The history of the church from our Lords incarnation, to the twelth year of the Emperour Maricius Tiberius, or the Year of Christ 594 / as it was written in Greek, by Eusebius Pamphilius ..., Socrates Scholasticus, and Evagrius Scholasticus ... ; made English from that edition of these historians, which Valesius published at Paris in the years 1659, 1668, and 1673 ; also, The life of Constantine in four books, written by Eusibius Pamphilus, with Constantine's Oration to the convention of the saints, and Eusebius's Speech in praise of Constantine, spoken at his tricennalia ; Valesius's annotations on these authors, are done into English, and set at their proper places in the margin, as likewise a translation of his account of their lives and writings ; with two index's, the one, of the principal matters that occur in the text, the other, of those contained in the notes.

THE SEVENTH BOOK OF THE Ecclesiastical History OF SOCRATES SCHOLASTICUS.

CHAP. I. That after the Emperour Arcadius's death, (who left his Son Theodosius, then eight years old;) Anthemius the Praefect had the chief manage∣ment of affairs in the Empire.

THE Emperour Arcadius having en∣ded his life on the first of May, in the Consulate of Bassus and Philip∣pus; Honorius his Brother [still] Governed the Western Empire: the Eastern was under the Government of his Son Theodosius Junior, at that time eight years of age. Anthe∣mius the Praefectus Praetorio had the chief manage∣ment of the publick affairs. He was Grandchild to that Philippus, who in Constantius's Reign ejected Paulus the Bishop, and introduced Mace∣donius into his See. a He encompassed Constan∣tinople

with a great wall. Of all the men of his own times, he was accounted and in reality was the most prudent person. He never did any thing without advice, but consulted with many of his acquaintance concerning what ought to be done; chiefly, with b Troïlus the Sophista, who, besides the c wisdom that was in him, was Anthemius's equall in Politicall knowledge. Wherefore, al∣most all things were done with Troïlus's advice.

CHAP. II. Concerning Atticus Bishop of Constantinople, what manner of person he was as to his temper and dis∣position.

DUring therefore the Emperours being in the eighth year of his age, Atticus was in the third year of his Episcopate over Constantinople, and was highly eminent. He was a person, (as we have said before,) besides his great Lear∣ning, pious and prudent. Wherefore, he much augmented the Churches under his jurisdicti∣on. For he not only defended those of his own Creed, but caused the Hereticks also to admire his prudence. He was in no wise vexations to them; but when he had attempted to terrifie them, afterwards he shewed himself mild to∣wards them. Nor was he careless about his studies. For he bestowed much pains in rea∣ding ancient Writers, spending whole nights in perusing them. Wherefore, he was not un∣acquainted with the discourses of the Philosophers and Sophistae. Moreover, to those that addrest to him, he was pleasant and delectable: He groaned with such as were sorrowfull: and, that I may speak summarily, according to the Apostle's [example,] he was made all things to all men. Formerly, during his being a Pres∣byter, he made Sermons; gat them by heart, and Preach't them in the Church. But afterwards, by his assiduity, he procured such a readiness of expression, as to be able to speak † extemporè, and followed a panegyricall way of Preaching. Notwithstanding, his Sermons were not such, as were either received by his Hearers with ap∣plause, or committed to writing. But, concer∣ning his Temper, Moralls, and Learning, let this suffice. I will now relate those memorable passages which hapned in his times.

CHAP. III. Concerning Theodosius and Agapetus Bishops of Synnada.

IN a Synada a City of Phrygia Pacatiana, one Theodosius was Bishop, who severely perse∣cuted the Hereticks in that City, wherein there were many of the Sect of the Macedoniani: he drove them not only out of the City, but from the [adjacent] Villages also. Which practise of his was not b agreeable to that of the Ortho∣dox Church, which does not use to persecute; nor was [He incited hereto] by a zeal for the true Faith: but being a perfect slave to the love of money, he made it his business to amass riches together, [by taking them] from the Hereticks. Wherefore, he made all imaginable attempts a∣gainst those that embraced the Sect of the Mace∣doniani, putting the Clergy that was under him in Arms; and practised a thousand strata∣gems against them: nor did he forbear c bin∣ding them [over] to the Courts of Judicature.

More especially, he did severall ways disquiet their Bishop, whose name was Agapetus. But in regard the Governours of Provinces in no wise had (as he supposed) a sufficient power to punish [Hereticks,] he ran to Constantinople, and petitioned for Edicts from the Praefecti Praetorio. In the interim therefore that Theodosius stayed at Constantinople on this ac∣count, Agapetus, who as I have told you pre∣sided over the Sect of the Macedoniani, betook himself to a [prudent and] good d course. For, having communicated the affair to his whole Clergy, and called together the people under him, he perswades them to embrace the Homoöusian Faith. Having effected this, he went directly into the Church, accompanied with a great multitude, or rather with the whole body of the people in generall. Where when he had solemnized the prayers, he took possession of the Chair, wherein Theodosius was wont to sit. And having united the people, and professing in future the Homoöusian Creed, he became pos∣sest of the Churches belonging to Synada. These things having been after this manner transacted, Theodosius arrives within a short time, and brings along with him a Praefecturian assistance: and being ignorant of what had been done, goes im∣mediately to the Church. From whence he was driven by all persons unanimously, and went a∣gain to Constantinople. Being arrived there, he made complaint before Atticus the Bishop, of what had been done against him, to wit, that he had been e unjustly ejected out of his Bi∣shoprick. Atticus knowing that this accident was advantagious to the Church, gave Theodosius comfortable words, perswading him with pa∣tience to embrace a quiet course of life, and in∣forming him that he ought to prefer the good of the publick before his own private concern. But he wrote to Agapetus, [ordering him] to con∣tinue in possession of the Bishoprick, and [bid∣ding] him not to be suspicious of any molestation from Theodosius's displeasure.

CHAP. IV. Concerning the Paralyticall Jew, who was cured by Atticus the Bishop in divine Baptism.

THis was one usefull accident which befell the Church in the times of Atticus. Nor was the state of these times without Miracles, or Cures. For a Jew, who had been a Paralytick for many years, was confined to his bed. And when all medicinall remedies had been applied to him, and no prayers of the Jews could do him any good; at length he betook himself to Chri∣stian Baptism, hoping that this would be his only true and Salutary Physitian. Atticus the Bishop was soon acquainted herewith. Having therefore instructed him in the rudiments of Christianity, and declared to him the hope in Christ, he ordered him to be carried in his bed to the Font. The Paralyticall Jew receiving Baptism with a sincere faith, immediately upon his being taken out of the water in the Font, was freed from his disease, and continued sound and healthy in future. This [admirable] Cure the power of Christ vouchsafed to shew to men even in our times: by reason whereof many Heathens believed and were baptized. But the Jews, although they seek after Signs, notwith∣standing could not be induced [to believe,] by present miracles. Such benefits as these were conferred upon men by Christ.

CHAP. V. How Sabbatius, who from being a Jew had been made a Presbyter of the Novatianists, deserted those of his own opinion.

BUt many persons slighting these things, per∣sisted in their impiety. For the Jews did not only disbelieve these Miracles which hap∣ned; but such persons also as were studious fol∣lowers of them, were found to hold the same Sentiments they did. For Sabbatius, of whom we have made mention a little before, not willing to continue in the degree of a Presbyter to which he had been promoted, but being from the beginning ambitious of a Bishoprick, in these times separated from the Church of the Nova∣tianists, making the observation of the Jewish Pass∣over his pretence. Holding therefore assemblies that were Schismaticall and separate from his own Bishop Sisinnius, in a place of the City which is termed Xerolophus, where Arcadius's Forum now is, he attempted an audacious fact that deserved many punishments. For, on one of his meeting∣days, he read a passage in the Gospell, whereat these words occur, † Now, it was a Feast called the Passover of the Jews; to which he made an addition of his own, that was never written, nor ever heard of before; to wit, these words Cursed (says he) be that person who celebrates the Pass∣over a not on the days of unleavened bread. These words of his being heard, spread imme∣diately. And the simpler sort of the Nova∣tian Laity, circumvented by this Artifice, betook themselves to him. But his fraud proved unsuc∣cessfull to himself. And his forgery had an un∣happy event. For not long after b he celebrated the Festivall by way of Anticipation; when many persons flockt to him. And whilst they were keeping the c Solemn Vigills by watching all night in the Church, a Daemoniacall terrour seised them; as if Sisinnius their Bishop was come with a great multitude, [to fall] upon them. Hereupon a disturbance was raised, as it usually happens, and they being shut up by night in a streight place, trod upon one another: in so much that above seventy persons of them lost their lives. For this reason many deserted Sab∣batius. Notwithstanding, some possest with a rude anticipate opinion, con∣tinued with him. But, how Sabbatius violated his oath, and got into a Bi∣shoprick, we will declare by and by.

CHAP. VI. Concerning those who at that time were the Ring∣leaders of the Arian Opinion.

DOrotheus Bishop of the Arian Heresie (who had been translated by the Arians from Antioch to Constantinople, as we have related before,) having lived an hundred and nineteen years, died in Honorius's seventh and Theodosius Augustus's second Consulate, on the sixth of No∣vember. After this person Barba presided over the Arian Sect. In whose time the Arian He∣resie was very happy in having two eloquent men, both whom were dignified with a Presbyterate. The name of the one was Timotheus; the other was called Georgius. Georgius was furnished with more of Grecian Literature: but Timotheus had bestowed greater pains about the Sacred Scri∣ptures. Moreover, Georgius had Aristotle's and Plato's books always in his hands: but Timo∣theus was † an admirer of Origen: and in his Expositions of the Sacred Scriptures in pub∣lick, he [shewed himself] not to be unskilled in the Hebrew Tongue. Timotheus, had former∣ly been an adherent to the Sect of the ‖ Psathy∣riani. But Georgius had been ordained by Barba. I my self discoursed with this Timotheus, and evidently perceived how ready and expedite he was in returning answers to those who questioned him, and in explaining the most obscure places which occur in the Sacred Scriptures. He al∣ways quoted Origen as a most evident witness of what he asserted. I cannot therefore but won∣der, how these two persons should persist [in their adherence] to Arianism; the one of whom had Plato always in his hand; and the other had Origen in his mouth. For neither does Plato assert, that the Second and Third Cause (as he usually terms them,) took a beginning of Ex∣istence. And Origen every where acknowledges the Son to be coeternal with the Father. But, though they continued in their own Church, yet the Arian heresie was by them reduced to a bet∣ter and more moderate temper. For by their own doctrine they banished many of Arius's blasphemies. But thus far concerning these per∣sons. Not long after this, Sisinnius Bishop of the Novatianists dyed, in the same Consulate, and Chrysanthus is ordained, concerning whom we shall speak hereafter.

CHAP. VII. How Cyrillus succeeded Theophilus Bishop of A∣lexandria.

SOme little time after this, Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria fell into a Lethargick distemper, and died in Honorius's ninth and Theodosius's fifth Consulate, on the fifteenth of the month October. And a contention being raised there also about the Bishoprick, some endeavoured to place Timotheus the Arch-deacon in the Episcopal Chair; others Cyrillus, a who was Theophilus's sister's son. When a Sedition arose hereupon amongst the people, Abundatius Commander of the Milice [in Egypt] favoured Timotheus's party. Wherefore, on the third day after Theophilus's death, Cyrillus was placed in the Chair, and came to the Bi∣shoprick with a greater power than Theophilus had done. For from that time, the Bishops of Alexandria b surpassing the Sacerdotall degree and bounds, exercised a principality, and took up∣on them the [secular] Government of affairs. Cyrillus therefore forthwith shut up the Churches of the Novatianists at Alexandria; and in the first place he took away all their sacred vessells and ornaments; after which he deprived their Bishop Theopemptus of all he had.

CHAP. VIII. Concerning Maruthas Bishop of Mesopotamia, and how the Christian Religion was by him propaga∣ted in Persia.

ABout the very same time, the Christian Re∣ligion hapned to be propagated in Persia, upon this account. Between the Romans and Persians frequent Embassies are continually sent. a For there are severall rea∣sons, why they should fre∣quently send Embassies to one another. There hapned therefore to be a necessity at that time, that Maruthas Bishop of Mesopo∣tamia (whom we have mentioned a little be∣fore,) should be sent by the Roman Emperour to the King of the Persians. The Persian King having found that this person was endewed with an eminency of piety, honoured him highly, and gave him attention, as being really and truly a friend of God. The Magi, b whose interest is great with the Persian King, were incensed hereat. For they were afraid least he should perswade the King, to turn Christian. For Maruthas by his prayers had cured the King of a pain in his head wherewith he had been a long while troubled, which the Magi could not cure him of. Wherefore, the Magi betake themselves to the inventing of a fraudulent de∣sign. And whereas the Persians worship fire, and the King was wont to adore a fire which was always burning in a certain house; they hid a man under ground, whom (at such time as the

King usually worshipped) they ordered to speak [to this effect,] that the King ought to be thrust out of doors: for he had done impiously, because he supposed a Priest of the Christians to be dear to God. Isdigerdes (for that was the Persian King's name,) having heard these words, although he reverenced Maruthas, notwithstan∣ding had thoughts of sending him away. But Maruthas, a man truly acceptable to God, was very earnest in putting up▪ his prayers, whereby he detected the fraud which the Magi had fra∣med. [He addressed himself] therefore to the King in these words, Be not deluded, O King! But go into [the house,] and when you shall hear the voice, dig up the ground, and you will discover the Fraud. For the fire speaks not, but the in∣vention of men does this. The King of the Per∣sians is perswaded by Maruthas, and goes into the little house again, where fire is kept always burning. And when he had heard the same voice again, he ordered the place to be dug up where he that uttered the words which were supposed to be God's, was found. Therefore, the King was highly incensed, and gave order that the Tribe of the Magi should be ‖ decimated. After this was done, he spoke to Maruthas, to build Churches wheresoever he pleased. From that time the Christian Religion was propagated amongst the Persians. Moreover, Maruthas ha∣ving then left Persia, returned to Constantinople. But, not long after he was sent Embassadour again to the Persians. And the Magi betook themselves to the invention of Plots and in∣treagues again, to hinder his being admitted by the King. c For by a device they rai∣sed a most horrid stink in that place, d into which the King usually came; and they calum∣niously accused the Christians, as if they had caused it. But when the King, in regard he al∣ready had a suspicion of the Magi, made a more exact scrutiny about the occasioners [of this stink,] the Magi were found again to be the causes of this ill smell. Wherefore he puni∣shed many of them again: but he had a greater honour and esteem for Maruthas. And he loved the Romans, with whom he embraced a friendship. Yea, the King himself wanted but little of turning Christian, after Maruthas, to∣gether with e Abdas the Bishop of Persia, had shewed another Miracle. For both these persons, when they had fasted long, and been earnest in prayers, cast out a devill that vexed the Kings Son. But Isdigerdes, before he became a perfect Chri∣stian, was prevented by death. His Kingdom devolved to his Son Vararanes: in whose time the League between the Romans and Persians was broken, as we shall declare hereafter.

CHAP. IX. Who were Bishops of Antioch and Rome at this time.

ABout the very same times, Flavianus died at Antioch, and was succeeded in that Bishoprick by Porphyrius. After Porphyrius, A∣lexander Presided over that Church. At Rome, Damasus having held that Bishoprick eighteen years▪ was succeeded by Siricus. After Siricius had Presided there fifteen years, Anastasius go∣verned that Church three years. And after Anastasius, Innocentius. He was the first that began to persecute the Novatianists at Rome, whom he deprived of many Churches.

CHAP. X. That Rome became subject to the Barbarians at that time, and was destroyed by Alarichus.

AT that very time Rome hapned to be taken by the Barbarians. For one Alarichus a Barbarian, (who had been an Allie of the Ro∣mans, and had assisted the Emperour Theodosius in the War against the Tyrant Eugenius, on which account he was honoured with a Roman dignities,) could not bear his fortunate success. He presumed not indeed to seize the Empire: but retired from Constantinople, and went into the Western parts. Being arrived in Illyricum, he laid all places desolate immediately. The Thes∣salians resisted him in his march, about the mouthes of the River Peneus, from whence there is a passage over the mountain Pindus to Ni∣copolis [a City] of Epirus. And coming to an engagement, the Thessalians killed about three thousand [of his Forces.] After this the Bar∣barians that were with him, burnt and ruined what ever was in their way and in fine took Rome it self. Which City they destroyed, and burnt the great∣est part b of the admirable works and structures there∣in: but they made plunder of the money, and divided it [amongst themselves.] They also forced many of the Senatorian Order to un∣dergo various punishments, and [afterwards] slew them. [Alarichus] likewise, in contempt to Empire, proclaimed one Attalus Emperour. Whom he ordered to go guarded like an Emperour one day; and the next made him appear in a servile habit. After he had done all this, he fled, being terrified with a Rumour, as if the Emperour Theodosius had sent an Army to fight him. Nor was this Ru∣mour false. For an Army did really come. And he was unable to bear the same thereof; but, as I have said, fled away. 'Tis reported, that as he went to Rome, he was met by a pious person that led a monastick life, who advised him not to rejoyce in [perpetrating] so great and no∣torious mischiefs, nor to delight in slaughter and bloud. To whom Alarichus made this return, I go not thither of my own accord. But some thing does every day vex and disquiet me, saying, go to Rome, and ruine that City. Thus much con∣cerning this person.

CHAP. XI. Concerning the Bishops of Rome.

AFter Innocentius, Zosimus was possest of the Churches at Rome, for the space of two years. After whom, Bonifacius presided over that Church three years, who was succeeded by Ce∣lestinus. And this Celestinus deprived the Nova∣tianists also at Rome of their Churches, and for∣ced their Bishop Rusticula to hold his Meetings in private and obscure houses. For till this time, the Novatianists flourished mightily at Rome, had many Churches, and assembled numerous con∣gregations therein. But envy impaired them also; the Roman Bishoprick, having (like that of Alexandria,) surpassed the Sacerdotall de∣gree and bounds, and degenerated long before into a secular principality. And for this reason the [Roman] Bishops would not permit even those who agreed with them in the faith, peace∣ably and quietly to celebrate their meetings: but took from them all they had; only they praised them for their agreement in the faith. Notwithstanding, the Constantinopolitan Bishops were not thus affected. For they not only per∣mitted [the Novatianists] to have their mee∣tings within the City, but had a singular love and affection for them also, as I have sufficiently declared already.

CHAP. XII. Concerning Chrysanthus Bishop of the Novatianists at Constantinople.

AFter Sisinnius's death, Chrysanthus was by force made Bishop. He was the son of that Marcianus, who had been Bishop of the Novati∣anists before Sisinnius. From his younger years he had had a Military Employ in the Pallace; after∣wards, in the Reign of Theodosius the Great, he was made Consularis of Italy, and after that Vicarius of the Britannick Islands; for his management of both which charges he was much admired. Being grown elderly, he returned to Constantinople; and desiring to be made Praefect of that City, he was against his will compelled to take the Bishoprick. For Sisinnius having mentioned him at the time of his death, as a fit person for the Bishoprick; the Novatian people, with whom Sisinnius's words were a Law, attempted to draw him by force, even against his will. But when Chrysan∣thus fled, Sabbatius supposing an opportune sea∣son was offered him, wherein he might be made possessour of the Churches, gets himself ordained Bishop by some obscure [Prelates] and slights the oath which he had bound himself in. Amongst those who ordained Sabbatius Bishop, Hermo∣genes was one, who had been Excommunicated and cursed by Sabbatius, for his blasphemous books. But Sabbatius's design proved unsuc∣cessfull to him. For the people hating his un∣reasonable ambition, (because a he did all things with a design of getting into the Bishoprick,) made it their whole business to find out Chrysanthus. Whom they found absconding in Bithynia, whence they brought him by force, and preferred him to the Bishoprick. He was a person of as great prudence and modesty, as any man was: and by his means the Church of the Novatianists at Con∣stantinople was preserved and increased. He was the first person who distributed Gold of his own to the poor. He received nothing from the Churches, save only b two Loaves of the Blessed Bread every Sunday. Moreover, he was so carefull about his Church, that he took c Ablabius the eloquentest Oratour of his own time, from Troïlus the Sophista's School, and or∣dained him Presbyter. Whose elegant and acute Sermons are now extant. But Ablabius was afterwards constituted Bishop of the No∣vatianists Church at Nicaea, in which City he taught Rhetorick at the same time also.

CHAP. XIII. Concerning the Fight which hapned at Alexandria between the Christians and Jews, and concer∣ning Cyrillus the Bishops difference with Orestes the Praefect.

ABout the same time, the Jewish Nation were driven out of Alexandria by Cyrillus the Bi∣shop, for this reason. The Alexandrians are more seditious and tumultuous, than any other peo∣ple: and if at any time they get an occasion, they [usually] break out into intollerable mischiefs. For their rage is not appeased without bloud. It hapned at that time, that the populace of that City were tumultuous amongst themselves, not upon any weighty or necessary occasion, but by reason of that mischief which abounds in all Cities, I mean an earnest desire of looking upon Dancers. For in regard a Dancer gathered great multitudes together on the Sabbath day, be∣cause the Jews work not on that day, nor are busied in hearing their Law, but [spend their time in seeing] Theatricall Shews; that day usually occasioned mutuall factions and divisions among the people. And although this was in some measure regulated and repressed by the Praefect of Alexandria, nevertheless the Jews

continued enraged against those of the contrary faction: and besides their being always enemies to the Christians, they were much more incen∣sed a against them on account of the Dancers. Therefore, when Orestes Praefect of Alexandria b made a Police (••o the Alexandrians do u∣sually term publick Orders,) in the Thea∣tre; some of Bishop Cyrillus's favourers were present there also, being desirous to know the Orders that were made by the Praefect. A∣mongst whom was a person by name Hierax, a teacher of the c meaner sort of Learning.

He was a zealous hearer of Cyrillus the Bishop, and always mighty diligent about raising the Clappings at his Sermons. The Jewish mul∣titude spying this Hierax in the Theatre, cried out immediately, that he came into the Theatre for nothing else, but to raise a Sedition amongst the people. Moreover, Orestes had long before con∣ceived an hatred against the secular Government of Bishops, because it diminished much of their power who had been appointed Governours of Provinces by the Emperour; and also more espe∣cially, because Cyrillus was desirous of prying into his Acts and Orders. Having seized Hierax there∣fore, he made him undergo tortures publickly in the Theatre. With which Cyrillus being ac∣quainted, sends for the chief of the Jews, and threatned them with condign punishment, unless they desisted from being tumultuous against the Christians. Of which menaces after the Jewish multitude were made sensible, they became more pertinacious; and contrived plots to damnifie the Christians. The chiefest of which designs of theirs, and which occasioned their expulsion out of Alexandria, I will relate here. Having † agreed upon a sign amongst themselves, [which was,] that every one of them should wear a ring on their fingers made of the bark of a Palm∣tree-branch, they took a resolution of making an attack upon the Christians by a night-fight. One night therefore they sent some persons pro∣vided for that purpose, who cried out in all the streets of the City, that Alexander's Church was on fire. The Christians hearing this, ran some one way, others another, that they might preserve the Church. Then the Jews set upon them immediately, and slew them: they abstai∣ned from killing those of their own party, by shewing their rings; but they murdered all the Christians they hapned to meet with. When it was day, the Authours of this nefarious fact were not concealed. Cyrillus highly incensed hereat, went accompanied with a great multitude to the Jews Synagogues (so they term their houses of prayer,) which he took from them: he also expelled the Jews out of the City, and permitted the multitude to make plunder of their goods. The Jews therefore, who had inhabited that City from the days of Alexander the Macedonian, were all forced to remove naked from thence at that time, and were dispersed some in one place, others in another. Adamantius, [one of them] d a professour of Physick, went to Constantinople, and fled to Atticus the Bishop; and having turned a professour of Christianity, returned afterwards to Alexandria again, and fixt his residence there. But Orestes Praefect of A∣lexandria was highly incensed at what was, done; being exceedingly troubled, because so great a City was on such a sudden emptied of so nume∣rous a company of inhabitants. Wherefore, he acquainted the Emperour with what had been done. Cyrillus himself likewise made known the Jews wickednesses to the Emperour; never∣theless, he sent messengers to Orestes, on account of procuring a reconciliation. For the people of Alexandria compelled him to do this. And when Orestes would not admit of any conferences about a reconciliation, Cyrillus held forth the Book of the Gospells to him, thinking he should by that strike a reverence into Orestes. But when he would not be mollified even by this means, but continued an irreconcileable War between himself and Cyrillus; This accident hapned after∣wards.

CHAP. XIV. That the Monks of Nitria came down to Alex∣andria in defence of Cyrillus, and raised a Sedition against Orestes the Praefect.

SOme of the Monks who inhabited the moun∣taines of Nitria, retaining an heat of mind from Theophilus's times, who had armed them unjustly against Dioscorus and his Brethren; were incensed with a zeal then also, and took a resolution of fighting couragiously in defence of Cyrillus. About five hundred persons there∣fore of them went out of their Monasteries, came down to the City, and observe the Prae∣fect going forth in his Chariot. They came to him, and called him Sacrificer and Pagan, and gave him many other reproachfull terms. The Praefect, having a suspicion that a plot was fra∣med against him by Cyrillus, cryed out that he was a Christian, and had been baptized by Atti∣cus the Bishop at Constantinople. But when the Monks heeded not what he said, one of them, by name Ammonius, flings a stone and strikes Orestes on the head. By which wound he was all over besmeared with bloud: and his Appa∣ritors

that attended him, except a very few, rece∣ded, ran some one way, others another, [and hid themselves] in the Crowd, to avoid being killed by the throwing of stones. In the interim the Alexandrians flockt together, with a resolution to be revenged upon the Monks on the Praefect's account. They put all the rest of them to flight; but seized Ammonius, and bring him before the Praefect. He, agreeable to the Laws, a put him to The Question publickly, and tortu∣red him to such a degree, that he died. Not long after, he acquainted the Emperours with what had been done. But Cyrillus gave the Em∣perour a Narrative [of the business] contra∣dictory [to Oreste's.] And he took Ammo∣nius's body, deposited if in one of the Chur∣ches, altered his name calling him Thaumasius, ordered he should be stiled a Martyr, and ex∣tolled his magnanimity publickly in the Church, as if he had undergone the combat in defence of piety. But the modester and more sober per∣sons even of the Christians, approved not of this favour of Cyrillus's shown towards Ammonius. For they certainly knew, that Ammonius had un∣dergone the punishment of his rashness, and died not under his tortures, as forced to renounce Christ. Wherefore, Cyrillus himself caused the me∣mory of this affair to be by little and little buried in silence. But that fierce contention between Cyrillus and Orestes stopt not here. For it was b rekindled by another accident not unlike those foregoing.

CHAP. XV. Concerning Hypatla the Philosopheress.

THere was a woman at Alexandria, by name Hypatia. She was daughter to a Theon the Philosopher. She had arrived to so eminent a de∣gree of Learning, that she excelled [all] the Philosophers of her own times, and succeeded in b that Platonick School derived from Plo∣tinus, and expounded all the precepts of Philo∣sophy to those who would hear her. Where∣fore, all persons who were studious about Philosophy, flockt to her from all parts. By rea∣son of that eminent Gracefullness and readiness of expression wherewith she had accomplished her self by her Learning, she addressed frequent∣ly even to the Magistrates, with a singular mo∣desty. Nor was she ashamed of appearing in a publick Assembly of men. For all persons re∣vered and admired her, for her eximious mode∣sty. Envy armed it self against this woman at that time. For, because she had frequent con∣ferences with Orestes, for this reason a calumny was framed against her amongst the Christian populace, as if she hindred Orestes from coming to a reconciliation with the Bishop. Certain per∣sons therefore of fierce and over hot minds, who were headed by one Peter a Reader, conspired against the woman, and observe her returning home from some place. And having pulled her out of her Chariot, they drag her to the Church named c Caesareum. Where they stript her, and murdered her with Shells. And when they had torn her piece-meal, they carried all her members to a place called Cinaron, and con∣sumed them with fire. This fact brought no small d disgrace upon Cyrillus and the Alexandrian Church. For, murthers, fights, and things of that nature, are wholly forreign to the Embracers of Christianity. These things were done on the fourth year of Cyrillus's Episcopate, in Honorius's tenth and Theodosius's e sixth Con∣sulate, in the month of March, in Lent.

CHAP. XVI. That the Jews entring upon another War against the Christians, were punished.

SOme time after this, the Jews renued their absurd and impious practises against the Christians, and were punished [again for them.] At a place named Inmestar, which is scituate be∣tween Chalcis and Antioch of Syria, the Jews (as 'twas their usage) exhibited some sports. Du∣ring their sports they performed many mad acti∣ons, excited thereto by their drunkenness; and in their recreations reproach't not only the Chri∣stians, but even Christ himself. And in derision to the Cross, and to them who put their trust in him that was crucified, they attempted this villanous fact. Having seized a Christian boy, they bound him to a Cross, and hung him up. At first they laughed at and jeered him. But becoming afterwards inraged, they scourged the boy till he died. For this reason there hapned a sharp conflict betwixt them and the Christians. And after the Emperours were acquainted with this fact, an Order was issued out to the Gover∣nours of the Province, to find out and punish the Authours thereof. Thus the Jews, who in∣habited that place, were punished for the wicked∣ness they had committed in their sports.

CHAP. XVII. Concerning Paulus Bishop of the Novatianists, and concerning the Miracle done by him, when he was about to have baptized a Jewish Impostour.

AT the same time, Chrysanthus also Bishop of the Novatianists, having presided sea∣ven years over the Churches of his own Sect, ended his life in the Consulate of Monaxius and Plintha, on the twenty sixth of August. He was succeeded in the Bishoprick by Paulus: who before had been a Teacher of Roman Eloquence: but afterwards bad adieu to the Roman tongue, and betook himself to an Ascetick course of life. And having gathered together a Mona∣stery of Religious men, he followed a way of living not unlike that led by the Monks in the desart. For I found him to be really such a person, as Evagrius says the Monks who live in the Solitudes ought to be. For he imitated them exactly in all things, in continued fasts, in speaking little, and in abstaining from eating creatures that have life. Moreover, for the most part he abstained from oyl and wine. Besides, his care and solicitude about the poor was eminent and extraordinary. He was very diligent in his visits to the imprisoned; he interceded likewise for many persons with the Judges, who readily hearkned to him on account of his eminent piety. What need I be large in my relation concerning him? I will mention one action of his, highly worthy to be recorded in writing. A Jewish Impostour pretending himself converted to the Christian Religion, had been frequently baptized, and by that device had gathered much money. When he had deceived many Sects [of the Christians] by this fraud: (for he had received baptism from the Arians and Macedonians:) having no more persons whom he might put tricks upon, at length he came to Paulus Bi∣shop of the Novatianists: and affirming that he earnestly desired Baptism, requested he might obtain it from his hand. He approved of the Jews desire: but said he would not give him Baptism, before he had been instructed in the grounds and principles of the Faith, and had exercised himself with fastings severall days. The Jew therefore having contrary to his own mind, been compelled to fast, was so much the more urgent in his intreaties for Baptism. Where∣fore Paulus, because he would not offend him, now grown importunate; by any longer delays, makes provision for his Baptism. And having bought him a white vestment, and ordered the Font to be filled with water, he brought the Jew to it with a design to Baptize him. But † an invisible act of divine power caused the water to vanish [on a sudden.] In regard the Bishop and those that were present, (having not the least suspicion of any such thing as had hap∣ned,) supposed the water to have run out by the passage underneath, whereby it was usually let out; they filled the Font again, having with great accuracy stopt up its passages every where. And when the Jew was brought the second time to the Font, all the water disappeared again. Then Paulus spake these words: either you are an Impostour, O man, or else, being ignorant, you have been baptized already. A great multitude of people therefore running together to see this Miracle, one of them knew the Jew, and was certain that it was the same person who had been baptized before by Atticus the Bishop. This Miracle was performed by the hands of [Pau∣lus] Bishop of the Novatianists.

CHAP. XVIII. How, after the death of Isdigerdes the Persian King, the League between the Romans and Persians was broken, and a bloudy War hapned, wherein the Persians were worsted.

AFter the death of Isdigerdes King of Persia, by whom the Christians in that country were not persecuted in the least, his Son by name Vararanes succeeded in that Kingdom; and being induced thereto by the Magi, he vexed the Christians severely, inflicting on them va∣rious punishments and Persian tortures. The Christians therefore in Persia, constrained there∣to by necessity, flie to the Romans, entreating them not to neglect and see them wholly de∣stroyed. Atticus the Bishop receives the sup∣pliants kindly; and made it his business to assist them to the utmost of his power. Likewise, he acquainted the Emperour Theodosius with what had hapned. It fell out at the very same time, that the Romans were offended with the Persians upon another account: because the Persians would not restore the Miners of Gold, whom they had hired of the Romans; and in regard they had deprived the Roman Merchants of their effects. To this occasion of difference, the flight of the Christians in Persia to the Romans made an accession. For the Persian King dis∣patch't away an Embassie immediately, to de∣mand the Fugatives. But the Romans would in

no wise deliver up those who had fled to them, not only because they were desirous of preser∣ving them as being suppliants, but in regard like∣wise of their readiness to do any thing in de∣fence of the Christian Religion. Wherefore they chose rather to have a war with the Per∣sians, than permit the Christians to be miserably destroyed. Hereupon the League was broken, and a fierce War broke out, concerning which I judge it not inopportune to give a short nar∣rative. The Roman Emperour sent part of an Army first, which was commanded by Arda∣burius. He made an irruption into Persia through Armenia, and ruined one of the Per∣sian Provinces termed Azazene. Narsaeus the Persian King's Generall marched out to oppose him, at the head of a great Persian Army. And coming to an Engagement, was worsted, and fled. [Afterwards] he judged it advanta∣gious to make a sudden irruption through Me∣sopotamia into the Roman territories being un∣guarded, [thinking] by this means to be re∣venged on the Romans. But this design of Nar∣saeus's was not unknown to the Generall of the Romans. Having therefore in a short time laid Azazene desolate, he likewise marched into Mesopotamia. Wherefore Narsaeus (notwith∣standing he was furnished with a numerous army, yet) could not invade the Roman Pro∣vinces. But, coming to Nisibis, (which is a City scituate in the confines [of both Em∣pires,] and belongs to the Persians,) he sent a message from thence to Ardaburius, desiring they might come to an agreement between them∣selves about the management of the War, and that a place and day for an Engagement might be set. Ardaburius, gave the messengers this answer: Tell Narsaeus [thus,] the Roman Em∣perours will not fight when you have a mind they should. Moreover, the Emperour perceiving that the Persian mustered up the whole force of his Kingdom for the carrying on of this war, placed all his hopes of Victory in God, and be∣sides sent vast supplies of Forces. Now, that the Emperour (in regard he put his whole con∣fidence in God,) received benefit from him im∣mediately, 'twas from hence evident. The Con∣stantinopolitans being very anxious, and doubtfull about the event of the war, the Angells of God appeared in Bithynia to some persons going to Constantinople about their private concerns, and bad them tell [the Constantinopolitans,] that they should be of good courage, and pray to God, and be confident that the Romans would be Conquerours. For they said, that they them∣selves were sent from God to be the managers of the War. At the hearing hereof, the City was not only encouraged, but the Souldiers also became more bold and valiant. Whereas there∣fore (as I have said,) the war had been remo∣ved from Armenia into Mesopotamia, the Ro∣mans shut up the Persians in the City Nisibis, to which thy laid siege. And having made wooden Towers, which moved upon Engines, they brought them to the walls, wherewith they killed many of those who fought from the walls, and [of them] who ran to their assistance. Vara∣ranes King of Persia hearing that his Country Azazene was laid desolate, and his Army be∣sieged within the City Nisibis, resolved to go in person with all his forces against the Romans. But, being afraid of the Roman Army, he called the Saracens to his assistance, who were then go∣verned by Alamundarus, a valiant and war∣like man. He brought a numerous multitude of Saracens with him, and spake to the King of Persia to be confident and couragious, he like∣wise promised, that he would quickly make the Romans his prisoners, and deliver Antioch in Syria to him. But the event succeeded not ac∣cording to his promise. For God possest the Saracens with a vain and irrationall terrour. Who supposing the Roman Forces to be falling upon them, became terrified, and not finding how they might make their escape, cast them∣selves armed as they were into the River Eu∣phrates, wherein about an hundred thousand men were drowned. These things fell out after this manner. But the Romans who laid siege to Nisibis, being informed that the King of Persia was bringing many Elephants along with him were terrified, and having burnt all their Engines which they had made use of in the siege, a re∣treated into their own Country. But, what engagements hapned afterwards; and how A∣reobindus, another Roman Generall, killed the va∣liantest person amongst the Persians in a single duell; and how Ardaburius destroyed seven valiant Persian Commanders in an Ambuscade; or after what manner b Vitianus another Roman Generall vanquished the Remains of the Sara∣cen-forces, I think fit to omit, least I should seem to digress too far from my Subject.

CHAP. XIX. Concerning Palladius the Courier.

MOreover, the Emperour Theodosius was in a very short time acquainted with the Actions [of his Forces.] After what manner the Emperour had so sudden an account of what was done in places at so great a distance, I will relate. It was his good fortune to have a servant of a vigorous mind and strong body, his name was Palladius. This person could ride on horse-back at such a rate, that in three days space he could go to those places which are the boundaries of the Roman and Persian Territories, and again in as many days return to Constantinople. The same man passed through all other parts of the world with an incredible swiftness, whither∣soever the Emperour sent him. Wherefore, an eloquent person uttered this saying on a time concerning him: This man by his swiftness makes the Roman Empire, which in it self is large, seem to be little. Moreover, the King of the Persians was amazed, when he heard these things of this man. But, let thus much be said concerning Palladius.

CHAP. XX. How the Persians had another severe overthrow given them by the Romans.

THe Roman Emperour residing at Constan∣tinople, and being informed of a Victory apparently given him▪ a by God, was so good, that although his Forces had managed the War very fortunately, neverthe∣less he embraced a Peace. He sends Helion therefore (a person whom he had a mighty esteem for) with Orders to make up a Peace with the Persians. Helion arriving in Mesopotamia, [at that place] where the Ro∣mans had made a great Ditch for their own secu∣rity, sends one Maximinus (an eloquent person, who was b Assessour to Ardaburius the Gene∣rall,) Embassadour about a Peace. When this person was come to the Persian King, he ac∣quaints him with his being sent about a Peace, not from the Roman Emperours, (for he affirmed that the Empe∣rour as yet was wholly ig∣norant of that War: and when he knew of it, he would look upon it as con∣temptible:) but from his chief Commanders. When the Persian King was resol∣ved readily to embrace the Embassy: (for his Army was in great distress, by rea∣son it wanted provisions;) those Souldiers, who amongst the Persians are termed The Immortalls; (their number is ten thousand [and they are] valiant men,) came to the Emperour, and said, that a Peace was not to be admitted of, before c they had made an attack upon the Romans, then careless and negligent. The King is perswaded by them; shuts up the Embassadour in prison; and sends The Immortalls to put their design upon the Romans in execution. Being come [to the place appointed,] they divided themselves into two parties, and took a resolution of surroun∣ding part of the Roman Army. The Romans seeing but one party of the Persians, made pro∣vision to receive their attack. The other party was not seen by them. For they rush't forth to fight on a suddain. But when the Engage∣ment was just beginning, the Roman Army un∣der the command of d Pro∣copius Master of the Milice (divine providence so or∣dering the matter,) ap∣pears from an eminence. Procopius seeing his Fellow-Souldiers in danger, attacks the Persians in the Rear; and so they who a little be∣fore had surrounded the Romans, were themselves encompassed. After the Romans had in a short time slain every man of these, they set upon those who issued forth upon them from the Ambus∣cade, every man of whom likewise they dis∣patch with their Darts. Thus, those termed The Immortalls amongst the Persians, were all of them manifestly proved to be Mortalls▪ Christ inflicting this punishment upon the Persians, be∣cause they had murdered many pious persons that were his worshippers. The Persian King, in∣formed of this overthrow, pretended himself wholly ignorant of the Action: and having given admission to the Embassy, he spake to the Em∣bassadour in this manner: We embrace a Peace, not that We yield to the Romans: but We [do it to] gratifie You, because We have found You to be the prudentest person of all the Romans. e Thus the War which had been undertaken upon the account of those Christians who lived in Per∣sia, was concluded. Which thing hapned in the Consulate of the Two Augusti, Honorius being the thirteenth and Theodosius the tenth time Con∣sul, on the fourth year of the three hundredth Olympiad. The persecution [which had been raised] against the Christians in Persia, ceased at the same time also.

CHAP. XXI. After what manner Acacius Bishop of Amida, be∣haved himself towards the Persian captives.

MOreover, the good action of Acacius Bi∣shop of Amida, rendred him much more eminent at that time amongst all men [than he had been before.] For, when the Roman Soul∣diers would by no means restore the Persian Captives (whom they had taken when they ruined a Azazene,) to the King of Persia; and the Captives, in number about seaven thousand, were in the interim destroyed by famine; (which thing was the occasion of no small grief to the King of Persia) Acacius thought that business was in no wise to be then neglected. b Having [therefore] called together the Clergy un∣der himself: Men [and Brethren,] said he, Our God stands not in need of Dishes or Cups. For he neither eats, nor drinks, in regard he wants nothing. Whereas therefore the Church is possest of many vessells of gold and silver by the beneficence and liberality of those who be∣long to it, 'tis agreeable that by a sale of these vessells we should both c redeem the Captives from the Souldiers, and also provide them food.

Having discourst of these and many other such like things as these to them, he ordered the ves∣sells to be melted down, and having paid the Souldiers a ransom for the Captives, and fed the Captives [for some time,] he afterwards gave them money to bear their charges, and sent them home to their King. This action of the admirable Acacius highly astonished the King of Persia, because the Romans made it their bu∣siness to conquer their Enemies both ways, as well by War, as by Beneficence. And 'tis said, that the Persian King was very desirous that A∣cacius should come into his presence, to the end he might enjoy a sight of the man; and that that was effected by the Emperour Theodosius's or∣der. When therefore God had given so emi∣nent a Victory to the Romans, many persons who excelled for their eloquence, wrote Panegyricks in praise of the Emperour, and recited them in publick. Moreover, the Emperour's Wife wrote a Poem in Heroick Verse: for she was a woman of a great eloquence. For, being the daughter of d Leontius the Athenian-Sophist, she had been instructed by her Father, and cultivated with all manner of Literature. When the Emperour was about marrying of this woman, Atticus the Bi∣shop made her a Christian, and at her Baptism, instead of Athanaïs, named her Eudocia. Ma∣ny persons therefore, as I have said, recited Pa∣negyricks; some with a design to make them∣selves taken notice of by the Emperour; others endeavouring to publish the powerfullness of their own eloquence; being altogether unwilling, that that Learning they had gotten by much labour, should lie concealed.

CHAP. XXII. Concerning the excellencies, wherewith the Em∣perour Theodosius Junior was endowed.

BUt I, who am neither studious about being taken notice of by the Emperour, nor de∣sirous of making a shew of eloquence, have taken a resolution of setting forth those excellencies wherewith the Emperour is endowed, sincerely and without any Rhetoricall flourishes. For, in regard his virtues are so singularly usefull, my Sentiment is, that to pass them over in silence would be a loss to posterity, which would be defrauded of the knowledge thereof. In the first place therefore, although he was born and educated in the Imperiall Pallace, yet he con∣tracted nothing of an effeminacy o•• stupidity from that education. But was [always] so prudent, as to be reputed by those who addres∣sed to him, to have attained a knowledge and experience in most affairs. His patience in un∣dergoing hardships was such, that he could en∣dure heat and cold couragiously; and would fast frequently, especially on those days termed Wed∣nesdaies and Fridaies. And this he did, out of an earnest endeavour of observing the Rites of the Christian Religion with an accuracy. He governed his Pallace so, that it differed not much from a monasterie. Wherefore he, a together with his sisters, rose early in the morning, and recited alternative Hymns in praise of God. Moreover, he could say the sacred Scriptures by heart. And with the Bishops who confer∣red with him, he discoursed out of the Scri∣ptures, as if he had been an Ecclesiastick of a long stan∣ding. He was much more diligent in making a Col∣lection of the sacred Books, and of the Expositions which had been written thereon, than Ptolemaeus Philadel∣phus had been heretofore. For clemency and humanity he excelled all men by far. The Emperour Julianus, although he was a profest philosopher, yet could not moderate his rage and anger towards the Antiochians who had derided him; but inflicted▪ most acute tortures upon † Theodorus. But Theodosius bad farwell to Aristotle's Syllogismes, and exercised Philosophy in deeds, getting the mastery over Anger, Grief, and Pleasure. He never re∣venged himself upon any one who had been injurious to him. Yea, no man ever saw him angry. Being on a time asked by one with whom he was pleased to be familiar, why he never put to death any person who had injured him? his answer was, Would to God it were possible for me to restore to life those that are dead! To ano∣ther questioning him about the same thing, b 'Tis no great or difficult thing (said he) for him that is a man, to die: but 'tis Gods property only by repentance to restore to life him that is once dead. Further, his Practise of this Virtue was so con∣stant and earnest, that if any person had hap∣ned to commit a crime which deserved a ca∣pitall punishment, he was never led so far as the City-gates onwards on his way to the place of Execution, before a pardon was gran∣ted, whereby he was immediately recalled. When on a time he exhibited a Show of hunting wild beasts in the Amphitheatre at Constanti∣nople, the people cried out, Let one of the bold∣est c Bestiarii encounter the enraged wild beast.

To whom he gave this answer, You know not, that We are wont to be spectatours at Shows with clemency and humanity. With which saying he instructed the people, to be in future delighted with Shows wherein there was less of cruelty. Further, his piety was such, that he honoured all God's Priests; but most especially those whom he knew to be more eminent for sanctity of life. 'Tis reported, that when the Bishop of d Ch••bron had ended his life at Constantinople, he desired to have his Hair-cloth-Cas∣sock, which (although it was very foul and nasty) he wore instead of a Cloak, believing he should there∣by partake something of the dead Bishop's sanctity. There hapning tem∣pestuous weather one year, he was forced to exhibit the usuall and set Shows in the Cirque, in regard the people were extreamly earnest for them. But when the Cirque was filled with Spectatours, the Storm increased, and there was a vast fall of Snow; at which time the Empe∣rour gave an evident demonstration, how he was affected towards God; [for] he made pro∣clamation by the Cryer to the people, in these words: 'Tis much better, that we should omit the Show, and all joyn in prayer to God, that we may be preserved unhurt from the imminent Storm. The Cryer had scarce made an end of proclai∣ming these words, when all the people began to supplicate God in the Cirque with the greatest joy immaginable, and with a generall consent sang Hymns to him. And the whole City be∣came one congregation. The Emperour him∣self went in the midst [of the multitude] in a private habit, and began the Hymns: nor was he frustrated of his hope [at that time.] For the air returned to its former serenity; and in∣stead of a scarcity of bread-corn, the divine be∣nevolence bestowed a plentifull crop upon all persons. If at any time a War was raised, in imitation of David, he fled to God, knowing him to be the disposer of Wars; and by his prayers he managed them successfully. I will here relate therefore, how, a little after the Per∣sian War, (when the Emperour Honorius was dead, in the Consulate of Asclepio••otus and Ma∣rianus, e on the fifteenth of the month August,) by putting his confidence in God, he vanqui∣shed the Tyrant Johannes. For, 'tis my Senti∣ment, that the Actions which hapned at that time, are worthy to be recorded: because, what befell the Hebrews (who were led by Moses) in their passage over the red Sea, the same [almost] hapned to the Emperour's Commanders, at such time as he sent them against that Tyrant. Which Actions I will relate in short, leaving the am∣pleness of them, which does require a peculiar work, [to be set forth at large] by others.

CHAP. XXIII. Concerning Johannes who Tyrannized at Rome, af∣ter Honorius the Emperour's death. And how God mollified, by Theodosius's prayers, delive∣red him into the hands of the Roman Army.

HOnorius Augustus therefore being dead, the Emperour Theodosius informed thereof, conceals it, and deceives the populace [by feigning] sometimes one thing, at others ano∣ther. But he sends his Military Forces secretly to Salonae; which is a City of Dalmatia; to the end that if any Rebellion should happen in the Western parts, a force to resist it might not be far off. Having made provision after this man∣ner before hand, he then published the death of his † Uncle. But in the interim, a Johannes the chief of the Emperour's No∣taries, unable to bear the ‖ greatness of his own prefer∣ment, seizes the Empire, and sends an Embassage to the Emperour Theodosius, requi∣ring to be admitted Col∣league in the Empire. Theodo∣sius imprisoned his Embassadours; and dispatches away Arda••urius, Master of the Milice, who had done excellent service in the Persian War. He be∣ing arrived at Salonae, sailed from thence to Aqui∣leia; and had ill success as he then thought; (but 'twas afterwards demonstrated to be prospe∣rous.) For, an unlucky wind blew, which drove him into the Tyrant's hands. Who having taken Ardaburius, hoped Theodosius would be necessitated to Elect and Proclaim him Emperour, if he were desirous of preserving the life of his Master of the Milice. And the Emperour, when informed hereof, was really in an Agony, as was also the Army which had been sent against the Ty∣rant, least Ardaburius should suffer any mischief from the Tyrant. Moreover, Aspar, Ardabu∣rius's Son, when he understood that his Father was taken by the Tyrant, and knew that many Myriads of Barbarians were come to the Ty∣rant's assistance, knew not what course to take. But, the prayer of the Emperour, beloved by God, at that time prevailed again. For an Angel of God in the habit of a Shepherd, became a guide to Aspar and the forces with him, and leads them through the Lake which lies near to Ra∣venna. For in that City the Tyrant resided, where he detained the Master of the Milice Prisoner. No person was ever known to have passed through this Lake. But God rendred that passable at that time, which before had been impassable. b When therefore they had passed the waters of the Lake [as if it had been] over dry ground, they found the gates of the City open, and seized the Tyrant. At which time the most pious Emperour gave a demonstration of his Religious affection towards God. For whilest he was exhibiting the Cirque-Sports, news was brought him that the Tyrant was destroyed. Whereupon he speaks to the people: Come, said he, if you please, let us rather leave our Recrea∣tion, and go into the Church, and put up our thanksgivings to God, in regard his hand hath destroyed the Tyrant. These were his words; and the Shows ceased immediately, and were neglected: and all persons went through the midst of the Cirque, singing praises together with him with one consent of mind and voice, and went into God's Church. And the whole City became one congregation. Being come into the place of prayer, they continued there all day.

CHAP. XXIV. That, after the slaughter of Johannes the Tyrant, Theodosius the Emperour proclaimed Valen∣tinianus (the Son of Constantius, and of his Aunt Placidia,) Emperour of Rome.

MOreover, after the Tyrant's death, the Em∣perour Theodosius became very solici∣tous, whom he should proclaim Emperour of the Western parts. He had a Cosin-German very young; by name Valentinianus, the Son of his Aunt Placidia. She was daughter to the Emperour Theodosius The Great; and Sister to the two Augusti, Arcadius and Honorius. Valentinianus had a Father, by name Constan∣tius, who having been proclaimed Emperour by Honorius, and reigned with him a short time, died soon after. This Consin-German of his he created Caesar, and sent him into the Western parts, committing the chief management of af∣fairs to his mother Placidia. Moreover, Theo∣dosius himself hastned into Italy, that he might both proclaim his Cosin-German Emperour, and also (by being present there himself) instruct the Italians by his own prudent advice, not easily to yield subjection to Tyrants. Being gone as far as Thessalonica, he was hindred from pro∣ceeding on his journey by a sickness. Having therefore sent the Imperiall Diadem to his Co∣sin-German, by Helion a person of the Senato∣rian Order, he himself returned to the City Con∣stantinople. But, I think this Narrative which I have given concerning these transactions, to be sufficient.

CHAP. XXV. Concerning Atticus's Government of the Churches; and that he ordered Johannes's name to be writ∣ten into the Dypticks of the Church; and that he foreknew his own death.

[IN the interim] Atticus the Bishop in a wonderfull manner enlarged the affairs of the Church; administring all things with a sin∣gular prudence, and by his Sermons inciting the people to Virtue. Perceiving that the Church was divided, in regard the Johannitae held † separate Assemblies, he ordered, that mention should be made of Johannes in the prayers, ac∣cording as it was usuall for other Bishops, who were dead to be mentioned; on which account he hoped many would return to the Church. Moreover, he was so liberall, that he made pro∣vision not only for the poor of his own Chur∣ches, but sent money also to the neighbou∣ring Cities towards the relief and comfort of the necessitous. For he sent three hundred Crowns to Calliopius a Presbyter of the Church of Ni∣caea, to whom he wrote this Letter.

Atticus to Calliopius, health in the Lord.

I understand, that in your City there are an in∣finite company of persons oppressed with hunger, who stand in need of the compassion of pious men. By terming them an infinite company, I mean a multi∣tude, not an accurate and determinate number. In regard therefore I have received a sum of money from him who with a liberall hand giveth to good Stewards, and [whereas] it happens that some are oppressed with want, to the end that those who have wherewithall might be tried, but do not give to the indigent; take (dear friend!) these three hundred Crowns, and bestow them as you shall think good. But give them to those who are wholly ashamed to beg, not to them that throughout their whole lives have declared their belly to be their trade. Moreover, when you give, have no respect to any Sect or Religion whatever in this particu∣lar act; mind this one thing only, to feed the hungry, but not to difference or distinguish those who embrace not our Religion.

After this manner Atticus took care even of the indigent that were at a distance from him . Moreover, he made it his business to extirpate the superstitions of some men. For having one time received information, that those who separated from the Novatianists on ac∣count of the Jewish pass∣over, had translated the body of Sabbatius from Rodes, (for he had been banished into that Island, where he ended his life) and buried it, and did usu∣ally pray at his grave: he sent some persons by night, to whom he gave order to [dig up] Sab∣batius's body, and bury it in some other Sepulchre. But the persons who usually went thither, when they found the grave dug up, in future left off worshipping † that place. Besides, he was very elegant and happy in imposing names [upon places.] A ‖ Sea-Port situate in the mouth of the Euxine-Sea (which had antiently been called Pharmaceus, he named † Therapeia, least at his holding religious assemblies there, he should call that place by an infamous name. Another place near adjacent to Constantinople he named ‖ Argy∣ropolis, for this reason. Chrysopolis is an an∣cient Sea-Port situate in the head of the Bospho∣rus: many of the ancient Writers make men∣tion of it, especially Strabo, Nicolaus Dama∣scenus, and the admirably eloquent Xenophon in his sixth Book concerning the expedition of Cyrus; and the same Authour in his first Book concerning the Grecian affairs, speaks to this effect concerning this City, [viz.] that Alcibiades, when he had built a wall round it, set up a Toll therein which consisted of a pay∣ment of the tenth peny. For those who fail out of Pontus were compelled to pay the tenth peny there. Atticus therefore perceiving this place, which was situate over against Chrysopolis, to be pleasant and delightfull, said it was fit and agree∣able it should be termed Argyropolis. Which saying of his † put that name upon the place immediately. When some persons spoke to him, that the Novatianists ought not to hold their as∣semblies within the Cities; his answer was, you know not how much they suffered together with us when we were persecuted in the Reignes of Constantius and Valens. And besides (said he) they have been Assertours of our Faith. For though they made a separation long since from the Church, yet no innovation about the Faith hath been introduced by them. Being ar∣rived on a time at Nicaea upon account of an Ordination, and seeing Asclepiades, a very aged

person, Bishop of the Novatianists there, he asked him, how many years have you been a Bi∣shop? When he made answer [that he had been a Bishop] fifty years, You are happy, O man, (said he) in regard you have been diligent about so good a work for such a long time! He spake these words to the same Asclepiades, I do indeed commend Novatus; but the Novatianists I can in no wise approve of. Asclepiades amazed at this strange expression, replied, how can you say this, O Bishop? To whom Atticus made this answer; I commend Novatus, because he refused to communicate with those persons who had sacri∣ficed. For I my self would have done the same. But I do not in any wise praise the Novatianists, in regard they exclude the Laïcks from commu∣nion on account of very light and triviall offen∣ces. To which Asclepiades made this return; there are, besides sacrificing, many other sins unto death, (as the Scriptures term them,) on account whereof b you exclude Ecclesiasticks, but we Laïcks also from communion, leaving to God alone a power of pardoning them. Further, Atticus c foreknew even the time of his own death. For at his departure from Nicaea, he spake these words to Calliopius a Presbyter of that place: Hasten to Constantinople before Autumn, if you are desirous of seeing me agai•• alive. For, if you delay, you will not find me living. Upon his saying whereof, he mistook not. For in the twenty first year of his Episcopate, on the tenth of October, he died, in Theodosius's eleventh and Valentinianus Caesar's first Consulate. Moreover, the Emperour Theodosius being then in his re∣turn from Thessalonica, was not at his Funerall. For Atticus was interred the day before the Em∣perour's Entry into Constantinople. Not long after Valentinianus Junior was d Declared Augu∣stus, about the twenty third of that same October.

CHAP. XXVI. Concerning Sisinnius, Atticus's successour in the Constantinopolitane Bishoprick.

AFter Atticus's death, a great contest hap∣ned about the Ordination of a Bishop, some desiring one person, others another. For, one party ('tis said) were earnest to have Philippus a Presbyter; another, Proclus; who was a Pres∣byter also. But the whole body of the people with a generall consent wished Sisinnius might be made [Bishop;] who was a Presbyter also himself: he had not been constituted over any of the Churches within the City, but had been promoted to the Presbyterate in a Village be∣longing to Constantinople, the name whereof is Elaea; and 'tis situate over against the Imperiall † City: in which Village the Festivall of our Saviour's Ascension was from [an ancient] usage celebrated by the whole people in gene∣rall. All the Laïcks were desirous to have this man [made Bishop,] both because he was a person singularly eminent for his piety, and also more especially in regard his diligence in relieving the indigent was earnest even beyond his power. The desire therefore of the Laïty prevailed: and Sisinnius is ordained on the twen∣ty eighth of February, in the following Consu∣late, which was Theodosius's twelfth and Valen∣tinianus Junior Augustus's second. Afterwards, Philippus the Presbyter (because Sisinnius was preferred before him,) was very bitter and large in his invectives against that Ordination,

in that [voluminous work termed the] Chri∣stian History, which he wrote; wherein he ca∣lumniates both the person ordained, and also those who had ordained him; but more especial∣ly, the Laity. And his expressions are such, that I am unwilling to record them; for I can in no wise approve of his rashness, in having been so audacious, as to commit such things to writing. But, I judge it not inopportune to say something in short concerning him.

CHAP. XXVII. Concerning Philippus the Presbyter, who was born at Side.

PHilippus was by Country a Sidensian. Side is a City of Pamphylia, at which Troilus the Sophista had his originall extract; of his own relation to whom Philippus boasted. Whilest he was a Deacon, he had had fre∣quent converse with Bishop Johannes. He was a very laborious and painfull student, and had made a Collection of many books, and those of all sorts. He imitated the Asian Style, and wrote many Books. [For, he confuted the Emperour Julian's Pieces, and compiled a Chri∣stian History, which he divided into six and thirty Books. Each Book contained many Tomes, in so much that in all they were near a thousand. The † Contents of each Tome equalled the Tome it self in bigness. This work he entitled not an Ecclesiastick, but a Christian History. In it he heaped together variety of Learning, being de∣sirous to shew, that he was not unskilled in Phi∣losophick Literature. For which reason, he makes frequent mention therein of Geometricall, Astronomicall, Arithmeticall, and Musicall The∣orems. He also describes Islands, Mountains, Trees, and severall other things not very mo∣mentous. Upon which account he has made it a loose work: and therefore hath (in my judg∣ment) rendred it useless both to the ignorant, and to the Learned also. For, the ignorant are unable to inspect the heighth and grandeur of his Stile. And those that are well versed in Learning nauseate his insipid repetition of words. But, let every one pass a judgment upon those Books according to his own liking. I only say this, that the times wherein affairs have been transacted are confounded by him. For when he has mentioned the times of the Emperour Theodosius, he runs back to those of Athanasius the Bishop. And this he does very frequently. Thus much concerning Philippus. 'Tis requisite that we should now declare what hapned in Si∣sinnius's time.

CHAP. XXVIII. That Sisinnius ordained Proclus Bishop of Cyzi∣cum: but the Inhabitants of that City would not admit him [to be their Bishop.]

THe Bishop of Cyzicum being dead, Sisin∣nius ordained Proclus Bishop of that City. When therefore he was about going thither, the Inhabitants of Cyzicum prevent him, and ordain a person that was an Ascetick, his name Dalma∣tius. And this they did in contempt to a a Law by which 'twas established, that the ordination of a Bishop [there] should not be made con∣trary to the Constantinopolitane Bishop's mind. But they disregarded this Law, as being [said they] a personall prerogative granted only to Atticus. Proclus therefore continued destitute indeed of the presidency over his own Church, but he flourished and grew famous for his Ser∣mons [Preach't] in the Churches of Constan∣tinople. But we shall speak concerning this per∣son in due place. Sisinnius having survived his being made Bishop not full ou•• two years, ended his life in the Consulate of Hierius and Ardaburius, on the twenty fourth of the month December. He was a person, for his temperance, good life, and love to the poor, highly eminent. As to his temper, he was a person to whom access might easily be had, and of a disposi∣tion plain and without falsehood; therefore no Lover of business. For which reason busie men were offended at him; amongst whom he had the character of a slothfull person.

CHAP. XXIX. That after Sisinnius's death, [the Emperours] sent for Nestorius from Antioch, and made him Bishop of Constantinople; who quickly discovered his own temper and disposition:

AFter Sisinnius's death, the Emperours were pleased not to prefer any person of the Constantinopolitane Church to that See, because they were men studious of vain-glory: although many were very earnest to have Philippus, others not fewer in number [strove to get] Proclus, ordained. But they resolved to send for a For∣reigner from Antioch. For there was a man there, by name Nestorius, born at the City Ger∣manicia, who had a good voice, and a readi∣ness of expression. Wherefore they determined to send for him, as being a fit person to teach the people. After an intervall of three months therefore, Nestorius is brought from Antioch. Who was cried up indeed for his temperance amongst many persons; but what a tempered man he was as to other things, the more prudent discovered from a his first Sermon. For, being ordained on the tenth of Aprill, in the Consulate of Felix and Taurus; addressing himself to the Emperour he forthwith uttered that famous ex∣pression in the presence of all the people. Give me (said he,) O Emperour! the Earth cleared from Hereticks, and in recompence thereof I will give you Heaven. Assist me in destroying Here∣ticks; and I will assist you in vanquishing the Persians. Although these words, were extream∣ly pleasing to some of the Vulgar, who had con∣ceived an hatred against Hereticks; yet to those

(who, as I have said, had skill in giving a con∣jecture of his Sentiments from his expressions,) neither the levity of his mind, nor his inclination to anger and violence joyned with his vain-glo∣riousness, were concealed: in regard he con∣teined not himself during the smallest space of time, but broke out into such expressions as these; and (if I may use the proverb) before he had tasted the water of the City, shewed him∣self an inraged persecutor. On the fifth day therefore after his ordination, he takes a resolu∣tion to demolish the Arians's Oratory, in which they performed their devotions secretly; where∣by he drove those Hereticks to a desperation. For when they saw their place of Prayer pul∣ling down, they threw fire into it and burnt it. Moreover, the fire spread further, and consumed the adjacent buildings. Whereupon a tumult was raised all over the City, and the Arians made preparations to revenge themselves. But God the keeper of the City, permitted not the mis∣chief to gather to an head. However, Nestorius was in future termed an b Incendiary, not only by the Hereticks, but by those also of his own Faith. For he desisted not, but framed intreagues against the He∣reticks, and did his utmost to subvert the City. For he attempted to mo∣lest the Novatianists also, his envy spurring him on, because Paulus Bishop of the Novatianists was famous in all places for his piety. But the Emperours by their admonitions repressed his fury. Now what mischiefs he did to the Quar∣todecimani throughout Asia, Lydia, and Caria, and how numerous the multitudes were that came to their deaths by his means at Miletum and Sardis in a tumult there raised, I think fit not to mention. But, what manner of punishment he underwent, as well for these [wickednesses,] as for his unbridled tongue, I will declare here∣after.

CHAP. XXX. After what manner the Burgundions embraced the Christian Religion, in the Reign of Theodosius Junior.

I Will now relate a thing worthy to be re∣corded, which hapned about this very time. There is a barbarous Nation, which has its ha∣bitation beyond the River Rhine, they are called the Burgundions. These persons lead a quiet life. For they are almost all Carpenters; by which [trade] they earn wages, and get a live∣lyhood. The Nation of the Hunni by making continuall Inroades upon this people, depopu∣lated their Country, and frequently destroyed many of them. The Burgundions therefore, re∣duced to a great streight, fly for refuge to no man; but resolved to commit themselves to some God. And having seriously considered with themselves, that the God of the Romans did vigorously assist and defend those that feared him; by a generall consent they all came over to the faith of Christ. Going therefore to one of the Cities of Gallia, they made a request to the Bishop, that they might receive Christian Baptism. The Bishop ordered them to fast sea∣ven days, in which intervall he instructed them in the grounds of Faith, and on the eighth day baptized and dismissed them. Being encouraged therefore [hereby,] they marched out a a∣gainst the Hunni, and were not frustrated of their expectation. For the King of the Hunni (whose name was b Optar,) having burst him∣self in the night by eating too much; the Burgun∣dions fell upon the Hunni then destitute of a Commander in chief, and á few engaged very many, and conquered them. For the Burgun∣dions being in number only three thousand, de∣stroyed about ten thousand of the Hunni. And from that time the Nation of the Burgundions be∣came zealous professours of Christianity. About the same time, Barba Bishop of the Arians died, in Theodosius's thirteenth and Valentinia∣nus's third Consulate, on the twenty fourth of June, and Sabbatius is constituted Bishop in his stead. But, let thus much be said concerning these things.

CHAP. XXXI. With what miseries the Macedoniani were afflicted by Nestorius.

MOreover, Nestorius behaved himself con∣trary to the usage of the Church, a and caused others to imitate himself in such things, as 'tis apparent from what hapned during his being Bishop. For, one Antonius Bishop of Germa a City in the Hellespont, imitated Nesto∣rius's rage towards the Hereticks, and made it his business to persecute the Macedoniani, taking the Patriarch's order as a pretext for his Apo∣logy. The Macedoniani for some time endured his vexatiousness. But after Antonius began to disquiet them more vehemently; being unable to undergo his molestation any longer, they [grew desperate, and] brake out into a cruell madness; and having privately sent some men who preferred what is pleasant before that which is good, they murder him. The Macedoniani having perpetrated this villanous fact, Nestorius took hold of what had been done as an occasion of his own rage. And he perswades the Emperours to deprive them of their Churches. As well those Churches therefore which they had before the old walls of Constantinople, as them [they were possest of] in Cyzicum, were taken from them; as were like∣wise many others, which they had in the Villages of the Hellespont. Some of them came over to the [Catholick] Church, and embraced the Homo••usian Faith. But, as 'tis proverbially spoken, Drunkards never want wine, nor Conten∣tious persons strife. It hapned therefore, that Nestorius, who busied himself in expelling other persons, was himself turned out of the Church, for this reason [following.]

CHAP. XXXII. Concerning the Presbyter Anastasius, by whom Nestorius was perverted to Impiety.

ANastasius the Presbyter, who had come from Antioch with Nestorius, was his in∣timate acquaintance▪ Nestorius had an high e∣steem for him, and made use of his advice in the management of business. This Anastasius being Preaching one time in the Church, ut∣tered these words, Let no man stile Mary Theotocos. For Mary was a woman. But 'tis impossible for God to be born of a woman. The hearing hereof disturbed ma∣ny persons, as well of the Clergy as Laity. For they had been heretofore taught, to confess Christ to be God, and in no wise to separate him as man from the Divinity on account of his Incarnation; whereto they were induced by the Apostle's words, who saith; Yea, though we have known Christ after the flesh; yet now henceforth know we him no more. b And [a∣gain,] wherefore leaving the discourse concerning Christ, let us press forwards to perfection. A disturbance there∣fore having been raised in the Church (as I have said,) [about this matter;] Ne∣storius endeavoured to con∣firm Anastasius's expression; (for he was un∣willing, that the man for whom he had so great an esteem, should be reproved as having spoken blasphemy;) and made frequent discourses con∣cerning it in the Church, in which he proposed contentious questions concerning this thing, and every where rejected this term Theotocos. This question therefore being entertained in one manner by some, and in another by others; on this account a dissention arose in the Church. And being Engaged in an Encounter by night as it were, sometimes they asserted these things, at others those, affirming and in like man∣ner denying one and the same thing. But Ne∣storius was supposed by most men, to entertain such Sentiments, as to assert the Lord [Christ] to be a meer man, and to introduce the opi∣nion of Paul of Samosata and Photinus into the Church. Now, so great a controversie and di∣sturbance was raised about this matter, that 'twas thought necessary a Generall Councill [should be convened.] But I my self, after my reading the Books b published by Nestorius, found him to be an ignorant person. And I will declare the truth un∣feignedly. For, his vices which I have spoken of already, I have not mentioned out of any hatred to him, nor will I, to gratifie any man, les∣sen my account of the good which I found in him. Ne∣storius seems not to me, to be a follower either of Paul of Samosata's opinion, or of Photinus's, nor in the least to assert the Lord [Christ] to be a meer man. But he was put into a fright by this term [Theo∣tocos] only, as if it had been a Bugbear. And this befell him meerly by reason of his great Illi∣terateness. For being naturally endowed with eloquence, he was supposed to be a man of lear∣ning; but in reality was unlearned and ignorant. He likewise scorned to read the Books of Ancient c Expositours. For being puft up with pride by reason of his ability to speak well, he minded not reading the Ancients with any thing of accuracy; but thought him∣self better then any man else. To begin therefore from hence, he was wholly ignorant, that in the Catho∣lick Epistle of S^t John (to wit, in the ancient Co∣pies thereof,) it was thus written; d every spirit which separates Jesus [from God,] is not of God. For, this sentence has been expunged out of the ancient Copies by those, whose desire it is to separate the Divine nature from the humane Oeconomy. Wherefore, the Ancient Expositours have made this very remark, to wit, that some persons have depraved this Epistle, being desirous † to separate the Manhood of Christ from his Deity. For the Humanity is joyned to the Di∣vinity. e Nor are they any more two, but one. The Ancients emboldened by this Testimony, scrupled not to stile Mary Theotocos. For Eusebius Pamphilus (in his third Book concerning the Life of Constantine,) has these express words. For Emanuel endured to be born for us. And the place of his Nativity is amongst the Hebrews termed Bethle∣hem. Upon which account the Empress Helena most dear to God, adorned the plaoe, where the † God bearing Virgin was de∣livered, with admirable Monuments, and illu∣strated that sacred Cave with all manner of orna∣ments. And Origen (in the first Tome of his [Comments] upon the Apostle's Epistle to the Romans,) expounding in what manner [Mary] may be termed Theotocos, handles that Question largely. 'Tis apparent therefore, that Nestorius was wholly ignorant in the writings of the An∣cients. For which reason, as I have said, he opposes this only term [Theotocos.] For, that

he asserts not Christ to be a meer man, as Pho∣tinus and Paul of Samosata did, we are evident∣ly informed even from his own discourses which he hath published. Wherein he does in no place destroy the Hypostasis of the Word of God; but every where professes him to have a proper, reall and peculiar person and existence: nor does he deprive him of a subsistence, as did Photinus and Paul of Samosata. Which Tenet the Manichaeans and Montanus's followers have been so audacious as to assert. That this was Nestorius's opinion, I my self have found, partly by reading his own works, and partly from the discourses of his Admirers. Further, this fri∣gid and empty discourse of Nestorius has raised no small disturbance in the world.

CHAP. XXXIII. Concerning the horrid wickedness commited upon the Altar of the Great Church by the fugitive servants.

THese things having been transacted [after this manner,] there hapned a most de∣testable fact, perpetrated in the Church. For, the servants of one of the Great men, fellows that were Barbarians, having by experience found their Master to be cruell, fled to the Church, and with their swords drawn leapt upon the Altar. Being intreated to go out, they could by no means be prevailed upon; but hindred the divine Services. And holding their naked swords in their hands for [the space of] ma∣ny days, they stood in a posture to make resi∣stance against any one that approached them. Moreover, when they had killed one of the Ec∣clesiasticks, and wounded another, at last they slew themselves. Whereupon, one of those then pre∣sent said, that the prophanation of the Church was no good sign, [in proof whereof] he added two Iambicks of a certain old Poet:

a For such Prognosticks happen in that while When horrid Crimes the Churches do defile.

Nor was he who spake these words, mistaken in his Sen∣timent. For (as it was con∣jectured,) a division amongst the people, and his deposition who had been the Occasioner of this division, was hereby por∣tended.

CHAP. XXXIV. Concerning the former Synod at Ephesus convened against Nestorius.

FOr within a small intervall of time, the Bi∣shops in all places were by the Emperour's Edict ordered to meet together at Ephesus. Im∣mediately after the Feast of Easter therefore, Nestorius went to Ephesus, accompanied with a great and promiscuous multitude, where he finds many Bishops met together. But Cyrillus [Bi∣shop] of Alexandria made some delaies, and came not till about Pentecost. On the fifth day after Pentecost, Juvenalis Bishop of Jerusalem arrived. Whilest Johannes [Bishop] of An∣tioch was slow in coming, the [Prelates] that were present began to debate the Question. And Cyrillus of Alexandria made some onse••s [of dispute,] being desirous to disturb and terrifie Nestorius; for he had conceived an hatred a∣gainst him. Moreover, when many asserted the Deity of Christ, Nestorius exprest himself thus, I cannot term him God, who was two months and three months old. And therefore I am clear from your bloud; nor will I in future come to you any more. Having said this, he afterwards held conventions with the other Bishops, who were followers of his opinion. So that the persons present were divided into two factions. Those of Cyrillus's party staid in the Councill, and cited in Ne∣storius. But he refused to come in, and deferred his appearance till the arrivall of Johannes [Bi∣shop] of Antioch. Whereupon those of Cy∣rillus's party, (after they had severall times read over Nestorius's Discourses about this Question, which he had made to the people; and from the reading thereof had given in their judgment, that he had constantly spoken blasphemy against the Son of God) deposed him. When this was done, a Nestorius's party made up another Synod apart by themselves, and depose Cyrillus, and to∣gether with him Memnon Bishop of Ephesus. Not long after these transactions, Johannes Bi∣shop of Antioch arrived. And being informed of what had been done, was highly displeased with Cyrillus, as being the occasioner of the di∣sturbance which had hapned, in regard he had with so much rashness and precipitancy procee∣ded to the deposition of Nestorius. But Cyrillus, and together with him Juvenalis, to revenge themselves upon Johannes, depose him also. These affairs being after this manner confused and disturbed, Nestorius perceiving this contention had arrived to such an height as to ruine com∣munion, retracted, and termed Mary Theotocos, saying, Let Mary be styled Theotocos, and let all animosities cease. But though he made this retractation, yet no body admitted of it. For at this present he continues deposed, and lives in exile at Oäsis. And this was the conclusion of the Synod held at that time. These things were done in the Consulate of Bassus and An∣tiochus, on the twenty eighth of June. But Jo∣hannes after his return to Antioch, assembled ma∣ny Bishops, and deposed Cyrillus, who was then gone home to Alexandria. However, they laid aside their enmity soon after, came to a reconci∣liation, and restored one another to their Epis∣copall Chairs. But after Nestorius's deposition, a most violent disturbance seized the Churches of Constantinople. For the people were divided by reason of his frigid and empty babling, as I have said already. But all the Clergy by a generall consent Anathematized him. (For so we Christians do usually term the sentence a∣gainst a blasphemer, when we propose it to pub∣lick view on a Pillar as it were, and render it visi∣ble to all persons.)

CHAP. XXXV. How, after Nestorius's Deposition, when some were desirous of placing Proclus in the Episcopall Chair, other Bishops elected Maximianus Bi∣shop of Constantinople.

[AFter this] there was another debate about the Election of a Bishop. And many were for choosing Philippus, whom we have men∣tioned a little before; but more † nominated Proclus. And the opinion of those [who voted] for Proclus had carried it, had not some of the most powerfull persons hindred it, who said 'twas forbidden by the Ecclesiastick Canon, that he who had been nominated Bishop of any City, should be translated to another ‖ See. This ha∣ving been said and believed, compelled the people to be quiet. After an intervall therefore of four months from Nestorius's Deposition, a person by name Maximianus, is Elected to the Bishoprick; as to his course of life he was an Ascetick: but had himself also been made one of the Presby∣ters. He had long before gotten the repute of a pious and holy person, because at his own charge he had built Monuments, wherein Reli∣gious persons might be buried after their decease. He was a man of mean accomplishments in speak∣ing, and desirous of leading a life void of busi∣ness.

CHAP. XXXVI. Instances, whereby this Writer does (as he suppo∣ses) evince, that a Translation from one See to another is not prohibited.

BUt in regard some persons, by alledging the Ecclesiastick Canon, have hindred Proclus, who had then been nominated Bishop of Cyzi∣cum, from being seated [in the Episcopall Chair of Constantinople;] my desire is to say some∣thing briefly concerning this matter. Those per∣sons who undertook to speak these things at that time, in my judgment spake not true; but ei∣ther feigned them out of an Odium [they had conceived] against Proclus, or else were wholly ignorant of the Canons, and of severall other things of great use to, and frequently practised in the Churches. For, Eusebius Pamphilus, in the sixth Book of his Ecclesiastick History, relates, that Alexander Bishop of one of the Cities in Cappadocia, coming to Jerusalem on account of prayer, was detained by the Inhabitants of that City, and consecrated Bishop in the room of Narcissus, and in future presided over the Churches there as long as he lived. So indifferent a thing it was amongst our Ancestours, for a Bishop to be translated from one City to another, as often as ne∣cessity required. And if it be requisite to annex the Canon to this our History, it will be demon∣strated in what a manner they have belyed that Canon, [who have quoted it] in order to their hindring Proclus's Ordination. The a Ca∣non therefore runs thus. If any person who has been Ordained Bishop of a Church, goes not to that Church over which he has been Ordained [Bishop,] not by reason of his own fault, but either because of the peoples refusall [of him,] or for any other necessary Cause [not proceeding from himself;] this person shall be partaker of the Honour and Ministration, provided he molests not the affairs of that Church wherein he shall celebrate Assem∣blies. But he ought to embrace whatever the Synod of the Province, b having had Cogni∣zance of his Case, shall think good to determine.

This is the Canon. Now, to make it evi∣dent, that many Bishops have been translated from some Cities to others, by reason of the Churches necessities now and then [inter∣vening;] I will [here] annex the names of such [Bishops] as have been translated. c Perigenes had been ordained Bishop of Patrae.

But in regard the Inhabitants of the foresaid City refused to admit him, the Bishop of Rome ordered he should be constituted Bishop in the Metropolitane See of Corinth, the Bishop of that Church being dead. Over which Church Peri∣genes presided as long as he lived. Gregorius of Nazianzum was first of all Bishop of Sasimi one of the Cities in Cappadocia: afterwards he was made [Bishop] of Nazianzum. Melitius had formerly presided over the Church in Sebastia, and afterwards he Governed that in Antioch. Alexander Bishop of Antioch translated Dosi∣theus Bishop▪ of Seleucia to Tarsus in Cilicia. d Reverentius [was removed] from Arci [a City] of Phaenice, and afterwards translated to Tyre. Johannes was translated from e Gor∣dum [a City] of Lydia to f Proconnesus, and presided over the Church there. Palladius was translated from Helenopolis to Aspuna. Alexan∣der was translated from Helenopolis to Adriani. g Theophilus was translated from Apamea [a City] of Asia, to Eudoxipolis anciently ter∣med h Salambria. Polycarpus was translated from Sexantapristi [a City] of Moesia, to Nicopolis of Thracia. Hierophilus was translated from Tra∣pezopolis [a City] of Phrygia to Plotinopolis in Thracia. i Optimus was removed from Ag∣damia in Phrygia to Antioch [a City] of Pi∣sdia. Silvanus was translated from Philippo∣polis in Thracia, to Troas. Let thus many be sufficient to have been named at present, who were removed from their own Cities to other [Sees.] But I judge it usefull to speak something in short concerning Silvanus, who was translated from Philippopolis in Thracia to Troas.

CHAP. XXXVII. Concerning Silvanus, who was translated from Philippopolis to Troas.

SIlvanus had formerly been a Rhetorician [in the School of] Troïlus the Sophista. But in regard he proposed to himself an accuracy in the profession of the Christian Religion as his chief design, and exercised himself in the severities of an Ascetick life, [on account hereof] he refused to a wear the Rhetoricians Pallium. But afterwards, At∣ticus the Bishop b laid hold of him, and or∣dained him Bishop of Philippopolis. After he had lived three years in Thracia, and found himself unable to endure the cold (for he had a very thin, lean, and infirm body;) he entrea∣ted Atticus, that he would ordain another in his stead, affirming that he refused to live in Thra∣cia upon no other account, than because of the cold. Another person therefore having for this very reason been ordained in his room, Silvanus continued at Constantinople, and with a most ex∣quisite diligence followed an Ascetick course of life. He was so great a stranger to delicateness and fineness, that he would frequently appear in publick amongst so numerous a concourse of people as were in that populous City, shod only with Sandalls made of c Spartum. After some intervall of time the Bishop of the Church

of Troas departed this life. On which account the Inhabitants of Troas came [to Constanti∣nople] to desire a Bishop. Whilest Atticus was considering whom he should ordain, it hapned that Silvanus came to give him a visit. As soon as Atticus saw him, he d laid aside his care [about that affair] immediately, and spoke to Silvanus [on this wise,] You have no further excuse for your avoiding the care and government of [this] Church. For Troas is not a cold place. Behold, God has provided you a convenient place for the infirmness of your body. Delay not therefore, Brother, but go to Troas. Wherefore Sil∣vanus removed to that City: where he did a Mi∣racle, which I will now relate. A vast Ship for car∣rying of burthens, made for the conveyance of great pillars, (such a vessell they term Plate;) had been newly built on the Shore of Troas. This Ves∣sell was to be Launched. But though many ropes [were fastned to the Ship,] and a great num∣ber of persons [did their utmost] to hale it [Seaward,] yet it was not in any wise to be moved. After this had been done for many days, then they thought that a devil detained the Vessell. Wherefore, they went to Bishop Silvanus, and entreated him to make a prayer in that place. For they believed, that by that means only the Ship was to be drawn into the Sea. But he, entertaining modest thoughts of himself, stiled himself a sin∣ner, and said, that was a work to be done by some righteous person, not by him. When they continued their Suit with a greater earnest∣ness, he went to the Shore. Where after he had prayed, he took hold of one of the ropes, and bad them set close to the business. And when they had haled the Ship on a little, she ran swiftly into the Sea. This Miracle performed by Silvanus's hands stirred up those of that Pro∣vince to piety. But Silvanus was a good man as to other things also. For perceiving that the Ecclesiasticks made a gain of their contentions who were engaged in Suits at Law, he would never make any one of the Clergy a Judge. But received the Libells of the Litigants himself, and called one of the faithfull Laicks to him, whom he knew to be a Lover of justice; to whom he committed the hearing of the cause, [by which means] he e freed the Li∣tigants from contentious∣ness. For these reasons Sil∣vanus got himself a great name amongst all men. Thus much concerning Silvanus, which although declared by way of digression, yet (in my judgment) the mention hereof is not unusefull. But let us return to that place, from whence we have digressed. After Maximianus therefore was ordained Bishop [of Constantinople] in the Consulate of Bassus and Antiochus, about the twenty fifth of Octo∣ber, the affairs of the Church were in a sedate and quiet posture.

CHAP. XXXVIII. Concerning the Jews in Creet, how, many of them turned Christians at that time.

ABout the same time, many of the Jews [who dwelt] in Creet, turned Christians, on ac∣count of this calamitous accident. A certain Jew, who was an Impostor, feigned himself to be Moses: and affirmed himself to have been sent from heaven, that he might a lead out the Jews who inhabited that Island, and conduct them through the Sea. For he was (as he said) the same person, who preserved the Israelites heretofore [by leading them] through the Red-Sea. For the space of one whole year there∣fore, he travelled about to all the Cities of that Island, and perswaded the Jews who inhabited therein, to believe these things. And he exhor∣ted them to leave their money and possessions: for he promised, that he would lead them through a dry Sea into the Land of Promise. They, deceived by such hopes as these, neglected all em∣ployments; and moreover despised the things they possessed, permitting any persons they met with to take them. When the day was come which had been set by this Jewish Impostor, he himself went before, and they all followed with their wives and little children. He leads them there∣fore to a Promontory which ran out into the Sea, and ordered them to cast themselves from thence into the Ocean. They who came first to the Precipice, did so, and lost their lives imme∣diately, part of them being dash't [in pieces] against the Rocks, and part drowned in the Wa∣ters. And many more of them had perished, had not some Fishermen and Merchants (who were Christians,) by the disposall of divine provi∣dence hapned to be present. These persons drew out and saved some of them who were al∣most choak'd with the waters; who having been in so imminent danger, were then sensible of their own madness. They kept the others also from casting themselves into the Sea, by telling them that those were destroyed who had thrown themselves in first. The Jews therefore, having at length understood the Imposture, blamed their own indiscretion in believing. But when they endeavoured to [seize] the † Pseudo-Moses and kill him, they could not apprehend him. For he disappeared [on a sudden;] and this made most men suspect that he was a de∣structive Devil, who had clothed himself with an humane shape, that he might destroy their Na∣tion in that Country. By reason of this cala∣mitous accident, many of the Jews then in Creet, bade adieu to Judaïsm, and embraced the Faith of the Christian Religion.

CHAP. XXXIX. Concerning the Fire which hapned in the Church of the Novatianists.

NOt long after this time, Paulus Bishop of the Novatianists gat the repute of a per∣son truly beloved by God, and indeed rendred [his own reputation] far greater than what it had been before. For, there hapned a most fu∣rious

fire [at Constantinople,] such a one as had never † been known before. For a great part of the City was destroyed by this fire: in so much that the a greatest Gra∣naries, and that termed the b Achillean Bath, were burnt down. At length the fire, con∣suming [all things in its way,] approacht the Novatianists Church, which stands neer Pelargus. When therefore Paulus the Bishop saw his Church in danger, he rush't into it [and ran] as far as the Altar, where he commended the pre∣servation of the Church and the things therein to God, nor did he omit the pouring forth his prayers both for the City, and for the Church. † And God heard his prayer, as 'twas demon∣strated by the event. For though the fire brake into the Church through all the doors and win∣dows, yet it did no harm. It wholly consumed many adjacent Edifices on every side of it: but you might have seen the Church it self in the midst of the whole fire, triumphing over its ra∣ging Flames. And when this fire had conti∣nued two whole days and as many nights, it was wholly extinguished, after it had burnt down a great part of the City. But the Church ap∣peared entire and untoucht. And (which is more to be admired) there was not the least appearance of smoak to be seen on its tim∣ber, or walls. This hapned about the sixteenth of August, in Theodosius's fourteenth Consulate which he bore with Maximus. Since which time the Novatianists do celebrate [the me∣mory of] their Church its having been preser∣ved, every year about the sixteenth of August; on which day they put up their thanksgivings to God. And all persons in a manner, not only Christians but very many Pagans also, since that time honour that place, by reason of the Miracle which hapned therein; and have a ve∣neration for it as being truly holy. But thus far concerning these things.

CHAP. XL. That Proclus succeeded Maximianus the Bishop.

MAximianus having quietly governed the Churches two years and five months, died in the Consulate of Areobindus and Aspar, on the twelfth of April. That day hapned to fall on the week of Fasts, [to wit] the week which immediately precedes the Feast of Easter: and it was the fifth day of that week. At which time the Emperour Theodosius made a prudent provision for this affair. For least a debate should arise, again about the Election of a Bi∣shop, which might raise a disturbance in the Church; he delayed not, but whilest Maximia∣nus's body lay as yet unburied, ordered the Bi∣shops that were present [in the City] to place Proclus in the Episcopall Chair. For the Let∣ters of Celestinus Bishop of Rome, wherein he ap∣proved of a this [Election,] were then come; which Letters he had sent to Cyrillus [Bishop] of Alexandria, to Johannes [Bishop] of An∣tioch, and to b Rufus [Bishop] of Thessalo∣nica; informing them, that nothing hindred him (who had been nominated and actually was Bi∣shop of one City,) from being translated to ano∣ther. Therefore after Proclus was placed in the Episcopall Chair, he made a Funerall for the body of Maximianus. But we have now an op∣portunity of speaking something in short concer∣ning Proclus.

CHAP. XLI. Concerning Proclus the Bishop what manner of man he was.

PRoclus was from his younger years a Reader, he frequented the Schools, and imployed his time in [the study of] Rhetorick. Being come to man's estate, he was for the most part conversant with Atticus the Bishop, and had been his Notary. When he had made a great proficiency, Atticus promoted him to the Dia∣conate. Having been preferred to the Presby∣terate, Sisinnius (as I have said before) or∣dained him Bishop of Cyzicum. These things had hapned long before this. But, 'twas at this time that he obtained the Chair of the Con∣stantinopolitane Church. He was a person en∣dowed with as good a disposition and moralls, as was any man whatsoever. For having been educated under Atticus, he studiously imitated

all that was good in him. a But he exercised a pa∣tience far greater than Atticus. For he, now and then, shewed himself terrible to Hereticks. But Proclus was calm and mild to all persons: b in regard he foresaw, that they might be brought [to embrace the true faith] by this means, rather than by force. For being resolved to vex and disquiet no Heresie-whatever, he preserved the dignity and honour of his mildness and mansue∣tude intire and unviolated, and [as if it had been some pledge] restored it to the Church. In which particular thing he imitated the Emperour Theodosius. For 'twas His fixt and unalterable de∣termination, not to make use of his Imperiall power and authority against Criminalls: and Proclus's resolution was, not to value any ones entertaining such sentiments concerning God, as were different from those embraced by him∣self.

CHAP. XLII. That this Writer spends many words in praise of the Emperour Theodosius Junior's probity.

ON account hereof therefore, Proclus was highly commended by the Emperour. For He himself also was like to such as were true Prelates; nor did he any wise approve of those, who were desirous of persecuting others. Yea, I can speak it with confidence, that for meekness he excelled all those who were true and genuine Ecclesiasticks. a And what is recorded of Moses in the Book of Numbers, Now the man Moses was very meek, above all the men which were upon the face of the earth; the same may be now said of the Empe∣rour Theodosius, to wit, that he is very meek, above all the men which are upon the face of the earth. For by reason of this his meekness, God has subdued his enemies under him, with∣out military engagements, as hath been demon∣strated by his Victory over the Tyrant † Jo∣hannes, and [shall be made evident] from the destruction of the ‖ Barbarians, which succeeded that soon after. For what manner of assistances have been given by God to just men heretofore, such like have even in our times been bestowed on the most pious Emperour, by the God of the Universe. Nor do I write this out of flattery, but I will give a Narrative of affairs (which all men have been throughly acquainted with,) as they truly are.

CHAP. XLIII. How great calamities those Barbarians underwent, who had been the Tyrant Johannes's Auxi∣liaries.

FOr after the slaughter of the Tyrant, those Barbarians whom he had called to his as∣sistance against the Romans, made preparations to overrun [and ruine] the Roman Provinces. When the Emperour heard of it, according as his usage was, he committed the care of this af∣fair to God: and having been earnest in prayers, not long after obtained what he desired. Fur∣ther, it will be advantagious, to hear what [ca∣lamities] befell the Barbarians. Their Com∣mander in chief, whose name was a Rougas, is killed by a clap of thunder. Then fol∣lowed a plague, which de∣stroyed most of the men un∣der his command. Nor was this only sufficient; but fire also descended from heaven, and consumed many of those who remained. And this put the Barbarians into the great∣est terrour imaginable, not so much because they had dared to take up Arms against the valiant Nation of the Romans; as in regard they found them assisted by a powerfull God. Moreover, Proclus the Bishop Preached a Sermon at that time in the Church, wherein he applied a prophecy [taken] out of Ezechiel to the deliverance ef∣fected by God at that juncture; [for which dis∣course] he was greatly admired. The pro∣phecy runs thus: And thou son of man, prophecy a∣gainst b Prince Gog, Rhos, Misoch and Thobell. For I will judge him with death, and with bloud, and with an overflowing rain, and with stones of hail. And I will rain fire and Brimstone upon him, and upon all those with him, and upon many Nations [which are] with him. And I will be magnified and glorified, and I will be known in the eyes of many Nations. And they shall know that I am the Lord. On account thereof therefore, as I have said, Pro∣clus was much admired. But on the Emperour, because of his meekness, many other [Blessings] were conferred by divine providence. Amongst which this was one, [which I will now re∣late.]

CHAP. XLIV. That the Emperour Valentinianus Junior married Eudoxia the daughter of Theodosius.

HE had a daughter by his Wife Eudocia, her name Eudoxia. His Cousin Ger∣mane Valentinianus, whom he had made Empe∣rour of the Western parts, desired he might marry this [Princess.] To which when the

Emperour Theodosius had given his consent, and both the Augusti (after they had deliberated a∣bout celebrating the marriage at some place on the frontiers of both Empires,) had resolved each to make a journey half way, and do it at Thessalonica: Valentinianus sends Theodosius intimation by Letter, that he should not give him∣self that trouble: for, that he would come in per∣son to Constantinople. Having therefore secured the Western parts [with a sufficient guard,] he comes to Constantinople on account of the mar∣riage. Which having been celebrated in the Consulate of a Isidorus and Senator, he took his Wife, and returned into the Western parts. Such a felicity as this befell the Emperour at that time.

CHAP. XLV. That Proclus the Bishop perswaded the Emperour to translate the Body of Johannes from the place of his Exile [where it had been bu∣ried,] to Constantinople, and to deposite it in the Church of The Apostles.

NOt long after this time, Proclus the Bi∣shop reduced those [to the Church] who had made a separation [from it] on ac∣count of Bishop Johannes's deposition; having mitigated their disgust by a † prudent expe∣dient. What that was, we must now relate. After he had perswaded the Emperour [to give his consent thereto,] he brought the body of Johannes, which had been buried at Comani, to Constantinople, on the thirty fifth year after his deposition. And when he had carried it through the City, publickly in great pomp and state, he deposited it with much honour and solemnity in that termed the Church of The Apostles. Those persons therefore who had made a separation on Johannes's account, were by this means prevailed upon, and became u∣nited to the Church. And this hapned in the sixteenth Consulate of the Emperour Theodo∣sius, about the twenty seventh of January. But I cannot forbear wondring here, how [it came to pass,] that Envy should assail and corrode Origen after he was dead, and yet spare Jo∣hannes. For Origen was excommunicated by The∣ophilus about two hundred years after his death. But Johannes was admitted to commu∣nion by Proclus, on the thirty fifth year after he died. So great was the difference between Proclus's disposition, and that of Theophilus. But prudent men are not ignorant, a in what manner these things have been, and daily are done.

CHAP. XLVI. Concerning the death of Paulus Bishop of the Novatianists, and concerning Marcianus who was his successour.

SOme little time after the Removall of Johan∣nes's body, died Paulus also Bishop of the Novatianists, in the same Consulate, about the twenty first day of July. Who at his own Funerall reduced all the disagreeing Heresies in∣to one Church in a manner. For they all ac∣companied his body to the Grave with sin∣ging of Psalmes: because whilest he lived, all [Sects] loved him exceedingly for his † Sanctity of life. But, because the same Paulus performed a memorable action just before his death, I judge it usefull to insert it into this History, for their advantage who shall peruse this Work. For, that during his sickness he observed his usuall Ascetick [discipline as to his] dyet, and transgressed not in the least [the rules] thereof; and, that he never omit∣ted performing the [usuall] prayers with a fervency; [all this] I think fit to leave un∣mentioned: least by spending time in giving a narrative hereof, I should obscure that me∣morable and most usefull action (as I have said) which he performed. What that is, must now be declared. Being neer dying, he sent for all the Presbyters belonging to the Churches under him, to whom he exprest himself thus: Take care about electing a Bishop [over your selves] whilest I am alive; least afterwards your Churches be disturbed. When they made answer, that the Election of a Bishop was not to be left to them: for in regard [said they,] some of us have one Sentiment, others another, we shall never nominate the same person: but we wish, that you your self would name that man whom you desire [to be your successour.] To which Paulus made this return: deliver me then this profession of yours in writing, [to wit,] that you will Elect him whom I shall ap∣point to be chosen. When they had done that, and confirmed it by their subscriptions, a he sate on his bed, and (without dis∣covering it to those who were present,) wrote Mar∣cianus's name in the paper. This person had been pro∣moted to the Presbyterate, and likewise had been instructed in a•• Asce∣tick course of life under Paulus: but was then gone to travell. After this he Sealed up

the paper himself, and caused the chief of the Presbyters to Seal it up also, and then delivered it to one Marcus, (who was Bishop of the Novatianists in Scythia, but had at that time made a journey to Constantinople;) to whom he spake these words: If God shall permit me to continue much longer in this life, restore this depositum to me [now] committed to your trust to be kept safely. But, if it shall please him to remove me out of this world, in this paper you will find whom I have Elected to be my successour in the Bishop••ick. When he had spoken these words, he died. On the third day therefore after his death, when they had unsealed the paper in the presence of a great multitude, and found Marcianus's name there∣in, they all cried out that he was a worthy and fit person. And without delay they dis∣patcht away some messengers who might seize him. They took him by a pious fraud at his residence in Tiberiopolis [a City] of Phrygia; from whence they brought him along with them, and about the twenty first b of the same month ordained, and placed him in the Epis∣copall Chair. But enough concerning these things.

CHAP. XLVII. That the Emperour Theodosius sent his Wife Eu∣docia to Jerusalem.

MOreover, the Emperour Theodosius offered up his Thanksgivings to God for the benefits which he had conferred upon him. And this he performed, by honouring Christ with singular and eminent honours. He likewise sent his wife Eudocia to Jerusalem. a For she had oblieged herself also to a performance of this vow, if she might see her daughter married. But the Empress herself also beauti∣fied the Churches at Jerusalem, and all those in the Eastern Cities, with various ornaments, both when she went thither, and likewise at her return.

CHAP. XLVIII. Concerning Thalassius Bishop of Caesarea in Cap∣padocia.

ABout that very time, to wit, in Theodosius's seventeenth Consulate, Proclus the Bishop attempted a wonderfull thing, the like to which has not been performed by any of the Ancient Bishops. For Firmus Bishop of Caesarea in Cap∣padocia being dead, the Caesareans came [to Con∣stantinople,] and requ••sted they might have a Bishop. And whilest Proclus was considering whom he should preser to that See, it hapned that all the Senatours came to the Church on the Sabbath, to give him a visit, amongst whom was a Thalassius also, a personage who had born a Praefecture over the Provinces and Cities of Illy∣ricum. But [though] (as it was reported) he had been the person pitch't upon who was a∣bout to have the Government of the Eastern parts committed to his care by the Emperour; [yet] Proclus laid his hands on him, and in∣stead of his being constituted a Praefectus Prae∣torio, made him Bishop of Caesarea. Thus suc∣cessfull and prosperous were the affairs of the Church. But I will here close my History, with my prayers [to God,] that the Churches in all places, the Cites, and Provinces may live in peace. For, as long as peace flourishes, those that are desirous to do it, will have no sub∣ject for their writing an History. For we our selves (who have performed what you enjoyned us in Seven Books, O Sacred man of God, Theodorus!) should have wanted matter for this our History, if the lovers of seditions and tu∣mults would have been quiet. This Seventh Book contains [an account of affairs transacted during] the space of two and thirty years. The whole History, which i••••••omprized in Se∣ven Books, contains the space of an hundred and fourty years. It begins from the first year of the two hundredth seventy first Olympiad, where∣in Constantine was proclaimed Emperour; and ends at the second year of the three hundredth and fifth Olympiad, whereon the Emperour Theo∣dosius bore his seventeenth Consulate.

The End of Socrates Scholasticus's Ecclesiastick History.

Notes

• That is, Arcadius's Son.
• See So∣crates book 2. chap. 1••.
• a

  Nicepho∣rus (book 14. chap. 1.) relates that this Anthemius enlarged the Pomoerium, [that is, a space about the walls of a City or Town, as well within as without, which was not to be built upon▪] of the City Con∣stantinople, demolished the old walls, and built new on•••• towards the Continent, which (says he) are now standing: and that he finished the work with an incredible swiftness, to wit, within the space of two months. For so I render 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, walls to the Land∣ward, and not as Langus does, Brick-walls. But Nicephorus seems to be mistaken, who attributes that to Anthemius, which was done long after by Cyrus Praefect of Constantinople, (as Cedrenus relates in his Chronicon,) on the 26^th year of Theodosius Junior. Further, I would very willingly expunge this whole clause in our Socrates. For it disturbs the sense, and seems to have crept from the Margin into the Text. Vales.
• b

  This Troïlus the Sophista was one of Anthemi∣us's chief∣est friends, as (besides Socrates) Synesius informs us in his Epistle to Troïlus. Socrates mentions the same Troïlus, at chap. 6. book 6. where he speaks concerning Eusebius Scholasticus, who wrote Gaina's war in verse. Suidas has mentioned the same person, in the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, where he affirms that he wrote Politick Orations, and Books of Epistles. Vales.
• c

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, friendship] the reading in the Floren∣tine M. S. is truer, thus, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, wisdom.] Which emendation is confirmed by Nicephorus. Vales. Valesius (in his account of the Life and Writings of Socrates and Sozomen) reads 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Philo∣sophy; which alteration in the reading he makes in his Appendix to his Notes on Socrates and Sozomen.
• Book 6. chap. 20.
• 1 Cor. 9. 22.
• †

  Or, with∣out pr••me∣ditation.
• a

  It would be more truly writ∣ten Synna∣da, with a double n. For so the name of this City is more frequently inscribed on old Coyns. Jo∣hannes Tri∣stanus has produced a Coyn of the Emperour Caracalla's, which has this inscri∣ption, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 [Synnade〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉n.] Yet 'tis sometimes written with a single n. So it is in an old Coyn of the Emperour Nerva's; in the reverse whereof Jupiter is engraven with this Inscription,

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

  This Coyn was in the Archives of that illustrious personage the Lord Bryennius, concerning the meaning whereof when I was asked by the Learned Franciscus Ogerius▪ (to whom Pati••us had communica∣ted that Coyn,) my answer was, it was to be read thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. For the Synnadensians worshipped Jupiter under the name of Pandemos, because having heretofore been gathered together out of ma∣ny sorts of people in Greece, by Acamas, Theseus's son, they inhabited the City Synnada. Whence says Stephanus, the City was so named, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from their dwelling together. Further, those people out of whom the Colony of the Synnadensians was first collected, were of two sorts; to wit, the Macedonians, and the Athenians, or Ionians, who were in Asia; as the same Stephanus relates. Whence we un∣derstand, why (in the Emperour Caracalla's Coyn, which Johannes Tristanus has set forth,) the Synnadensians, are termed Dorienses and Ionians. For, this is the inscription, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. For the Macedonians, a Colony whereof Acamas brought thither, were ori∣ginally Dorienses. But the Athenians who went thither with Acamas Theseus's son, and the Colonies which Acamas is reported to have gathe∣red out of Asia, were Ionians▪ so termed from Iön the Athenian. Vales.
• b

  It is a famous question, and usually disputed on both sides, whe∣ther it be lawfull for Catholicks, especially Bishops, to persecute He∣reticks. In the determination whereof, I am of opinion, that a distin∣ction is requisite. For 'tis certain, that on account of amassing mo∣ney together it is not lawfull for Catholicks to molest and vex Here∣ticks; which thing Theodosius Bishop of Synnada at that time did. Also, to persecute them by criminall sentences, and to thirst after their bloud, is in like manner unlawfull; as Idatius and some other Prelates of Spain did in their persecution of the Priscilianists. To whose communion when S^t Martin had for some time joyned himself, he acknowledged, that great detriment befell him from that thing, as Sulpicius Severus does relate in his Life. Notwithstanding, it is and always was lawfull for Catholicks, to implore the aid of Princes and Ma∣gistrates against Hereticks, that they be restrained, and kept within the bounds of duty; least they should behave themselves insolently over the Catholicks, or least they should insult over and scoff at the Ca∣tholick Religion. S^r Augustine confesses indeed, that heretofore this was his Sentiment, to wit, that Hereticks were not to be molested and vexed by Catholicks, but that they were to be invited by all instances of mansuetude and mildness. But afterwards he altered his opinion, being most certainly informed, that the Laws of Princes made against Hereticks, are usefull to Hereticks themselves in order to their con∣version. And he says this was acknowledged by the Donatists them∣selves, who had afterwards returned to the Catholick Church. For they affirmed, that they had never returned to the Church, but had al∣ways continued in their errour, had they not been provoked and drawn as it were by those penalties and mulcts [contained in] the Imperial Laws. There is a most elegant passage of Augustine's [a∣bout this matter] in his 48^th Epistle to Vincentius; to which is to be added another passage of the same Authour, in his first book against Gaudentius, chap. 23. Vales.
• c

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, That is, he drew and bound them as it were to Judges Tribunals. Translatours thought these words were spoken concerning bonds, as if Theodosius the Bishop had brought the Hereticks bound before the Judges. In which sense Nicephorus also took this passage. But Socrates's words will not bear this meaning. Vales.
• d

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, mad∣ness] Ni∣cephorus and Chri∣stophorson read [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Course, device, or purpose:] with which reading I am best pleased. Vales.
• Or, when he had cele∣brated a prayer.
• e

  We read [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, un∣justly▪] a∣greeable to the reading in Epiphan. Scholasti∣cus, and Nicephorus. The other Reading is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, contrary to reason, or unexpected∣ly. Vales.
• Troubled with the palsy.
• Book 5. chap. 21.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, wor∣thy of many dangers.
• †

  See Luke 22. 1.
• a

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I like not the Version of Langus and Christo∣phorson, who have rendred this place thus: ma∣ledictus qui abs{que} azimis pascha cele∣brat, cur∣sed is he who cele∣brates the Passover without un∣leavened bread. In my judge∣ment it must be rendred thus, be∣yond [or, not on] the days of unleavened bread. For in the Greek it is not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, without: but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which imports beyond, out of, or saving on. Vales.
• b

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Which Langus and Christo∣phorson render thus: cum ex anticipatâ opinione Festum Paschae cele∣braret, when he celebrated the Paschall Festivall by an anticipated opinion. I like Musculus's Version better, who translates it thus: per antici∣pationem celebraret, he celebrated [the Festivall] by way of anticipa∣tion. For Sabbatius celebrating the Paschall solemnity after the Jewish manner, prevented the Christians, and kept that Festivall before the Sunday. If these words are thus to be understood; it must be writ∣ten, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Socrates uses the same term a little lower in this Chapter; where speaking concerning the same thing, his words are: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, possest with a rude an∣ticipate opinion. Where notwithstanding, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 seems to be taken for an anticipate opinion. Vales.
• c

  I understand The Vigill of the Paschall Festivall. Nor can 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 be any other then the Vigill of the Paschall Festivall. For Sabbatius (although he anticipated Easter, and celebrated it with the Jews yet) kept the Vigills on the Paschall Sabbath with the rest of the Christians; with whom also he celebrated Easter-day in a dissem∣bling and negligent manner, as Socrates has related before, in book 5. chap. 21. And thus this passage in Socrates was understood by Nice∣phorus, whose words his Translatour hath not rendred well. Nicephorus's words are these: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. Which are to be translated thus, But in regard they cele∣brated the solemn Vigill with a congruous worship meerly for fashions sake, &c. Moreover, why Sabbatius (although he followed the Jews in the observation of Easter, notwithstanding) would feign a cele∣bration of Easter with the Christians, this in my judgement is the rea∣son; because he feared the Laws of the Emperours who had made a Sanction that they should be accounted Hereticks, who kept not Ea∣ster on one and the same day with all other Christians. This was the command of the Emperour Theodosius, in the ninth Law of the The∣odosian Code de Haereticis. Vales.
• Or, Ru∣stick, or, clownish.
• Book. 5. chap. 12.
• †

  Or, de∣lighted with.
• ‖

  See book 5. chap. 23.
• Or, a drousie dis∣ease.
• a

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Musculus renders it, who was Theophi∣lus's Ne∣phew by his sister. Chri∣stophorson translates it, the son of his bro∣ther. Ni∣cephorus (book 14. chap. 25,) says The∣ophilus was Cyrillus's Unckle by the Father's side; his words are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: Theodoret terms him only 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Unckle. Wherefore I rather believe he was Cyrillus's mo∣ther's brother. In Sozomen there is mention of Theophilus's Sister. Facundus Hermianensis and Epiphanius Scholasticus term Theophilus Cyrillus's Cousin-german; which is ill done: but from thence 'tis clearly intimated, that Cyrillus was related to Theophilus by his Sister. Vales.
• Or, the Bi∣shoprick of Alexandria.
• b

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from the Sacerdotal de∣gree and order] it must doubtless be [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. surpassing [or beyond] the Sacerdotal, &c.] according as S^r Henry Savill had noted at the margin of his Copy from Christophorsons book. Notwithstanding both Translatours have followed the common reading, which is not to be endured. Socrates, 'tis certain, speaking concerning the same thing at chap. 11. of this book, uses the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 there: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (says he) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; that is, The Roman Bishoprick, having (like that of Alexandria) surpassed the Sacerdotal degree and bounds, and degenerated long before into a secular principality Vales.
• a

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but there are severall] it is bet∣ter thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, For there are several, &c. Vales.
• Book 6. chap. 15, and 19.
• b

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. who are numerous, &c.] it must undoubtedly bee [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. whose interest is great with the persian King.] Thus Nicephorus read. Vales.
• Or, pray∣ed.
• Or, where the unquench∣able fire was.
• Or, Stock, or▪ Race.
• ‖

  That is, every tenth man put to death.
• c

  We read [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for by a device they raised▪ &c.] not [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, And by a device, &c.] Other∣wise, a re∣petition of the same particle would be odious and unpleasant. Many er∣rours in these par∣ticles are usually committed by Trans∣cribers of books, whilest they write too hastily. Vales.
• d

  Here we read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• e

  Epiphanius Scholasticus calls this Bishop of Persian Abla••ies. Ni∣cephorus terms him Abdas. In the Ssortian M. S. he is stiled An••das. Vales.
• Tryall, or, Experi∣ment.
• a

  Or, Ro∣man digni∣ty. Zosimus (book 5.) relates, that Alarichus, after the expedition against the Tyrant Eugenius, wherein he had done excellent service, was Com∣mander of no Roman Forces, but returned into Thracia, and kept with him those Barbarians only, whom he had commanded. But, a little afterwards, when being sent for by Rufinus, he had ruined Graecia and Epirus, he was created Master of the Milice throughout Illyricum; as Claudian informs us in his second book against Eutropius.

  —Vastator Achivae Gentis, & Epirum nuper populatus inultam, Praesidet Illyricis. Jam quos obsedit, amicus Ingreditur muros, illis responsa daturus, Quorum conjugibus potitur, natosque peremit. Sic hostes pensare solent.—

  Vales.
• Or, thorow.
• b

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, of their admirable works and structures] I think it must be [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, of the admirable works and structures therein:] which reading we have expressed in our Version. Vales.
• Or, some body.
• Or, sei∣zed, or, de∣voured.
• See book 5. chap. 2••.
• Or, his immora∣lity.
• a

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. This expression is not in my judg∣ment good Greek. Nicephorus in regard he liked it not, altered it thus: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, he moved every rope to get into the Bishoprick. But in my mind, this place in Socrates is to be thus restored: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because he did all things with a design of getting into the Bishoprick. Vales.
• '〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Mus∣culus ren∣ders it per singulas do∣mos, from house to house. Gry∣naeus and Curterius, de suis ip∣sius ••or••u∣nis, of his own estate. Valesius, ex propria pe∣cunia, of his own money.
• b

  The Loaves which the Faith∣full offered for a sacrifice, were termed the Loaves of Benediction. For so Dionysius Exiguus renders the 59^th Canon of the Laodicean Councill. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, That the Bread of Benediction ought not to be offered in Lent, except on the Sabbath and on Sunday only. Of these Loaves some were taken for the Eucharist: the rest were allotted for the food of the Clergy by the Bishop; who also took some of them himself, as much as he would, as we are informed from this place. You must note further, that Socrates says 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from the Churches. For the Bishop, according to his own arbitrement, disposed of the oblations of all the Churches, which were under his own jurisdiction. See Gelasius's Decretalls, cap. 27. Vales.
• c

  '〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. S^r Henry Savil from Christophorson's book, at the margin of his own copy, hath mended it thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Which reading Christophorson has followed. But in my judgment, it must be thus written, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. The best Oratour of his own time, &c. The Schollars of the Sophists, who learned Rhetorick were heretofore termed Rhetoricians. Notwithstanding, all the Sophists Schollars had not that appellation, but the eminentest of them only, who being initiated by a certain Rite, wore a Rhetorician's Pallium, which was red or s••arl••t-coloured. We are informed hereof by Cyril∣lus in his Lexicon: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ that is, Pallium's were certain Cloaks. Some [were worn] by Rhetoricians: which were red and scarl••t-coloured▪ others, by Philosophers, which were of a dark-colour. This was the Badge, worn by them daily. By what Rite Rhetoricians were wont to be made at Athens, Olympiadorus (in excerptis Hi∣storiarum apud Photium,) Gregory Nazianzen, and Eunapius do de∣clare. Vales.
• a

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] Muscul••s and Chri∣stophorson read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a∣gainst them.] Which reading I like better. Notwithstanding, Nicephorus retains the common rea∣ding. Vales.
• b

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Epiphanius Scholasticus was mistaken in thinking there was a Festivall which the Alexandrians cal∣led Politia. Nor was Christophorson less out, in supposing the publick Edicts of the Imperiall Praesects to be so termed by the Alexandrians, which Orestes published then in the Theatre. In which he is doubly mistaken. First, because he thought that all the Imperiall Edicts were by the Alexandrians called Politia; whereas, those Edicts only had that name, which belonged to the quiet and profit of the City. Agreeable whereto, those Orders made in respect to the prizes of Corn and other vendible commodities usually exposed to sale in the Market, at Paris we now term in French a Police, and the Orders of Police. Secondly, Christophorson mistakes in supposing that these Edicts were published by Orestes in the Theatre. For Socrates does not say so▪ but only that Orestes made (that is, dictated, or re∣hearsed to his officers) these orders in the Theatre. For the Ro∣man Magistrates were wont to sit in judgment and decide matters in the Law, in the Theatre, Circus, or in any other place they had a mind to. So Amm. Marcellinus relates (book 15.) concerning Leontius Praefect of the City. Moreover, the orders then made by Orestes, re∣spected the Theatre, and the publick shows▪ Vales.
• c

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (which are the terms here used,) do import the first R••aiments which children learn. The teachers hereof are by the Greeks termed Grammatistae, and by the Latines Li••••ratores. Vales.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Plausus, clapping of hands; such as is now used at Plays; then belike usu∣all at Ser∣mons.
• †

  Or, given.
• Or, in all the Wards of the City.
• d

  ▪〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. These per∣sons the Greeks in one word term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, profes∣sours of Physick. Such a one was Mag∣nus Medi∣cus, who professed Physick publickly at Alexan∣dria; but was a bet∣ter Oratour then Phy∣sitian; as Eunapius informs us, in his book De Vi••is Sophistarum. Such a one also was Ge••ius the Physitian in the times of the Emperour Zeno; concerning whom see Stephanus By∣zantius, in the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Damascius (in the Life of Isidorus) spends a great many words about this Gesius; and from him Suidas, in the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Where he divides Physick into two parts, Theory and Practise. Vales.
• Cyrillus therefore held forth the Book of the Gospells, that there∣by he might conjure and earnestly beseech Orestes Praefect of Egypt, to be reconciled with him. We have remarked already (see book 6. chap. 11. note b.) that the Antients did usually conjure and earnestly beseech, by those things which they used to swear by. The Christians usage was to swear by the Gospells, laying their hands on those sacred Books, as 'tis evidently known. Vales.
• Or, O••∣••icers.
• a

  That is, tortured him. In∣stead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, under∣taking,] it must un∣doubtedly be [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, put him to, or made him undergo,] as S^r Henry Savil had mended it at the Mar∣gin of his Copy. Nor did Muscu∣lus read otherwise, who has rendred this place thus: quem ille publice secundum leges torturae subjicit, whom he makes to undergo torture in publick, agreeable to the Laws. Where you see Musculus took the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for an adverb, and is therein followed by Christophorson. For thus he renders it: Praefectus palàm, uti leges postulant, de eo quae∣stionem exercere, The Praefect, as the Laws required, put him to the Question openly. Notwithstanding, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 may be taken adjectively in the same sense. I have observed a little before from Amm. Mar∣cellinus, that the Roman Magistrates were wont to take Criminalls openly and in publick, and torture them; in regard they had their Apparitors always about them. Therefore, even whilest they rode in their Chariots, they put offenders to the Question, as Marcellinus relates concerning Leontius, and Socrates at this place concerning Ore∣stes. Vales.
• b

  The Verb, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, extinguished, is in no wise agreeably used here. I had much rather make it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, rekindled. For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (which Verb S^r Henry Savil and the Geneva Printers have set in the margin from Christophorson's Copy,) is not to be born with, in re∣gard it signifies, was kindled, not, was renewed. I found here no al∣teration in the M. SS. Copies. Nicephorus has also followed the com∣mon reading. For, instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, extinguished, he makes use of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was obscured, or, obliterated. Vales.
• a

  The in∣compara∣bly Lear∣ned S^r Hen∣ry Savil, at the mar∣gin of his Copy, had made this remark, which we thought good to communicate to the studious Reader. Theo Interpres Ptole∣maei, &c. that is, Theon Ptolemie's Interpreter, in the 81^st year of the Diocletian Epocha (which was Valens's fifth year, as I suppose,) ob∣served two Lunar conjunctions, the one Synodicam the other Panselenon. See pag. 277 and 282. of Theon's Comments upon the Almagestus, Edit. Basil. 1538. Therefore, 'tis very probable, that this Theon was Hypa∣tia's Father. For, from those observations to Hypatia's death, there are 47 years. Vales.
• b

  At Alexandria there was heretofore a School of Platonick Phi∣losophy, over which, amongst others, Hierocles the Philosopher pre∣sided; as Damascius (in the Life of Isidorus, pag. 1038,) and Aeneas Gazaeus (in Theophrasto,) do inform us. But the Succession of this School is not to be deduced from Plotinus. For Plotinus never taught Philosophy at Alexandria. Plotinus was indeed instructed in Philo∣sophy at Alexandria, by Ammonius; but he himself never kept a School there, but continued teaching at Rome for the space of twenty six years compleat, untill his death; as Porphyrius relates in his Life. Wherefore, instead of Plotinus, I would more willingly put Ammonius here. Unless we should say, that the Alexandrian School had associa∣ted Plotinus to themselves, as being the eminent est Master and In∣structor of the Platonick Philosophy. By this means our Socrates may be excused. Vales.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; confi∣dence and freedome in speaking.
• c

  Athana∣sius men∣tions this Church, in his Epistle ad Solita∣rios, pag. 860. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; have not the Arians and ••••gans offered sacrifice in the Great Church, in the Caesareum, and [performed] blasphemies against Christ, by his command as it were? He means the Cow, which the Pagans would have offered in the Great Church, of which he had spoken before, at pag. 848. Epiphanius says a great deal concerning the same Church, in Haeres. Arian. chap. 2. 'Tis called Basilica Caesarea in Liberatus's Breviarium, cap. 18. Vales.
• Or, wrought no small dis∣grace to, &c.
• d

  'Tis certain, that Damascius (in the life of Isidorus the Phi∣losopher, which by Gods assistance I will ere long set forth larger by half, than it is) does make Cyrillus the Authour of Hypatia's murder. Damascius's words are these: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and so on, which occur in Suidas. 'Tis a most elegant passage, which in favour to the studious Reader, I will render into English, and annex it here, repeating Damascius's words a little higher. The Governours also of the City Alexandria, as soon as they came into that City, visited her in the first place. Which has been usually done at Athens also. For, though the thing it self be lost, yes the name of Philosophy seems as yet magnificent and venerable to persons who hold the principall place in the government of the publick. It hap∣ned therefore one time, that Cyrillus a Bishop of the Christian Religion, passing by Hypatia's house, saw a great company before her door, both of men and horses; some of whom came, others went away, and others stayed. And when he had inquired what that multitude moant and why so great a tumult was made, he was answered by his followers, that they then saluted Hypatia the Philosopheress, and that that was her house. Which when Cyrillus had been acquainted with, he was so galled with envy, that he forthwith contrived her murder, and that in the most nefarious man∣ner. For when Hypatia went out of her house as she was wont to do, many inhumane Russians, who fear neither the punishment of the Gods, nor the revenge of men, assault and kill her; defiling their own country with a most horrid crime and disgrace. The Emperour was highly in∣censed there••••, and had revenged it, had not Aedesius corrupted the Emperours friends. The Emperour pardoned the Assassines. But he drew the revenge upon his own head, and on his own family: For his Nephew underwent the punishment. Thus far Damascius. Where by Nephew he means, as I suppose, Valentinianus the son of Placidia, who was Aunt to Theodosius Junior. Vales.
• e

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and Theodosius's Tenth, &c. Christo∣phorson has done ill to mend it thus, Theodosius's seventh Consulate; whose version led Baronius into a mistake, as you may see at the year of Christ 415. From the incomparable Florentine and Sfor∣tian M. SS. I have mended this place thus, Theodosius's sixth Con∣sulate; which emendation is confirmed by the Fasti Consulares. Vales.
• Or, un∣der him.
• Or, the belly of the Font.
• †

  Or, a cer∣tain invi∣sible power of God.
• Or, Wares, or, Merchan∣dizes.
• Theo∣dosius.
• a

  We read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• b

  In the Tripartite History which Epi∣phanius Scholasticus rendred in∣to Latine, this Roman Commander is termed Beatianus. Which name I like best. This Victory of the Romans over the Persians hapned in the Consulate of Eustathius and Agricola, on the year of Christ 401, as Marcellinus informs us in his Chronicon; the Authour of the Alexan∣drian Chronicle says the same; who relates, that the Emperour Theo∣dosius had news of that Victory, in the month Gorpieus, on the eighth of the Ides of September, on the third Feria. This was the fourteenth year of Theodosius Junior's Reign. Wherefore Theophanes is mistaken in his Chronicle, who places this Victory of the Romans over the Persians on the eighteenth year of Theodosius. Vales.
• Or, man.
• a

  The Flo∣rentine M. S. in∣serts two words here, altogether necessary▪ after this manner: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a victory apparently given him [by God.] Which words (before I had gotten that Manuscript,) I had put in at this place, from Nicephorus, and E∣piphanius Scholasticus's Version. Vales.
• b

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Christo∣phorson has rendred it ill, Ardaburius the Commanders Colleague. Muscu∣lus has translated it better, Asses∣sour. Epiphanius Scholasticus ren∣ders it Councellour, which is the same. Concerning the Councel∣lours or Assessours of Judges, as well Civill as Military, I have made many remarks in my notes on Amm. Marcellinus; which 'tis unnecessary to repeat here. Fur∣ther, this Maximinus seems to be the same person, who was after∣wards sent Embassadour by the Emperour Theodosius to Attalas; as Priscus relates in his Excerpta Legationum: where he attests, that he was nobly descended, and had been very usefull to the Em∣perour in many affairs. Vales.
• c

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] it must un∣doubtedly be [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, they,] that is, the Immortalls: So Christo∣phorson and S^r Henry Savil read. Vales.
• d

  Sidonius makes mention of this Procopius, in his Panegyrick of Anthemius Augustus; where he relates, that he was son-in∣law to Anthemius heretofore Con∣sul and Praefectus Praetorio; who during Theodosius Junior's mino∣rity, had had the chief manage∣ment of affairs in the Empire. Vales.
• e

  I doubt not but this place is thus to be resto∣red: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Thus the war which had been undertaken upon the account of those Christians who lived in Persia, was concluded. Which thing [that is, which conclusion of the war] hapned in the Consulate of the two Augusti. So Epiphanius Scho∣lasticus read, as 'tis apparent from his Version. For thus he renders it: Et hoc modo bellum propter Christianos exortum de Parthorum re∣gione cessavit. Contigit autem Consulatu Honorii XIII. & Theo∣dosii X. 'Tis certain, in this Consulate the Persian war was not waged, but concluded. For it had been begun on the foregoing year▪ when Eustatbius and Agricola were Consuls, as I have remarked before; see chap. 18, note (b.) This is confirmed by Marcellinus Comes in his Chronicon, in these words: Honorio XIII. & Theo∣dosio X. Coss. Persaecum Romanis pacem pepigere, in Honorius's thir∣teenth and Theodosius's tenth Consulate, the Persians made a Peace with the Romans. Vales.
• a

  So he has termed this Province before, at chap. 18. Theophanes in his Chro∣nicon, calls it Arxanes, or Arzanes; for so 'tis in some copies. One of the five Pro∣vinces be∣yond Tigris was called Arzanene, as Amm. Marcellinus attests, book 25. which is sometimes termed Arxanene, and Ara••••are, and Araxene, as I have remarked at the foresaid book of Amm. Marcellinus. Vales.
• b

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. But having called together the Clergymen under himself, he said,] this place would be written more elegantly, thus [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. Having [therefore] called together the Clergy under himself: Men [and Brethren] said he, &c.] And so Epiphanius Scholasticus read, as 'tis apparent from his Version. Our emendation is plainly confirmed also by Nicephorus. Vales.
• c

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Christophorson ren∣ders it ill, to redeem the Captive Souldiers: for those who had been taken prisoners by the Romans in Arzanene, were unarmed▪ most of them being Boo••s, who inhabited that Country. Besides, the Ro∣mans are termed Souldiers by way of Emphasis, to distinguish them from the Barbarians, as I have noted at Amm. Marcellinus. So our Socrates calls the Romans, Souldiers, almost in the next words after these. Vales.
• Or, Pa∣negyrical Orations.
• d

  This is the Leon∣tius (if I mistake not,) whom Olympiodo∣rus relates by his own care and industry to have been promoted to the So∣phistick Chair at Athens; whenas he himself as yet declined it; as Photius declares in his Bibliotheca. Vales.
• Or, in the Empire.
• a

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] it must be [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, wherefore he, together with his sisters;] as Nicephorus expresses it book 14. chap. 3. The mistake arose from hence, because these particles 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are usually confounded one with the other by Transcribers. Vales.
• See So∣crat. book 3. chap. 17.
• †

  Book 3. chap. 19.
• b

  Epipha∣nius Scho∣lasticus has rendred this whole place thus: Non est in∣quit, mag∣num neque difficile ho∣minem mo∣ri, quia neque Deo soli, semel mortuum▪ ex poeniten∣tiâ susci∣tare. It is not, saith he, a great nor difficult thing for a man to die, because neither [is it a great or difficult thing] to God alone, by repentance to raise a man once dead. For you must understand [is it a great or difficult thing] to be used i•• common to both clauses. Nicephorus Callistus has worded this passage thus: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Which words Langus has rendred thus: Nihil est novi, dixit, fiquis homo quum sit, •• vit•• excedat: uni•••• autem Dei esse, eum qui semel mortuus sit, per p••nitentiam ad vitam rev••care. It is no new thing, said he, that he who is a man should depart out of this life: but 'tis God's property only, by Repentance to recall to life him who is once dead. But I like not Nice∣phorus's using 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. For, the discourse here is not concerning the life of the soul, but that of the body. Where∣fore, I approve rather of Museulus's Version▪ who has rendred it thus: ex ••oenitentiâ verò revocare ••um qui semel mort•••••• est, non est nisi soli Deo possibile. But by repentance to recall him who is once dead, is a thing possible only to God. Notwithstanding this Version pleased not Christophorson, because it may seem to attribute repentance to God. But this expression may be born with, in regard God in the sacred Scriptures is now and then said to repent himself of some fact. Vales.
• c

  Scaliger in his notes on the fourth book of Manilius, and (after him) Salmasius in his notes on Capitolinus, pag. 258, have long since observed, that the Greeks called those 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (which is the term here used,) who let themselves out to fight with wild beasts. But I ap∣prove not of their confounding the Confectores with these 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. For the Confectores were another sort of persons, as I have remarked on Eusebius, (book 4. chap. 15. note n.) who sought not with the wild beasts, but dispatcht them at a distance. Vales. See Eu∣sebius Pamphilius's book concerning the Martyrs of Palestine, chap. 3. note▪ (b.)
• d

  This City, and the name of this Bishop, are equally unknown to me. Vales.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; all Translatours (whom I have seen) except Valesius, render it his Sack-cloth; the Greek term comprehends both significations.
• e

  Theopha∣nes, in his Chronicon, says the same. But Olympiodo∣rus dis∣sents; who says Hono∣rius died on the twenty se∣venth of August. Vales.
• Or, bowed, or, inclined.
• Or, In∣novation.
• †

  That is, Honorius.
• a

  This is the Johannes, Pri∣miccrius▪ [or, Chief] of the N••∣taries, who when Rome was be∣sieged, had been sent Embassa∣d••ur to Alarichus King of the Goths, whose Friend and Guest he had been, as Zosimus relates, book 5. Vales.
• ‖

  Or, Fortunateness.
• That is, Ardaburius.
• b

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but having pas∣sed the wa∣ter of the Lake through dry ground] the reading in the Florent. M. S. is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. when there∣fore they had passed, &c.] but, in my judg∣ment, ano∣ther particle is to be added, after this manner, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. When therefore they had passed the waters of the Lake as i•• i•• had been over dry ground. Vales.
• The e∣mendation of this place is owing to the Floren∣tine M. S. wherein, instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was a prudent person,] 'tis plainly wirtten thus [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, became ve∣ry solici∣tous.] Vales.
• See book 6. chap. 18.
• †

  Or, as∣semblies without the Church.
• After these words, there was a whole line and something more wanting; which we have made up from the incomparable Florent. and Sfortian M. SS. after this manner: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Moreover, be made it his business to extirpate the super∣stitions of some men. Which words were in that copy also, which E∣piphan. Scholasticus made use of, as 'tis apparent from his Version. For thus he renders it; sed & superstitionem quorundam studebat abscindere, moreover be endeavou∣red to cut off the superstition of some men. But, that Christophor∣son had consulted no M. S. Co∣ples of Socrates, 'tis evident both from this place and also from many others. Vales.
• Or, Hid it.
• †

  Or, That Sepulchre.
• ‖

  Or, A Station for Ships.
• That is, Venomous, or, full of poyson.
• †

  That is, A medicine, or, cure.
• ‖

  That is, The Silver-City.
• The Gol∣den-City.
• †

  Or, Con∣firmed that name to the place.
• Or, Wit∣nesses.
• b

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The preposition 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 must be expun∣ged; which neither Ni∣cephorus, nor Epiphan▪ Scholasticus, nor the other Translatours do ac∣knowledge. Unless, instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, any one has a mind to sub∣stitute 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and read thus; You in a certain manner exclude Ecclesi∣asticks. But, this place wants not difficulty. For, it may seem to be concluded from hence, that Ecclesiasticks in the Catholick Church, who had been excommunicated for more enormous crimes, were cut off from the Church without all hope of pardon; but Laïcks not so. Which may be thus explained. Laïcks, who had been separated from communion on account of publick crimes, recovered peace and communion again by the remedy of penitency, at least once. But to Ecclesiasticks who had been excommunicated, the door of peni∣tency was shut. For they were not admitted to publick penitency. They continued therefore for ever excommunicated. For which reason Ecclesiasticks were very rarely excommunicated: but were either deposed, or suspended from their Office for some time, or at least reduced to a Laïck-communion. But, the first Canon of the Neo∣caesarian Synod does gainsay this; wherein the Ecclesiasticks who had committed Fornication or Adultery, are driven from communion, and brought to penitency. This passage may be explained otherwise also. For, from such time as Nectarius abolished the Penitenti∣ary, all Laïcks had a free power of communicating left them; nor was any one removed from communion on account of a deadly crime, except Ecclesiasticks only. Vales.
• c

  Atticus did not only foreknow the day of his own death, but long before his death, he built himself a Sepulchre, as I am informed from an old Epigram; which because 'tis not yet extant in Print, I will here annex:

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. i. e.

  Paulus Silentiarius's Composure on the Tomb of one Atticus.

  Atticus, whilest he was living, (in whose mind a Fortitude not to be daunted (shin'd,) Dug me his Grave, in common hope of Fate untractable and incompassionate.

  Such were his Virtuous Actions, that Death's fear, and Frightfull Terrours by him slighted were. But, by the Sun, to late posterity his Sun-like wisedom shall recorded be.

  This Epigram is extant in Constantinus Cephalas's Anthologia, not yet Printed. 'Tis my sentiment, that Atticus Bishop of Constantinople is meant hereby. For I know no other Atticus, to whom this Elogy of Wisdom and Virtue can be agreeable. Notwithstanding, this is contradicted by Paulus Silentiarius's being inscribed the Authour of this Epigram, who (as 'tis manifest from Agathias's testimony,) flourished long after Atticus, in Justinian's times. Wherefore, either the inscription of the Epigram, or our conjecture, must of necessity be false. Vales.
• d

  The Au∣thour of the Alexan∣drian Chro∣nicle understood this passage in Socrates amiss. For he thought, that Va∣lentinianus Junior Placidia's Son, had been stiled Augustus on the 23^d of October: but Socrates says not so; he relates only, that Va∣lentinianus's having been Proclaimed Augustus was published at Con∣stantinople on the twenty third of October. Which two things are vastly different. Sigonius (Book 11▪ De Occidentali Imperio) relates that Valentinianus was created Augustus at Ravenna on the Ides (that is, the fifteenth) of October, in Theodosius Augustus's eleventh and Valentinianus's own first Consulate. 'Tis certain, on the eighth of October in the same Consulate, Valentinianus was as yet but Caesar▪ as we are informed from the 47^th Law in the Theodosian Code de Episc. Eccles. & Clericis, dated at Aquileia. By which place Sigonius was chiefly induced, to place Valentinianus's being proclaimed Au∣gustus on the Ides of October, and to relate it to have been made at Ravenna. For in regard it was published at Constantinople on the twenty fifth of that same month, it could not have been done later. Onufriu•• (in his Fasti) has followed Sigonius's opinion. Further Marcellinus and Jordaines (in his book De Successione Regnorum) do mention this Declaration to have been made at Ravenna: but Olympiodorus and Idatius (in his Chronicon) say 'twas done at Rome. Vales.
• Or, in any of the Churches, &c.
• †

  Constan∣tinople.
• Photius (in his Bib∣liotheca, chap. 35.) attests the same▪ where his words concerning Philippus Sideta's Christian History are these: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. But in his History he is very severe upon Sisinnius, because, when as they were both of the same degree and order, and he himself seemed superiour in eloquence and all sort of literature; yet Sisin∣nius (says he) was elected to the Archiepiscopall See. Valesius.
• That is, Chryso∣stome.
• †

  Or, Sub∣ject, or Ar∣gument.
• Specula∣tions, Pre∣cepts, or, Axioms.
• a

  What Law this was and by whom made, 'tis uncertain. My Senti∣ment▪ is, that 'twas an Imperi∣all Law, whereby provision had been made, that the Inha∣bitants of Cyzicum should not ordain themselves a Bishop contrary to the con∣sent of At∣ticus Bi∣shop of Constanti∣nople. For if this had been a Sanction made in a Councill of Bishops, Socrates would have used the term Canon, rather than have called it a Law. After Atticus's death, the Inhabitants of Cyzicum disregarded this Law. For they said, that that priviledge had in an especiall manner been granted to Atticus, and belonged not to his Successours. But, they were mistaken. For long before At∣ticus, the Constantinopolitan Prelates had given Bishops to the Inhabi∣tants of Cyzicum. For, in Constantius's time, Eudoxius Bishop of Constantinople ordained Eunomius Bishop of Cyzicum. See Libera∣tus's Breviarium chap. 7. Vales.
• a

  Amongst the An∣cients it was wont to be ve∣••y care∣fully ob∣served, what the Bishops (especial∣ly the Pre∣lates of the greater Churches) said in their first Sermon to the people. For from that Sermon a conjecture was made of the Faith, Doctrine, and Temper, of every Bishop. Wherefore they were wont to take particular notice of, and remember their sayings. A remark of this nature Socrates has made before, at book 2▪ chap. 43. concerning the first Sermon of Eudoxius Bishop of Constantinople. And Theodoret and Epiphanius declare the same concerning Meletius Antiochenus's first Sermon to the people. Vales.
• b

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I chose to ren∣der it an Incendiary (as Etiphan. Scholasticus does,) rather than Incendium, a fire, though, 'tis con••est, this is the true import of the word, Vales.
• Or, open tongue.
• Or, un∣bufied.
• a

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, against the Tyrants] it must un∣doubtedly be [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a∣gainst the Hunni:] for the Burgundi∣ous were oppressed by them, as Socrates attests. Vales.
• b

  This per∣son (as I suppose,) is Octar King of the Hunni; whom Jordanes (in his Hi∣story of the Goths, chap. 35,) relates to have been the brother of Ro••, and Mundiüchus Attila's Father. Vales.
• a

  In my own judg∣ment, I have men∣ded this▪ place very happily. For, where∣as there was no sense in the common reading, (which is this, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and otherwise caused himself to be hated in such things;) by a very small change I have men∣ded the place thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and caused o∣thers to imitate himself in such things. Nor do I doubt but Socrates left it thus written. Otherwise, what he adds concerning Antonius Bishop of Germa, would in no wise agree with that which goes before. At the very next words, instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as 'tis apparent from what hapned from him,] I read [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as 'tis apparent from what hapned during his being Bishop.] Which emendation seems to me altogether necessary. For, that which follows concerning Antonius the Bishop, was in no wi••e done by Nestorius. Vales.
• That is, The Mother of God, or, the Virgin that bore God: a term that made a great distur∣bance in the Christian world, as the Reader will see here∣after.
• b

  Nicephorus, when he wrote out this passage of Socrates, ad∣ded the word [again,] shewing thereby, that the following words were taken out of S^t Paul's E∣pistle. Indeed, the words im∣mediately preceding occur at 2 Cor. 5. 16; but whence these are quoted, I cannot yet find. Vales.
• b

  S^r Henry Savill, had remar∣ked at the margin of his Copy, that in his judgment, instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, proposed,] it should be [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, published.] And a little after, where the reading is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for being a naturall eloquent man] that Learned Knight had written in the margin fortè 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, perhaps it should be [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, naturally;] to which emendation we agree, as by our Version appears. For Nice∣phorus, who has extracted this passage out of Socrates, words it thus, Vales.
• c

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] it must undoubtedly be [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Expositours,] though the same errour be in Nicephorus also. But Socrates himself does a little after this, shew it should be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. For, his words are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Ancient Exposi∣tours. Vales.
• d

  In the first Epist. of S^t John, chap. 4. vers. 2, 3; the words in the Greek Copies now extant are these 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Every spirit that confesseth that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh, is of God. And every spirit that confesseth not that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh, is not of God. In the Latine Copies 'tis thus worded: Omnis spiritus qui confitetur Jesum Christum in carne venisse, ex Deo est: & omnis spiritus qui solvit Jesum, ex Deo non est, Every spirit which confesses Jesus Christ is come in the flesh, is of God: and every spirit which separates Jesus, is not of God. In that Greek Copy therefore, which the old Latine Translatour made use of, it was written thus: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, every spirit which separates Jesus from God is not; as Socrates attests it to have been written in the ancient Copies. Notwithstan∣ding, Socrates seems to have read, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; which words we have exprest in our Version. For Socrates's following words are, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. that some persons have depraved [or, corrupted] this Epistle, being desirous to separate the Manhood of Christ from his Deity [or, Man from God.] In the Alexandrian Copy (the various readings whereof the English have given us,) this place in John is thus written; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, And every spirit which confesses not Jesus, is not of God. Which comes nearer to the vulgar reading. Vales.
• Or, Dis∣pensation of man.
• †

  Or, To separate man from God.
• e

  Socrates mistakes here; and whilest he reproves Nestorius, falls into the Errour of Eutyches, who thought, that after the Union, there was not two, but only one nature in Christ. Unless we should say, that Socrates speaks concerning the persons, not the Natures. By this means Socrates might be excused, if his words would admit of this sense. 'Tis certain, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (concerning which terms these words are spoken) do altogether signifie Natures, not persons. Vales.
• That is, God with us.
• †

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• a

  Nicephorus quotes these two Verses thus:

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

  But the latter verse would be written better thus:

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• Or, Made up the Synod.
• a

  Socrates mistakes at this place, in attribu∣ting that to Nestorius which was done by John Bi∣shop of Antioch. Therefore Evagrius and (who has fol∣lowed him) Nicephorus do deser∣vedly re∣prehend our Socra∣tes. Now, the busi∣ness, as we are in∣formed from the Acts of the Ephesine Synod, was transacted in this manner. When Ne∣storius had been con∣demned and depo∣sed by the holy Sy∣nod, and the Letters of Deposi∣tion had been sent to him, he sent forth∣with a rela∣tion to the Emperour Theodosius, wherein he complained of his Ad∣versaries violence, and that they would not expect the coming of the Eastern Bishops, who, 'twas said, would quickly be there. This re∣lation was subscribed by ten Bishops of Nestorius's party. On the fifth day after, comes John Bishop of Antioch, with the Eastern Bishops. Who having understood what had been done▪ assembled together the Bishops (as well the Eastern Prelates whom he had brought with him, as those ten, which (as we have said) had subscribed Nestorius's Relation,) and deposed the Bishops Cyrillus and Memnon. At this Little Councill of Johannes's, Nestorius himself was not persent, be∣cause having been condemned by an Episcopall sentence, he had not been restored by the determination of a Synod. But the Bishops of his party, whom the sentence of the Synod had in no wise touched, were present. Wherefore Socrates may be excused, if we say that these words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] do not denote Nestorius himself, but the Bishops who were of his party, and had subscribed his Relation. But in the other particulars Socrates is not to be excused. Vales.
• See chap. 26, and 27.
• †

  Or, E∣lected.
• ‖

  Or, City.
• Chap. 11.
• a

  This is, the eigh∣teenth Ca∣non of the Synod at Antioch. [Socrates speaks of this Synod at book 2. chap. 8; and this very Ca∣non occurs at pag. 447. Tom. 1. Edit. Be∣veridge.] But Socrates is mistaken, in thinking that the Bishops re∣lled upon this Canon, that they might exclude Proclus from the Con∣stantinopolitan See. 'Tis true indeed, that Proclus was one of their number who are meant in the foresaid Canon. For after he had been ordained Bishop of Cyzicum by Sisinnius Patriarch of Constan∣tinople, he was not admitted by the Inhabitants of Cyzicum, as So∣crates has related before. But the Bishops who were against Proclus's Election, relied not upon this Canon, but quoted the twenty first Canon [which occurs at pag. 450, Tom. 1. Edit. Bever.] of the same Synod in confirmation of their own opinion; the Contents whereof are these: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. A Bi∣shop ought not in any wise to remove from one See to another, neither rushing into it wholly on his own accord, nor forcibly compelled by the people, nor yet necessarily constrained by the Bishops: but let him continue in that Church, which God has at first allotted to him, nor let him remove from thence, agreeable to the Pristine determination made concerning this matter. Our Socrates is therefore mistaken, who has put the eighteenth Canon of the Antiochian Synod, instead of the one and twentieth. He is out in this also, to wit, in supposing, that these words in the close of the eighteenth Canon [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c.] do favour his own opinion. Those words we have rendred thus: Suscipere autem debet quicquid Provinciae Synodus de ejus negotio judicans constituerit, But he ought to embrace whatever a Synod of the Province, having had Cognizance of his Case, shall think good to determine▪ Socrates thought this to be the consequence of these words, viz, that if a Synod of the Province should think fit to translate the foresaid Bishop to some other See, that Bishop ought to obey that determination. But 'tis plain that he is out, in regard Translations of Bishops are expresly forbidden in the twenty first Canon. Vales.
• b

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Which words Dionysius Exiguus renders thus, Quod visum fuerit judicando Decreverit, shall by judging Decree what shall seem good. The old Translatour also (whose Version was heretofore in Henricus Memmius's Library, and has lately been published at Paris) renders it after this manner: Sed spectare cum oportere, quo usque Provinciae Synodus de eo quae eis videntur ordinet, But he ought to expect, till such time as a Synod of the Province shall determine concerning him what they think good. Where you may remark by the by, that the old Translatour in his Copy, read not the word [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, perfect;] as neither did Socrates. The same phrase occurs above in the Appendix to the sixth book, where Johannes speaks to the Bishops thus. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ which we have thus rendred into Latine, Causam ad vos delatam perpendentes ipsi ac dijudicantes definite. But 'tis bet∣ter to translate it thus, quodcunque vobis visum fuerit, &c. Vales. Our English rendition of that place is this, do you inquire into the Cause, and make such a definitive determination as you shall think fit.
• c

  Perigenes had been born and baptized at Corinth the Metropolis of Achaia: having after∣wards been made a Clergy-man, he continued Presbyter of the same Church a long while with great integrity. Afterwards when he had been promoted to the Bishoprick of Patrae by the Bishop of Corinth, and the In∣habitants of Patrae had refused to receive him, he was forced to return to Corinth. The Bishop of which City dying not long after, the Corinthians requested he might be their Bishop; which request of theirs they made known to Bonifatius Bishop of Rome. But Bonifatius would do no∣thing in that affair, before he had received the Letters of Rufus Bishop of Thessalonica, who was deputed the Vicegerent of the Apostolick See throughout Achaia and Macedonia. He wrote therefore two Letters to him concerning this business, to which was annext the Corinthians Request. These Letters bore date in the Consulate of Monaxius and Plintha. Afterwards, when Bonifatius had received Rufus's Letters, he approved of Perigenes's Election, and wrote a Letter to him and the Corinthians. I have Collected these things from two Letters of Bonifatius to Rufus, which Letters were lately published at Rome by Lucas Holstenius a Learned person, and one that has deserved well of Ecclesiastick Antiquity. Further, this Perigenes was present at the Ephesine Synod convened against Nestorius. For in the First Action thereof occur these words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, of Peri∣genes [Bishop] of Corinth in Greece. Vales.
• d

  In the Sfortian M. S. this person is called R••n∣verentius. But in Ni∣cephorus 'tis Reveren∣tius, which is truer. Epiphan. Scholasti∣cus terms him Reve∣rentius al∣so. In the fourth book of the Jus Graeco-Ro∣manum, chap. De Translati∣onibus E∣piscoporum, he is cor∣ruptly sti∣led Reve∣nus. Vales.
• e

  Nicepho∣rus makes Gordum a City of Lycia, not Lydia: but all other [Wri∣ters] assign it to Lydia. Further, this Johannes Bishop of Proconnesus was present at the Ephesine Synod, as 'tis recorded in the first Action of that Councill. Vales.
• f

  In the Florentine Manuscript 'tis Proconnesus. In Nicephorus, in the Jus Graeco-Romanum, and in the Acts of the Ephesine Councill, 'tis written Proiconnesus. The Author of the Etymologicon (in the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) defends both readings. And deduces the originall of this name (which has the Letter (i) added) from hence, either because this Island furnishes the other Islands with marmour, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is Gratis, freely, or for nothing; or else from the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which signifies Hinnuleum, a little Hind. But Dionysius Atheniensis (in his book [entitled] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which he wrote concerning the building of Cities,) says 'twas called Proconesus from the multitude of Harts there, which they term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Others will have its name derived from a vessell which the Greeks call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because when the Milesii at first brought a Colony thither, they were met by a Vir∣gin carrying such a Vessell. Vales. In Robert Stephens Edit. 'tis termed Preconesus.
• g

  In the fourth book of the Jus Graeco-Romanum, pag. ••3; he is termed Theosebius. And so he is called in the Tripartite History (which Epiphan. Scholasticus translated;) and in Ivo Carnotensis (in Pro∣logo Decreti.) But Nicephorus terms him Philippus, which I won∣der at. Vales.
• h

  From the Florentine and Sfortian Manuscripts, and from Nice∣phorus and Epiphan. Scholasticus, instead of Salabria, we have made it Salambria. 'Tis a City of Thracia, which the Greeks heretofore ter∣med Selymbria, as Strabo and Stephanus do attest: but afterwards 'twas called Salambria. So in the Itinerarium Burdigalense: Mansio Salamembria [is mentioned which was] 44 miles distant from Con∣stantinople. Vales.
• Or, Mysia.
• i

  This is the Optimus Bishop of Antioch in Pisidia, of whom the Emperour Theodosius makes mention in the third Law of the Theodo∣sian Code, de Fide catholicâ; to whom, (together with Amphilochius of Iconium,) the charge and Administration of the Churches of Asia is committed. Vales.
• a

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Christophor∣son has ren∣dred it ill▪ thus, Pal∣lium Philo∣sophicum, the Philoso∣phick Pal∣lium, ad∣ding a word of his own, to wit, Philo∣sophick. But Socrates speaks not concerning the Philo∣sophick Pal∣lium, but concerning that of the Rhetorici∣ans. For he says that Silvanus had before been a Rhetorician, that is, an Advocate out of Troïlus the Sophist's School: but af∣terwards left off his Pallium, and imbraced a Monastick life. Con∣cerning the Rhetoricians Pallium see what we have remarked before at book 7. chap. 12▪ note (c.) To which may be added this pas∣sage out of Theophylactus Simocatta's Menodia, which he spoke in praise of the Emperour Mauricius after Phaucas's death: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Which words Theophylactus himself cites in the eighth book of his History, chap. 12. Whence it may be gathered, that the Rhetori∣cians Pallium was white, not red, or Scarlet coloured, as we have noted before from Cyrillus, and Basilius Grammaticus. Gregorius Nazian∣zenus speaks also concerning the Rhetoricians Pallium, in his twentieth Oration concerning the praises of Basilius▪ pag. 328. Edit. Paris. 1609▪ where Billius (by the same mistake) has rendred it Pallia Philoso∣phica, the Philosophick Palliums. Vales.
• b

  I agree not with Christophorson, who has rendred this place so, as if Atticus had sent for Silvanus to come to him. What need was there of sending for him, who was present at Constantinople, to wit, a Rhe∣torician in the School of Troïlus the Sophist who taught Rhetorick at Constantinople? The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies something more, to wit, to lay hold of, and use force towards any person. By this term therefore Socrates shews, that Silvanus was against his own will, and with a reluctancy made Bishop of Philippopolis by Atticus. Philippo∣polis is the Metropolis of that Country strictly and properly called Thracia. You must know further, that the ordination of the Metro∣politanes of Thracia belonged then to the Bishop of Constantinople. For the Patriarchs by a certain singular priviledge ordained Metropolitanes, as I have observed at large in my dissertation on the sixth Canon of the Nicene Councill. [The Learned Reader will meet with this dissertation of Valesius's at pag. 188. of his notes on Socrates and Sozomen; Edit. Paris. 1668.] Hence 'tis, that the same Atticus Patriarch of Constan∣tinople, ordained the said Silvanus Bishop of Troas, upon the request of the Inhabitants of that City. For Alexandria Troas [or, Alexan∣der's Troas,] was the Metropolis of Phrygia. This is in express words established by the twenty eighth Canon of the Chalcedon Councill, [which occurs at Tom. 1. pag. 145, Edit. Beveredg.] which Treats concer∣ning the priviledges of the Constantinopolitane See: to wit, that the Metropolitanes only of the Thracican, Pontick, and Asian Dioecesis, should be ordained by the most holy Constantinopolitane See; the De∣crees being, (as usually,) first made, by the common consent of the Clergy and Laity, and directed to the Patriarch of Constantinople. For thus the foresaid Canon does determine, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Decrees made as usually, being agreed upon and transmitted to him, The Canon means the Decree of Request, such a one as the Corinthians sent to Bonifatius, desiring they might have Perigenes for their Bishop; as we have ob∣served before at chap. 36▪ note (c.) Vales.
• c

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Christophorson renders it, Sandalils indutus foeno confectis, shod with Sandalls made of hay. Epiphanius Scho∣lasticus (who is followed by Langus, Nicephorus's Translatour, book 14. chap. 39.) translates it soleas de sparto, Sandalls of spartum. Spartum is a kind of Shrub like our Broom, of which they made bonds to tie their Vines, ropes for Ships, and (as it seems) Sandalls also. Such Sandalls as these were those termed Carbatinae; concerning which see Julius Pollux Onomast. book 7. chap. 22. Hesychius (in the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,) says they were mean shooes worn by the Pesants; and expounds that term thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a shooe with one sole.
• d

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, laid upon] we read [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, he laid aside] agreeable to Chrysto∣phorson's and S^r Henry Savil's reading. Vales.
• Or, touched.
• e

  In Robert Stephens Edition the reading is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, he drove.] In the Florent. M. S. 'tis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Wherefore, I doubt not but Socrates wrote [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, he freed, or released.] For the common reading, in my judg∣ment, is not to be born; al∣though Nicephorus confirms it. Vales.
• Or, Has not been unfruit∣full.
• This Island is now ter∣med Can∣dia.
• a

  In some Copies the reading is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] at which word E∣piphanius Scholasticus and Nice∣phorus with good reason were dis∣pleased; and therefore both of them omitted it. in my judg∣ment it should be [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, might lead out] Vales.
• Or, hung over into, &c.
• †

  Or, false-Moses.
• Or, be∣took them∣selves to.
• †

  Or, hap∣ned.
• a

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In Ni∣cephorus 'tis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 with an aspirate. And Langus translates it Barns, or Granaries▪ Musculus renders it Maxi∣ma aedificia, the greatest Edifices. Christophorson, fortissima munimenta, the strongest Fortresses. I had rather follow Langus. For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is a barbarous Greek word, which signifies a Barn or Granary; as Meur∣sius has long since observed in his Glossary. In the Kings Copy I found it written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 at this place. Further, there were five publick Barns or Granaries at Constantinople; to wit, four in the fifth Ward. Vales.
• b

  In the Alexandrian Chronicle (pag. 728, Edit. Monach. 1615,) the words are these: On Theodosius Augustus's fourteenth Consulate which he bore with Maximus, there arose a great fire from the Neo••ium, which burnt down the Granaries and the Achillean Bath, in the month Loos, &c. Epiphanius Scholasticus renders it, Thermas quae vocantur Achil∣leae, that termed the Achillean Bath. Which rendition is confirmed by Marcellinus Comes in his Chronicon, (pag. 26. Edit. Paris. 1619;) at the Consulate of Maximus and Paterius, which was the year of Christ. 443. His Coss. (says he) Thermarum quae Achilleae dicuntur, Encoenia facta, in their Consulate, that termed the Achillean Bath was [after it had been rebuilt,] dedicated. And the Author of the Alexandrian Chronicon affirms the same (pag. 730, Edit. ut prius,) in these words; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. In the same persons [that is, Maximus's and Paterius's] Consulate, the publick Bath termed Achilles was dedicated, in the month Audunaeus, before the third of the Ides of January. The Achillean Bath therefore (after it had been consumed by fire, in the fourteenth Consulate of Theodosius which he bore with Maximus, on the year of Christ 433,) was rebuilt and dedicated on the tenth year after. Vales.
• Or, com∣mitted.
• †

  Or, But God heard the man.
• Or, token, or footstep.
• That is, Thursday in the Passion week.
• a

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] I read [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,] as did S^r Henry Savill and Christo∣phorson. Moreover, I agree with Baro∣nius, who (at the year of Christ 434,) has truly remarked, that these Letters of Caelestine Bishop of Rome were not written on this year, but two years before; to wit, when (after Nestorius's deposition,) they were busie about Electing a Bishop of Constantinople. 'Tis certain on this year (when Arcobindus and Aspar were Consuls) Caelestine was dead, and Xystus had succeeded him in the Bishoprick of Rome. Vales.
• b

  Valesius has told us before (at note (c.) on chap. 36,) that Rusus Bishop of Thessalonica was deputed the Vice-gerent of the Apostolick See [that is, Rome] throughout Achaia and Macedonia. He adds here, that he had the same Vice-gerency throughout Illyricum, as the Epistles of Innocentius and Bonifacius Bishops of Rome do declare, which are to be seen in Lucas Holstenius's Roman Collection. For (continues Valesius) the Bishops of Thessalonica had that priviledge from the times of Pope Damasus, as we learn from the same Collection. Balsamo (in his comments on the Synod in Trullo, pag. 359, Edit. Paris. 1620.) affirms, that the Bishops of Thessalonica were hereto∣fore the Legates of the Roman Bishop; and that the Bishop of Rome has a power of constituting Legates in the Constantinopolitane Patri∣archate; but denies that he has a power of ordaining Bishops; wherein Balsamo is much mistaken. For those Provinces, which then when Balsamo wrote, were under the Constantinopolitan Prelate, had here∣tofore been under the Bishop of Rome. Further, the Nicene Synod has determined, that the ancient usages should be observed. Thus far Vale∣sius. But, as you see, he gives no reason to confute what Balsamo has said, to wit, that the Bishop of Rome has no power to ordain Bishops within the Constantinopolitane Patriarchate. And therefore I will (and so may the Reader too, if he pleases) suspend my belief, till some rea∣sons are assigned. This passage in Balsamo (here quoted by Vale∣sius) occurs in D^r Beveredge's Synod. Tom. 1. p. 154. See the Learned Doctors notes, pag. 126.
• At chap. 28.
• a

  In Robert Stephens's Edition, the reading is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, But be exercised a patience far greater than he [Atticus] had. The word [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, had] is wanting in the Sfor∣tain M. S. Wherefore I doubt not but Socrates left it written thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. But he exercised a patience far greater than Atticus. Which emendation is confirmed by Epiphan. Scholasticus and Nicephorus, for Ni∣cephorus (book 14. chap. 38.) words it thus; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, moreover, he was far more patient than they, [that is, than John Chrysostome and Atticus.] And Epiphan▪ Scholast. renders it thus: Sed in isto patientia potior apparebat, but in him a better [or more de∣sireable] patience appeared. Vales.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, upon occasion.
• b

  We reade [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in regard—by this means;] before which words we have put a Colon. Vales.
• That is, Theodosius.
• a

  The discourse will be more gracefull and Emphaticall, if we add a particle thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. And what is recorded, &c. and so make this the beginning of a period. Thus Nicephorus reads it. Vales.
• Numb. 12. 3.
• †

  See book 7. chap. 23.
• ‖

  See the following chapter.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, affairs.
• a

  In Priscus's History of the Goths, the King of the Hunni is termed Rouas, who was succee∣ded by Attalas. In Jordanes he is called Roäs, the brother of O••∣tar and Mundïuchus, the uncle of Attalas. Langus, Nicephorus's Translator calls him Roïlas, for what reason I know not: for in Nicephorus 'tis Rougas, as well as here in Socrates. Vales.
• b

  See Ezech. 38. vers. 2, 22, & 23. In the Septua∣gint Ver∣sion, at v. 2. the words are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Prince Rhos. But the term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is wan∣ting in the vulgar Translati∣on, instead whereof Hieronymus has rendred it thus, Principem capitis Mosoch, Prince of the chief of Mosoch. Wherefore, what Langus remarks here concerning the Russi, is in my judgment forreign to this place. Vales. In the Hebrew, the words at this text are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: which in the margin of our English Version is render'd exactly, thus, Prince of the chief of Meshech. Socrates quotes this whole text out of Ezechiel, in the words of the Septuagin•• Version, and we have translated them accordingly. The difference between the Greek Version and Originall Hebrew at this text is great. Our English Translatours (as they generally do, so here) follow the Hebrew.
• See book 7. chap. 24.
• a

  These persons were Con∣suls on the year of Christ 436. But Prosper, Marcellinus Comes in his Chronicon, and the Authour of the A∣lexandrian Chronicle, disagree from Socrates. For those Authours relate, that this marriage was celebrated on the year following, whereon Aë∣tius bore his second Consulate with Sigisvultus, in the month of No∣vember. The same is confirmed by Jordanes in his book de Successione Reg∣norum; where after he has spoken concerning the whoredom committed by Honoria with her Procurator Eugenius, which was done in the Con∣sulate of Areobindus and Aspar on the year of Christ 434; He adds these words; Posthaec tertio anno Valentinianus, &c. On the third year after this the Emperour Valentinianus comes from Rome to Constantinople in order to his marr••ing Eudoxia daughter to the Emperour Theodosius: and having given all Illyria as a gratuity to his Father in Law, after the celebration of the marriage, he returned with his Wife to his own King∣domes. Cassiodorus Senator attests the same concerning the donation of the Western Illyricum (book 11. Variarum, Epist. 1. pag. 684, Edit. Aurel. Allobrog. 1622.) in these words: Placidiam mundi opi∣nione celebratam, avorum [or, principum, or, aliquorum, as 'tis in some Copies,] Prosapia gloriosam, purpurato filio studuisse percepimus; cujus dum remisse administrat Imperium, indecenter cognoscitur imminutum. Nurum denique sibi amissione Illyrici comparavit, factaque est conjunctio reg••an••is, divisio dole••da provinciis. Vales.
• He means those ter∣med the Johannitae. See book 6. chap. 18.
• †

  Or, by prudence.
• a

  By these words So∣crates does plainly discover his opinion. For he would say, that these things are usually done through envy, or out of favour. For be∣cause Origen was condemned by Theophilus, so many years after his death; that Socrates ascribes to Theophilus's envy towards Origen himself, or against those termed the Long-Monks. And, whereas John Chrysostome was brought back with honour into his own Country, on the thirty fifth year after his death; that Socrates attributes to the love and benevolence of Proclu•• and the people of Constantinople. But I am not of Socrates's opinion. For although in affairs of this nature, t••e affections of men have some effect. Yet divine Justice and providence, whereby the Church is governed, doth always overrule. Origen therefore was condemned for his Heterodox opinions; and John Chrysostome, being consecrated for his integrity of life and doctrine, continues in the Church to this very day. Valesius.
• Or, Tomb.
• †

  Or, Re∣ctitude.
• a

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In Nicephorus 'tis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, he sate upon; in which Author these words are added, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and having taken the paper: which seem altogether necessary. Vales.
• This pledge, or, Gage.
• b

  Although our M. SS. Copies al∣ter▪ not the reading here▪ yet I agree with Christophorson and S^r Henry Savill, who have mended it thus [of the month August.] Doubtless, in regard Paulus Bi∣shop of the Novatianists died on the twenty first of July, and the paper wherein he had named Marcianus to be his successour, was unsealed three days after his death, as Socrates has told us before; 'tis not to be supposed, that Marcianus could be ordained Bishop on the twenty first of the same month, to wit, July; in regard he ab∣sconded in Tiberiopolis a City of Phrygia: from whence he was to be brought to Constantinople, that he might be there constituted Bi∣shop of the Novatianists. Vales.
• a

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. For he had oblieged himself to a perfor∣mance, &c] I doubt not but it should be [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for she had obliged her∣self;] that is, Eudocia. Thus Epiphan. Scholasticus read, as appears from his Version; which is thus, Hoc enim & ipsa votum habuerat, si filiam videret nuptam, For she herself also had [made] this vow, if she might see her daughter married. Vales.
• Or, ho∣noured.
• a

  This is the Thalas∣sius, or Thalassus, Praefectus Praetorio of Illyricum, to whom The one Law (Tit. 6. Legum Novella∣rum Theo∣dosii Junio∣ris) was directed, which is dated at Constanti∣nople, on the third of the Ides of August, in Theodo∣sius's se∣venteenth Consulate which he bore with Festus. Af∣ter this day therefore, on this ve∣ry year, Thalassius was made Bishop of Caesarea by Proclus. Which action of Proclus's Socrates does not without cause wonder at, as new, and not practised by former Bishops. Nectarius indeed, when he was Praetor of Constantinople, had been created Bishop of that City. But, the Emperour's consent had been first obtained, as Socrates has told us before. But here Proclus meerly by his own impulse, laid his hands on a Praefectus Praetorio, who by the Emperour had been de∣signed to the government of the Orientall Praefecture. Notwith∣standing, it is to be understood, that the Emperour's consent was after∣wards obtained, who approved of what Proclus had done. But, in promoting inferiour Magistrates to Ecclesiastick degrees, the Prince's consent was in no wife necessary. For the Praefectus Praetorio's ap∣probation was sufficient, under whose dispose the Presidents of Pro∣vinces were. We have an eminent instance hereof in the Life of S^t Germanus Altissiodorensis, which was written by Constantius Pres∣byter. Which Germanus being President of a Province, and Amator Bishop of Altissiodorum [a City in France, now called Auxerre] ha∣ving a mind to appoint him his successour; Amator procured the consent of Julius, Praefectus Praetorio of the Gallia's, before he at∣tempted to do that; as 'tis related in book 1, chap. 3, concerning the Life of S^t Germanus. Further, this Thalassius Bishop of Caesarea was present at the false Synod at Ephesus [convened] against Flavianus; as we are informed from the Acts of the said Synod, which are recorded in the first Action of the Chalcedon Councill. Vales.