England undeceived in answer to a late pamphlet (intituled, Some ways for raising of money, humbly offered to the consideration of the Parliament, by a person of quality) : humbly presented to the same Parliament / by an English gentleman of Ireland.

ENGLAND UNDECEIVED: IN ANSWER to a Pamphlet, &c.

IN the midst of the Great and Weighty deliberations, wherein the Parliament are busied to find out Expedients to promote our present Security, and insure our future Success; some officious Gentleman (either secretly warp'd to the French, and Popish Interest, or invincibly ignorant of the Affairs▪ and Interest of Ireland) hath Publish'd a Paper shrowded under the Parentage of a Person of Quality: Which being an Expression somewhat ambiguous, I am inclin'd to su∣spect the Honour of the Writer, and to conclude with my self, That it is no commendable Quality in him, so grosly to reflect on the King, to prevaricate with the Parliament, and cajole the People of England, by Some ways for raising of Money, humbly offered to the consideration of the Parliament.

If the Author had subscribed his Name, possibly the know∣ledg of his Person and Principles, might convince the Reader of his design, to promote the Interest of the late King; and then there would be no need to refute his Positions, and sly Insinuations for the poor Irish (as he tenderly calls them): But since he conceals himself, and with so much boldness Addres∣seth himself to the Great Council of the Nation, in favour of their, and our irreconcilable Enemies; and so unseasonably, when it seems to be their Sense and Judgment, That the Irish Estates should be confiscated; I account it my Duty, as an English Man of Ireland, to shew, at least, the Errors and Mistakes of this Irish Champion.

At his first entrance he dallies with the people, amusing them with unpracticable Notions about Excise: So they, who go to catch Whales, do first tire them, by throwing among them some empty Cask. I might as positively assert (in pure Con∣tradiction to him) That this way of Excise is not the best way of all others; nor the most effectual: nor yet used by all wise, and civilized Nations. I might cavil with his particular Instances,

and demonstrate how improper, and how incongruous they are; But as he intended them only as a Pretext to Usher in a Design, so I shall pass them over without any farther Re∣marks; and take notice only of the two ways offered by him to advance a present sum.

The first is, A Review of the Taxes of One Shilling, and Three Shillings in the Pound.

I am unwilling to be bitter, or to fix a harsh Character up∣on a Person of Quality, utterly unknown to me; but I must pro∣fess, when I consider seriously the two ways offer'd to advance a present Sum of Money (by a Review of the Taxes, and a Compo∣sition for the Irish Estates) my Jealousy is terminated in a plain conviction, That the Propounder of these Expedients retains a more eager inclination to embroyl us in mutiny and discon∣tent, than to extricate us from the difficulties which we now lye under: There can be no way so disingenious, so ungrateful, and so pernicious, as to make an invidious retrospect, and re∣flection on things past and done. To Arraign the Prudence, Integrity, and Impartial Justice of the Commissioners and As∣sessors of the late Taxes, (which scrutiny will reach the whole House of Commons) must of necessity grate upon the Credit and Reputation of the honest and substantial Inhabitants of every Parish in London, and of the eminent Gentlemen in every County in England; and if possible, and fit to be put in pra∣ctice, it were but to inhance the odious Office of Informers, and to disoblige all Men, who have escaped the severity of the Imposition by such an unusual Review; a proceeding more agreeable to the undertaking of Empson and Dudly, and could better become the Accomplices of Jack C••de, or Wat Tyler. And if the Gleanings of the Tax will come to three or four hundred thousand pounds, what would the whole Harvest do? Surely this Tax alone might serve to defray all Charges of the War, without any farther Impositions.

But I am verily persuaded, that what has been before sug∣gested by the Proposer, is only to amuse the Reader with pre∣liminary pretences; when as the main scope and intriegue of the Project is to enforce the Chymera of A Composition for the Irish Estates: Therefore I shall wave all further Censure upon the precedent Paragraphs, and only apply my self to the due consideration of that, which in naked terms is thus digested,

That all King James's Adherents in that Kingdom, who shall come in by such a time, be Pardon'd, and have their Lands, paying two years Purchase of their true value, as it was three years agone, some few of the most notorious and mischievous being excepted. This fair and smooth-faced Proposal is supported by certain plausible Considerations, which shall be gradually inquir'd into.

And first, It is suggested, That this way of Composition, rather than by Confiscation and Sale, is the more merciful, and consequently the more Christian way. To which I must say, that Mercy, when it is not grounded upon Inducements of Reason and Pru∣dence, doth often prove a cruelty to him that dispenseth it. They who have their Portions in that unfortunate Countrey, have had too sensible an experience, how often Lenity and For∣giveness have been misapplied; and the most flagitious Crimi∣nals bardned into an impenitency, and a desperate repetition of Plots and Contrivances, against the Lives and Estates of the Pro∣testants in that Kingdom. In every Age, nay in every Reign of the respective Monarchs of England, since the first Conquest of that Country, the Natives have industriously endeavour'd to shake off their Obedience to their Lawful Prince by Intestine Insurrections and Rebellions; which being always concluded by Victory, and an abject submission of the vanquish'd; the Generosity of the English hath as constantly defeated them of their due Advantages, by too benign a condescention, and too easie listning to a Com∣position. If upon the settlement of Ireland, after that horrid Re∣bellion in 1641. the Estates of the Rebels had been confiscated, and either vested in the Crown, or disposed for the satisfaction of those that suffer'd, or conquer'd; there had been in all probabi∣lity no opportunity for the late revival of Irish Barbarity, or any necessity for the English to extend their Mercy now in so Christian a way, as the Projector hath recommended. But since on the con∣trary, King Charles the Second was wrought upon by such Argu∣ments (whereof the Pamphlet now before me seems to be the Transcript) to restore some Rebels to their former Estates, and to confer on others much more than ever was possess'd by their Ance∣stors (paying Quit-Rent and a years value) nay, even absolving many of them from the payment of Quit-Rent, while it lay heavy upon the Protestants.) It hath only administred an opportunity to that ingrateful, and incorrigible Nation, to wage War with their Benefactors, and to endeavour the utter extirpation of the English Blood. This indeed were but to repeat the Old Game, to make the

Irish Gainers by their Rebellion, and the English the Losers. For what equality of reason can there be in it, to accept of two years value of the Irish Estates, who have for above two years enjoyed the Profits, not only of their own, but of all the Protestant Estates almost through the Kingdom? And with what face can this per∣son of Quality pretend this to be the more merciful and Christian way, to indemnify the Papists for all their Rapine and Barbarity, upon a slender Composition for two years Rent; and never think of the poor Protestants, who have for two years been driven in∣to Exile, and forceably deprived of their Estates, and from whom so much hath been plunder'd in Money, Plate, Houshold-stuff and Stock, and so much damage done in burning their Houses and Towns, and destroying their Plantation, that if all the E∣states of the Papists in Ireland were sold at ten years purchase, and distributed toward their satisfaction, it would be so far from affording a due Recompence and Reparation, that it would not make amends for the fourth part, beside the Charge of the War: certainly no indifferent man can pronounce this to be the more merciful, and the more Christian way, to indulge our implacable Enemies by a Composition (who have truckled to the French, and abetted their Interest) and to project no Provision, or Repara∣tion to our Friends, who have suffer'd beyond Example, for ad∣hering to a Protestant King.

Neither will it be impertinent to animadvert, how the Prote∣stants upon the last Settlement were treated in a way not so Christian, nor so merciful. For King Charles the Second, having by his Declaration from Bredah confirmed to the Adventurers, and Soldiers, all the Estates they were possessed of in May 1659. Nevertheless many of them were dispossest by the Irish. (who were restored by the Court of Clayms) others were turn'd out of their Estates by such Persons as His Majesty thought fit to restore by Provisoes, and Letters. Now for the satisfying, and reprising such Adventurers and Souldiers, the gratifying of some favour'd Irish, and for the hope of a future settlement, all Adventurers and Soldi∣ers were forced to retrench a third part of all their Estates (which at twelve years purchase, is worth four) and also to pay one years full value of what their Estates were really, & bonâ fide, set for; which with above two years Rent, which they have lately lost, will amount to more than seven years purchase of the Lands they have been lately dispossessed of by the Irish Nay, I have seen it com∣puted, that the Adventurers did, viis & modis, pay 70 five years

Purchase for their Estates, and the Soldiers a hundred and fifteen

And I would ask the Projector, how long, how often shall Overtures of Mercy be given to them? Is not five hundred years, in point of Time, and Pardons extended almost eve∣ry forty years, in point of Grace, sufficient to make an expe∣riment, whether a Nation be reclaimable, or not? But if hither∣to such Lenitives as these had no other effect, than to animate them to new Rebellions; why shall it not be deem'd not only Justice to our selves, but even a Mercy to the Irish, to apply more effectual, tho more Churlish Remedies? What he is pleased to add in the illustration of his Argument, by Instances from the French King, may perhaps be historically true (tho I must con∣fess I never heard before, that he had subdued Savoy) but certain∣ly are no way applicable to the Subject in hand, nor urged with the relation of such Circumstances, as make the case quite disse∣rent: If we do not hear of Confiscations, or Extirpations in Savoy; I am persuaded it is because it is too soon to alienate, or destroy that Countrey, before he be in possession of it: so then in mat∣ter of fact it may not be true, that they are subdued; and if it be true, it is no way pertinent; for the Savoyards, not being Subjects to the French King, tho they may be conquer'd by him, yet they cannot be subject to forfeiture, since they owed him no∣thing, nor were before under his Allegiance. If the French King hath so nobly indulged the Gentlemen of Estates, where he hath extended his Conquests in Flanders, I am apt to think it proceeds more from Policy, than Christian Compassion, the Conquest of that Countrey being not intire, and therefore unseasonable for him to shew his Resentments. And well may he boast of Cardi∣nal Richlieus Treatment of the Protestants of Rochel; it is the first time that ever any of his Religion express'd any tenderness, or humanity to the Professors of the other: but alas, this is but quoting part of the Text, without the coherence. Every man knows, that knows History, how indispensable a necessity lay upon the French King at that time, to oblige him to a compli∣ance with those Capitulations.

Secondly, It is offer'd, that these Peoples Crime is not so horrible, as some would suppose it. And in this Argument is a manifest Col∣lusion. The Author labouring to palliate their Villany by a pre∣text of inflexible Loyalty, and adherence to the Interest of their Na∣tural King: whereas in very Deed their fighting under the Ban∣ner of King James, was but in order to the Accomplishment of

that long premeditated Design, to extirpate the Protestant Reli∣gion, and English Nation; and by this means they had an op∣portunity to effect that by Arms, and open War, which they could not bring to pass by Secret Plots, and Massacres. King James, by abdicating the Kingdom of England, as is plainly granted by the Author, did implicitly, and consequentially ab∣dicate Ireland; and the Government which he retain'd there, first by his Lieutenant, and then in person, was after our pre∣sent King (upon the Adjudication of a vacant Throne) was pro∣claimed through England, and in all the Northern parts of Ireland. In the mean time the Spontaneous Abdication of the Late King, and his voluntary parting with the Prerogatives of the Crown, do render the Oath of Allegiance contradictory, and unpracticable. We do not blame Subjects for adhering to their Natural Prince (which indefinitely taken, is a virtue) but we blame them for adhering to him in the prosecution of such a Cause, as did utterly subvert the fundamental Constitution of these Kingdoms, which the Subjects, as well as Prince, stands obliged not to violate. In this Case they ought to have deserted, as knowing, that whoever adheres to a Prince in the abetting of a Cause which overthrows the Laws, is punishable by the Laws of that very Prince. But to say, they were hardly prevai'd upon to ingage and declare, is directy contrary to the knowledge of the persons that were then upon the place. For whereas the Late King did not arrive in Ireland till about the middle of March, the Irish Nation were long before fermented into outrage, and Revenge; they began an early Violence in the County of Meath; before the precede∣ing February, they had plunder'd the Protestants in Co••••aught: forced the Houses, se••z'd the Arms and Horses, and driven away the persons of the Protestants in Munster; and in a word, Uni∣versally through the Land accepted of Commissions: and were train'd up in Military Discipline; so that in December, 1688, Thirty Nine New and Levy'd Regiments were added to the Standing Army; and Fifty Thousand of the Rabble, arm'd with Half-pikes and Skeins; and obliged to it by command from the the Priests, under the pain of Excommunication. And so far were they from being hardly prevail'd upon to engage, and declare, that never Christians ingaged in a Crusade for con∣quering the Holy Land with so impatient a Zeal, as the Cou∣ardly Irish ••••••ck'd to Dublin, and adored 〈…〉〈…〉, and strug∣led for Commissions, exchanging their Fri••ze Coats into Scar∣let

and Blew, and jumping out of Brogues into Jackboots. And in very truth, as the difference was not, so the Dispute ought not to be, Concerning Obedience to a Natural Prince; because those very persons who were robbed and plundered, were in peaceable subjection to the same King, to whom the Robbers pro∣fessed an Allegiance.

But by this Person of Quality's Logick, if we can hardly blame them for what they have done, the whole World must blame us for what we have done: It had been more ingenuous to say, The English have been the first Aggressors; and because King James did not seem to forsake Ireland, but retained the Govern∣ment there, therefore King William is an Usurper, and all that contributed either in purse or person, for the Re∣duction of Ireland, are Rebels and Traytors. And whereas he slily insinuates, that they were left to themselves for many Months, and to the practices and persuasions of King James his Agents, that no Power but King James's appeared in Ireland, and we in England were wholly taken up with setling our Government; it is not to be doubted, but this Argument was skrew'd in on purpose to reflect on the Government, and to arraign the King and his Council of supine negligence, in not applying an early, and easie remedy at the beginning of those Distractions.

The third Consideration cannot be answer'd civilly. It does not become a Person of Quality to obtrude upon the World so no∣torious a Falshood, That these are the Ancient Inhabitants and Pro∣prietors of the Countrey; for howsoever among the Vulgar, and meaner sort of the People, there be many of the Ancient Irish Ex∣traction; yet it is manifest, that few or none of the Lords and Gentlemen in that Kingdom are originally Irish, but descended of English Blood: As for instance, Butler, (the Head of which Family, the Illustrious House of Ormond, have in all times been famous for their unshaken Fidelity to the English Crown and In∣terest) Fitz-Gerald, Burgh, Fitz-Williams, Fitz-Maurice, Fitz-Patrick, Talbot, Preston, Bermingham, Plunket, Sarsfield, Netter∣vile, Lutterel, Bagnal, Lucy, Dillon, and many more; tho by the influence of their Religion, many of them have long since dege∣nerated into the barbarous Inclinations of the Native Irish. So that if all the original Natives of Irish Extraction (who are distin∣guish'd by Mac and O) were restored to the Estates they enjoy'd in 1688. the Composition for two years value would be very incon∣siderable. But if a plenary Conquest (repeated upon the extin∣ction

of several Rebellions) a Possession for 500 years, frequent for forfeitures, a submission so the Laws, a Recognition of the Ti∣tle, a derivation of their Parents for their Estates, and a general incorporating of Families, be not sufficient Arguments to inti∣tle England to the Sovereignty of that Kingdom, and to demon∣strate that the English are the Proprietors of it; what shall we say of the Race of King Pepin? how injuriously has the King of Spain dealt with the Moors? the Emperor with the Hunus? the Nor∣thern Kings with the Goths and Vandals? In a word, The Ancient Inhabitants and Proprietors of that Countrey, who are now in Arms against England, are either of the mere Irish Race, or of the English Stock. If they are of the Irish Sort, what Obligations can lie upon the King, or Parliament of England, to own their Pro∣priety, or Title, who have by so many re-iterated Acts of Defe∣ction from their Allegiance, forfeited all Pretensions to Mercy? If they are of the other sort, descended from the English, I would fain know how they came by their Estates: were they not grant∣ed to them by the Kings of England, upon the Forfeitures of the Native Irish? And if it were just and reasonable for their Ance∣stors to take the Estates of the poor harmless Irish (only for a lit∣tle Rebellion) what hardship is it, or what injustice to dispossess them, who have relapsed into the same Crime? I do think in∣deed, that in time they may be reclaimed (as the Author does hint) but not by such Methods as he insinuates; not by restoring them to their Lands, and compounding for two years value; but by im∣posing such a yoke upon them, as they shall never be in a capa∣city to rebel again. The Interrogatory, (How many Civil Prote∣stant Families are there already in Ireland of mere Irish Extraction) I answer in one word, There is only one of any Quality, or Ti∣tle, or at least three or four Families of one Name, or Sept, and that is of the O Bryens.

The fourth Consideration is, That mens not submitting to a new Establish'd Government, is not so heinous a Crime, as the rebelling against a Government they were born under, or to which they have submitted. Supposing this Apothegm to be true, what relation has this to the Case in hand? The Author must not think with his Sophistry to impose upon our Reason so, that we may not di∣stinguish between a Government, and a Governour. If the Irish were not born under the Government of King William, yet they were born under the Government of the King of England, and sub∣mitted to it. And by the Laws of that Land, whosoever is de

Facto possess'd of the Throne of England, is ipso facto and also de Jure, King of Ireland. And though it is not strange, that some differences and disorders should be upon a dissolution of a Govern∣ment; yet it is to be admir'd, and with everlasting horror to be remembred, that in full Peace, and the uninterrupted Exercise of the Government, the greatest differences and disorders hap∣pen'd in Ireland that ever were known in any Christian Kingdom. Did not the Irish, in the Reign of the late King James▪ violate the Laws of the Nation, and infringe the Act of Settlement? They Arbitrarily divested the Officers of the Army, because they were Protestants, Cashier'd the Soldiers, and with all the Circumstances of Scorn and Inhumanity, stript them to their Shirts, and exposed them to the necessity of Begging or Starving; they reform'd the Privy-Council according to their own Cue; they turn'd the Judges out of the Courts, and the Justices of Peace out of the Commission, and Protestants from acting in the Publick Re∣venue; they Constituted Popish Sheriffs through the Kingdom; they applied the Revenue of vacant Bishopricks to the support of the Popish Clergy; and took away some that were full; they Establish'd Romish Priests in every Parish, Erected Fryeries and Nunneries; and publickly celebrated Mass in every Town; they issued Quo Warranto's against all Corporations, and fill'd them with Magistrates and Members utterly uncapable by the Law; they Disarm'd all Protestants through the Kingdom, and seiz'd upon their Horses, and by pretended Plots brought them in question for their Lives: And all this under the Government they were born under, and to which they had submitted, and in manifest contempt, and rebellious infraction of the known Laws of the Land; which enormous proceedings admit of no extenuation, by what the Person of Quality alledgeth▪ That these things were done by, or under their Natural King of their own Religion, and their constant Friend and Patron: So that if there was a dissolution of the Government, it was brought to pass by their Natural Prince, to whom they adhered and not by him whom they resisted From all which it appears, how little Mercy is due to them on this ac∣count; for though we should grant it to be no Crime in them, not to submit to a new established Government; yet doubtless it is a Crime of the deepest dye, to subvert an old established Government. Suppose (as he supposeth) that a part of England, in a great Re∣volution, should not readily conform with the rest; why, it is very probable, that brotherly Compassion and Charity would inter∣pose

in their excuse: But suppose that a part of Ireland, or Ire∣land as a part of England, should overturn the Laws; set up Popery, Disarm their fellow Subjects, Plunder and Murther their Neighbours, and call in the French to their assistance; Would England be accounted severe, if they should destroy and extirpate such Miscreants, or make their Estates a Prey? No, God and Nature require it; Law and Justice do enjoyn it; And in such a case (I do agree with him) there is as much Mercy due to Irish-men, as there is to us English.

The Fifth Consideration is no way cogent or persuasive. They who have despised such Gracious Offers of Favour from a Mer∣ciful Prince, eluded his Protections, and resisted him so despe∣rately in the conclusion of his Conquest; will never make his Clemency beneficial to us, though it may be of advantage to them, in putting a sudden end to the War, that so there may be a sufficient Stock lest to propagate another Rebellion in the next Generation. And it is worth the noting, what a considerable Per∣son of the Irish Nation (who upon the Settlement after the last Rebellion, was General Agent for the Irish) said to a Friend, who ask'd him not long since, Why he would ingage in so desperate a Cause, when he could not in reason but think, that England would in time subdue them? Tush, says he, We depend upon our Allies; but if they should fail, we know that at last we shall have Terms given us.

I must not pass by his bold reflection on the King, That since the Victory at the Boyn, we have been fighting for Irish Lands. Not so, Sir, we have been Fighting for English Lands, for the Inheri∣tance of English Men, from which by force they have been dis∣possessed, and subjected to a Forfeiture by a formal Attainder in a Mock-Parliament; and to which we cannot expect to be restored, without the Effusion of more Blood and Treasure: And it is to be hoped, that in time the Irish Lands shall contribute to our Re∣imbursement.

The Sixth Consideration is a vae vobis, a perfect denunciation of Ruin and Destruction; lest we be destroyed our selves by the French King, by being too obstinately bent to destroy the Irish: But I am neither convinc'd by his Reasons, nor dismay'd by his Threats. Tho we are to encounter Gog and Magog; tho the French Turk be united to the Ottoman Turk, yet, by the Mercy of God, the Confederate Christians shall not fail of success, but triumph in time over the Association of Infidels and Atheists. And

tho this Person of Quality takes upon him to censure the Em∣peror, for not making Peace with the Turk last Winter, and to ad∣vise our King to a Voyage Royal into France; yet since he raiseth an Inference from that Error, and supports that advice, by dis∣couraging the continuance of the War in Ireland; I am mightily deceived, if he be not a secret Advocate for the French Interest; for if the prosecution of the War in Ireland should be discon∣tinued, a hasty Peace hudled up, the Irish Gentlemen restored to their Estates, and the English Army withdrawn; the Protestants there can be in no possible capacity to maintain their Ground against their insolent Enemies, having no Rents to maintain them, nor Stocks to feed them, nor Houses to shelter them; but must inevitably be exposed to the Cruelty of the Irish, if their dear Allies in France should prosper in their attempts against the Confederates.

In the last Consideration, This Person of Quality pretends to a great intimacy and knowledg in the present Councils and Policy of Europe: That it is the passionate desire of our Friends and Confederates, that we would make up with the Irish upon any reasonable Terms. And this he enforceth with a Supposition, That we might assail the French with all the Force we can make; at the same time inculcating an implicit Danger, lest himself in the mean time may beat us out of the Sea, overbear our Confederates at Land, and even invade England it self. This is a tacit Rhodo∣montade, and is doubly fallacious; and looks more like a De∣sire, than a Fear, that things should so come to pass. As we do not apprehend an unavoidable Destruction impending over us from the Invasion of the French; so we do not understand any indis∣pensable necessity for making Terms with the Irish: For tho the last year the great Leviathan took his pastime in the Waters, and insulted on our Coasts, (with fome shame to us, and no advantage to himself) yet we doubt not but in a short time an inextrica∣ble Hock will be put into his Nose: And as for the shatter'd Rem∣nant of the Irish (whose late Valour did arise from Despair, who have made some resistance, when driven to the Wall; and who never would stand a Fight, but when there was no possibi∣lity to escape by running away) they are not worthy of so so∣lemn a consultation, Why should the King be interrupted in the carier of his success? and the Victor advised to so tame a con∣descention to the vanquish'd party, when the surviving Body of them are crowded into a corner of the Land, of whom the major

Part are a Rabble of Rapperees and Tories, ill Arm'd poorly Clad, and miserably Fed; who in all probability cannot subsist till the next Campagn, or upon the advance of it, must fall, and be in∣tirely subdued? Add, that this will be but a skinning of the Sore, which after may Fester and destroy the Body. For by a Composi∣tion, the Irish will be enabled to joyn with the French upon the first fit occasion; whereas by a Conquest, they will be render'd unca∣pable to abet such an Attempt. I grant, that the Reduction of Ireland is of unexpressible importance to England, and to the pro∣sperity of the Confederates: But let no Man think, that to effect that, there needs so mighty application; I dare confidently say, the King might at his pleasure remand the greatest part of his Army in Ireland to the pursuit of his foreign Wars, and securely expect a speedy and plenary Conquest of that perfidious and un∣grateful People, by the Industry and Courage of the remainder, being well seconded by the Protestants of that Kingdom well Arm'd, which in all likelihood would not at this time be subject to a dispute, had not the Violent Rains, and approaching Winter, intercepted the current of his Victory at Lymerick.

I shall now own the Objections, which the Author hath rais'd, and in the maintenance of them, endeavour to enervate the force of his respective Answers.

First, That Ireland is a subordinate Kingdom to England; and must therefore comply with whatever we do. The Respondent seems only to Nibble at this, and granting (or not denying) Ireland to be subordinate to England, he only snarls at the Consequence, to comply with whatever we do: But this Argumentation soon comes to nothing, if we consider Ireland as a Member, or Province of England. It is granted by him, That Ireland is subordinate to Eng∣land; (tho what this has to do with the business of Mercy, I do not apprehend) but the Author denies the Inference, that there∣fore Ireland must comply with England, which, he says, is not true in all Cases (and I say so too) of which he gives an Instance; for, says he, If England rebel, must Ireland rebel too? No surely: But tho Ireland is not obliged to comply with England in all Cases, yet that Kingdom stands obliged to comply in some. The Author grants, That what England did in these late Revolutions, was upon grounds so righteous, as were justifiable to all the World: And it is in this Case, tho not in every Case, that Ireland ought to comply with England. And it is strange, that Ireland, being a subordinate Conquer'd King∣dom, should not be obliged to comply with the Conquering Nation,

in all such Matters, as the Author acknowledgeth to be just and righteous.

Secondly, The Irish will never be quiet. The Author in his whole Pam∣phlet has not so stumbl'd upon Ingenuity, as in his Answer to this Objection. They must be quiet (says he) since they will not be in a condition to be otherwise: which is as much as to say, it is not any Principle of Loyalty, Justice, or Honesty, that disposeth them to be quiet; but plain Necessity, since they have no strength, or opportunity to be o∣therwise; and if they could be otherwise, they would not be quiet. He that consults History, and turns over the Chronicles of England and Ireland, will fully agree with the Respondent, and be convin∣ced, That since the first Conquest of that Land, the Natives have been retain'd in obedience and quiet, no longer than while they remain'd under an incapacity to be otherwise. Witness more than a hundred Provincial Insurrections, or Universal Rebellions in the space of 500 years, since they first swore Fealty to the Crown of England. Witness the causeless and unprovok'd Rebellion in 1641. when by a Barbarity transcending the most exquisite Villany of any Age, or Countrey, they most inhumanly murther'd their Neigh∣bours, Gossips, and Fellow-subjects, with whom they participa∣ted equally in the benefits of Peace, the Protection of the Laws, and a favourable Connivence to their Religion. Witness their unparallell'd Insolence in the Reign of the Late King, when it was not enough for them to displace the Magistrates, to change the Ci∣vil List, to turn out the Officers, and disband the Soldiers, only because they were Protestants, and to fill many places with the very Persons attainted for their horrid Rebellion and Murthers in 1641. or their black Issue: when it did not suffice to erect Popish Convents, and publickly to celebrate Mass, contrary to the Esta∣blished Laws of the Land; but having all in their hands, they began to plunder, and seize the Goods of the Protestants, the meaner sort declaring, that, As the Lord Tyrconnel, and other Great Men, were possess'd of all Civil and Military Employments, so it belonged to them to become Masters of the English, and to possess their Estates and Goods.

Thirdly, We cannot live with comfort, intermixt with the Irish. Tho by two dismal Experiments in 1641. and 1688. there is too sen∣sible Reason to start that Objection, yet the most impudent of the Irish cannot say, that the behaviour of the English towards them has ever administred the least umbrage for such a Supposition. The Objection is coyn'd by the Author, but was never thought of

by us: We have liv'd with comfort among them, and may do so again, so they be not Masters, or be too powerful for us. But such an Inference as the Objector has rais'd, could never proceed from the mouth of an Englishman, or Protestant. What could a French Jesuit say more, than, Truly we must then come away from them, and leave them their Countrey by themselves. That is in plain terms, we must come away, and not only leave them their own, but our E∣states also. The Visor is now taken off, and the Person of Quality hath palpably display'd himself. What! must we come away from them out of weariness, or fear, because we cannot live in comfort with them? must we by a shameful, and unconstrain'd Retreat own their Title to that Countrey, and proclaim our selves Intruders? for so he intends by that Malicious Insinuation, That we have thrust our selves in among them: We are not Intruders, we did not thrust our selves among them; the first Entrance of the English into Ireland was upon a fair Invitation. I have hardly patience to reflect on this most injurious Expression, so contradictory to Truth, and Hi∣story. It is now above 500 years, since England hath made Ireland their Countrey, by the dearest Acquisition in the World, of in∣estimable Treasure, and vast effusion of blood, repeated, and re∣purchased in every Age and Generation. The Parliaments there have from time to time recognized their Submission, and protested their Homage and Fealty to the Crown of England. There is not a man in Ireland that has a Freehold in an Acre of Land, but what he holds mediately, or immediatly from the Crown. There are very few of the Natural and Original Irish, who have a Propriety in any Estate, their Ancestors having in every Reign successively forfeited them by Treason and Rebellion. The Owners of all, or most of the Estates there, are either the Ancient, or Modern English, and Scots; of the first sort whereof, tho many have de∣generated into Irish manners, and apostatized from the Religion; yet they cannot extinguish their Names, or alienate their descent, or deny the honour of their Consanguinity with the English Nation. And now after all this, after a plenary Conquest by the Sword, and an Establishment by Law, after a long Prescription, and un∣disputed Possession for 500 years; Shall that be call'd their Coun∣trey? Shall the English be affronted with the opprobrious Name of Intruders, who thrust our selves in among them? This indeed is too insolent, and void not only of all Humanity (as he is pleased to say on the other side) but repugnant to Truth, Honesty and Justice.

Fourthly, Our Army must be rewarded out of their Lands. If this had been Prophetically spoken, as it is invidiously mentioned, I should not have opposed my Prayers to the accomplishment. If it pleases the King and Parliament so to dispose of the forfeited Estates, I shall not grudge at the Exchange of the Proprietors. But when I first cast my Eye on this Cavil, I expected another ap∣plication to be made by this Person of Quality, so compassionate to the poor Irish; and that is, not that the Army should be reward∣ed out of their Lands, but that they should be distributed among the poor Protestants of Ireland, whose Loss and Damage by burn∣ing, plundering, and universal devastation, is almost irreparable. But the Author evidently appears partial, and prejudicated in his tenderness to the poor Irish, without any regard or sense of the ut∣ter ruine of the Protestants. But why doth he make it such a won∣der, that our Army should be thus rewarded? were not the English Armies thus rewarded in the last Settlement? in the days of Queen Elizabeth? and of all the preceding Kings of England since the Conquest?

Fifthly, They called in the French, which is never to be forgiven. In the Answer to this Objection he becomes a perfect Advocate for the Irish Nation: he supposeth that they did not call in the French; or if they did, that it was no Capital Crime to make use of Foreign Ayd for their own preservation. To the declarative part I say, they did call in the French, for by their Ambassadors, dispatch'd by Ty••con∣nel in January 1688. they solemnly apply'd themselves to the French King for Ayd and Succor (as they formerly did to the King of Spain, and to the Duke of Lorain) and importunately solicited King James to come among them, who could no way descend to their protection, but being accompanied by the French. Nay, the King in his Proclamation declares the same, and the Author knows it, as appears by his Quotation. To the Argumentative part, I shall only answer, That if that Suggestion be allow'd, there needs no Apology to be made for any intestine Rebellion: and I have just reason to think, that this Person of Quality held some Intelligence with the French Fleet last Summer, and would not have opposed that Invasion, but kindly made use of Foreign Aid. In a word; If the Irish liv'd in peace, enjoy'd an equal benefit of the Laws, and an undisturb'd possession of their Estates and Proper∣ties; (as is undeniable) where then was their Hazard? what need∣ed any thing to be done for their Preservation? what occasion was there for them to make use of Foreign Aid?

Sixthly, There was a full pardon once granted to the Irish, which they did not accept, nor come in upon it. I say so too; and with the favour of the Respondent I do aver (in contradiction to what he alledg∣eth) that it was before King James was in Ireland, and among them, and in Power. For the King's Proclamation bore date in February 1688. and the Indulgence of it expired about the 10th of April following; but King James did not land in Ireland before the 11th of March. This Person makes bold to reflect upon the Conduct of the King, in that after the Victory at the Boyn, a full pardon was not granted, or tollerable Conditions offer'd. But (if I be not as saucy in giving my sense of it) I would say, That though such an Act might have appear'd generous, it would hardly have been interpret∣ed prudent, or seasonable. And tho indeed it might have been a high Complement to our Roman-Catholick Allies, if the King (after so unexampled hazard of his person, and the effusion of his Royal Blood) had embraced his Enemies, and caressed them for their opposition to his Government, it had carry'd little kindness to his Friends, and Protestant Confederates, to receive his Enemies into mercy, reaking with the blood, and inrich'd with the Spoil of his martyr'd Subjects, leaving them in a condition a hundred times worse, than when he first appear'd for their Deliverance. But if King James gave them leave to submit, when he fled from them, and they have since not submitted, it only shews, that they are an in∣corrigible Generation, and that Rebellion is so rooted in them, that they are utterly incurable. And if they be grown desperate, as well as obstinate, let them take their Chance in the Event of War; they first despoil'd the Protestants, drove some into Exile, and ty∣rannized over such as continu'd in subjection to them; and if their nefarious Crimes be recompenced by stripping them of their Estates, and throwing them into misery and beggery, let them thank themselves; they are the Authors of their own perdition. And common Equity, as well as the Common Law of the Land, provides, that every▪ Aggressor, or Trespasser, shall make amends, and satisfy the Da∣mages of the Party on whom he committed the Trespass. But though he maliciously and mutinously insinuates, that we fight to get their Estates: that our Allies are run down by the French: that we in England lye under such Taxes as never were known; that our severe Resolutions were against His Majesties merciful inclinations; yet all serious and unprejudiced Men will understand, that we fight to recover the Estates of the Protestants, which the Irish in their late Parliament, with so much precipitancy and injustice Con∣demned;

Attainting all persons of all Ages, Degrees and Sexes, present or absent, dead or alive, without Reason or Distinction▪ and obliging Men to impossibilities, to preserve their Lives and Fortunes: All that Love, and Favour the present Government, will believe, that our Allies are not run down by the French, and will hope there is no danger of it. Modest and well-principled Men will not Grumble, or say, We lye under such Taxes as never were known; when the revolving of the Modern Histories of England, and appealing to the Testimony of many living Men, will plainly confute the Assertion; by fresh Instances in the time of the late Usurpation, and the late Reign of Charles the second: And tho I will neither presume to be privy to the King's Inclinations, or tax the severity of such Resolutions, I may modestly and justly say, That as no other Methods have hitherto been prosperous in Ireland; so there does not appear any way more certainly condu∣cing to the everlasting settlement of that Kingdom, than to Con∣fiscate the Estates of all who have wilfully appear'd in Arms against the Government of England; and to transfer them into the hands of English Protestants.

Seventhly, They have a perfect aversion and hatred to the English Government, and will never submit. In his Objection he would fain be taken for an Irish-man; in his Answer to it, he talks like an English-Papist. For howsoever they may have accidentally an Aversion to the English Government, because it comprehends a preju∣dice to their Religion (in which they are above all Nations most superstitious) yet they have ever own'd a satisfaction and com∣placency in their subjection to the English: In the demonstration of which, I do not so much rely on Publick Declarations and Acts of Parliament, as on the suffrage of that People, in their Contentment and Joy to live under English Landlords, rather than to be enslav'd under their own Lords, and Heads of Clans. And suppose the Natural Irish (who in Quality or Estate are no way con∣siderable) do retain a perfect Aversion and Hatred to the English Go∣vernment; it does not follow, that those who are of English Blood, and descended from the English (tho differing in Religion) should retain the same sentiments. But what a snarling reflection is this, That the English Croud into their Country, and Grow upon them, and Cut them out? If that be still their Countrey, because the Mercy of the Conquerors hath permitted some of the Natives to re∣main there; England must renounce all Title and Propriety to Virginia, New-England, and to the Continent and Islands in Ame∣rica.

And tho the Irish had not Authority and Preferments, it was not denied them, quatenus Irish; when any of them were quali∣fied by embracing the Protestant Religion, they were advanced and intrusted without distinction; which being agreeable to the Laws and Usage of England, it is easie to conjecture from what Quiver this Arrow came, and that this Person of Quality projects an Indulgence to Popish Recusants in both Kingdoms; at least it is a provocative to the Papists in England, to take the first oppor∣tunity to Rebel, since by the Laws of the Land they are render'd uncapable of Authority and Preferments. The rest of the Para∣graph is a nauseous Repetition of what he has before urged more than once, by an ungrateful Impeachment of the Govern∣ment, as if their Proceedings were founded on Greediness and Avarice, managed by Severity and Cruelty; and representing them to disadvantage, by an impertinent and odious Comparison with the Dealings of the French (where by the way, if the French King hath suffered the Estates of Protestants to go to the next of kin, that are, or will turn Papists; May not the King of England, by the same equity, give the Estates of Papists to the next of kin, that are, or will turn Protestants?) But this being a Language fitter for the Cognizance of the King's-Bench, and the Inquisition of a Jury, I shall remit the Author to his deserved Fate, hoping that in due time he may be discover'd.

FINIS.