The church-history of Britain from the birth of Jesus Christ until the year M.DC.XLVIII endeavoured by Thomas Fuller.

❧ Preface.

ALthough the foundation of this Vniversity was far ancienter, yet because what before this time is reported of it, is both little and doubtfull, and already inserted into the Body of our Ecclesiasticall History; it is early enough to begin the certain History thereof. Farre be it from me to make odious comparisons betweena Jachin and Boaz the two Pillars in Solomons Temple, by preferring either of them for beauty and strength, when both of them are equally admirable. Nor shall I make difference betwixt the Sisters (Coheires of Learning and Religion) which should be the Eldest. In the days of King Henryb the sixth such was the quality of desert betwixt Humphrey Stafford Duke of Buckingham, and Henry Beauchampe Duke of Warwick, that to prevent exceptions about Priority, it was ordered by the Parliament, That they should take pre∣cedency by turns, one one yeare, and the other the next yeare; and so by course were to checquer or exchange their going or setting all the years of their life. Sure I am there needeth no such pains to be took, or provision to be made, about the preeminence of our English Universities, to regulate their places, they having better learned Humility from the Precept of thec Apostle, In honour preferring one another. Wherefore I presume my Aunt Oxford will not be justly offended, if in this Book I give my own Mother the upper hand, and first begin with her History. Thus desiring God to pour his blessing on both, that neither may want Milk for their Children, or Children for their Milk, we proceed to the businesse.

1. AT this time the fountain of learning in Cambridge was but little, and that very troubled. For of late the Danes (who at first, like an intermitting Ague, made but inroads into the Kingdom, but afterwards turn'd to a quotidian of constant habitation) had harraged all this Countrey, and hereabouts kept their station. Mars then frighted away the Muses, when the Mount of Parnassus was turn'd into a Fort, and Helicon derived into a Trench. And at

this present, King William the Conqueror going to subdue the Monks of Ely that resisted him, made Cambridgeshire the Seat of Warre.

2. For to the town of Cambridge he retired, and there for a season reposed himself, half dead with sorrow, that his designe against the aforesaid Monks took no effect. At what time he found in the Town 3••7 dwelling houses, 18d whereof he caused then to be pluck't down, to make room for the ere∣cting of a Castle, which he there reedified, that it might be a check-bit to curb this Countrey which otherwise was so hard-mouth'd to be ruled. This Castle, here built by him, was strong for situation, stately for structure, large for extent, and pleasant for prospect; having in it, amongst other rooms, a most magnificent Hall: the stones and timber whereof, were afterwards beg'd by the Master and Fellows ofe Kings-Hall, of King Henry the fourth, to∣wards the building of their Chappell. At this day the Castle may seem to have run out of the Gate-house, which only is standing and imployed for a Pri∣son: so that what was first intended to restrain Rebells without it, is now on∣ly used to confine Felons within it. There is still extant also an artificiall high Hill deeply entrenched about, steep in the ascent, but levell at the top, which indureth still in defiance of the teeth of Time; as the most greedy Glutton must leave those bones, not for manners, but necessity, which are too hard for him to devour. King William had scarce finished this ••••stle, when it was first hanselled with the submission of the Abbot of Ely, who came hitherf to bewail his errours, and beseech the Kings mercie, having for∣merly paid 700 Marks to preserve the life and liberty of himself and his Co∣vent. Besides, when that money came to be paid, and oneg groat thereof was found wanting in weight, a new summe was extorted from him for breach of Covenants; to teach them who are to deale with potent Creditors to weigh right, left otherwise they approve themselves penny wise, and pound foolish.

3. Now, though these martiall impressions did much discompose the studies of Scholars in Cambridge, under William the Conqueror; who being a Militarie man, by his very constitution was not over-fond of Learning: yet even in these dayes the place was not totally abandoned of Scholars. Yet Cambridge was in some reputation and eminence for Literature. For Hen∣rie, youngest sonne to King William, wash here brought up in the study of Arts and Sciences; and afterwards he travailed beyond the Seas (being at Pa∣ris, some say, though improbable, when news was brought of the death of his brother King William Rufus so that both hom••bred and forain Learning met in him, to deserve the surname of Beauclerk. His father is reported to have designed him for a Bishop; as Maud, wife to this Henrie, is said by her Parents to have been intended for a Nunne; and these two marrying together, were the most learned couple in that Age.

4. Somei say that this Henry, afterwards King of England, in gratitude to Cambridge for his education, endowed Readers of severall languages therein, alledging Lelands verses, as alluding thereunto:

Quid quòd Granta novem dicata Musis, Henrici pietate literati Tersis pr••nitet erudita Linguis.

Cambridge devoted to the Muses nine, By learned Henries piety doth shine With learned men, which Languages resine.

But we will not wrest the words beyond the intent of the Poet, who herein seems to relate to the Hebrew and Greek Professors founded in his dayes at Cam∣bridge by King Henrie the eighth, whom we may call Beauclerk junior, though

short as in time, so in learning of the former. Thus though for the present we will not build the bounty of this King Henrie to Cambridge on a false bottome, yet certainly he was a dutifull Sonne to his Mother, from whom he had his breeding, and not forgetting her favour unto him.

5. Not long after, Roger of Montgomerie, most mischievously with Fire and Sword destroied the Town and Countie of Cambridge, spoiling the poore Subjects, so to be revenged of their Soveraign King William Rufus; in so much as, for a time, the Universitie was wholly abandoned.

6. Hugolina, a worthie woman, and wife to Picot Baron of Burne, and Sheriff of Cambridge-shire, recovered at Cambridge of a desperate sicknesse: wherefore in gratitude (according to the devout mode of those dayes) she built a Church there, dedicating it to God and S^t. Giles, and placed six Ca∣nons therein: Yea, she prevailed so far with her husband, that he endowed this her Church with half the tithes of his Demesnes, in his Manors

• of
  • 1. Qui
  • 2. Stow
  • 3. Water-Beach
  • 4. Midleton
  • 5. Histons
  • 6. Impeton
  • 7. Gretton
  • 8. Hokington
  • 9. Ramton
  • 10. Cotenham
  • 11. Lolesworth
  • 12. Trumpington
  • 13. Haselingfield
  • 14. Harleton
  • 15. Eversden
  • 16. Toft
  • 17. Caldecot
  • 18. Kingston
  • 19. Winepole
  • 20. Gransden
  • 21. Hatley
  • 22. Pampsworth
  • 23. Alewind.

But soon after, these tithes were but poorely payed; namely, when Robert Pi∣cot his sonne forfeited his Baronrie, which King Henrie the first bestowed upon Pagan Peverell.

7. See we here a grand difference betwixt the endowments of Monasteries before and after the Conquest. The Saxons generally endowed them with so∣lid and substantial revenues out of their own estates, giving good Farms and Manors unto them. (Or if any tithes, only those within the circuit of that Pa∣rish wherein that Covent was erected; the secular Priests (and afterwards the Monks) therein, being presumed to take some spiritual pains in that place, to the deserving thereof.) This properly was frank-almonage, bestowing on God in his Church (as they accounted it) what was their own to estate upon him. But the Normans embraced a cheaper way of dotations, chiefly bestowing all, or part of the tithes of their lands, on Covents of their foundation, payable out of Parishes lying a good distance from the same; and this was according to the French fashion. Now if it be true, that tithes be due jure Divino, this was no gift, but a paiment, which they were bound to tender to the Church: Yea, which is more, such grants of tithes were no better than felonie, robbing the Ministers of their respective Parishes, of what was due unto them: Insomuch, that they took the oile from the weike (the Pastor laboring in his Church) and gave it to the thief or waster in the Lamp, to which the idle Monks may fitly be compared.

8. To repair the damage lately done by Montgomerie to the Towne of Cam∣bridge, King Henry the first bestowed many priviledges thereon, which the University is so far from repining, she rejoyceth thereat. For well may the jewel delight to be put in an handsome cabinet. He freed the Town from the power of the Sheriff, making it a Corporation, upon the payment of one hun∣dred and one marks yearly into the Exchequer, which summe the Sheriff paid before for his profits out of the Towne, when it was under his jurisdiction. Be∣sides, whereas the Ferrie over the river Grant was a vagrant before (even any where, where passengers could get wastage over) by authority and custome, it now began to be fixed neer Cambridge, which brought much trading and con∣course of people thereunto.

9. About this time Barnwell, that is, Childrens-well, a Village within the precincts of Cambridge, got both the name thereof and a Faire therein on this occasion. Many littlek children on Midsummer (or S^t. John Baptists) eve met

there in mirth to play and sport together: Their company caused the conflu∣ence of moe and bigger boys to the place: Then bigger than they; even their Parents themselves came thither, to be delighted with the activity of their children. Meat and drink must be had for their refection, which brought some victualling-booths to be set up. Pedlers with toys and trifles cannot then be supposed long absent, whose packs in short time swelled into Tradesmens stalls of all commodities. Now it is become a great Faire, and (as I may term it) one of the Townsmens Commencements, wherein they take their degrees of wealth, fraught with all store of Wares, and nothing (except buyers) wanting therein.

10. Jews at this time came first to Cambridge, and possessed a great part of the Town, called the Jewrie at this day. ••••und-Church in the Jewrie is conjectu∣red, by the rotundity of the structure, to have been built for their Synagogue. Much like whereunto, for fabrick and fashion, I have seen another at North∣hampton, where Jews about the same time had their Seminarie. Some will say, Cambridge, an inland Town of small trading, was ill chosen by these Jews for their Seat, where the poor Scholars, if borrowing from these Userers, were likely to bring but small profit unto them. But let it suffice, that the Jewes chose this place, whom no Christians need advise, for their own advantage. Here their carriage was very civil, not complained of (as elsewhere) for cruel crucifying of Christian children, and other enormities.

11 Now the Reader is requested seriously to preuse the following passage as faithfully transcribed out of an excellentl author, and of high concernment in this our History. Joffred Abbot of Crowland, sent over to his manour of Cotenham nigh Cambria, Gislebert his fellow Monk, and professour of Divi∣nity, with three other Monks, who following him into England, being throughly furnished with Philosophical Theorems, and other primitive sciences, repaired daily to Cambridge; and, having hired a certain publique Barne, made open pro∣fession of their sciences, and in short space of time drew together a great company of Scholars.

12 But in the second yeere after their coming, the number of their Scholars grew so great, as well from out of the whole countrie as the town, that the biggest house and barn that was, or any Church whatsoever sufficed not to contain them: Where∣upon, sorting themselves apart in several places, and taking the Universitie of Orleance for their pattern, early in the morning, Monk Odo, a singular Gramma∣rian, and satyrical Poet, read Grammar unto boyes, and those of the younger sort assigned unto him; according to the doctrine of Priscian, and Remigius upon him. At one of the clock Terricus, a most wittie and subtle Sophister, taught the elder sort of young men Aristotles Logick, after the Introductions of Porphyrie, and the Comments of Averroes. At three of the clock, Monk William read a Lecture in Tullies Rhetorick, and Quintilians Flores: But the great Master Gilbert, upon every Sunday and Holy-day, preached Gods word unto the People. And thus out of this little fountaine which grew to be a great river, we see how the Citie of God now is become enriched, and all England made fruitfull by meanes of very many Masters and Doctors proceeding out of Cambridge, in manner of the holy Paradise, &c.

13 Thus Author writ some fifty yeeres after the coming of these Crowland Professors to Cambridge; so that, who seriously considereth, how learning there, from a contemptible occasion, by small meanes, in so short a time, im∣proved it selfe to so great an height, will conclude much of Providence therein; and we may observe according to Scripture expression,m God had prepared the people, for the thing was done suddenly.

15 But some adversaries to the antiquity of Cambridge, represent and im∣prove this action much to her disadvantage, as if newly now, and not before, she began to be an Universitie. Objecting, that if Scholars were at Cam∣bridge

before the coming of those foure Professors thither, they shewed small civilitie in giving those strangers no better entertainment, to whom they should have said, as oncen Laban to Abrahams servant; Come in ye blessed of the Lord, wherefore stand you without? welcoming them to their Halls, Hostles, Chambers, Studies, with the best fare their present condition afforded; Espe∣cially, seeing Scholars of all men are soonest acquainted, the sameness of pro∣fession commonly making them familiar at the first sight. It seems therefore that at their coming thither, either Cambridge had no Scholars in her, or her Scholars had no manners in them; yea, had not read so much as Tullie his Of∣fices, to teach them civilitie to strangers professing learning, but suffered them to live, and read in a Barn by themselves.

15. In answer hereunto, may the Reader be pleased to take into his impar∣tial consideration the following particulars:

• 1 Not much more then twenty yeeres since that mischievous man Robert of Montgomerie had dispoyled Cambridge. And no wonder if the Blackbirds were slow in flying back to their nests, which had been so lately destroyed.
• 2. Yet a racemation at least of Scholars either remained in Cam∣bridge all that plundring time, or return'd soon after it: For we finde King Henry the first,o in the second of his Reign, by order commanding some Civilians there to perform their Acts, and pay the Beadles their sees, which formerly they refused; and this was some years before the coming of the Crowland-Professors hither.
• 3. Probably some emulation, not to say envie (a canker we finde fretting the fairest flowers) might make some distance betwixt the old stock of standing Scholars in Cambridge, and this new addition of Pro∣fessors. Our Aunt Oxford may easily remember what little love, yea how great grudging there was betwixt her ancient Students, and that new plantation of Scholars which S^t. Grimbal, under King Alfred, first placed there.
• 4. The marvellous increase of learning in Cambridge, in so short a time after the coming of the Crowland Professors thither, is justly impu∣ted to this cause, for that Cambridge had formerly been a place of lear∣ning. Thus when green-wood is long is kindling, brands (which before were half burnt, and then quenched) doe quickly take fire, and present∣ly blaze into a bright flame.

In a word, such men who have made remarkable additions, to what was begun long before, oftentimes, as proudly as falsly, conceit themselves the first Founders thereof. Thusp Nebuchadnezzar, Is not this great Babylon that I have built? whereas he, and all the world, knew that Semiramis built it a thousand yeers before his cradle was made, though he (no doubt) might strengthen, en∣large, and beautifie the same. And, as Restorers are apt to mistake themselves for the Founders: so by infection of the same error, the Spectators of such Re∣pairers, are prone to mis-interpret them for Beginners; as here these Crowland-Professors are erroneously apprehended the Founders of Cambridge. Thus the river Anas in Spain, after it hath runne above sixty miles under ground, may be by ignorant people conceived to have his Birth [his fountain] there, wherein truth he hath but his Resurrection at his springing out of earth the second time. And thus sluggards in the morning count the Sunne but then to arise, when it newly breaks forth of a cloud, and was risen some hours before.

16. Pain Peverell (Stander-bearer to Robert Duke of Normandy in the Holy-Land, removed Picot his foundation from S^t. Giles in Cambridge (where they were pent for room) to a larger place of thirteen acres at Barnewell, about a mile off, where one Godesonn formerly led an Eremitical life. This Peverell encreas∣ed the number of those Canons from six to thirty (because forsooth at that time

he was just thirty yeers old) and endowed them with large revenues. After∣wards, in process of time, Barnwell became a prime Priorie, through the bounty of many Benefactors, and able at the dissolution of Abbies to expend of old rents low rated three hundred fifty one pounds fifteen shillings four pence. Insomuch that the Prior thereof, in the fourty ninth year of King Henry the third, by Writ bearing date at Woodstock, the twenty fourth of December, was (with many moe) voluntariè summonitus, freely summoned (saith the Record) to be present as a Baron in Parliament. But let him make much of this favour, which never before or after was bestowed upon him or his successors. These Black-Canons of Barnewell were generally kind neighbours to the Scholars, and their Prior did sometimes good offices unto them.

17. Now amongst the eminent Scholars, who at this time studied in Cam∣bridge, Alphred of Beverley was of especial note. He was born in Yorkshire, lived many yeers in Cambridge to gain learning, where he attained to be an ex∣cellent Philosopher, Divine, and Historian. Returning into his native countrey at Beverlie, he wrote the History of the British Nation, from the beginning of the world unto his ownage; which work was by him truly and elegantly com∣posed. He is commonly surnamed the Treasurer; a title given him (as I con∣ceive) not for bearing that office in his Covent; but from his diligent search∣ing, discreet selecting, methodical compiling, and carefull preserving or trea∣suring up pretious passages of former ages for the use of Posterity. This Al∣phred, when living in Cambridge, maintained himself (as the rest of the Students there) on his own cost; every Scholar in that age being his own Founder and Benefactor: For, as yet, no publique Halls or Hostles were built for to receive them, but each one lived asr S^t. Paul at Rome, in his own hired house, as they could contract with the Townsmen; who unconscionably improving them∣selves on the Scholars necessities, extorted unreasonable rents from them; as hereafter, God willing, shall appear.

18. And here I must admire one thing, and shall be thankful to such who will cure my wonder, by shewing me the cause of that I wonder at: What might be the reason, that Monks and Friers in this age had such stately houses, rich endowments, plentifull maintenance; whilest Students in the Universitie had poor chambers, hard fare, short means, and that on their own or parents char∣ges: and yet there was more honesty, industry, painfulnesse, and piety, within the study of one Scholar, than the cells of an hundred Monks? Some, per∣chance, will impute this to the fancie of men, lapping, dandling, and feeding Monkies and Marmosets, whiles Creatures of more use are lesse regarded. Others will say, It was becauuse Scholars studied the liberall, Monks the lu∣crative Sciences: University men were more busied in reading Books, than numbling of Masses and praying for the dead, the main matter which brought grift to the Monks mill. Whatever was the secret cause, this was the apparent effect thereof: Scholars as they were lean, so they were lively, attracted less envie, procured more love, endured more labour, which made them to last, and to live after the destruction of the other.

19. William Meschines, brother to Ranulph Earl of Chester, was by King Stephen made the first Earl of Cambridge. And it is no small credit to Cam∣bridge, that (after this William) none were ever honoured with that title, but such who were Princes of the Blood Royall, either actuall Kings of Scotland, or Kings sons, or nephews of England, or forain and free Princes of their next alliance, as hereafter, God willing, will appear at their several creations. So carefull were our English Kings in choosing such persons for the place, who, receiving honor from so famous an Universitie, might also, by their high birth and honourable demeanor, return lustre thereunto.

20. For after the death of this Meschines, one may confidently pronounce, that David, King of the Scots (commonly called S^t. David) was Earl of Cam∣bridge:

And although his Chatter cannot be produced with the formalities used at his creation (modern ceremonies at the investing of Counts not be∣ing used in that age) yet, that he was effectually Earle of Cambridge, by the ensuing evidence doth sufficiently appear. It is as Grant made by M••uld the Emperesse, Daughter of King Henrie the first, unto Aubery de Vere, afterward Earl of Oxford▪ part whereof (so much as concerns the present point) we have here transcribed, translated, and commented on, con∣ceiving it to contain some criticisms in History and Heraldry, worthy ob∣servation.

Concedo quòd sit Comes de Cantebrugge∣scire, & habeat inde tertium den••ium sicut Comes debet haber••. It•• dico si Rex Scotiae non habet illum Comitatum. Et si Rex habuerit, perquiram illud ei ad posse meum per Escambium. Et si non potero, tunc do 〈◊〉〈◊〉, & concede, quòd sit C••mes de quolibet quatuor Comitatuum subserpto∣rum, viz. Oxenfordscire, Berkscire, Wiltscire, & Dorsetscire, per consilium & considerationem Comitis Glocestriae frairis mei, & Comitis Gaufridi, & Co∣mitis Gilberti.

I grant that he be Earl of Cantbrugg∣shire, and that he have from thence the third penny, as the Earl ought to have. So I say, if the King of Scotland hath not that Earldom: And if the King hath it, I shall to my power pro∣cure it him by exchange. And if I cannot, then I give and grant unto him, that he be Earl of which he will of the four Earldoms subscribed, namely Oxfordshire, Berkshire, Wilt∣shire, and Dorsetshire, by the counsel and advise of the Earl of Glocester my brother, and of Earl Geofrey, and of Earl Gilbert.

The date of this Grant is uncertain; but from the hand of her brother, the Earl of Glocester, subscribed thereunto, we collect that it must be before the yeer 1146, wherein the said Earl ended his life.

21. Out of this Grant observe; First, That though Steven, de facto, was King of England, yet the right was in this Mauld the Emperesse. Betwixt these two for many yeers it was catch who catch may; both in gaining of places and giving of Honours, as successe befriended them. Secondly, That Earls in that age were Earls indeed, not meerly titular, but substantiall, as receiving the third penny (I humbly conceive it of the Crown-revenues therein) of the County whence they had their honour. Thirdly, Kings of Scotland account∣ed it no abatement to their Crown-Royall, to we are with it an English Co∣ronet, holding (in Commendam, as I may say) with their own Crown one or moe of English Earldoms: As here King David held Cambridge in his own, and Huntingdon in right of his Wife. Fourthly, As the Counties of Cambridge andt Huntingdon soon after the Conquest were united under one Comes or Earl: so they two (onely of all Shires in England) remain under one Vicecomes or Sheriff at this day. Fifthly, Queen Mauld earnestly endea∣voured (in compliance no doubt with the desires of her favorite Aubery de Vere) to confer the County of Cambridge upon him, as a place of principal honour, above the four other Counties proffered unto him. Sixthly, The honour of the title of Cambridge arose from the famous University therein; otherwise the foresaid Aubery, if consulting his profit, would cleerly have preferred either Oxfordshire, Berkshire, Wiltshire, or Dorsetshire, as greater in extent, and therefore returning by the third penny therein larger revenues. Lastly, Seeing a good title of Cambridge could not be made to him (as pre∣possessed by the Scotch King) Aubery was contented with, and thankfull for Oxford, as the other famous University in England, which title his noble and most ancient family enjoyeth at this day.

22. Nigellus or Neale, second Bishop of Ely, having first obtained a facul∣ty from the Pope, ••ounded ••n Hospitall foru Canons regular in Cambridge, in the place where now S^t. John's Colledge is erected. Hee is said to have

endowed the same with an hundred and fourty pound by the yeer, yeerly rent; which, it so, in that age was a vast proportion.

23. Roger of Hereford, so named because born there, studied at this time in Cambridge, became an admirable Astronomer, Philosopher, and Chy∣mist, diving much into the mysteries of metals. He wrote many books of Astronomy and Astrologie, which for a long time were kept in Cambridge. Librarie, but not extant (I fear) at this day. Yet the Oxfordw Antiquarie will by no means allow this Roger a Student in Crambridge, as who flourished before the coming of the Crowland Professors thither: but whether more credit may be hung on this single Twine, than on the twisted testimonie of Leland, Bale, and Pitz, (all agreeing both in his education at Cambridge, and flourishing in this Age) be it reported to any ingenuous Reader.

24. There happened a merciless fire in Cambridge, onely so pitifull as to goe out when no more fewell was left to feed the furie thereof. Most of the Churches in the town (then built of wood, and therefore the more combu∣stible) were burnt in part, and Trinity-Church whollyx consumed. Hence it was, that for time to come, the Steeple thereof was firmly built of free∣stone, to prevent, by Gods goodnesse, the return of the like casualty.

25. A sad accident happened this yeer aty Oxford. A Clergie-man, and Student in that University, casually kill'd a woman and fled upon it. The Maior of the City, with other officers, search after him, light on three of his Chamber-fellows, both innocent and ignorant of the fact committed: These they injuriously thrust into Prison, and some dayes after, King John (a back friend to the Clergie, as continually vexed with their constant op∣position) commanded them to be executed in contempt (saith my Author) of Ecclesiastical libertie. Offended hereat three thousand Students at once left Oxford, as well Masters as Scholars; It a quòd nec unus ex omni Universitate re∣mansit, So that not one remain'd of all the Universitie. Of these some removed to Cambridge, some to Reading; so that in this total eclipse of learning therein, Oxford was left emptie for a season.

26. John of S^t. Omers studied about this time at Cambridge. By his sur∣name I should have conjectured him a Forainer of Artois, had not myz Au∣thor assured me, that he was born in Norfolk. Yea, when a Monk of Peter∣burgh, (bred also in Cambridge) had, with his Iatyrical Latine rythmes, abused the Countie of Norfolk, our John gave him as good as he brought; rythme for rythme, and jeast for jeast: yet his penn was so much the better employ∣ed than his adversaries, as the writer of a'jûst vindication is to be preferred before a scurrilous libeller.

27. With more credit to himself, and profit to others, was Joceline Brakelond employed; who about this time ina Cambridge emproved himself in divine and humane learning. Afterwards he became a Monk at Burie in Suffolk, where he was born; and of his own accord (unimportuned by any other) as faithfully as learnedly wrote the Historie of his Covent, which hee transmitted to posterity.

28. Most miserable at this time was the condition of Cambridge. For the Barons, to despight King John, with their Forces harraged and destroyed the Town and County thereof, taking Cambridge-Castle by assault: And no wonder, when only twenty men were found therein, not enough to make good the twentieth part thereof; such then was its capacity and extent. To crie quits with the Barons, William Earl of Sarisbury, and Falk de Brent (King John his favorite) replundredb Cambridgeshire, leaving nothing worth any thing behind them, that was not too hot or too heavy for them to carry away.

29. And two yeers after, when Walter Bunk, with his Brabanteers, destroy∣ed the Town and Isle of Ely, and almost burnt the Minstre therein (not quen∣ched

with the water of her fens, but with the wise composition of Prior Stephen:) I say, when Ely was almost burnt, Cambridge no doubt was well warm'd, as sorrowfully sensible of its neer neighbours calamity. The Scho∣lars then had steddy heads and strong brains, if able to study in these distem∣pers, when loud drums and trumpets silenced the (sweet, but) low harp of Apollo. But we know how Archimedes was busie in making his Mathematical figures even when Syracuse was taken by souldiers; and possibly some grave Students made their souls unconcerned in all these martiall disturbances.

30. The King, being at Oxford, sent to the Bailiff of Cambridge (as living neer Ely, the Staple of fish) to send unto him such a proportion of Eeles, for the provisions of his Court, and it should be discounted unto him out of the Exchequer.

31. The King, by his letters to the Sheriff of Cambridge-shire, gave or∣der, that he should put the Bailiffs of Cambridge into the possession of the house of Benjamin the Jew (probably forfeited to the Crown on his misde∣meanor) to make thereof a common Gaole for their Corporation.

32. The King confirmed to the Townsmen of Cambridge the priviledges conferr'd by his Father upon them: namely, That the Merchants of the Guild in Cambridge, should be free in all Faires in the Kings Dominions on this side and beyond the Seas, de Theolonia, & Passagio, & Lestagio, & Pontagio, & Stallagio. Ill would it be for the Townsmen, should none of them enjoy the benefit of this Royall Charter, till they perfectly understood the terms therein. In this Grant provision is made, that nothing be done in prejudice of London; so carefull were our Kings alwaies of that City; but whether that City reciprocally of them, let others enquire.

33. Sad at this present was the condition of the University of Paris, such murders were done, and affronts offered to the Students thereof. Our King Henry being half a Frenchman (in the right of his Queen) and possessing ma∣ny, pretending to moe Dominions in France, taking advantage hereof, in∣vited the Parisian Students to come over into England, and to dwell in whatc Cities, Burroughs, and Villages they pleased to choose: An act no less politick than charitable, to fortify himself with forain affection; knowing, that such Frenchmen, who in their youths had English education, would in their age retain English inclinations. We easily believe the greatest part of these Strangers repaired to Oxford, though Cambridge, no doubt, did share in them her considerable proportion.

34. A crue of pretenders to Scholarship (as long as there are true diamonds there will be counterfeit) did much mischief at this time in the University. These lived under no discipline, having no Tutor (saving him who teacheth all mischief) and when they went to act any villany, then they would be Scholars, to sin with the more secrecy and less suspicion: when cited to an∣swer for their wickedness, in the Chancellours Court, then they would be no Scholars, and exempt themselves from his Jurisdiction. No wonder if Cambridge was pestered with such Cheats, seeing the Church of Thyatira it self had those in her which called themselvesd Prophets and were not. Civil Students suffered much by and more for these incorrigible Rake-Hells, espe∣cially from such mouthes who are excellent at an uncharitable Synecdoche, to call all after a part, and to condemn the whole University for an hand-full of Hang-byes, such as never were matriculated members therein.

35. In vain did the Chancellour endeavour the suppressing of these Malig∣nants, (as the King calleth them in his letter to the Sheriff) the hands of the University being too weak to pluck up weeds so deeply rooted. In vain also did the Chancellor call in the assistance of the Bailiff and Burgesses of the Town, who (as the King taxeth them in one of his letters) aut impotentes fuerunt, aut negligentes, to effect the matter. The business was at

last, by command from the King, devolved to the Sheriff, as appears by what followeth.

Rexe Vicecom, Cantabrigiensi salutem. Quoniam ut audivimus plures nominantur Clerici apud Cantabr. quì sub nullius Magistri Scho∣larium sunt disciplina, & tuitione, sed potius mentiuntur se esse Scholares cùm non sint, ut tutiùs, & fortiùs (visâ ad hoc opportunitate) queant malig∣nari, Tibi praecipimus, quòd assumptis tecum probis & legalibus hominibus de Comitatu tuo, accedas ad villam nostram Cantabr. & per totam vil∣lam illam clamari facias ex parte nostrâ quòd nullus Clericus moretur in villa, qui non sit sub disciplina, vel tuitione alicujus Magistri Scholarium. Et si aliqui tales fuerint in Villa illa, eâ exeant infra quindecim dies post∣quam hoc clamatum fuerit. Et si ultra terminum illum inventi fuerint in eadem villa, hujusmodi Clerici capiantur, & in prisonam nostram mittan∣tur. Teste meipso apud Oxon. 3 Maii Anno Regni nostri 15.

Thus the Sheriff was impowered with a Posse Comitatus to redresse this grie∣vance, but whether or no with a Velle Comitatus, I know not. Sure I am, these Clerks-no-Clerks disturbed the University for many yeers after.

36. The Townesmen of Cambridge began now most unconscionably to raise and rack the rent of their houses wherein the Scholars did sojourn; Every low Cottage was high valued. Sad the condition, when Learning is the Tenant, and Ignorance must be the Landlord. It came at last to this pass, that the Scholars, wearied with exactions, were on the point of de∣parting, to finde a place where they might be better accommodated on more reasonable conditions.

37. Here the King seasonably interposed his power, appointing, that two Masters of Arts and two honest Townsmen should be deputed as Chancellors, conscientiously to moderate the rigour of covetousnesse. And seeing Scholars would hire as cheap, and Townsmen would let as dear as they could, the aforesaid four persons (indifferently chosen out of both Corporations) were to order the price betwixt both, according to the tenor of the Kings Letter ensuing.

Rexf Majorì & Ballivis Cantabr. salutem. Satis constat vobis quòd apud villam nostram Cantabr. studendi causae è diversis patribus tam cis∣marinis quàm transmarinis Scholarium confluit multitudo, quod valde gra∣tam habemus & acceptamus, cum exemplum toti Regno nostro commodum non modicum, & honor nobis accrescat, & vos specialiter inter quos fideliter con∣versantur, studentes non mediocriter gaudere debetis & laetari. Audivimus autem quòd in hospitiis vestris locandis tam graves & onerosi estis schola∣ribus inter vos commorantibus, quòd nisi mensurabiliùs & modestiùs vos habueritis erga ipsos in hac parte, exactione vestra faciente, oportebit ipses villam vestram exire, & studio suo relicto à terra nostra recedere, quod nul∣latenus vellemus. Et ideo vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes quatenus su∣per praedictis hospictis locandis, vos mensurantes secundū consuetudinem Uni∣versitatis per duos Magistros & dues probes & legales homines de villa•• nostra ad hoc assignandos, hospicia praedicta taxari, & secundū corum taxationem ea locari permittatis; taliter vos gerentes in hac parte, ne si secus egeritis propter quod ad nos debeat clamor pervenire, ad hoc manum apponere debeamus.

Teste meipso apud Oxon. tertio die Maii anno regni nostri xv✚. Ex Rotulo claus. de anno xv. Regis Henrici tertii in dors. in Turre London.

Ex. per Guil. Ryley.

See we here; Cambridge appeareth not as an infant of yesterday, but a grave Matron of great age; witnesse those words, according to the custom of the Uni∣versity, which shew her gravity and gray hairs at the time of the date thereof.

38. This was the first original of the Taxatores or Taxers in Cambridge, so called at first from taxing, prizing, or rating the rents of houses. Their name remains, but office is altered at this day. For after the bounty of Foun∣ders had raised Halls and Colledges for Scholars free abode, their liberality gave the Taxers a Writ of ease, no more to meddle with the needless prizing of Townsmens houses. However, two Taxers are still annually chosen, whose place is of profit and credit, as employed in matters of weight, and to see the true gage of all measures, especially such as concern the victuals of Scholars. For where the belly is abused in its food, the brains will soon be distemper∣ed in their study.

39. Turnaments and Tilting of the Nobility and Gentry were common∣ly kept at Cambridge, to the great annoyance of the Scholars. Many sad ca∣sualties were caused by these meetings, though ordered with the best cauti∣on. Armes and leggs were often broken as well as spears. Much lewd peo∣ple waited on these assemblies, light Housewives as well as light Horsmen re∣paired thereunto. Yea, such the clashing of swords, the ratling of Arms, the sounding of trumpets, the neighing of horses, the shouting of men all day-time, with the roaring of riotous Revellers all the night, that the Scho∣lars studies were disturbed, safety endangered, lodging straightned, char∣ges enlarged, all provisions being unconscionably enhanced. In a word, so many war-horses were brought hither, that Pegasus himself was likely to be shut out. For where Mars keeps his Term, there the Muses may even make their Vacation.

40. The King being complained to thereof, did plainly shew, that he preferred the quiet of the University before the profit of the Town of Cam∣bridge, gaining much money by these meetings: And therefore by his Letters he enjoined, that no Tilting should be kept within five miles of Cambridge. And yet so stout and sturdy were martial men in that age, that they hardly obey∣ed him. Yea, I finde one Ralph de Kamois, a bold Chevalier, who, notwith∣standing the premisses, kept a riotous Tilting in the very town of Cambridge; but soon after he was deeply fined for his high contempt, on the paiment whereof, and his humble submission before the Earls of Cornwall, Lecester, and Norfolk, he was forgiven.

41. Let us look on these Turnaments (unrelated to Cambridge) as they were in themselves, and we shall finde them the mothers constantly of mis∣rule, commonly of mischief. Their very use (in their first constitution) was no better tham an abuse, to cover malice under the cloak of manhood and merri∣ment: Many brought personal grudges, some family-feuds into the field with them; fewer returned than went forth, as either casually cut off, or intentio∣nally murdered.

42. One instance of the former out of many, though full twenty four miles from Cambridge. Gilbert Mareshall, Earl of Pembroke, a potent Peer of the Land, proclaimed a disport of Turnament, of running on Hors-back with Launces (in defiance of the Kings Authority, who had inhibited the same) at Ware ing Hertford-shire, under the name forsooth of Fortune; as if Providence had nothing to doe in such wild recreations: But so it fortuned, that this Gilbert cast, bruised, and kild by his own horse, soon ended the mirth of the meeting. Call it not therefore cowardise, but conscience and cha∣rity in the Church, which taking these Turnaments (no better than solemn and ceremonious murder) in consideration forbad Christian burial to such as should be slain therein, whilest the Civil power proceeded severely against the slayer, and so betwixt both, with much adoe, banished this barbarous custome. As for such tame tilting (meer martial-masques) since used at Court, being rather expensive than uncharitable, they are of a different nature.

43. Strifes, sights, spoylings, breaking open of houses, (it is not me, but Mat∣thew Paris whom thou readest) woundings and murder betwixt the Burgesses (probably first named because most guilty) and the Scholars of Cambridge, and that in the very Lent, that with the holy time, holy persons also might be viola∣ted. The noyse thereof ascended to the ears of the King with a great complaint.

44. Hugh Balsham Sub-Prior (afterwards Bishop of Ely) began the Founda∣tion of Peterhouse without Trumpington-gate neer the Church of S^t. Peter (since fallen down) from the vicinity whereof it seemeth to be denominated. As yet no revenue was setled thereon, onely the Students that lived therein (grinded formerly by the Townsmen with unconscionable rents for the place of their abode) thankfully accounted themselves well endowed with good chambers and Studies freely bestowed on them. But more hereof hereafter, viz. anno 1284, when this Colledge was enriched with possessions.

45. In vain did the care of the King (in favour of Scholars) so lately re∣move. Tilting five miles from Cambridge, whilest now the Scholars in open hostility tilted one against another, the Southern against the Northern men therein. What! can the Muses themselves fall out, and fight in the field five against four? I finde not the first cause of the falling out betwixt Northern and Southern men: surely the meer distance of their nativity did not cause their difference, because the one was born neerer to the Sun than the other. But however the brawl began, the Northern men were worsted in the end thereof. Strange, that Boreas, the most boysterous winde in all the Compass, should be beaten by Auster. And yet the Northern men, being fewer in num∣ber, and farthest from their friends, were over-powered by the numerosity and neernesse of those of the South.

46. Indeed the Northern men appear rather to be pitied than condem∣ned, in the whole managing of the matter, being only on the defensive to se∣cure themselves; so that whilest the others fiercely and furiously assaulted them, a great riot was committed, and (too probable) some blood 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Hereupon the King issued out his Commission of Oyer and Terminer to three eminent persons, viz.h Giles Argenton, then living eight miles off at Hors-heath (since, by inheritance, the seat of the ancient and honourable Family of the Alingtons) Henry de Boreham, and Laurence del Brook, to enquire into the mat∣ter and proceed therein, as they should see cause, against the offenders.

47. But soon after the King was informed, how the three aforesaid Judges appointed behaved themselves very partially in the matter: where∣upon the King took it out of their hands, and, by a new Commission, refer∣red the hearing and determining thereof to Nicolas de Tur and Nicolas de Handlo, the Judges itinerant of that Circuit. Yet, in favour of the Scholars who had offended, he limited the procedings of these Judges with ani Ita tamen quòd ad suspensionem vel mutilationem clericorum non procedatis, sed eos alio modo per consilium Universitatis Cantabr. castigetis.

48. It seems the case was of some difficulty, and many persons of quali∣ty concerned therein, the deciding whereof was so often in so short a time bandyed backwards and forwards at Court. For, few days after, H. le Di∣spencer, Justiciarius Angliae, by command from the King, inhibited the fore∣said Judges itinerant to intermeddle therein, and wholly remitted the busi∣ness to the examination and determination of Giles Argenton, Henry de Bore∣ham, and Laurence de Brook: before whom some Southern Scholars, active in this Riot, were indicted, found guilty, and condemned, when the Kings gracious pardon was sent in their behalf, in form as followeth:

Rex omnibus ad quos praesentes literae pervenerint salutem. Sciatis nos de gratia nostra speciali pardonesse magistro Johani de Depedale, magistro Hugoni de Thornham, Bartholomeo de Watton, Willielmo fratri ejus, Willielmo de Merton garcioni eorum, Willielmo de Wethringset,

Mich. de Mereforde, Johanni de Dene, Waltero & Ricardo fratribus ••jus, Johanni de Shotesham, Ed. de Merston, Waltero de Wodeford, Willielmo de Waburne, Nicholao de Brackden, Willielmo Saleman, Willielmo de Pikneham, & Johanni de Lon, de Comitatibus Norff. & Suff. Rogero Parlebone, Bartholomeo Matelast, Henrico Ledwy, Jo∣hanni de Stokenham, Stephano Maymund, Pruetto le Cryur, Johanni de London, Thomae Alnonechilde, Roberto de Frassenden, & Galfri∣do de Caxton de Comitatu Cantabrigie si sectam pacis nostrae quae ad nos pertinet pro insultu nuper facto in quosdam scholares boreales Universi∣tatis Cantabr. et pro transgressionibus ibidem factis contrae pacem nostram unde indictati fuerunt coram dilectis & fidelibus nostris Egidio de Ar∣gentein, Henrico de Borham, & Laurentio del Broke, quos illuc misimus ad inquisitionem, faciendam de transgressionibus praedictis. Et firmam pa∣cem nostram eis inde concedimus, ita tamen quòd stent recto si quis versus eos inde lai voluerit. In cujus &c. Teste Rege apud Turrem London. xviii. die Martii anno Regni nostri xlv. ✚. Ex Rotulo patentium de Anno xlv. Regis Henrici tertimembrana 15. in Turre London.

Ex. per Guil. Ryley.

It seemeth some of these Anti-Boreals were men of gentile extraction, especi∣ally the two first (styled in the Pardon Masters) importing (I believe) more than the bare Universitie title; as also Bartholomew de Walton, and William his brother, because waited on by William de Merton, their Garcion, that is, their servant. For it cometh from the French Gaxcon, or the Italian Garzone, and is used even by the barbarous Grecians of the midle age,l 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 It was graciously done of the King to pardon the man as well as his Masters, seeing probably he acted onely by their pleasure, and command.

49. During these discords, some Scholars of peaceable disposition fairly departed Cambridge, and retired to Northampton, where, by the leave and liking of the King, they began an Universitie. Here they met with many Oxford-men, who, on the like occasion, had deserted Oxford, and retreated hither to studie. I commend their judgment in the choice of so convenient a place, where the a••e is clea••e, yet not over sharpe; the earth fruitfull, yet not very dirtie; water plentifull, yet far from any fennish annoyance, and wood (most wanting now of dayes) conveniently sufficient in that age. But the main is, Northampton is neer the center of England, so that all travellers coming thither from the remotest parts of the land, may be said to be met by the Town in the middest of their journey, so unpartiall is the situation thereof in the navell of the Kingdome.

50. But this Universitie never lived to commence Bachelor of Art, Senior Sophister was all the standing it at••ained unto. For, foure years after, the King apprehending that Northampton Universitie would be prejudiciall to Oxford (neer to which it lay within thirtie miles) and therefore as a true honourer of antiquitie (loth that a novice-start-up should empaire so ancient a found••) recalled the Scholars of Cambridge by these his ensuing letters.

Rex Major•• & civibus suis Northampton. salutem.

Occasione cujusdam magnae contentionis in villa Cantabrigiensi triennio jam elapso subortae ammulli Clericorum tunc ibidem studentium unanimiter ab ipsa villa re∣cessissent, se usque ad villam nostram praedictam Northam. transferentes & ibidem (studiis inhaerendo) novam eonstruere Universitatem cupientes. Nos illo tempore credentes villam illam ex hoc posse meliorari, & nobis utilitatew non modicam inde prove••ire, votis dictorum clericorum ad eo rum requisitionem annuebamus in hac parte. Nunc autem cum ex relaiu multorum fide dignorum veraciter intelleximus quòd ex hujusmodi Uni∣versitate (si permaneret ibidem) municipium nostrum Okon. quod ab anti∣quo creatum est & à progenitoribus nostris Regibus Augliae confirmatum,

ac ad commoditatem studentium communiter approbatum, non mediocriter laederetur, quod nulla ratione vellemus, maximè cum universis Episcopis terrae nostrae ad honorem Dei & utilitatem Ecclesiae Anglicanae & profe∣ctum Studentium videatur expedire, quòd Universitas amoveatur à villa praedicta, sicut per literas suas patentes accepimus. Vobis de consilio mag∣natum nostrorum firmiter inhibemus ne in villa nostra de caetero aliquam Universitatem esse, nec aliquos studentes ibidem manere permittatis, aliter quàm ante creationem dictae Universitatis fieri consuevit.

Teste Rege apud Westmon. primo die Febr. anno Regni xlix^o ✚. Ex Rotulo Claus. de anno xlix Regis Henrici tertii membr. 10 in dorso in Turre London.

Ex. per Guil. Ryley.

There is still in Northampton a place called the Colledge, but whether in re∣lation to these students, I know not. Sure it is, that on the Kings letters Pa∣tents Northampton was un-universitied, the Scholars therein returning to the place from whence they came.

51. Here I can hold no longer, but must fall out (and be the Reader the Judge betwixt us) with M^r. Brian Twine, the writer of Oxford-Antiquities. I honour him as an industrious though no methodical Antiquarie (his book being rather an heap than a pile;) I commend his affection to his Mother (had it been without detraction to his Aunt) and his example shall quicken my dutie in my filial relation where I owe the same. Lastly, because he is (and I know not how soon I may be) 〈◊〉〈◊〉 I shall deal the more mildly with him. For, he that falls heavie on a ghost, or shadow, will in fine give the greatest blow and bruise unto himself. Yet something must be said against him in vindication of the truth.

52. First, on all occasions, he is buzzing jealousies into the heads of the Readers, to shake the credit of such Authors, who write any thing in the ho∣nour of Cambridge. Thus, when Matthew Parker, Archbishop of Canterburie, reports, how many deserting Oxford removed to Cambridge, he squibs in this Parenthesis (Si illism standum sit historiis quas Matthaeus Parker Cant. Archi. edidit) dashing as much as lyeth in his power the unstained reputation of those his worthy endeavours. And again,n speaking of the same Archbishops setting forth of Matthew Paris, he squirts in this passage, Sivera sit Matthaei Cant. editio, suggesting some suspicion of falshood, and forgerie in the same. Such IFS against great persons are more than IFS, and such suspicions if they be not Scandala Magnatis against so great a Peer, can not be less than breach of Canonical obedience against the memorie of so grave and godly a Prelate. Espe∣cially seeing neither Twine himselfe (with all the help of Oxford-Librarie) nor all the world could ever since finde any fault in that edition, as faithfully a∣greeing with the most authentick Manuscripts.

53. But these his slenting and suppositive, are nothing to his direct and downright traducing of the Records of Cambridge. Take him in his own La∣tin words, which I have translated to this purpose, that such ingenuous Eng∣lish men never bred in either Universitie (and therefore the more unpartiall Judges) but understanding the strength of common sense and reason, may in∣differently umpire the matter, and finde the verdict, as they shall hear things alledged and proved.

Brian Twine, Antiquitatis Academiae Oxoniensis Apologia lib. 3. pag. 280. numero 76.

Non ignoro tamen in Memo∣rabilibus Universitatis Oxon. à Roberto Haro collectis, unde

hanc chartam desumpsi, in exordio diplomatis, Cantabrigiae mentio∣nem fieri, quasi & illa contentio tri∣ennio tum elapso Cantabrigiae non Oxoniae accidisset, & nova Univer∣sitas ea Northamtonensis à Canta∣brigiensibus non Oxoniensibus fu∣isset inchoata. Eam tamen lectionem si nihil aliud, certe adulterata ipsius vociso Cantabrigiae loco Oxoniae scriptura, & charactere à caeteris dis∣simillimo & toto exarandi genere di∣verso, corruptissimam prodit: Ubi e∣nim occurrit Anno Dom. 1246. apud bonos & vetustae fidei autores tantas fu∣isse Cantabrigiae discordias, quae stu∣dentes Northamptonian arcerent?

Yet I am not ignorant that in the Memorables of the Universitie of Ox∣ford collected by Robert Hare, whence

I have taken this Charter, in the be∣ginning of the Patent there is mention made of Cambridge, as if this conten∣tion had happened three yeers since at Cambridge, and not at Oxford, & that new University at Northampton begun of Cambridge, not of Oxford men. Yet, if nothing else, truly the adulterated writing of the word Cambridge in stead of Oxford, and in a character most unlike from the rest, and different in the whole kinde for the fashion thereof, betrayeth it to be most cor∣rupted. For where doe we finde that, in the year of our Lord 1246, amongst good Authors and of ancient faith, there were so great discords in Cam∣bridge as to drive the Students to Nor∣thampton?

Here is too much for me to manage at once, we will parcel it for the more effe∣ctuall examination thereof, this being the first time that I have to doe with this adventurous Author. Wee know that if a Merchants Bill be once protested against in the Exchange, he will scarce ever after recover his credit; and if at first we can discover the falshood of this our adversary, it will for ever give a mortal wound to his reputation, and ease us of much trouble hereafter.

54. First he mentioneth Oxford-monuments transcribed by Robert Hare. This Hare was an Esquire of good worship and wealth, a great lover and pre∣server (properties never parted) of Antiquities. He carefully collected the precious monuments of both Universities, caused them fairly to be transcri∣bed and freely bestowed a Duplicate, or double copie, on each of them: A gift worthy the giver and the receiver, as of no less cost and pains to the one, than credit and profit to the other. Now it seemes Brian Twyne, with his pier∣cing sight, is the Columbus, who by the different character hath discovered a new (not world, but) word, namely Cambridge, in the Kings letter to Northamp∣ton, put in stead of Oxford. This he calls (as well he may) mendum, a fault, in Hares Transcript, which indeed was a falshood; and, if wilfully done, a forgery; and the doer thereof, if detected, deserving to be Pilloried for his pain.

55 But, when and how, I pray, came this Cambridge to be surreptitiously inserted (in stead of Oxford) into that Transcript of Hare? Was it done by him∣self, or some other, originally? I mean, before those Manuscripts were bestow∣ed on the universitie. To allow this, were to offer an injurie to the honestie, or vigilancie of that worthy Antiquary. Or, was the false inscription made cun∣ningly by some Cambridge-man, since those Manuscripts came into the pos∣session of Oxford? If so, shame on the careless keepers of so pretious a treasure: I presume our Muniments at Cambridge are more safely preserved.

56. I pass not what is or is not written in Hare his Transcript. He that may with as much ease goe to the fountain, and yet will drink of the durty River, deserveth no pity, if choaked (or rather if choaking himself) with the mud thereof. I appeale to the Records of the Tower of London (whence Hare his wri∣tings were copied out) which are the Author of Authors for English History, because

• 1. They may be said to have lived in the time and place wherein all things are acted.
• 2. They are impartiall; not, Osier-like, bowing to any Interest; but standing like a firm pillar, to support the truth.
• ...

• 3. They are safely preserved: and long may they be in defiance of barbarous Anarchy, which otherwise would make a bone fire, or new light, of those precious monuments.

I say, I repaired to the Records in the Tower, where I searched for, and found out the aforesaid Kings letter, by us lately exemplified, that the troubles of Cambridge, three years since, were the cause of the founding of the University at Northampton. This letter I got transcribed, compared, attested by Mr. Wil∣liam Ryley, the elder, Keeper of those Records, and Norroy King of Armes. Who, like a Prince indeed, freely gave me his pains, which I commend to the Reader his thankfull notice, because otherwise I must have charged the cost on his ac∣count, raising the rate of my Book, to make my self a saver thereby.

57. But our Adversary proceeds, and demandeth where we read in any good Author, that in the year 1246 such discords happened at Cambridge as should drive the Scholars to Northampton? We answer, First, we Cambridge-men are not ambitious of such discords; let us but retain the Scholars, and let any place that pleaseth take those differences to themselves. Secondly, we never said, nor thought, that such broyles were in Cambridge anno 1246, but this we affirm, That three years since,p namely in the 46^th of Henry the third (which falls out to be the year of our Lord 1262) cruel bickerings were betwixt the Northern and Southern men in our University (and perchance the like might be by secret Sympathy in Oxford) which, as we have proved before, caused the departure of many to Northampton.

58. Some will say, seeing only mention is made in the Kings Letters to null Northampton-University, because probable to prove prejudicial to Oxford; it seems thereby that Cambridge at this time was not considerable, at least wise the King not so carefull for the preservation thereof. It is answered, The ere∣ction of an University at Northampton, by reason of the position of the place, must needs be a greater hurt to Oxford than hindrance to Cambridge: for Cam∣bridge lieth conveniently for the North and East parts; Oxford commodiously for the South and West parts of England. Now Northampton lying within twenty nine scruples of the same degree of longitude with Oxford, would almost share equally with Oxford in the Western division of the land, whilest Cam∣bridge-quarters (as on the other side of the Kingdome) would be clear, and lit∣tle prejudiced thereby. But enough hereof. We proceed in our History.

Notes

• a

  1 Kings 17. 21.
• b

  Ex bundello Petition••m Parliamenti Anno 23 Hen. 6 num. 12.
• c

  Rom. 12. 10
• Anno Regis Will. the Conq. 1
• Anno Dom 1066
• The low condi∣tion of Cam∣bridge at the Conquest.
• Anno Dom. 1070
• Anno Regis Will. Conq. 5
• Cambridge Ca∣stle built by King William
• d

  Camden ••••ittan. in Cambridgeshire.
• e

  Caiu•• Hist. Cant. Acad. lib 2. pag 117
• f

  Idem ibidem,
• g

  Speed in the life of King William the Conq••e••or.
• Henry ••eau∣clerk bred in Cambridge.
• 1080
• 15
• h

  Thomas Rud∣burn, Leland, Fabian, Bale & Pitzeus, pag. 203.
• i

  Caiu•• de ant. Cantab. Acad. pag. 97.
• Probably a Be∣nefactor to the University.
• Anno Regis
• Anno Dom.
• Will. Rufi 1
• 1088
• Mischievous Montgomerie.
• Picot his foun¦dation in St. Giles his Parish.
• 5
• 1092
• The injurious original of Im∣propriations.
• Hen. 1. 2
• 1101
• Cambridge first made a Corporation.
• 4
• 1103
• The original of Midsummer Fair.
• k

  Liber ••arn∣wellensis.
• Anno Dom.
• Anno Regis Hen. 1
• Jews their first coming to Cambridge.
• 1106
• 7
• l

  P Blaesensts in his addi••a∣ment to the H••st. of Ingul∣••••u••.
• Cambridge re∣stored to Lear∣ning by the Abbot of Crowland.
• 1109
• 10
• A grain of Seed soon grown a Tree.
• 1110
• 11
• The time of this Authors writing.
• m

  2 Chron. 29 36.
• An apparent injury off••red to Cambridge.
• n

  Gen. 24. 32
• She is vindi∣cated from suc••∣a•• traduce he••.
• o

  Caius in Hist. Cantab.
• Vide suprà Bo. 2. Cen∣tur. 8.
• p

  Dan. 4. 30.
• 13
• 1112
• Pain Peverel found•• Barne∣well Priorie.
• Alphred of Be∣verlie Student in Cambridge.
• 1129
• 30
• q Bale De Scriptor. Bri∣tan. Cent. 2. pag. 157.
• r

  Acts 28. 30.
• Unwonder me this wonder.
• The first Earle of Cambridge.
• 1139
• Steph. 4
• David King of Sco••s Earl of Cambridge.
• Anno Regis Steph.
• Anno Dom.
• s

  Extant a∣mong the Re∣cords of the Earls of Ox∣ford cited at large by Au∣gustine Vincent. in h•• Corre∣ction of B••••••ks errours, pag. 393.
• 10
• 1144
• Observations collected from this Grant.
• t

  See C••mdens Britan. in Hunting don∣shire.
• 11
• 1145
• Nigellus his foundation in Cambridge.
• u

  Godwin in Epist. ••••ie. pag. 3••6.
• Anno Dom.
• Anno Regis Hen. 2
• Roger of Here∣ford Student in Cambridge.
• 1170
• 16
• w

  ••••ri. Twine Apolog. lib. 2. pag. 219.
• A merciless fire
• 1174
• 20
• x

  Caius Hist. Contab.
• y

  Matth. Paris in Anno 1209 pag. 228.
• Oxford deser∣ted, and partly removed to Cambridge.
• 1208
• K John 9
• John of St. Omers, a Poet, bred in Cam∣bridge.
• 1209
• 10
• z

  Baleus Cent. 3 pag. 261.
• Joceline Brake∣lond an Histo∣rian therein.
• 1211
• 12
• a

  Bale Cent. 3 pag. 259.
• The University in a sad condi∣tion.
• 1214
• 15
• 1215
• 16
• b

  Matth Paris. anno 1215. pag 274.
• Which still cominueth.
• 1217
• 18
• Anno Regis
• Hen. 3. 5
• 1221
• Eeles sent from Cambridge to Oxford.
• 8
• 1224
• A Gaole made of a Jews house.
• 11
• 1217
• Priviledges confirm'd to Cambridge.
• 13 July 16.
• 1229
• Paris Students invited over in∣to England.
• c

  Ex Rot. Pa∣tent. de anno 13. Regis Hen 3. membrana sex∣ta in Turre Londinenst.
• 15
• 1231
• Counterfeit Scholars doe much mischief.
• d

  Revel 2. 20.
• The Sheriff commanded to suppress these Malignants.
• Anno Regis Hen. 3
• e

  Ex Rotulo clauso de anno 15. Regis Hen∣rici tertii in dorso in Tu••re London.
• May 3
• The unconscio∣nablenes of the Townsmen.
• Regulated by the Kings Let∣ters.
• 1231
• 15
• f

  The same Letters in effect were of∣ten confirmed by the King, in the 50 year of his Reign.
• The original of Taxers.
• The ill 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Turnament••.
• 29
• 1245
• Forbidden within five miles of Cam∣bridge.
• Ex Arch•• is Acad. Cant. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ganter descript, impensts R. Harrei ex Tur∣re Londinenst.
• Mothers of misrule.
• A sad chance.
• g

  Camdens Brit. in Hertford∣shire.
• Foul work in Lent.
• Anno Dom. 1249
• Anno Regis Hen. 3 33
• In anno 1249
• The first foun∣ding of Peter∣house.
• 1257
• 41
• Brawls and bickerings be∣twixt Southern and Northern Scholars.
• The Northern men worsted.
• 1261
• 45
• Nov. 24
• h

  Rot. Patent. de anno 45. Hen 3. mem∣brana 23. in dorso.
• The matter re∣ferred to the Judges itine∣rant.
• Febr. 11
• i

  Rot. Pat. de anno 45. Hen. 3. memb. 19. in dorso.
• Remitted to the former Com∣missioners.
• 17
• k Rot. 12. in Custod. The saur. & Camer. Scaccarii.
• Martii 18
• l

  Scholiast••s Cedreni.
• 46
• 1262
• Northampton University begun,
• 49
• 1265
• And dissolved.
• Anno Dom. 1265
• Anno Regis Hen. 3. 49
• Mr. Brian Twine justly condemned,
• For injecting caus•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 suspi∣cions.
• m

  Apol. Acad. Oxon. lib. 3. pag. 279.
• n

  Ibid pag 280
• His needless Cavil confuted.
• o

  Mendum in transer••tto Roberti Hari. Twine in the ma••gent.
• Quick eyes to finde a fault where none is.
• 49
• 1265
• Answer this Dilemma.
• The Tower Re∣cords clear the cavill.
• A needlesse question decli∣ned.
• p

  An half year over of under breaks no square.
• Why Oxford more prejudi∣ced than Cam∣bridge by Nor∣thampton Uni∣versity.