The church-history of Britain from the birth of Jesus Christ until the year M.DC.XLVIII endeavoured by Thomas Fuller.

CENT. XI.

1. WIlliam Duke of Normandy being thus arri∣ved, soon conquered Harold with an army of Normans, as far beneath the En∣glish in Number as above them in tempe∣rance: For the English being revelling before, had in the morning their brains arrested, for the arrearages of the indige∣sted fumes of the former night, and were no better then drunka when they came to fight. But these things belong to the Historians of the State to relate; whilest it is proper to us to observe, that King William to testifie his gratitude to God, for the victory, founded in that place, Battel-Abby, endowing it with revenues, and large immunities. Theb Abbot whereof (being a Baron of Parlia∣ment) carried a pardon in his presence, who casually coming to the place of Execution, had power to save any Malefactor. The Abbey-Church, was a place of safety for any Fellon or Murtherer, though such Popish sanctuaries themselves, if accused as unlawful, can finde no refuge in Scripture precepts, or presidents for their justification, seeing the very Horns of the Altar, by divine command, did push away those wilful offenders which fled unto them: and impunity be∣ing the greatest motive to impiety, made their Covent the Center of sinners. Here the Monks flourished in all affluence, as the Old world in the dayes of Noah, they ate, they drank, they bought, they fold, would I might add, they married wives and were given in marriage, (for want whereof they did worse) till in the dayes of King Henry the eight they were all drowned in the general Deluge of the Dissolution.

2. Now it was proper to the place of Stigand, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, to perform the Solemnities of King Williams Coronation; but he declined that

imployment, pretending Williams unlawful title, and loath to pour the sa∣cred oyl on his Head, whose Hands had shed so much innocent bloud: The other accounting himself to have a better title to the Crown, by conquest, then the Arch-Bishop had to his Miter by Simony, disdained his service, and accepted the Crown from the hands of Aldred, Arch-Bishop of York: who first requi∣red an Oath of him, to defend the Church, minister justice, and (amongst other things) to use English-men as favourably as Normans. Notwithstand∣ing which Oath, he made the Normans his Darlings, and the English his Drudges; insomuch as many English Bishops and Abbots unable to comport themselves with his harshness, and conceiving it more credit and safety, to go then to be driven away; fearing by degrees they should all be quarrelled out of their places, unwillingly willing quitted their preserments, and fled into Scotland. Here King Malcolme Canmore (who had married Margaret Niece to Edward the Confessor) freely received them. He himself had formerly lived four∣teen years in England; and now of a grateful Guest, became a bountiful Host, and courteously harboured these Exiles. And as, at this time, England be∣gan to turn France, imitating the language, Garbe, and manners thereof; so Scotland began now to turn England: the Families transplanted thither, transporting the English customes, fashions, and Civilities along with them.

3. About this time Doomes-day-book was made, containing an exact survey of all the houses and land in the Kingdom, unpartially done with rigorous severity. They omitted Nec lucum, nec lacum,c nec locum, so accurate they were in the very fractions of the land: and therefore it may seem a miracle, that the Monks of Crowland should finde a courtesie peculiar to themselves, (belike out of veneration to their Covent) that their lands were rated nec ad spatium, nec add praecium, neither so much in quantity, nor so high in value as in∣deed they were worth. This book of the General Survey of England, though now begun, did take up some years,e before it was compleated.

4. King William called a Synod of his Bishops at Winchester, wherein he was personally present, with two Cardinals sent thither from Rome. Here Stigand Arch-Bishop of Canterbury was deposed, for several uncanonical exorbitances, and Lanfrank a lordly Lombard substituted in his room. Stigand liv'd some years after in a Prison, and (which was worse) a prison liv'd in him, being streightned in his own bowels towards himself. For pretending poverty, he de∣nied himself necessaries, being afterwards discovered to carry a Key about his Neck which opened to infinite treasure, so that none would lavish pitty on him, who starv'd in store, and was wilfully cruel to himself.

5. Af learned lawyer hath observed, that the first encroachment of the Bi∣shop of Rome upon the liberties of the Crown of England, was made in the time of King. William the Conqueror. For the Conqueror came in with the Popes Banner, and under it won the battle, which got him the Garland; and therefore the Pope pre∣sumed he might boldly pluck some flowers from it, being partly gain'd by his counte∣nance and Blessing. Indeed King William kindly entertained these Legats, sent from Rome, so to sweeten the rank savor of his coming in by the sword, in the nostrils of religious men, pretending what he had gotten by power, he would keep by a pious compliance with his Holiness. But especially he did serve the Pope to be served by him; that so with more ease and less envie, he might suppress the English Clergie. But although this politick Prince was courteous in his complemental addresses to the See Apostolick, yet withall he was care∣full of the main chance to keep the essentials of his Crown, as, amongst others, by these four remarkable particulars may appear.

6. First heg retained the ancient custom of the Saxon Kings, investing Bishops and Abbots, by delivering them a Ring and a Staff, whereby without more ado, they were put into plenary possession of the power and profit of their place. Yea, when Arch-Bishop Lansrank, one so prevalent, that he could perswade King William to any thing, (provided that the King himself thought

it fitting) requested William to bestow on him the donation of the Abbey of Saint Augustine in Canterbury; the King refused, saying, that he would keep all pastoralh Staves in his own hand. Wiser herein then his successors, who parted with those Staves, wherewith they themselves were beaten after∣ward.

7. Secondly being demanded to do Fealty for his Crown of England, to Gre∣gory the seventh Pope of Rome, he returned an answer as followeth.

In English.

EXcellentissimoi Sanctae Ecclesiae Pastori Gregorio, gratia Dei Anglorum rex, & dux Norman∣norum Willielmus salutem cum amicitia. Hubertus Legatus tuus Religiose Pater, ad me veniens ex tua parte me admonuit, quatenus tibi & successoribus tuis fidelitatem facerem, & de pecunia quam an∣tecessores mei ad Romanam ecclesi∣am mitere solebant, melius cogita∣rem. Vnum admisi, alterum non admisi. Fidelitatem facere nolui, nec volo, quia nec ego promisi, nec antecessores meos antecessoribus tuis, id fecisse comperio. Pecunia tribus sermè annis, in Galli is me agente, negligenter collecta est. Nunc ve∣ro, divina misericordia me in reg∣num meum reverso, quod collectum per praefatum Legatum mittitur; Et quod reliquum est per Legatos Lanfranci, Archiepiscopi fidelis nostri, cum opportunum fuerit, transmittetur. Orate pro nobis, & pro statu Regni nostri, quia ante∣cessores vestros dileximus, & vos prae omnibus sincerè diligere & obe∣dienter audire desideramus.

TO Gregory the most excellent Pastor of the holy Church, William by the grace of God, King of the English & Duke of the Normans, wisheth health, and desireth k his friendship. Religious Father, your Le∣gat Hubert coming unto me, admonished me, in your behalf, in asmuch as I should do fealty to you, and your successors, and that I should take better care, for the payment of the money, which my pre∣decessors were wont to send to the Church of Rome. One thing I have granted, the other I have not granted. Fealty I would not do, nor will I, because I neither pro∣mised it, neither do I finde that my pre∣decessors ever did it to your predecessors. The money for almost three years when I was abroad in France, hath been but negligently collected. But now seeing by divine mercy, I am returned into my Kingdom, what is gathered is sent by the aforesaid Legat; and the arrears which remain, shall be sent by the messengers of Lanfrank, our faithful Arch-Bishop, in time convenient. Pray for us, and for the good state of our Kingdom, because we have loved your predecessors, and do desire sincerely to love, and obediently to hear you, above all others.

It is strange on what pretence of right the Pope required this Fealty; was it because he sent King William a consecrated Banner, that under the colour thereof he endeavoured to display his power over all England, as if the King must do him homage, as a Banneret of his creation, or because he had lately humbled Henry the fourth, the German Emperour, he thought that all Kings in like manner, must be slaves unto him, the Pope being then in his Vertical height, and Dog-dayes of the heat of his Power? But wee need no further inquiry into the cause of his Ambition, when we read him to be Gregory the seventh, otherwise Hisdebrand that most active of all that sate in that Chair. Surely he sent this his demand rather with an intent to spie then hope to speed therein, so to sound the depth of King William, whom if he found shallow, he knew how to proceed accordingly; or else he meant to leave this demand dormant in the Deck, for his successors to make advantage thereof; who would claim for due, whatsoever they challenged before. However so bold an asker ne∣ver met with a more bold denier. Soon did King William finde his spirits,

who formerly had not lost but hid them for his private ends. England's Conque∣ror would not be Romes Vassal, and hee had Brain enough to deny, what the other had Brow to require, and yet in such wary language, that he carried himself in a religious distance, yet politick parity with his Ho∣liness.

8. Thirdly, King William would in no wife suffer any one in his Domi∣nion, to acknowledge the Bishop of Rome for Apostolical without hisa com∣mand, or to receive the Popes Letters, except first they had been shewed unto him. As for the Arch-Bishop of CANTERBURY, Primate of England, though by his own authority he might congregate Councels of Bishops, and fit President in them; yet the King permitted him to appoint, or prohibit nothing, but what was according to His own will and pleasure, and what the King hadb ordained before.

9. Lastly, King William suffered no Bishop to excommunicate any of his Barons, or Officers, for adultery, incest, or any such hainous crime, except by the Kings Command, first made acquainted with the same. Here the word Baron is not to be taken in that restrictive sense, to which the modern acception hath confined it, onely for such of the higher Nobility, which have place, and Votes in Parliament; butc generally for such who by Tenure en cheef, or in Capite (as they term it) held land immediately of the King. And an Englishd Poet (counted the Virgil of his age, and the Ennius in ours) expresseth as much in his Rythmes, which we here set down, with all the rust thereof, without rubbing it off, (remembring how onee John Throk∣morton a Justicer of Cheshire, in Queen Elizabeth's dayes, for not exhibiting a judicial Concord, with all the defects of the same; but supplying, or filling up what was worn out of the Authentical Original, was fined for being over officious) and therefore take them with their faults, and all, as followeth.

The berthe was that noe man that of the King huld ought In Chief or in eni Servise, to Manling were throught Bote the wardenis of holy Chirch that brought him thereto The King lede or his Bailifes wat he had misdoe And loked verst were thei to amendment it bring And bote by wolde by their lebe doe the Manling.

And a gravef Author gives a good reason, why the King must be inform'd before any of his Barons be excommunicated, lest otherwise (saith he) the King not being certified thereof, should out of ignorance unawares, communicate with per∣sons excommunicated, when such Officers of His, should come to kiss His hand, be called to his Councel, or come to perform any personal attendance about Him. Hi∣therto we have seen how careful the Conqueror was, in preserving His own right in Church-matters. We will conclude all with the Syllogisme, which theg Oracle of the Common-Law frameth in this manner,

It is agreed, that no man onely can make any appropriation of any Church, having cure of souls, being a thing Eccelesiastical, and to be made to some person Ecclesiastical, but he that hath Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction.

But William the first of himself, without any other (as King of England) made appropriation of Churches, with cure to Ecclesiastical persons, as by many instances may appear.

Therefore it followeth, that He had Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction.

And so much concerning King William's policy, in doing justice to His own power. Proceed we now to His bounty, confirming old, and conferring new favors upon the Church and Clergie.

10. First, whereas before his time the Sheriff and Bishop joyntly kept their Courts together, (especially at the two solemn times, about Easter and Michaelmas) King William, in favour of the Clergie, assigned the Bishops, ana entire jurisdiction by themselves, wherein they should have cognizance of all causes, relating to Religion. I say relating to Religion, a latitude of a cheverel extension, adequate almost to the minde of him that will stretch it out, and few Ecclesiastical Judges would lofe, what might be got by mea∣suring. Now formerly, whilest the power of Sheriff, and Bishop went hand in hand together in the same Court, neither could much outstrip other: but but since they were severed, the Spiritual power far outwent its old mate, improving his own, by impairing the Secular Courts; and henceforward the Canon-law took the firmer footing in England; Date we from hence the squint-eies of the Clergie, whose sight (single before) was hereafter divided with double looks betwixt two objects at once; the Pope and the King, (to put him first whom they eyed most) acting hereafter more by forrain, then domestick interest.

11. A learned pen makes a just complaint, thatb Courts which should distribute peace, do themselves practice duels, whilest it is counted the part of a resolute Judge to enlarge the priviledge of his Court. A grievance most visible in contest, betwixt the Common, and the Canon Law; which, as if they were stars of so different an Horizon, that the elevation of the one necessitated the depression of the other, lie at catch, and wait advantages one against ano∣ther. So that, whilest both might continue in a convenient and healthful habitude, if such envious corrivalitie were deposed, now alternately those Courts swell to a tympany, or waste to a consumption, as their Judges finde themselves, more, or less strength'ned with power, or befriended with fa∣vour. A mischief not to be remedied, till, either that mutual consent, or a predominant power to both, impartially state their jurisdictions, rightly set∣ing down the land-marks thereof, and binding their proceedings not to exceed their bounds, which would both advance learning, and expedite the executi∣on of Justice.

12. To return to King William: As He conferred power on, so he con∣firmed profit to the Clergie. Witness hisc Charter, granting them thorow∣out England, tythes of calves, colts, lambs, milk, butter, cheese, woods, mea∣dows, mills, &c. Which Charter is concluded ('tis the strong hem keeps all the cloth from reveling out) Qui decimam detinuerit, per justitiam Episcopi, & Regis (si necesse fuerit) ad redditionemd ••rguatar: Who shall detain his tythes, by the power of the Bishop, and King (if need be) let him be argued into the payment thereof. And Kings arguments, we know, are unanswerable, as a•• authoritate, carrying power and pehalties with them. This Charter might seem to give the tenth loaf, of all the bread in the land, into the hands of the English Clergie. But the municipal laws, which were afterwards made, did so chip and pare this loaf, with their Modus decimandi, that in many places (Vicaridges especially) a small shiver of bread fals to the share of the Mini∣ster, not enough for his necessary maintenance.

13. And here, to make a short, but needful digression, I finde in emi∣nent Writers, two contrary characters of King William. Some make him an arrand Tyrant, ruling onely by the Magna Charta of his own will, oppressing all English without cause, or measure. No author need to be alledged for the avouching thereof, the thing being author for it self, being so notoriously known, and generally believed. Others make him to quit his title by Con∣quest, and hold the Crown, partly by Bequest from King Edward the Confes∣sor, whose good laws he is said to confirm (Leges boni Regis Edvardi quas Gulielmus bastardus posteae confirmavit) and partly by compact with his people. Yea, the Chronicles of Lichfield make him to call a Parliament in effect; I mean, a Meeting of his Clergie and Nobility in a great Councel; where, as if he had turn'd perfect English-man, he conformed his practice to their ancient constitutions.

14. Should I interpose between these opposite parties, to reconcile them; probably the blows from both sides would fall heavy on my charita∣ble indiscretion. Yet thus far I will be bold to say, such confirmation of King Edward's law (if made by King William) probably was rather oral and verbal, then real and effectual. But if real, certainly it was not general, but limited to some particular place, as the Province of Kent, the English land of Goshen, which alone enjoyed the light of liberty, though rather gotten by them, then given unto them. But if any will contend, that this confirmati∣on was general, they must confess it done in the later end of his Reign. King William, when yong, lov'd honor; when old, ease: when yong, to conquer; when old, to enjoy. Age will make all to stoop, as here it bowed him to a better compliance with his people. However, this his confirmation of King Edward's Laws, was not such as either gave general content to, or begat assured confidence in the English: perchance, because but a personal act, and but partially done, and no whit obligatory of his posterity. This made the English press so importunately (though in vain) to William Rufus, the King's son, and successor, for a re-confirmation of King Edward's Laws, which had been needless (as being the same with actum agere, or rather dacum petere) had the former grant from King William his father been conceived sufficient for their security.

15. As for King William's particular bounty to Battle-Abby in Sussex, (which he founded) it bare better proportion to the dignity of the giver, then to the deserts of the receivers. For (besides those priviledges formerly a mentioned) he gave it all the land within a league of the site thereof. He ordered that no forreiner should be obtruded on their Abbey, but in every vacancy, one of their own Covent should be elected Abbot thereof; except (which heavens forbid) no fit person should be found therein for that pre∣ferment. Nor should the Abbot be forced to appear at any Synod, or meet∣ing, except pleased of himself so to do. These, and many moe immunities he confirmed to that foundation, in such an imperious stile, as if therewith he meant to bluster all future Princes (and King Henry the eighth among the rest) into a perfect obedience unto his commands. Especially with that clause in his Charter, Nullus Successorum meorum violare praesumat. But dead King's Charters, though they have tongues to threaten, yet have no teeth to bite, especially when meeting with an equal after-power to rescind them.

16. The more the pitty, that such drones, lazy Abby-lubbers went away with the honey, whilest the industrious Bees were almost starved. I mean, the Scholars of Oxford. For, at the coming in of the Conqueror, the Students in Vniversity-Colledg (formerly founded by King Alfred) were maintained by pensions, yearly paid them out of the King's Exchequer: which provision was then conceived, both most honourable, as immediately depend∣ing on the Crown, and less troublesome, issuing out in ready coine, free from vexatious suits, casualties of Tenants, and other incumbrances. But now King William, who loved that the tide of wealth should flow into, but not ebb out of his coffers, detained, and denied theirb exhibitions. Yea, the King pick'd a quarrel with them, because they sought to preserve, and propagate the English tongue, which the King designed to suppress, and to reduce all to the French Language. And yet the French speech was so far from final prevail∣ing in this Kingdom, that it was fain at last to come to a composition with the English tongue, mixed together, as they remain at this day. Save that in termes of Law, Venarie, and Blazon, the French seemeth foly to command. The Scholars, thus deprived of their pensions, liv'd on the charity ofc such as lov'd the continuance of their native tongue. Their Latin was then main∣tained by their English: though surely it was no small disturbance to their studies, meerly to depend for their subsistence, on the arbitrary alms of others.

17. Pass we now from King William unto Lanckfranck Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, next the King, then the most considerable person in our Ecclesia∣stical History. To Rome he went with Thomas, elect of York, and Remigius of Lincoln, all three for confirmation from the Pope in their preferment. Pope Alexander treated Lanckfranck so civilly, that a stranger, if beholding the passages betwixt them, haply might have mistook Lanckfranck for the Pope, and the Pope for the Petitioner. His Highness honoured him as his Master, cujus studio sumus in illis quae scimus imbuti; by whose care (said he) we have been instructed in those things whereof we have knowledg.

18. Then Lanckfranck charged Thomas in the presence of the Pope, as canonically uncapable of that Arch-Bishoprick, because the son of a Priest. And yet by Lanckfrancks leave, no Canon can be produced then in force, to debar Priests sons from preferment, though some few years after in the Coun∣cel of Clermont such a prohibition was made. And thereforea Eadmerus, speaking of Lanckfranck, calumniatus est Thomam coram Papâ, in the proper ac∣ception of his words, speaks more truth then he was aware of, or probably did intend. But Lanckfranck, being a Privado to the Popes projects, and as well to the intentions, as the actions of the Church of Rome; might by a Prolepsis antedate this objection against Thomas, using it for the present as a rub to retard him, which some years after was constituted a legal obstacle, to exclude any Priests son from promotion. But, even when that Canon some years after was made, the Pope was not so cruel, as thereby fully, and finally to exclude all Priests sons from Church dignity, but onely to shut them out for a time, that they might stand at the door and knock, (I mean with the chink of their money) and at last bee let in when they had paid dear for a dispensation.

19. Lanckfranck likewise charged Remigius, elect of Lincoln, as irregu∣lar, because guilty of Simony. Yet he did not tax him with a penny of mo∣ney, either paid or contracted for, onely charged him that officiob emerar, by service-Simony he had purchased the place of King William; so that his officious∣ness to comply with the Kings pleasure, had made him injurious, and vexa∣tious unto the people. Here all things were referred to Lanckfrancks own arbitration; whom the Pope, of an accuser made a Judg; so far as either to admit or exclude the aforesaid Prelates; affirming, that if any unworthiness crept into English preferment, be it charged on Lanckfranck his account, whom he made sole judg of mens merits to any promotion.

20. But all is well, that ends well; and so did this contest. Lanck∣franck, having first given them a taste of his power, did afterwards give them a cast of his pitty, and favourably accepted them both into their places. Hence they all post homewards, where we leave Lanckfranck safely arrived, and foundly employed in variety of business.

1. In asserting the superiority of his See above York.

2. In defending his Tenants, in what Diocess soever, from the visi∣tations of their respective Bishops, which gave the first original to Peculiars.

3. In repairing his Church of Canterbury, lately much defaced with fire.

4. In casting out Secular Priests, and substituting Monks in their room.

5. Lastly, in recovering lands long detained from his See.

Nor was he affrighted with the heighth and greatness of Odo, Bishop of Bay∣eux (though half-brother to King William, and Earl of Kent) but wrestled a fair fall with him, in a legal trial, and cast him flat on his back, regaining many Lordships, which Odo had most unjustly invaded. Such as desire more of Lanckfranck his character, let them consult Eadmerus, a Monk of Canterbury,

and therefore prodigal in Lanckfrancks praise, an Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and great promoter of monastical life. Indeed there was a design, driven on by Walkeline, Bishop of Winchester (who had privately wrought the King to abet it) to reinduce Secular Priests into Monks places, till Lanckfranck, getting notice, defeated the plot; procuring, that all such Monks, whom he had first fastened in their Covents, were afterwards riveted therein by Papal authority.

21. About this time a constitution was made, that Bishops should re∣move their Sees, from petty towns to populous places. This reason being rendred for their removal, Ne vilesceret Episcopalis dignitas, by their long li∣ving in so little villages. Such Bishops Churches could not properly be cal∣led Cathedrals, who fate not upon chairs, but low stools, so inconsiderably small were some places of their residences. A fair candle-stick, advantagiously set, in some sense may be said to give light to the candle it self; and Episeo∣pal lustre will be the brighter, if placed in eminent Cities. Besides, Bishops having now gotten Canon-Law, and distinct Courts by themselves, much people repaired unto their Consistories, which conveniently could not be accommodated in little villages, but required bigger places for their better entertainment. In order to this command, the Bishop of Dorchester, near Oxford, removed to Lincolne; as somewhat before, Selsey was translated to Chichester; and Sherborne to Sarisbury; and, not long after, Thetford to Nor∣wich. Now, as these Cities, to which they removed, being great before, grew greater afterwards: so those places which they left, Dorchester (and Selsey especially) decayed to contemptible villages, it faring with places, as with persons; the rich grow richer still, and the meaner are daily diminished,

22. As these Bishops accounted themselves well busied, in removing their Bishopricks: so some, I am sure, were ill imployed in endeavouring to remove a good Bishop, I mean Wolstan, from his Church of Worcester. As the Poëts saign of Janus, that he had two faces, because living before, and after the flood: so this Wolstan may be charactered accordingly, made Bishop before, but continuing his place long after the Norman inundation. But, in what sense soever he may be said to have two faces, he had but one heart, and that a single and sincere one to God, and all goodness; yet his adversaries heaved at him, to cast him out of his Bishoprick (because an Englishman of the old stamp) but he fate safe, right-poised therein, with his own gravity and integrity. And, being urged to resign his staff and ring, (ensignes of his Epifcopacy) he refused to surrender them to any man alive, but willingly offered them up at the Tomb of Edward the Confessor, from whom he re∣ceived them. This his gratitude to his dead Patron, and candid simplicity in neglecting the pomp of his place, procured him much favour, and occasion∣ed his peaceable confirmation in his Bishoprick.

23. At this time several Liturgies were used in England, which caused con∣fusion, and much disturbed mens devotions. Yea, which was worse, a brawle, yea, a battel happ'ned betwixt the English Monks of Glassenbury, and Thur∣stan, their Norman Abbot, in their very Church, obtruding a Service upon them, which they dislik'd. Unfit persons to fight (being by their profes∣sion men of peace) and unfitter the place for a quarrel. Have ye not houses to eat and drink in? saith S^t Paul to the Corinthians, or despise ye the Church of God? Was there no other room in their Covent, for them to fall out, and fight in, but their Church alone? Here was an Holy War indeed, when Church-forms, candle-sticks, and Crucifixes, were used for shields, by the Monks, against the Abbot's armed-men, brought in against them. Nor was Holy-water onely, but much bloud spilled in the place; eight Monks being wounded, and two slain (or if you will sacrificed) near the steps of the High Altar. But this accident, ill in it self, was then conceived good in the event thereof, because occasioning a settlement, and uniformity of Liturgie

all over England. For hereupon Osmund, Bishop of Salisbury, devised that Ordinary, or form of Service, which hereafter was observed in the whole Realm: his Churches practice being a precedent, and the devotion therein a direction to all others. Hence forward the most ignorant Parish-Priest in Eng∣land (though having no more Latin in all his treasury) yet understood the meaning of, Secundum usum Sarum, that all Service must be ordered, Accord∣ing to the course and oustome of Salisbury Church.

24. I finde no Jews in England (no deviation I hope from Church∣History, to touch at the Synagogue) before the Reign of the Conqueror, who a brought many from Roan in Normandy, and setled them in London, Norwich, Cambridg, Northampion, &c. In what capacity these Jews came over, I finde not; perchance as plunderers, to buy such oppressed English mens goods, which Christians would not meddle with. Sufficeth it us to know, that an invasion by Conquest (such as King William then made) is like an Inn enter∣taining all adventurers; and it may be these Jewish bankers assisted the Con∣querour with their coin. These Jews (though forbidden to buy land in En∣gland) grew rich by usury (their consciences being so wide, that they were none at all) so that in the barest pasture (in which a Christian would starve) a Jew would grow fat, hee bites so close unto the ground. And ever low down their backs, is part of Gods curse upon the Jews. And crook-back'd men, as they eye the earth, the center of wealth; so they quickly see (what straight persons pass by) and easily stoop to take up that they finde there∣on; and therefore no wonder, if the Jewish nation, whose souls are bowed down with covetousness, quickly wax wealthy therewith. King William fa∣voured them very much; and Rusiu, his Son, much more; especially, if that speech reported of him be true, that he should swear by S^t Lake's face (his common oath) ifb the Jews could overcome the Christians, he himself would become one of their sect.

25. Now was the time come of King Williams death, ending his dayes in Normandy. But see the unhappiness of all humane felicity; for, his breath, and his servants forsook him both together; the later leaving him, as if his body should bury it self. How many hundreds held land of him in Knights∣service? whereas now, neither Knight, nor Esquire to attend him. At last, with much ado, his corps are brought in mean manner to be interred in Cane. As they were prepared for the earth, a private person forbids the burial, till satisfaction was made unto him, because the King had violently taken from him that ground, on which that Church was erected. Doth not Solomon say true, A living dog is better then a dead lion; when such a little curr durst snarle as the corps of a King, and a Conqueror? At last the Monks of Cane made a composition, and the body was buried. And, as it was long before this Kings corps could get peaceable possession of a grave: so since by a firm ejection he hath been outed of the fame. When French souldiersc Anno Domini 1562. (amongst whom some English were mingled) under Chattllion con∣ducting the remnant of those which escaped in the battel of Dreux, took the City of Cane, in his way (out of pretence, forfooth, to seek for some trea∣sure supposed to be hid in his Tomb) most baratously and cowardly brake up his coffin, and cast his bones out of the same.

26. William the Conquerour left three sons, Robert, William, and Henry: and, because hereditary sir-names were not yet fixed in families, they were thus denominated, and distinguished;

1. The eldest from his goods of fortune (to which cloaths are reduced) Robert Curthose, from the short hose he wore; not onely for fancy, but sometime for need, cutting his coat according to his cloath: his means, all his life long, being scant and necessitous.

2. The second from the goods of his body, viz. a ruddy complexion, William Rufus, or, Red. But, whether a lovely, and amiable;

or ireful, and cholerick Red, the Reader on perusal of his life, is best able to decide.

3. The third from the goods of his minde, and his rich abilities of lear∣ning, Henry Beauclerke, or, the good scholar.

The middlemost of these, William Rufus, presuming on his brother Roberts ab∣sence in Normandy, and pretending his Father got the Crown by Conquest, which by will he bequeathed unto him (his eldest brother being then un∣der a cloud of his Fathers displeasure) adventured to possess himself of the Kingdom.

27. On the Twentie sixth of September, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, with good Wolstan, Bishop of Worcester, assisting him, Crowned Rufus King of England, though but his Fathers second son. And indeed, the known policy of the former, and the reputed piety of the latter, were the best supporters of his title. Jacob, we know (acted with a prophetical spi∣rit) guiding hisa hands wittingly, laid his right on Ephraim the yonger, and his left on Manasseth the elder brother: but, what warrant these Bishops had to invert, and transpose natures method, by preferring the yonger bro∣ther, before the elder, was best known to themselves. Under Lanckfranck he had his education, whob made him a Knight, though it had been more proper for his Tutors profession, yea, and more for his credit, and his Pupils profit, if he (as the instrument) had made him a good Christian.

28. He began very bountifully, but on another mans cost; not as a Donor, but a Dealer thereof, and Executor of his Fathers Will. To some Churches he gavec ten mark, to others six, to every country village five shillings, besides an hundred pound to every County, to be distributed among the poor. But afterward he proved most parcimonious, though no man more prodigal of never performed promises. Indeed Rehoboam, though sim∣ple, was honest, speaking to his Subjects, though foolishly, yet truly accor∣ding to his intent, that hisd finger should be heavier then his fathers loins: Whereas Rufus was false in his proceedings, who, on the imminence of any danger or distress (principally to secure himself against the claim of his bro∣ther Robert) instantly to oblige the English, promised them the releasing of their taxes, and the restoring of the English Laws: but, on the sinking of the present danger, his performance sunk accordingly; no letter of the English Laws restored, or more mention thereof, till the returning of the like State∣storme, occasioned the reviving of his promise; and alternately, the clearing up of the one, deaded the performance of the other.

29. This year died Lanckfranck, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury: after whose death, the King seised the profits of that See, into his own hand, and kept the Church vacant for some years; knowing, the emptiness of Bishopricks caused the fulness of his coffers. Thus Arch-Bishop Rufus, Bishop Rufus, Ab∣bot Rufus (for so may he be called, as well as King Rufus; keeping at the same time the Arch-Bishoprick of Canterbury, the Bishopricks of Winchester, and Durham, and thirteen Abbies in his hand) brought a mass of money into his Exchequer. All places which he parted with, was upon present pay∣ment. Simone Magus with his hands ful of money, would carry any thing from Simon Peter, with hisf Silver and gold have I none. Yea, John Bishop of Wells, could not remove his feat to Bath, nisig albo unguento manibus Regis delibatis, unless he had moist'ned the Kings hands with white ointment; though a less proportion, of a yellow colour, would have been more soveraign to the same use. And picking a quarrel with Remigius, Bishop of Lincolne, about the founding of his Cathedral, he forced him to buy his peace, at the price of a thousand marks.

30. But in the mid'st of his mirth, King Rufus, coming to Glocester, fell desperately sick, and began to bethink himself of his ill-led life. As all aches, and wounds prick, and pain most the nearer it draweth to night; so, a guilty conscience is most active to torment, men, the nearer they conceive themselves approaching to their death. Hereupon he resolveth to restore all ill-gotten goods, release all persons unjustly imprisoned, and supply all em∣pty places with able Pastors. In pursuance hereof, he made Anselme (the Abbot of Beck in Normandy) one of eminent learning, and holiness of life, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury; which place he was hardly perswaded, with much importunity, to accept. The first eminent act, of his Archiepiscopal office, which we finde, was, when preaching at the Court on Ash-wednesday, he denieda Ashes and Absolution to all those Courtiers, who affected effeminate∣ness in their behaviour; especially, in wearing their hair long, and kemb'd like women. A sin, no doubt; for, whereas Tertullian calls the length of womens hair, Sarcinam suae humilitatis, the same in men (so promiscuously worn) may be called, Sarcina suae superbiae.

31. There passeth a memorable expression of Anselme's, cried up, and commended by some, for a master-piece of devotion; namely, That he had ra∣ther be in hell without sin, then in heaven with sin; whichb others condemn as an unfavoury speech, not according to Scripture-phrase, as from one not sufficiently acquainted with the justisication of a Christian man. Indeed, some high-flown expressions often knock at the door of blasphemy, but yet not with any intention to enter in thereat; in which we are more to minde the sense, then the found of the words. Amongst those may this of Anselme's be ranked, uttered no doubt in a zealous detestation of sin; yea, which charitably may be desended in the very letter thereof. For, Adam (we know) was somec while in Paradise (Heavens suburbs) after the eating of the forbidden-fruit, yet was sensible of no pleasure therein, which made him hide himself, as prosecuted by his guil∣ty conscience: and some of the Ancients conceive, that Christ went locally to hell, yet no pain did feife on him there, seeing sorrow can arrest none, but at the suit of sin going before.

32. But, to leave Anselme's words, let us come to his deeds. Who was scarce warm in his Arch-Bishoprick, when the King sent to him for a thou∣sand pound; which sum, being so small in it self (Rufus usually demanding more of less Bishopricks) and that after his entrance on his See, free from any precontract, might have passed without the suspicion of Simony, under the notion of a meer gratuity. However, Aaselme refused to pay it, because he would avoid the appearance of evil. Othersd say, that he freely sent the King five hundred pounds, with this complement; that, though it was the first, it should not be the last he would present to his Majesty: which the King in choler refused, because short to the sum he expected. Indeed, Rufus onely retained this, of all his Archiepiscopal education (being bred under Lanck∣franck, as is aforesaid) that thereby he experimentally knew the sweetness of Church-preferments; and in his bargain and sale, set a rate upon them ac∣cordingly, being after his recovery from his sickness, far more fordid, and sacrilegious then before.

33. Amongst the many Simoniacal Prelates that swarmed in the land, Herbert Bishop of Thetford, must not be forgotten; nick-named (or sir∣named shall I say?) Loseng, that is, the Flatterer; our old English word lea∣sing, for lying, retaines some affinity thereunto, and at this day we call an insinuating fellow, a Glozing companion. Though the best perswafiveness of his flattery, consisted in down-right arguments of gold, and silver. For, guil∣ty of the hereditary sin of Simony (his father formerly having bought the Ab∣by of Ramsey) he purchased the Bishoprick of Thetford of the King. But after∣ward he posted to Rome, confessed his fault, and was absolved from the guilt thereof. Thus, as the leprofie of Naaman was washed away in Jordan, so thate his flesh came again as the flesh of a little childe, and he was clean: so this

Bishop was perswaded, that all his Simoniacal corruption was cleansed, in this his holy pilgrimage, conceiving himself henceforward to begin on a new account of integrity, especially having, after his return, removed his Episcopal Seat from The••ford to Norwtch, where he first founded the Cathedral.

34. wolstan, the venerable Bishop of worcester, left this life. A Bishop of the old edition, unacquainted with Lanckfranck's Italian additions; not faulty in his conversation, but Countrey, because an Englishman borne. It was laid to his charge, that he could not speak French (no essential quality in a Bishop, as S^t Paul describesa him) sure I am, he could speak the language of Caanan, humble, holy, heavenly discourse. A mortified man much mace∣rating his body with fasting, and watching, if not overacting his part, and somewhat guilty of will-worship therein.

35. About this time began the Holy War, which here we will not re∣peat, having sormerly made an entire work thereof. Robert, Duke of Nor∣mandy, to fit himself for that voyage, sold his Dukedom to King William Rufus for ten thousand mark, say some; for six thousand, six hundred; sixty six pounds, that is, one mark less, say others; happly, abating the odd mark, to make up the rotundity of so sacred, and mystical a number. To pay this money, King Rufus laid a general, and grievous tax over all the Realm, ex∣torting it with such severity, that the Monks were fain to sell the Church-plate, and very Chalices, for discharging thereof. Wonder not, that the whole land should bee impoverished with the paying of so small a sum; for, a little wool is a great deal, when it must be taken from a new-shorne sheep: so pilled and polled were all people before, with constant exactions. Such, whom his hard usage forced beyond the seas, were recalled by his Proclama∣tion; So that his heavy leavies would not suffer them to live here, and his hard Laws would not permit them to depart hence. And, when the Clergy complain'd unto him, to be eased of their burdens; I beseech you (said he) have ye not coffins of gold and silver for dead mens bones? intimating that the same treasure might otherwise be better imployed.

36. The streams of discord began now to swell high, betwixt the King and Arch-Bishop Anselme; flowing principally from this occasion. At this time there were two Popes together, so that the Eagle with two heads, the Arms of the Empire, might now as properly have fitted the Papacy for the present. Of these, the one [Guibertus] I may call the Lay-Pope, because made by Henry the Emperor; the other [Vrban] the Clergy-Pope, chosen by the Conclave of Cardinals. Now, because like unto like, King William sided with the for∣mer, whilest Anselme as earnestly adhered to Vrban, in his affections, desi∣ring to receive his Pall from him, which the King resused to permit. Here∣upon Anselme appealed to his Pope, whereat King William was highly offended.

37. But, because none are able so emphatically to tell their stories, and plead their causes, as themselves, take them in them in their own words;

The King Objected.

The custome from my Father's time, hath been in England, that no person should appeal to the Pope, without the Kings license. He that breaketh the customs of my Realm, violateth the power, and Crown of my Kingdom. He that violateth, and taketh away my Crown, is a Traytor, and enemy against me.

Anselme Answered.

The Lord hath discussed this question. Give unto Cesar the things that are Cesars, and unto God the things that are Gods. In such things as belong to the terrene dig∣nities of temporal Princes, I will pay my o∣bedience; but Christ said, Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my Church, &c. Whose Vicar he ought to obey in spiri∣tual matters, and the fetching of his Pall was of that nature.

At last an expedient was found out, that Anselme should not want his Pall, nor fetch it himself from Rome, being by the King's consent brought to him by Gualter, Pope Urban's Legate (whom the King at last was fain to acknow∣ledg) and so all things for the present reconciled.

38. But the wound betwixt them was rather skinned over, then per∣fectly healed; and afterwards brake out again, the King taking occasion of displeasure at Anselmes backwardness to assist him, in his expedition into Wales. Whereupon Anselme desired a second journey to Rome, there to be∣moan, and probably, to relieve himself by complaint to the Pope. But the King stopt his voyage; affirming, that Anselme had led so pious a life, he need crave no absolution at Rome; and was so well stored with learning, that he needed not to borrow any counsel there. Yea, said the King, Vrban had ra∣ther give place to the wisdom of Anselme, then Anselme have need of Urban. In fine, after much contesting, Anselme secretly stole out of the Realm, and the King seized all his goods, and lands into his own coffers. Three years was he in exile, somtimes at Lions, sometimes at Rome; welcome wheresoever he came, and very serviceable to the Church by his pious living, painfull preaching, learned writing, and solid disputing, especially in the general Councel of Bar, where he was very useful in confuting, and condemning the errours of the Greek-Church, about the Procession of the Holy Spirit.

39. King Rufus was a hunting in New-Forest, which was made by King William, his Father; not so much out of pleasure, or love of the game; as policy to clear, and secure to himself, a fair and large landing-place, for his forces out of Normandy, if occasion did require. Here then was a great devastation of Towns, and Temples; the place being turned into a wilderness for Men, to make a Paradise for Deer. God seemed displeased hereat, for (amongst other Tragedies of the Conquerors family, acted in this place) Rufus was here slain, by the glancing of an arrow shot by S^r Walter Tirrel. An unhappy name to the Kings of England; this man casually, and another wilfully (S^r James Tirrel employed in the murthering of King Edward the fifth) ha∣ving their hands in royal bloud. Now it is seasonably remembred, that some yeers since, this King William had a desperate disease, whereof he made but bad use, after his recovery; and therefore now, Divine Justice would not the second time, send him the summons of a solemn visitation by sick∣ness, but even surprized him by a sudden, and unexpected death.

40. Thus died King William Rufus, leaving no issue, and was buried (faith mya Author) at Winchester, multorum Procerum conventu, paucorum verò plan∣ctu; many Noble-men meeting, but few mourning at his funerals. Yet some, who grieved not for his death, grieved at the manner thereof; and of all mourners Anselme, though in exile in France, expressed most cordial sorrow at the news of his death. A valiant and prosperous Prince, but con∣demn'd by Historians for covetousness, cruelty, and wantonness, though no woman by name is mentioned for his Concubine; probably, because thrifty in his lust, with mean, and obscure persons. But, let it be taken into serious consideration, that no pen hath originally written the life of this King, but what was made by a Monkish pen-knife; and no wonder, if his picture seem bad, which was drawn by his enemy. And he may be supposed to fare the worse, for his opposition to the Romish usurpation; having this good quali∣ty, to suffer none but himself, to abuse his Subjects, stoutly resisting all pay∣ments of the Popes imposing. Yea, (as great an enemy as he was conceiv'd to the Church) he gave to the Monks called De Charitate, the great new Church of S^t Saviours in Bermondsey, with the Manor thereof, as also of Charl∣ton in Kent.

41. Henry Beauclarke, his brother, succeeded him in the Throne, one that crossed the common Proverb, The greatest Clerks are not the wisest men, be∣ing one of the most profoundest Scholars, and most politick Princes in his generation. He was Crowned about four dayes after his brothers

death. At that time, the present providing of good swords, was accounted more essential to a Kings Coronation, then the long preparing of gay clothes. Such preparatory pomp as was used in after-ages at this Ceremony, was now conceived, not onely useless, but dangerous, speed being safest to supply the vacancy of the Throne. To ingratiate himself to the English, he instantly, and actually repealed (for his brother William had put all the Land out of love, and liking of fair promises) the cruel Norman Laws. Laws written in bloud, made more in favour of Deer, then of Men; more to manifest the power, and pleasure of the imposer, then for the good, and protection of the Subject; wherein, sometimes, mens mischances were punished, for their misdeeds. Yea, in a manner King Heary gave eyes to the blind in winter∣nights; I mean, light to them who fomerly lived (though in their own hou∣ses) in uncomfortable darkness, after eight a clock; when heretofore the Curseu-bell did ring the knell of all the fire, and candle-light in English fami∣lies. But now these rigorous Edicts were totally repealed; the good, and gentle Laws of Edward the Confessor generally revived; the late Kings ex∣torting Publicanes (whereof Ranulf Flambard, Bishop of Durham, the prin∣cipal) closely imprisoned; the Court-corruption, by the Kings command, studiously reformed; adultery (then grown common) with the loss of viri∣lity, severely punished; Anselme from exile speedily recalled; after his re∣turn, by the King heartily welcomed; by the Clergie, solemnly and cere∣moniously received; he to his Church; his lands, and goods to him fully restored; English and Normans lovingly reconciled; all interests, and per∣sons seemingly pleased; Robert, the Kings elder brother (though absent in the Holy-Land) yet scarcely missed; and so this Century, with the first year of King Hearie's reign, seasonably concluded.

The end of the eleventh Century.

Notes

• Anno Dom. 1067.
• Octo. 14.
• The drunken English con∣quered by the Normans, and foundeth Bat∣tle-Abbey.
• a

  Mane adhuc ebrii contra ho∣stes incunctan∣ter procedunt.
• b

  Combdens Brit. in Sussex.
• William Crowned by the Arch-Bishop of York, whilest many of the English Cler∣gie flie into Scotland.
• Anno Regis Gul. Conq
• Dooms-day book made.
• 1068
• Octo. 2.
• c

  Ingulphi Hi∣storia, fol. 516.
• d

  idem ibid.
• e

  Florentius Wigorniensis & Higd••n make it fini∣shed Anno 1078.
• 1070
• 4.
• Sugand depo∣sed in a coun∣ed at Winche∣ster.
• f

  Sir John Da∣vys in his Irish report, case 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Praemunite fol. 87, & 89.
• The Popes first 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Crown of En∣gland.
• Yet King William inve∣sted ecclesia∣stical pesons.
• g

  Annal Eccl.〈◊〉〈◊〉 M. S. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mr Gelden in his ••ntes on 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pag. 14.
• h

  Gervasius Dorobernensis M. S. cited ibid.
• 1078.
• And refuseth to do Fealty to the Pope.
• 12.
• i

  M S codex epislolarum Lansranci ci∣ted by Sr John Davys in his Irish reports of Praemunire fol 89.
• k

  Or remem∣breth his love to him.
• King William ordereth the power both of Pope and Arch-Bishop in his own Dominion.
• a

  Eadmerus Hist. Nov. lib. 1. pag 6.
• b

  Idem ibid.
• Barons not to be excommu∣nicated, with∣out the Kings command.
• c

  J. Selden Sptcilegium ed Eadmeium, pag 168.
• d

  Robert of Glocester
• e

  Camdens E∣lizabeth, Anno 1584.
• f

  Radulphus de diceto. sub An∣no 11••3.
• g

  L. Cooks Re∣ports, fift part de Jure Regis Ecclesi∣astico, fol. 10.
• Bishops juris∣dictions first, severed from the Sheriffs.
• a

  See this clea∣red by Mr Sel∣den in his notes on Ead. merus, pag. 167.
• The contest betwixt Com∣men and Ca∣non Law, how onely to be reconciled.
• b

  Lord Bacen in his ad∣vancement of Learning, pag. 463. Aphorisme 96.
• King William his Charter to the Clergie.
• c

  See it at large in Mr. Selden of tythes, cap. 8. pag. 225.
• d

  Others read it adigatur, Let him be compelled.
• Two contrary characters of King William.
• e

  See Mr Sel∣den, ut suprd.
• Our endea∣vours to com∣pass the diffe∣rence.
• King William his bounty to Battle-Abby.
• 15.
• 1081.
• a

  In the first paragr. of this book.
• His hard dea∣ling with the Students at Oxford.
• b

  Ex monumen∣tis Gollegii Vniversitatis.
• c

  Br. Twine in Antiq Academ. Oxon. pag. 215.
• Lanckfranck most kindley treated by the Pope.
• His charge a∣gainst Thomas, elect of York.
• a

  Novorum lib. 1. pag. 7.
• And against Remigius, e∣lect of Lin∣coln.
• b

  Eadmerus ibid.
• Lanckfranck his return and imployment.
• Bishops Sees removed from villages to ci∣ties.
• Wolstans sun∣plicity faveth his Bisho prick.
• The original of Secundum usum Sanum.
• 1 Cor. 11. 22.
• Fulegium an ancient, and authenick Chronicle, cited by Mr. Fox, pag. 233.
• Anno Dom. 1081
• The first com∣ing of the Iews into En∣gland.
• a

  Srows Survey of London, in Coleman street Ward.
• b

  Slows Sur∣vey of London pag. 288.
• 22. Sept. 9.
• 1088
• The death of King Wil•••• with the dif∣ficulty of his burial.
• c

  Stows Chron. at the death of King William
• Sept. 9.
• 1087
• The three sons of the Conqueror, how denomi∣nated.
• Anno Dom. 1087.
• Anno Regis Ruf. 1.
• King William Rufus crow∣ned.
• a

  Gen. 48. 14.
• b

  Mat. Paris pag. 14.
• His covetous∣ness and in∣constancy.
• 1088
• Sept. 2.
• c

  Chronicon Johannis Brom. 〈◊〉〈◊〉, pag. 983.
• d

  1 King. 12. 11.
• His enriching himself by Church livings.
• 1089.
• 3.
• e

  Acts 8. 18.
• f

  Acts 3. 6.
• g

  Mat. Paris pag. 17.
• Anno Regis Gul. Ruf. 1.
• Anno Dom. 1093.
• His sickness & resolution of amendment.
• a

  Eadmerus Noverum, lib. 1 pag. 23.
• Anselmes ex∣pression que∣stioned.
• b

  Mr Fox Acts and Monum. vol. 1. pag. 240.
• c

  Gen. 3.
• Anselme resu∣seth to send King Rusus 1000. l.
• d

  Eadmerus Novorum, lib. 1. pag. 22.
• 8.
• 1094
• Herbert Bi∣shop of Thet∣ford his Simo∣niacal flatte∣ry.
• e

  2 Kings 5. 14.
• Anno Dom. 1095
• Anno Regis Gul. Ruf.
• Wolstan Bi∣shop of Wor∣cester dieth.
• 1095
• 9.
• a

  1 Tim. 3. 2 &c. Tit. 1. 6. &c.
• Duke Robert prepares for the Holy War.
• variance be∣tween the King and An∣selme.
• Their several pleadings, and present re∣concilement.
• They disagree again.
• 14. Aug. 2.
• 1100
• King Rufus his death.
• His hurial, and character.
• a

  John Brom∣ton, pag. 997.
• Henry the first succeed∣eth Rufus, and is crown∣ed.
• Anno Dom. 1100.
• Anno Regis Hen. 1.