

  Bale in the Acts of En∣glish Votaries, second part, chap. 74.
• c

  Eadmerus ut prius.
• 4.
• 1103
• An selme refu∣seth to con∣secrate the Kings Bi∣shops.
• Anno Dom. 1105.
• Anno Regis Hen. 16.
• Anselme sent to Rome.
• The king parts with his investing of Bishops.
• 1106.
• 7.
• Anselme for∣bids Priests marriage.
• 1107
• 8.
• Onely by a Church Con∣stitution.
• a

  In. 2. •• q all. 88. art. 11.
• b

  Lib 7. de Ju∣stitia quaest. 5. aru••. 2.
• Grounded on double er∣ror.
• c

  1 Cor. 7. 7.
• Anno Regis Hen. 18.
• Paramount holiness in a married per∣son.
• a

  Gen. 5. 22.
• b

  Cor. 7. 33.
• St Paul ex∣pounded.
• And marriage defended.
• c

  Eccles. 4. 8.
• d

  Gen. 33. 9. 11.
• A Monks ver∣ses, as bald as his crown.
• e

  Found in Ramsey Ab∣bey, in a Treatise De Monicatu, ci∣ted by John Bale.
• a

  1 Tim. 4. 1.
• Well stopped up.
• Marriage. Bed may be ••or∣born for a time, not to∣tally forbid∣den.
• b

  Joel 2. 11.
• c

  1 Cor. 7.
• H. Huntington his Censure of Anselme.
• Anno Regis Hen. 19.
• Anno Dom. 1108
• Anselme dieth re infecta of Priests Divor.
• The sloutness of Norwich Clergy.
• Learned mar∣ried Ealphe∣gus.
• 26.
• 1125.
• a

  Brit. in De∣von.
• b

  Printed Anno 1612. pag. 3. 383.
• A Virgin. Le∣cher unmask∣ed
• c

  Roger Hove∣den and Han. Huntington.
• d

  Judg. 5. 6.
• Priests buy their own Wives.
• 27.
• 1126.
• Ely-Abbey made a Bisho∣prick.
• And inriched with Royal∣ties.
• Anno Regis Hen. 127.
• St Davids contest with Canterbury.
• Impar Congres∣sus.
• a

  Mat. Paris pag. 73.
• King Henry his death.
• Stephen usur∣peth the Crown on a fully title.
• Steph. 1.
• Dece. 2.
• Anno Regis. Hen. 1 ••••.
• Anno Dom. 1135.
• Maud the south.
• The perjury of the Clergy.
• Dece. 26.
• Variety of peoples opi∣nions.
• Pro and Con for King Ste∣phen.
• A second par∣ty with their∣opposers.
• Anno Regis Steph. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• A third with theirs.
• A fourth with theirs.
• Some act at, not for King Stephens com∣mands.
• Politick pa∣tience.
• Robert Earl of Glocester singular.
• a

  Mat. Paris pag.75.
• Highly con∣scientious.
• An honest re∣vote of the Clergie.
• 1136.
• Canons of Pauls soundly paid.
• a

  Rad. de Di∣ceto in hunc∣anum.
• What Focariae were.
• b

  In Anna 1191.
• c

  1 Cor. 7. 9.
• A Synod at Westminster.
• 4. Dece. 13.
• 1138
• Anno Dom. 1138
• Anno Regis Steph. 7.
• Henry of Win∣chester Eng∣lands Arch-Prelate.
• 1139.
• 5.
• a

  William Malmsbury hist. novel. lib. 2. pag. 183.
• The issuless issue of the Synod at Win∣chester.
• 1140.
• 6.
• 1141.
• 7.
• Anno Dom. 1141.
• Why plenty of Religious foundations in these Mar∣tiall dayes.
• 10.
• 1144.
• a

  Stows Sur∣vey of London pag. 117.
• Religious houses foun∣ded by King Stephen.
• b

  Stow in the end of K. Ste∣phens life.
• c

  Mark 7. 27.
• 16.
• 1150.
• The constan∣cy of Theobald Arch-Bishop of Canterbury.
• 19.
• d

  Mat. Paris in this year.
• 1153.
• The seasona∣ble death of Prince Eu∣stace.
• An English-man Pope.
• e

  Camden in Middlesex.
• f

  Bale in En∣glish Votaries, fol. 85.
• Anno Dom. 1153.
• Anno Regis Hen. 1▪ 19.
• Jeffery Mon∣mouth defended
• The death of K Stephen.
• 1154
• 20.
• a

  Stow in the end of his life.
• Sobriquets what they were.
• Hen. 2
• A••ias Plan∣tagenist.
• K. Henry his character.
• Anno Regis Hen 2▪ 4.
• Anno Dom. 1154
• What be∣came of Maud the Empress.
• 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• 1.
• 1155.
• The body of the Common-Law compi∣led.
• 2.
• 1156.
• Castles demo∣lished.
• Thomas Becket L. Chancellor of England.
• Anno Dom. 1158.
• His great re∣formation be∣ing made Arch-Bishop of Canterbury.
• 1162
• 8.
• A stubborn defender of the vicious Clergy, against secular Magi∣strates.
• a

  1 King 1. 6.
• Rom. 13. 1.
• 1164.
• 10.
• He incurs the Kings dis∣pleasure.
• See them at large in Mat. Paris.
• Anno Regis Hen. 2▪ 10.
• Anno Dom. 1164
• Fox his Mon. see the letter at large, pag. 269.
• The vanity of Beckets path.
• He flieth be∣yond Sea, without the Kings con∣sent.
• How employ∣ed in his ba∣nishment.
• 11.
• 1165.
• a

  See them exemplified at large in Stapleton De Tribus Thomis.
• 13.
• 1167.
• Is reconciled to the King.
• Anno Dom 1167.
• Anno Regis Hen. 2. 13.
• Returns as obstinate as he went over.
• 1170.
• 16.
• a

  Parte poste∣ri••••i Henrici secundi, pag. 521.
• Is slain by four Knights in his own Church.
• b

  Cand. Brit. in Cumberland, pag. 777.
• c

  Others call him Walter.
• d

  Camd. Brit. in Ireland, pag. 10.
• e

  Prov. 15. 1.
• Various cen∣sures on his death.
• Dece 28.
• Anno Regis Hen. 2 16.
• Anno Dom. 1170
• William Som∣ner in his An∣tiquities of Canterbury, pag. 166.
• a

  Gulielmus Nubrigiensis.
• b

  In tribus Thomis.
• c

  Rom. 2. 5.
• The heavy penance per∣formed by King Henry.
• d

  Camdens Brit. in Ire∣land, pag. 83.
• e

  Idem pag. 93.
• 20.
• 1174.
• Becket after fifty years in∣shrined.
• Anno Dom 1174.
• Anno Regis Hen. •• 20.
• a

  Erasmus his Dialog. in Re∣ligionis ergo.
• b

  Fox Acts and Monum. pag. 493.
• The blinde superstition of people.
• c

  Wil. Somner ut priùs, pag. 249.
• d

  John 12. 13.
• Edw. Sandys in suis peregri∣nationibus.
• 20.
• 1174.
• The unduti∣sulness of young King Henry.
• Anno Dom. 1174.
• Anno Regis Hen. 2. 20.
• Richard made Arch-Bishop of Canterbury.
• The contro∣versy betwixt Canterbury & York for pre∣cedency.
• 1176.
• 22.
• Anno Regis Hen. 2. 22.
• Anno Dom. 1176.
• How much carnality in the most spi∣ritual.
• Luke 22, 24.
• The Popes decision gives final satisfa∣ction.
• b

  Mr Jackson out of Flori∣legus, in his Chronologie Anno 1280.
• The far ex∣tended En∣glish Monar∣chie in this Kings Reign.
• Anno Dom. 1277.
• Anno Regis Hen. 2. 23.
• Could not make him for∣tunate in his own Family.
• Mat. Paris, pag. 151.
• 1289.
• 39. Rich. 1.
• a

  Mat. Paris, at prius.
• Disobedience endeavoured to be expia∣ted by super∣stition
• An account of our design.
• 1190
• 1.
• Anno Regis Rich. prim. 1.
• Anno Dom. 1190
• Nevil Kill. Lion his per∣formance in Palestine.
• a

  Mat. Paris Anno Dom 1222.
• b

  2 Sam. 23. 20.
• c

  Weavers Fun. Mon. pag. 644.
• d

  Registrum Cart Abbat. de Waltham.
• Ancesters to the Noble & numerous Nevils.
• Giralde de Talbote, whence the house of Shrewsbury.
• e

  R. Hoveden pars poster 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Rich. primo.
• Guarrin Fitz Girald, from whom the Earls of Kil∣dare and Ba∣rons of Wind∣sor.
• f

  See Camd. Brit. in Berk∣shire.
• A Quaternion more of ad∣ventures.
• Anno Dom. 1191.
• Anno Regis Rich. Prim. 2.
• Ingleram 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his po∣sterity.
• a

  〈…〉〈…〉. pag. 655.
• Radulphus De Alta ripa.
• b

  Camd. Brit. ibid.
• A mistake freely confest.
• c

  Camd. Brit. in Cumberland pag. 776.
• Cressant and Stat why the Device of K. Richard the first in his voyage to the Holy Land.
• The Armes of the ancient Family of Minshull.
• d

  Viz. July 4. 1642.
• e

  Sir Richard Minshull of Burton in Bucks:
• As also of the noble S. Johns and Sackvile.
• a

  Robert of Glocester.
• b

  Jafes, that is Joppa in Palestine.
• c

  Haekluit in his first vo∣lume of voy∣ages.
• 3.
• 1192.
• The worship∣ful Family of the Tilnes.
• The most ho∣nourable An∣cestors of the Villiers.
• d

  Burton in his description of Leicester-shire.
• The Armes of the Berkeleys.
• e

  Chronicon Je∣rusalem, lib. 9. cap. 11.
• More Church∣men abroad then Church∣business at home.
• f

  Goodwin in his catalogue of the Bishop of Ely. Longcampe & Wolsey paral∣lel'd.
• Anno Dom. 1192.
• Anno Regis Rich. prim. 3.
• Wolsey the better of the two.
• Yet a word in excuse of Longcamp.
• a

  Godwin ut prius.
• King Richard dearly Ran∣somed.
• 1193.
• 3.
• Why a small sum great in that age.
• Anno Regis Rich. prim. 4.
• Anno Dom. 1194.
• King Richard better for af∣fliction.
• 6.
• 1196.
• 8.
• 1198
• Lambeth Co∣vent, why de∣molished.
• 9.
• 1199.
• King Richard his death.
• By a poyson∣ed arrow.
• The three∣fold division of his corps.
• Mat. Paris in hoc anno, pag. 195.
• Anno Dom. 1199.
• Anno Regis Rich. prim. 9.
• a

  Gervasius D••r••bernensis in Rich. pag. 1628.
• His double Epitaph and successor.
• b

  Milles in his catalogue of honor, pag. 120.
• c

  Camdens Brit. in Ox∣ford-shire,
• 1100